The life of Elbridge Gerry. With contemporary letters. To the close of the American revolution.

Front matter

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Contents

PAGE CHAPTER I.

Early Life........ Marblehead........ Elected to the General Court of Massachusetts........ Correspondence withSamuelAdams_ | CHAPTER II.

Re-elected to General Court........ Mr. Adams’ Motion........ Affairs in Marblehead - - - - 28 CHAPTER III.

Preface

‘Wue subject of this memoir commenced his political career under the royal government in Massachusetts, and continued in the public councils almost to the close of the last war with Great Britain. During this long period, he sustained high and responsible offices, which peculiarly connected him with ‘both the political ages of our country.”

In measures, which dissolved the power of the British crown over the colony of Massachusetts ; in the establishment of a new government by the people ; in the declaration of independence by the United States; in the direction of the civil, military, foreign and domestic concerns of the continent during the war of the revolution ; in arrangements for the cessation of hostilities and in the

B x PREFACE.

administration of affairs after the treaty of peace, the individual of whose life some account is now to be given, was conspicuously concerned.

In the convention to form a constitution for the confederacy, which may be considered a new epoch — in the history of the United States, he attracted no common share of public attention. At the organization of the federal government, he was a member of the house of representatives ; during the negotiations, which ended in the termination of our treaties with France, he was engaged in an important embassy to that power; during the excitement and agitation which preceded the second war with England, he was at the head of the government of Massachusetts, and through the greater part of that war presided over the senate of the United States. :

This connexion with distant and important events in the history of his country, belongs almost exclusively to him. Four of his associates in the colonial legislature and provincial congress of Massachusetts were his colleagues in the coneress which declared the independence of the United States, but neither of them were members of the convention which prepared the federal constitution. Of the whole number who signed the declaration of independence, seven only were members of the latter assembly. Again, the first

PREFACE. Xi and second congress under the new government contained many individuals who had been distin-— guished in the civil or military service of the revolution, and several who had assisted in forming the present constitution, but the number of those concerned in both these events was small. Time rapidly made that number less, and when the subject of this memoir took the chair of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, few of his associates in the revolution were in its councils; at a subsequent period, when he presided in the senate of ~ the nation, he is believed to have been the only individual, in any branch of the government, who had been a member of the “‘zmmortal congress of 1776.”

‘Two only of his colleagues of the revolution attained an equal elevation under the constitution of the United States. ‘They passed indeed to a rank one degree higher in its service ; but of these eminent citizens one ceased to hold public office about the commencement of the present century, and the other retired in the year 1809. Subsequent to this latter period, ELpripce Gerry was governour of Massachusetts, and died in 1814, vice-president of the United States.

To enter into the service of the country while a royal colony, to sign the declaration of independence, to assist in the forming of the constitution,

Xl PREFACE.

to be a party in the organization and first opera- ~ tions of the new government, to preside in the councils of the state while those measures were in progress which were preliminaries to another war, and to participate in those of the nation, when war had again commenced under circumstances calculated to test the permanency of its institutions and the fidelity of the people, is to have engaged in a series of political measures which connect themselves with the fortune of no other individual.

To give some account of the life and character of one whose name is associated with these great events, is the object of the following pages. Embarrassments to this design have been severely felt in the progress of a work, which, occupying only the intervals of professional engagement, has been laid aside, resumed and interrupted again, as public and private avocations required or allowed.

To recount intelligibly the agency of any one in the time of the revolution requires some recapitulation of events, which have been too often and too well written to preserve any longer the interest of novelty. ‘To present them, as far as might be, in an original form, recourse has been had to the epistolary correspondence of the times. This. gives somewhat of an intimate and confidential picture of transactions in which the writers

PREFACE. xiii

_ were engaged. ‘The history of the revolution,” it has been said by the highest authority, ‘is contained in the letters of the revolution.” . Some of these are now made public. Written, calamo currente, with no view to publication, they are not subjects for exact criticism. They develope only the patriotism of the writers. Of those more recent events which occurred at and subsequent to the formation of the constitution of the United States, it is not easy to speak with sufficient impartiality at a time so near their accomplishment. The irritation they excited has not subsided. ‘The storm of party violence may have ceased, but the waves are not yetcalm. ‘The traces of a consuming fire are still perceptible. ‘The path lies

The prominent incidents in the life, which this volume is intended to illustrate, occurred in times of revolution, faction and party warfare. ‘The whigs and tories were not more vindictive than the advocates and opponents of the constitution, or than the factions who quarrelled about the treaty of London and the war with France, or than those who arranged themselves under party banners as republicans and federalists.

