The intimate papers of Colonel House

Front matter

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Contents

I. THe PATIENCE OF WoopROW WILSON

Wilson’s Note of Protest — House Returns to United States — Bryan’s Resignation — His Successor — Conversations with British and German Ambassadors — House Urges Preparedness — German Evasions of the Lusitania Issue — Atmosphere in Berlin — The Forebodings of Gerard.

a Tue ARABIC CRISIS 29

Chapter I The Patience Of Woodrow Wilson

If war comes with Germany, it will be because of our unpreparedness and her belief that we are more or less impotent to do her harm. House to Wilson, July 19, 1915

I

PRESIDENT WILSON had refused to permit the United States to be drawn into the European War by the sinking of the Lusitania. The historian may approve or disapprove the wisdom of his course, viewed in the light of after events; but he may not question the President’s motives. His decision was not based upon timidity, for to stand out against the outburst of popular emotion in the Eastern States demanded far more courage than to yield to it. Wilson was sometimes cautious, but he was always brave, and his willingness to negotiate resulted from an unshakable conviction that he owed it to America and the world to keep out of war unless the Germans definitely forced it upon us.

It would not have been difficult for him to stimulate a general war spirit had he wished to use the submarine’s attack upon American citizens as a text. It would have been simple to create for himself the glory that surrounds the chief of a belligerent Power. Instead, he chose a harder road, and one that compelled him to travel through months of anxiety and personal humiliation, but always in the hope that he might save the United States from the horrors of war and, as chief of the one great neutral state, might end the agony in which Europe was caught. Upon him fell the abuse of Entente sympathizers in America and the ill-concealed gibes of the British and French. Most difficult of all for hum to meet, however, were the evasive tactics of the Germans, who for more than three months dragged out the negotiations over the submarine warfare, until even the President’s patience was stretched to a gossamer tenuity. |

To Wilson’s note of May 15, demanding that the German Government disavow the act of the submarine commander who sank the Lusitania and give assurances that such acts would not be repeated, they retorted a fortnight later, May 28, that the Lusitania was an armed cruiser and transport and, as such, a vessel of war. The President, in his reply of June 9, did not permit the issue to become confused. While he denied the truth of the German allegations, he declared them irrelevant; he placed his protest on higher and less technical ground:

‘The sinking of passenger ships [he wrote] involves principles of humanity which throw into the background any special circumstances of detail that may be thought to affect the cases, principles which lift it, as the Imperial German Government will no doubt be quick to recognize and acknowledge, out of the class of ordinary subjects of diplomatic discussion or of international controversy. ... The Government of the United States is contending for something much greater than mere rights of property or privileges of commerce. It is contending for nothing less high and sacred than the rights of humanity, which every Government honors itself in respecting and which no Government is justified in resigning on behalf of those under its care and authority. ...

“The Government of the United States cannot admit that the proclamation of a war zone from which neutral ships have been warned to keep away may be made to operate as in

THE PRESIDENT’S NOTE OF JUNE 9, 1915 3 any degree an abbreviation of the rights either of American shipmasters or of American citizens bound on lawful errands as passengers on merchant ships of belligerent nationality. It does not understand the Imperial German Government to question those rights. It understands it also to accept as established beyond question the principle that the lives of non-combatants cannot lawfully or rightfully be put in jeopardy by the capture or destruction of an unresisting merchantman, and to recognize the obligation to take sufficient precaution to ascertain whether asuspected merchantman is in fact of belligerent nationality or is in fact carrying contraband of war under a neutral flag. The Government of the United States therefore deems it reasonable to expect that the Imperial German Government will adopt the measures necessary to put these principles into practice in respect of the safeguarding of American lives and American ships, and asks for assurances that this will be done.’

It was this note, sent on June 9, that led to the resignation of Mr. Bryan. His difference with Wilson was basic, for he was willing to submit the dispute with Germany to arbitration and to limit the rights of American citizens by warning them not to travel on merchant ships of the belligerent Powers or on those carrying munitions. Wilson, while he was willing to give to Germany ample opportunity to alter the policy she had proclaimed, was determined not to sacrifice nor even to debate any American rights. In all his notes he merely announced them.

II

Colonel House was on the Atlantic at the moment when Mr. Wilson sent his second note to Germany. The voyage was without incident except for the convoy which Mr. Balfour had not forgotten and which indicated in some degree the position of international importance which

Colonel House had attained. The American press made much of it.

‘Mystery [stated the New York American*] surrounds the nature of the important despatches which Colonel House brought back to America yesterday. It was the first time since the start of the war that foreign warships had escorted an American ship through the war zone. The unprecedented step was made the more significant by the fact that the British steamer Orduna, which left Liverpool three hours ahead of the Sf. Paul, was unconvoyed as was also the Adriatic which arrived in Liverpool at about the same time carrying munitions of war....