It was not possible that any man of decision of character and personal independence should stand

X1V PREFACE.

well with all these irritated adversaries. In such times every honourable man selects his side. ‘The consequence of a choice is the favour of one and the enmity of the other.

The subject of this memoir enjoyed in a remarkable degree the support of his political friends, and had no patent of exemption from the fate, which impended over the statesmen of his age. Much of the malignity, with which he was assailed, may be justly ascribed to a vindictive and vulgar spirit, but it is not to be doubted that many measures of his public life seriously displeased the leaders of a strong and powerful party, and induced them to believe they ‘‘ did the state some service” by diminishing the influence of his name.

To discriminate between defamation intended merely to exasperate, and that estimate of conduct which speaks sincerely in the language of reproach ; or between adulation, designed to exalt the character of a leader, and praise which is the honest sentiment of a gratified community, is not always a practicable task. The duty of the biographer is doubtless to enable his readers to form their own judgment by an impartial and dispassionate narration of the facts that existed.

This and other considerations have induced the publication, at the present time, of so much only

PREFACE. XV o of the life proposed to be written as was passed during the revolution, a period about which, at this day, there is a correct standard of opinion. ‘The residue is in progress, and may be given at some future time to the public. It is the more willingly deferred, because it is that part with which recent enquirers into American history are in some degree familiar.

Few of the reading population of the country are unacquainted with the storms and tempests, which shook the political atmosphere during the period when Mr. Gerry was the minister of his country near the directory of France, or was either governour of Massachusetts, or a candidate for the chair. None who have felt any interest in the history of the nation, are ignorant of the portentous events, which were connected with its administration when he was vice-president of the United States. His share in these scenes is in a good degree understood. His labours in the revolution are less extensively known. Hence his character is more generally considered than it ought to be, that of a party leader; and his claims to consideration are supposed to rest less on his services as a patriot, than his zeal as a partisan.

The events narrated in this volume may correct that impression and prove the validity of his title to those large honours which his country bestowed

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upon him. The period embraced in it is that which an American may contemplate with the highest feelings of national pride. Not only was a great revolution successfully accomplished, and those free institutions established whose effects on the moral condition of man no spirit of prophecy is yet competent to disclose, but the foundations of the republic were laid deep and strong in national and private virtue, the only adequate support for the pillars of a temple consecrated to liberty and the rights of man.

Boston, Massacuusetts, 1828.

THE LIFE

OF

ELBRIDGE GERRY.

Chapter I

Early Lyife........ Marblehead........ Elected to the General Court of Massachusetts... Correspondence with Samuel Adams. .

Ei\vpripce Gerry was born at Marblehead, in the state of Massachusetts, on the seventeenth day of July 1744. His father, ‘Thomas Gerry, was a native of Newton, in England, of respectable parentage and connexions. In 1730 he emierated, to America, and afterwards married the only daughter of Enoch Greenleaf, of Boston, a gentleman of fortune, according to the opinion of those days. Soon after his marriage, Mr. Gerry established himself as a merchant in Marblehead, where he continued to reside until his death in 1774. He was much esteemed and. respected, and received many marks of the confidence re- 1 posed in his judgment and discretion. Five children survived him.

Elbridge, the subject of this memoir, was so named in honour of a maternal ancestor. After receiving the rudiments of education at the common town schools, he entered Harvard College before he had completed his fourteenth year, and received its first honours in 1762.

Little is known of his early habits or manners. He was too young at the university to have acquired any decisive character. In the exercises _ assigned to his class on receiving their master’s degree, and which, according to the fashion of the times, were in the Latin language, a discussion on the right of a people to disregard those restrictive laws which, under the form of revenue laws, were destructive to commerce,* was assigned to him.

The same paper contains also the following question. An regni legislatores modum legislationis fundatum mutare jure possint. Negat respondens. Francis Dana.

This Mr. Dana was the future distinguished chief justice of the state of Massachusetts.

sical question, had been hitherto the chief subject of college exercise. Political enquiry then began to excite attention; and new topics, which warmed the public mind, could not long be kept from the discussion of the schools. ‘The theses of that year show the innovation which was beginning to be made on ancient habits, and strangely mingle matters of abstruse learning with modern doctrines of political interest. How the latter were discussed, the ephemeral occasion prevents us from ascertaining ; that they were discussed at all, shows the first glimmering of that light, which was about to throw its effulgence over the country.

Mr. Gerry was at first destined to the profession of medicine, to which his own inclination strongly attached him; but soon after leaving the university he engaged in commercial affairs, by the wish and under the direction of his father, and for some years followed the routine of mercantile business in his native town. ‘The products of the ocean constituted the chief wealth of that ancient and respectable place. In these, all had a common interest ; but the inhabitants were principally divided into two classes, Fishermen and Merchants. The latter, among whom were some families of great wealth, were pursuing a bold and adventurous commerce wherever the embarrassments of the French war did not present insurmountable difficulties, or the no less vexatious restrictions of the mother country did not tie down the natural spirit of activity and enterprise.

Marblehead was at that period not merely a principal fishing town, but nearly approached the capital in the extent and value of its trade, which, notwithstanding the troubles of the times, was singularly lucrative. ‘The most numerous part of its population were fishermen, and their peculiarities of character gave to Marblehead the reputation by which it has been most commonly distinguished. ‘The sea furnished them with the material of traffic; without pecuniary capital they depended on personal exertion, and supplied by industry, what was wanting in wealth. Early inured to danger, they found in the hazards and obstacles of their perilous mode of life only inducements for activity and diligence.

The male part of this population was engaged for most of the year on the ocean, while the women and children were left on shore in a sort of primitive and patriarchal community. General equality of condition and common wants prevented any claim of superiority, and produced a social feeling, which united most of them in one great family.

With no great advantages of education, the fishermen of Marblehead were generally distinguished by good sense and sound judgment, produced by their early habits of self-dependence, and the necessity which their course of life enforced of quick discernment, forethought, and decision. Separated in a good degree from temptations by which other classes of society are surrounded, they were characterized by their energy, integrity and sobriety. Little of the artificial refinement of polished life was to be found in their society ; but its place was more than compensated by their generous hospitality, their sincerity _and benevolence.

Such were the men among whom Mr. Gerry was born, and with whom in early life he was in many respects associated, and to the influence which they would naturally exert, controlled and modified as it was by his superiour education, college associations, and family possessions, may be traced some of those conspicuous traits, which were afterwards developed in his character.

The bold and adventurous are lovers of liberty. It was to be expected, therefore, and the fact answered this expectation, that in the controversy between the colonies and Great Britain, the inhabitants of Marblehead should early display their attachment to the cause of their country. ‘The resistance, which began in the capital, was promptly and efficiently encouraged by these courageous citizens, who entered with the natural ardour of their disposition, into all the measures which were devised for the protection of the province. ‘These measures were rapidly assuming a livelier and deeper interest. The operations of commerce became more embarrassed by the vexatious orders of the British government, and those minds among the colonists which superiour intelligence had illumined, or education had matured, were gradually drawn from the paths of interest to the labours of patriotism, and diverted as well by inclination as duty, from objects of personal emolument to the service of the State.

The strong political excitement of the times failed not to have its interest with Mr. Gerry. It soon attracted his attention from the compting house, where, during the short period of his engagement, he appears to have been eminently successful, and terminated his connexion with a profession to which he had little partiality. In the intervals of public employment he did indeed occasionally resume the avocation, but as might be _ supposed, when not steadily pursued, with no great satisfaction or advantage ; and, after a few years, he finally abandoned it for other objects more congenial to his mind. -

Mr. Gerry made his first appearance in public life as a representative of his native town in the general court of the province of Massachusetts, in May 1772, a period when the royal government and the people were in a high state of animosity, and almost of open collision.

SAMUEL ADAMs was then a member of the general court for the capital, and in the full possession of those extraordinary powers which placed

_ him both in the view of the people and the govyernment as the controlling genius of the storm. The decided principles and the enthusiasm of his new associate connected them together in. bonds of friendship, which continued with increasing intimacy to the close of that great patriot’s life. The opening scenes of the political drama Were made interesting by a succession of incidents, which called forth all the skill and talent of the distinguished actors, whose perfect performance of their arduous parts has challenged the admiration of mankind. ‘The first matter of moment of that political year was an attempt on the part of the English ministry to change the mode of compensation for the judicial department of the colonies, or rather a rumour that such a change was projected. ‘This intention was at once ascribed to a corrupt inclination to render the administration of the laws subservient to the personal | views of the ministry, and under the prudent advice of the popular leaders in the colony became a signal for very active resistance. Meetings of the inhabitants were called in Boston and other large towns, for the purpose of creating a general sentiment and giving it suitable effect; and the influence of those who aspired to any distinction in the approaching contest, was exerted to forward the views of more advanced champions, who already had marked a line of division between the claims of the mother country and the rights of their own.

The projected innovation with regard to the judiciary of Massachusetts, gave rise to the following correspondence.