‘Two destroyers were sent by the British Admiralty to convoy us through the war zone,” said Captain F. M. Passow. “... There is no doubt the destroyers were sent to protect the despatches carried by Colonel E. M. House.”’’

Colonel House, as one might guess, was more disturbed than flattered by the public expression which the British Admiralty thus gave to the high value which it placed upon his safety, since the effectiveness of the Colonel’s missions depended largely upon their strictly unofficial character.

‘June 6, 1915: Much as I appreciate this attention [he wrote on shipboard], if I had known it was to be done in such a noticeable way, I should have prevented it. I thought the destroyers would be at a distance and not be noticed, and that we would have the protection without the excitement which has been caused by it. I have many misgivings as to what the American press may say, and also as to whether I might not lessen my influence as an intermediary of the President. ...

‘June 13, 1915: It was a restful and pleasant voyage.

RESIGNATION OF SECRETARY BRYAN 5

Dudley Malone came down to Ambrose Light in a revenue cutter to meet me. ...He boarded the St. Paul, and I the revenue cutter. Dudley had all the news....I received a wireless from Sir Horace Plunkett while at sea, telling me of Mr. Bryan’s resignation. Dudley said it was generally conceded that I could have the appointment if I desired it. I dismissed the idea at once, stating that under no circumstances would I take it, even if the President desired me to do so. Dudley asked me not to make a final decision, because he thought the President had a right to insist upon my acceptance. I replied that the President would not consider tying me down to departmental details when I was doing the work I had in hand, for I could be far more useful to him and to the country by carrying on as I had been doing. ...

‘June 20, 1915: Attorney-General Gregory arrived on the ten o’clock train this morning. He told me practically everything of importance that has happened in the Cabinet since I have been away, more especially concerning the two notes to Germany and Mr. Bryan’s resignation.

‘He said the President read my cable of May 9 to the Cabinet on Tuesday, May 11. He opened his remarks by stating that he wished them to hear my views as to the answer which should be made to Germany, and they knew the confidence he had in my judgment and ability to see a situation clearly. The cable was then read and favorably commented on.

‘Mr. Bryan told Gregory later that the only objection he had was that the cable was read to the Cabinet before he, Bryan, had seen it. He thought the President should have read it to him first and given him an opportunity of discussing it before it was submitted to the Cabinet.

‘After reading my cable, the President read them a memorandum he had made and which embodied the note as it was finally sent to Germany. While the discussion was going on, Bryan showed some heat and said there were some members of the Cabinet who were not neutral. The President turned to him and said, with a steely glitter in his eyes, “Mr. Bryan, you are not warranted in making such an assertion. We all doubtless have our opinions in this matter, but there are none of us who can justly be accused of being unfair.” Mr. Bryan apologized and the incident passed.

‘Gregory said this was the second time since he had been in the Cabinet that the President had set his jaw so firmly. The other time was when X had in some way transgressed the proprieties.

‘Bryan did not plan to attend the Cabinet meeting the day he offered his resignation, but the President suggested that he be invited, and all the Cabinet welcomed the suggestion. Mr. Bryan told Gregory after he had resigned that there had been inserted in the note a sentence which he, Bryan, had written, and which had been eliminated. After the resignation and before the note was published, Bryan said the sentence was reincorporated in it. Gregory said, however, Mr. Bryan was mistaken, and the sentence was discussed at the Cabinet meeting when his resignation was offered and at which Mr. Bryan was present. They had been discussing the note for some minutes before Mr. Bryan appeared, and whether that sentence had been covered before or after Mr. Bryan came in, is not of importance for the reason that the entire message was upon the table and was handed Mr. Bryan to read. This is also the President’s recollection. Mr. Bryan evidently wishes it to appear that he resigned because the President refused to include acertain sentence modifying the note, and, after he resigned, the sentence was used.

‘Another interesting incident Gregory told, which I was able to corroborate by a despatch sent me by Gerard, was that Mr. Bryan prepared a letter after the first note was sent to the German Government, to the effect that they should not consider the note seriously, that it was meant in a “ Pickwickian sense.”’ The President refused to sign this letter.

BRYAN’S REASONS FOR RESIGNING i

Gregory enlarged upon the stupidity of such a suggestion. I agree that it would have ruined the President. It would have been saying to the American public, “We are standing firm in demanding our rights,” and behind their backs it would be saying to the German Government, ‘‘ We merely send this note to deceive the American people, and do not mean what we say.” It occurred to both of us that, if the President had consented to do this, it would have been akin to treachery.