MR. GERRY TO MR. ADAMS.

MARBLEHEAD, Oct. 27, 1772.

SIR, :

That the judges of our superiour courts should be rendered independent of the people of this province, is a matter so alarming, that its consequences are at once seen by every considerate mind. It would be unbecoming the wisdom of this people, to suffer their lesser offices of trust to be supplied by any other persons than such as are well ‘affected to the general interest. How blind must we be, then, to suffer the superiour judges, who are in a great measure the arbiters of our interest, liberty, and lives, to be men in whom we place no confidence !

It is no longer matter of doubt, that the ministry are determined to deprive us of our constitutional rights, and by that means to accomplish their ulteriour object of getting at our property ; and can we confide in judges who have connexion with our most inveterate enemies ; who have not bare connexions, but dependence’? | hope, sir, we. have virtue enough to withstand it.

T observe you have taken up the matter in Boston, and we should be glad to second you, but for some difficulties which we want your opinion upon. It is uncertain with us, whether the salaries are confirmed ; whether they have been accepted, or if accepted, whether the judges, knowing how disagreeable it will prove to the people, will not revoke their design. When these matters are determined, we can proceed with propriety, and should the salaries be received (which D. V*). I hope we shall not leave the subject until the grievance is redressed, and I think I am warranted to say for this town, you will ever find: it koadys in attention with interest or life.

I remain, with esteem, &c. ) E. Gerry.

Mr. Adams.

MR. ADAMS TO MR. GERRY.

Boston, Ocroser 27, 1772.

Sir,

I have just now received your favour, dated this day. Iam perfectly of your opinion with regard to the independency of the judges. It is a matter beyond doubt in my mind. I was told yesterday, by one of his majesty’s council, that Mr. Hutchinson has a letter by the packet, from Ber-

* Deus Vetat.

nard, which advises him of it as a fact. This town is to meet to-morrow, to consider what is proper for them to do. We have looked upon it as of so interesting a nature to us, that even the report should alarm us. It is proposed by many among us to apply to the judges for their explicit declaration, whether they will accept of so odious a support, and to apply also to the governour for a general assembly forthwith. | will write you on Thursday, and let you know the event. Our enemies would intimidate us, by saying our brethren in the other towns are indifferent about this matter, for which reason [ am particularly glad to receive your letter at this time. . Roxbury, I am told, is thoroughly awake. I wish we could arouse the continent.

I write in the utmost haste, And am, with great esteem, Sir, your most humble serv’t, SAMUEL ADAMS.

MR. ADAMS TO MR. GERRY.

Boston, Ocrogwer 29, 1772. ~My Dear Sir, I wrote you in great haste on ‘Tuesday last. Since which, the freeholders and other inhabitants of this town have had a meeting, to enquire into the grounds of the report, that the salaries of the judges are fixed and paid by order of the crown, and to determine upon such measures as should be proper for them to take upon so alarming an occasion. ‘The enclosed paper contains a short but true account of their proceedings. It is proposed by some, to petition the governour to order a ses- _ sion of the general assembly, and that the town should expressly declare their natural and charter rights to their representatives, and the imstances in which they have been violated, peremptorily requiring them to take every step which the constitution prescribes, to redress our grievances; or if every such step has been already taken, to inform their constituents, that they may devise such measures as they may see their way clear to take, or patiently bear the yoke. 1 will acquaint you with the proceedings of the town as they pass. In the mean time, I wish your town would think it proper to have a meeting, which may be most seasonable at this time ; for as the superiour court is to be held at Salem next week, you will have an opportunity of making a decent application to them, and enquiring of the certainty of the report, and other matters mentioned in your letter to me ; which enquiry will be more naturally made to them, in case the governour should decline | answering the message of this town, or do it, if I may be allowed the expression, equivocally. ‘This country must shake off their intolerable burdensat all events. Every day strengthens our oppressors and weakens us. If each town would declare its sense of these matters, | am persuaded our enemies would not have it in their power to divide us, in which they have all along shown their dexterity. Pray use your influence in Salem, and other towns.—But | am now going with our committee to his excellency. Shall be glad of a letter from you. Your last, I read to the town, to their great satisfaction, though I concealed the name of its worthy author.

I am, with great esteem,

Sir, your humble servant,

| SAMUEL ADAMS. _ Elbridge Gerry, Esq.

MR. GERRY TO MR.. ADAMS.