‘I told Gregory that Gerard cabled me at London that Mr. Bryan had said to the Austrian Ambassador that the note was not to be taken seriously.

“June 21, 1915 [conference with the British Ambassador]: We had two hours together. We went over the ground carefully, I telling him of the European situation and he giving me the happenings here since I left. I called his attention to the fact that he was being quoted as saying the President was pro-German. He admitted this and said he had done it for the President’s protection. I replied that the result of it had been that there was a general feeling throughout England and France that the President was pro-German, and it had taken me a long while in both countries to combat the work which he and Jusserand were innocently doing over here. I advised him in the future to say nothing upon the subject, or to maintain that the President was observing strict newtrality....

‘June 22, 1915: The German Ambassador came this afternoon at five, and we had a very satisfactory talk. I told of my reception in Germany and of how gratified I was at its cordiality. We discussed the prospects of peace, and I explained conditions in Germany somewhat better perhaps than he knows them at present. He gets his information directly from the Foreign Office, and I happen to know they are at cross-purposes with the military authorities. Bernstorff knows something of this, but not the full extent.

‘He still clings to the idea that Germany would be willing to make peace on the basis of evacuation of Belgium and France. I told him the civil Government would be willing to do it and the military Government was divided, but the people would not consent to any such terms, largely because they have been misled by exaggerated accounts of victory. ...He talked sensibly and rather as a neutral than as a belligerent. I am told he has the habit of doing this in order to draw one out and get one’s true opinions. I think better of Bernstorff than most people who know him, and if he is not sincere, he is the most consummate actor I have ever met.’

The passing of Mr. Bryan eliminated at least one factor that blurred Wilson’s determination to compel from Germany a relaxation of the submarine campaign, and henceforth the President could be sure of a Cabinet ready to support unanimously any measures that might be necessary to carry through this policy. The Secretary of State was beloved by those who came in close contact with him, but the predominant emotion evoked by his resignation, at least in diplomatic circles, seems to have been one of relief.

Ambassador W. H. Page to Colonel House Lonpon, June 10, 1915 Dar House:

... I inspired the leader in to-day’s Times, wh. says that Bryan’s going will make little or no difference. But some of the other papers make a sensation of it; and it has attracted much attention. But they all sum him up pretty accurately.

My own comment to you is simply this: ‘My son, beware of cranks. They are sure at some time to turn the wrong way and to break your arm or to hit you in the belly or to do some other improper caper — always, too, at an inopportune time. I tell you, beware of cranks.’

LANSING MADE SECRETARY OF STATE 9

But Mr. Bryan would not feel complimented if he knew that for these two days we’ve all gone about our work in the Embassy without more than some slight passing allusion to his resignation, as one might speak of the weather. It hasn’t occurred to any of the men that it is an event of any importance.

But one American wrote me a letter saying he now wanted another passport; he had never cared for the one he has because it bore the signature of W. J. B., and now he knows that that passport’s no good.

The Wilderness is becoming populated. There are others who ought to join him —for their country’s good — in the Bad Lands of dead men who don’t know they are dead. They talked themselves into greatness and, not knowing when to stop, also talked themselves out of it....

Heartily yours Wor:

Mr. Lansing, hitherto Counsellor of the State Department, was ultimately chosen as Secretary of State, and the question of his successor arose. House regarded the position as of the first importance, for upon the tact, the firmness, the legal ability of the Counsellor would largely depend the tone of official relations with the belligerents in these days of irritating crises.

MANCHESTER, MASSACHUSETTS July 7, L919

When Phillips was here Sunday he said that Lansing was anxious to get a Counsellor for the State Department as soon as possible, for the reason they were very shorthanded....

I suggested Solicitor-General Davis as being a desirable man for Counsellor, and, after conferring with Lansing, Phillips wires me in code: ‘Davis the ideal man. We hope it can succeed.’

McReynolds was here Sunday, and he told me that Davis ranked as one of the greatest Solicitor-Generals the Department had ever had. This opinion seems general, for Gregory shares it and so does almost every member of the Supreme Court.

Davis would probably hesitate to leave the Department of Justice for the State Department, but, if you approve, I think it might be arranged. The State Department needs some such man, and a good Solicitor-General can be found more easily than a good Counsellor.

There is another feature about Davis that appeals to me, and that is, his appointment would be warmly received by members of Congress and Democrats generally. The Department needs some strengthening in that direction, and this would do it.

If you think this suggestion a good one, please let me know so I may confer further with Lansing as to the best means of procedure. The matter will have to be handled with some tact, otherwise he may not accept. Then, too, Gregory should be consulted before any tender is made.

I am hoping when you go to Washington you will motor down to Manchester and stay the night with us. You would lose but little time by doing this. If your car was sent to Manchester, you could leave here, I think, at five o’clock and reach Washington at the same time that you would be leaving Cornish earlier in the day, and I know you would enjoy the trip down.

Affectionately yours EK. M. Hovusz

President Wilson replied to House’s suggestion of Davis that, although he would be admirable wherever he might be

FRANK L. POLK 11 placed, he was the best Solicitor-General of the last twenty years. It seemed unwise to transfer him from the Department of Justice.

The appointment to the Counsellorship was delayed for a month, while all available material was sifted with care and a determined opposition maintained against the pressure exerted for using the office as a reward for purely political services. Ultimately, and with House’s warm approval, Mr. Frank L. Polk, Corporation Counsel of New York, was selected. He was one of the few who possessed the three qualifications that House had laid down as essential, — firmness, tact, legal ability.

Colonel House to Secretary Lansing

Dear Mr. Lansine:

... He [Polk] has an attractive personality and he will be loyal to you to the core.

He comes as nearly being without ambition except to serve, as any man I know. He tried hard to help Mayor Mitchel select another man for Corporation Counsel, but took it himself as a matter of duty and loyalty to Mitchel.

I think you will find him most helpful as a sort of Assistant Secretary of State. He has a good deal of political instinct and can speak the language of the members of Congress. At the same time, he is such a cultured gentleman that he will be of great value to you in dealing with the Diplomatic Corps. .. .

‘August 15, 1915: Frank Polk arrived from Bar Harbor to see me before going to Washington. He was gratified over the thought that he had been selected for Counsellor of the

State Department. I told him we had gone at the task of choosing with the thought that any man in America would accept the post during this critical time in the country’s history, and he should therefore feel doubly complimented....

‘T outlined something of his duties as I imagined Lansing would want them to be, and I took away the lingering doubt in his mind as to his qualifications for the place. .. .’

ET

To Colonel House, the difficulties of the course chosen by President Wilson in the crisis with Germany were perfectly clear, although he was willing to assist him to carry it through if possible. War could not be avoided, he felt, unless Germany changed her policy. This would depend upon the outcome of the struggle, which then and always continued in Berlin, between the Chancellor and von Tirpitz.

Colonel House to Sir Edward Grey New York, June 17, 1915 Dear Sir Epwarp:

...1t is too early to give a final opinion as to the sentiment in America, but I think that it is fairly accurate to say that the vast majority of our people desire the President to be very firm in his attitude towards Germany and yet avoid war.

The two things are rather inconsistent. It is the general belief that war will be avoided, although I have not changed my opinion that it is inevitable unless Germany changes her policy in regard to submarine warfare.

Mr. Bryan’s resignation simplifies the situation some- Wiel, 33

With warm regards and good wishes, I am

Faithfully yours E. M. Housr

GERMAN REACTION TO THE NOTE 13

Ambassador Gerard to Colonel House!

BERLIN, June 16, 1915 My pEAR CoLone.:

... 1 think that the firm tone in the President’s note will make the Germans climb down. There seems to be a general disposition to be pleased with the note and an expectation that matters can be arranged. The great danger is that the Germans may again get the idea that we do not dare to declare war. In such case they will again become difficult to handle. Von Gwinner said yesterday that if the Mauretania sailed it would be treated like the Lusifania. Zimmermann and von Jagow are both quite pleased with the tone of the note. They both talk now of keeping Belgium, the excuse being that the Belgians hate the Germans so much that if Belgium again became independent it would only be an English outpost. ...

I am sorry to report that while authorities here think the idea of freedom of the seas good, they think the idea of freedom of land too vague. They want to know exactly what it means and say the seas should be free because they belong to no one, but land is private property of various nations, and compare the situation to a city street where every one is interested in keeping the streets free, but would resent a proposal that their houses should also be made common meeting-ground if not property. Unfortunately for Germany and the world, the German armies are winning and this will be considered a complete vindication of the military and caste system and everything that now exists. As Cleveland said, we are confronted by a condition and not a theory. Germany will never agree directly or indirectly to any freedom of land or disarmament proposal.

I think everything will work out all right on the Lusitania

1 Excerpts from this and succeeding letters from Ambassador Gerard have been published in the form of diary notes in his Face to Face with Kaiserism.

note and that Bryan will regret leaving and losing part of the credit for a success.

The Emperor will probably see me soon. He has been rabid on the delivery of arms from the U.S.A. question, but like all Germans, when they see we cannot be scared into a change of policy, he is making a nice recovery.