Marsrieneap, Novemser 2, 1772, Dear Sir, ,

Your agreeable favours of 27th and 29th ult., have just come to hand, I observe what is doing in your city, and what you are desirous of having done in this and the neighbouring towns; being fully convinced, and acquiescing entirely in your opinion, that unanimity in our measures is necessary, and the only means by which we can save

ourselves. ‘ United we stand, divided we fall,”

As in all or most human affairs a_ successful beginning invigorates the proceedings, and carries them on in triumph, it appears necessary that a plan should be concerted for the whole to act upon, and so concerted, that if it should prove unsuccessful, individuals, who have had virtue enough to oppose the designs of the great, may not fall a sacrifice to their rage or ridicule, but have this for their boast, that they have struggled for and with an honest people.

If you will give me leave to speak my private sentiments upon your proceedings, at your last meeting, both with the deference due to the wisdom of your community, and the freedom of a person anxious in the cause, I will observe, that in a free state, the measure of petitioning the governour for an assembly, would not only have been rational, but might have ensured success. Salus popult is the object at which the supreme legislature must aim, and the existence of a governour (in that capacity) would depend on his having the same point in view. He would naturally have listened to the first proposal from the metropolis, and either have removed groundless fears, or called an assembly to have made known their grievances. ‘This would have been the case in a free state. We are not in that condition. We have in a great measure lost our glory, and therefore I fear that all applications to those who are our oppressors, will not only be fruitless, but serve to hurt our cause, and discourage us. Our whole dependence, as a people, is on our own wisdom and valour; and if a plan wherein, as | before observed, all can come to act, should be devised, I doubt not it will succeed.

It is previously necessary, as you propose, to know of the judges, whether they will accept or not, and if we have not opportunity, as an assembly, to have their peremptory answer to this question, it appears most proper for a committee from Boston, united with committees from two or three other towns, to wait on them, and in case of an equivocal answer, to look upon it they do intend accepting, and to proceed accordingly.

Should this step, taken by only one town, be treated by the judges with indignity, it would prove discouraging, when in conjunction with several other towns it would have the contrary effect, and serve to animate the whole province.

It appears to me the process is plain, when once this pot is determined. When Mr. Pratt was appointed chief judge of New-York, the people were disgusted, and treated him in such manner, that it shortened his life ; and should Boston enter into some spirited resolves respecting the judges, precluding them and their posterity from every honour and office that could be conferred on them by the people, holding them up to shame, and withholding every connexion with their families and associates ; should these be published in the newspapers, and each town in the province be desired to express their sense of the matter, in the same public way, | doubt not the judges would come to terms, and replace their dependence on the people; but I do not so much depend on my own opinion, as | shall on your deliberate sentiments, being with great respect and esteem, Dear sir, your most obedient And humble servant, ELBRIDGE GERRY.

MR. ADAMS TO MR. GERRY.

Boston, Nov. 5, 1772.

My Dear Sir,

I received with pleasure your letter of the 2d instant. I was sure you could not but be of opinion that unanimity, in the measures taken by the friends of the country, is of the utmost importance. I must, with great deference to your judgment think, that even in our wretched state, the mode of petitioning the governour will have a good effect. I was aware that his answers would be in the same high tone in which we find them expressed ; yet our requests have been so reasonable, that in refusing to comply with them, he must have put himself in the wrong, in the opinion of every honest and sensible man; the consequence of which will be, that such measures as the people may determine upon to save themselves, if rational and manly, will be the more reconcileable even to cautious minds, and thus we may expect that unanimity which we wish for.

I have the satisfaction of enclosing the last proceedings of our town-meeting, in which I think you will perceive a coincidence with your own judgment, in a plan concerted for the whole to act upon. Our timid sort of people are disconcerted, when they are positively told that the sentiments of the country are different from those of the city: therefore a free communication with each town will serve to ascertain this matter ; and when once it appears beyond contradiction, that We are united in sentiments, there will be a confidence in each other, and a plan of opposition will be easily formed, and executed with spirit. In such a case (to return, with entire approbation, your own language,) those ‘‘ who have virtue enough to oppose the wicked designs of the great, will have this for their boast, that they have struggled for and with an honest people.”

I was at first of your opinion, that “it would be most proper for a committee from Boston, united with committees from two or three other towns, to wait on the judges,’”’ &c., and I mentioned it to several gentlemen of the neighbouring towns, who approved of it, but so much caution prevails, that they suspected whether their respective towns would stir, till Boston had given the lead; (a needless compliment to the capital). This turned our thoughts to the measures taken by the town, and led me to conceive hopes, that as the superiour court would be soon sitting in Salem, Marblehead and other towns in that county would come into such a proposal.