Yours ever James W. GERARD

BERLIN, June 22, 1915

My DEAR COLONEL:

The Government yesterday suppressed the Tageszeitung, a newspaper for which Reventlow has been writing... . Reventlow, an ex-navy officer, is a follower of von Tirpitz and is bitterly opposed to America in the present crisis. It is said that he once lived in America and lost a small fortune in orange-growing. I shall have this verified. At any rate, this suppression means that the Chancellor has at last exhibited some backbone and will fight von Tirpitz. The answer of Germany depends on the outcome of this fight. It is possible that von Falkenhayn and the army party may sustain the Chancellor as against von Tirpitz. It is quite likely that a sort of safe-conduct will be offered, in the note, for ships especially engaged in the passenger trade. Much stress will be laid on English orders to merchant ships to ram submarines... . |

Many commercial magnates have arrived in town to impress the Government against war with America; but some are in favor of the continuance of bitter submarine war, notably your friend von Gwinner who sees his Bagdad railway menaced by possible English success in the Dardanelles.

There is, as usual, great expectation of a separate peace with Russia... .

Yours ever Jamms W. GERARD

THE GERMAN REPLY 15

The contest between the Chancellor and the navy went in favor of the latter, at least for the moment; so much was apparent when the German reply to Wilson’s note was received on July 8. Beginning with a formal approval of the rights of humanity, which in the circumstances seemed to many Americans an ill-chosen stroke of irony, the body of the note was made up of complaints of British restriction of trade and anti-submarine methods. It maintained the principle that neutral citizens travelling in the ‘barred zone’ on the high seas, did so at their own risk. It concluded with the suggestion which Gerard had prophesied, that Americans might cross the seas upon neutral vessels which, if they raised the American flag, would be assured special protection, or upon ‘four enemy passenger-steamers for passenger traffic,’ for the ‘free and safe passage’ of which the German Government would give guaranties. Of Wilson’s demand for a promise that acts like the sinking of the Lusitania should not be repeated, there was no hint.

Germany thus avoided the issue and proposed that the United States should keep out of trouble by yielding their sovereign rights. ‘The Foreign Office, I am sure,’ wrote Ambassador Gerard, ‘wanted to make some decent settlement, but were overruled by the navy.’

Colonel House was in no doubt as to the character of the reply that Wilson should send. He also exposed the distortion of facts upon which rested the argument that the submarine campaign was merely an answer to the British food blockade.

DEAR GOVERNOR: In thinking of your reply to the German note, the following has occurred to me:

The Government of the United States is unwilling to consent to any suggestion looking to the abridgment of the rights of American citizens upon the high seas. If this Government were willing to bargain with the German Government for less than our inalienable rights, then any belligerent nation might transgress the rights of our citizens in other directions and would confidently count upon our trafficking with them for concessions.

This war has already caused incalculable loss to the neutrals of the world, and this Government cannot lend its consent to any abridgment of those rights which civilized nations have conceded for a century or more.!

The soul of humanity cries out against the destruction of the lives of innocent non-combatants, it matters not to what country they belong; and the Government of the United States can never consent to become a party to an agreement which sanctions such pitiless warfare.

Since your first note, the German Government has not committed any act against either the letter or the spirit of it; and it may be, even though they protest that they are unable to meet your demands, they may continue to observe them.

P.S. In answer to their contention that Great Britain is trying to starve their people, it is well to remember that Germany refused to modify her submarine policy even though Great Britain would agree to permit foodstuffs to enter neutral ports without question.

1 It is interesting to compare this sentence with Mr. Wilson’s letter to Senator Stone in the spring of 1916, refusing to approve the Gore- McLemore resolution which warned Americans not to travel on armed merchant vessels. See pp. 216, 217.

THE WEAKNESS OF WILSON’S POSITION 17

Here is a copy of a letter which comes from Bernstorff this morning.

I have told him that there should be some way out, and if I found he could be of service I would let him know. Do you think there would be any profit in seeing him? Perhaps I might tell him something of the tremendous effort this country would make in the event of war, in order to convince the world that we were not as impotent as was thought and in order to deter any nation in the future from provoking us into hostilities.

Your affectionate EK. M. House

The President replied expressing entire agreement with the suggestion of House for standing firm against compromise with Germany and every restriction of American rights to travel freely on the high seas. He intimated that it was not the business of the United States Government to arrange passenger traffic, but to define neutral and human rights. He agreed that House should see Bernstorff and impress upon him that some way out must be found, and that they must continue to abstain from submarine attacks without warning, unless they deliberately wished to prove that they were unfriendly and desired war.