History of the late war, between Great Britain and the United States of America; with a retrospective view of the causes from whence it originated; collected from the most authentic sources, to which is added an appendix, containing public documents &c., relating to the subject

Front matter

f

& 6 1 ZST'SS'

from

Preface

rific glories of those fields of blood and carnage : the widow and the fatherless will survey the transcendant achievements of their husbands and their fathers, and, in ecstacies of triumph, like the sun shedding forth his radient beams after being obscured for a while by a dense cloud, will smile through their tears. Our British youths, too, whose minds have been endangered by the poisoned shafts of designing malevolence which have been every where discharged through the country, by the many erroneous accounts of the late war with the causes which led to it that have been hitherto published—in perusing a true statement of those events, they will catch that patriotic flame which glowed with an unequalled resplendence in the bosoms of their fathers, and animated to action that noble few who stepped forward to oppose a relentless enemy invading their hitherto peaceful fire sides, and evinced a willingness to endure every privation incidental to the u tented field,” in defence of their King* their laws and their country.

That these momentous objects might be fully consummated, the writer has spared no expense to collect the most authentic materials for the work, neither has he shrunk from any labor (however arduous,) that might contribute thereto : official documents, periodicals and

volumes of historical matter on the subject, from both the countries interested, which were marked for settled integrity, have been studiously consulted ; and in addition to all this, together with the author’s personal knowledge of most of the transactions detailed, he has acquired much information on the subject from persons of unquestionable veracity who were present on the field of action in several engagements during that struggle.

PREFACE.

vli

As regards talent, in the execution of this work, the writer would beg leave to say, that to such he disclaims all pretensions. The humble sphere in which he has moved did not probably afford any of those bright and flowery avenues to the temple of literature to which many more fortunate individuals have had access: his primary aim, through the whole, has been the acquisition of truth to lay before his readers — for this he has incessantly labored, and which he flatters himself he has so far accomplished that a candid and generous public will indulgently overlook every other imperfection ; he only laments that a more competent hand had not ere, this period, taken up the subject.

Niagara y April , 1832.

OF THE

LATE WAR, £c. 8?c.

Chapter I

Effect of the American Rebellion on the public Mind in that Country — French Intrigue with America — Power of Buonaparte — Amencan Interposition in the Peninsular War — American Reasons for declaring War — Propriety of the Right of Search— Extract from the American Exposition of the Causes of the War — Extract from the President's Message — Concurrence of Congress by declaring War — Revocation of the British Orders in Council — Its Effect in America — Extract from the Prince Regent's Proclamation.

The causes from whence originated the rebellion which terminated in the separation of the British North American Colonies (now the United States,) from the mother country, had engendered such a spirit of prejudice, distrust and rancour against Great Britain, in the minds of Americans, that for either the government or the people of that country to judge impartially of any subsequent act of the British government, blindfolded as wTas America by French policy and French intrigue, seemed to be an exertion far beyond their power to accomplish. While, then, Great Britain was engaged in a war against a powerful usurper who was daily becoming more and more the scourge and terror of the world ; when the tyranny of that despot oyer the

HISTORY Ot surrounding nations seemed to mock” all resistance ; when his armies had humbled some of the greatest monarchies, and completely blotted others from the list of independent states ; when a general feeling of submissive terror seemed to fill the minds of European continental rulers at the power of his arms ; it becomes, then, no matter of astonishment to see, by Americans, every means of policy which Great Britain employed to ensure her own success, in that eventful war, warped and construed into acts of aggression and tyraniiy against neutral nations.

At the head of the list of reasons assigned by the American government for declaring war against Great Britain, stood the Orders in Council regarding neutral commerce, and the right of search as claimed and practised by Great Britain upon American vessels navigating the high seas. True, indeed, Great Britain exercised that right — a privilege she never yet had yielded, nor to which her right had ever been questioned, until America had willingly chained herself to the car- wheels of Buonaparte ; and then, and not till then, when the creed was faithfully taught to America by France, to answer her own political purposes, did the shouts of tyranny and commercial oppression resound from all the surrounding shores of the Atlantic. But for whom did Great Britain search, when she committed this pretended act of tyranny on America ? Was it for American citizens ? surely not, but for her own deserters, a description of people who, it is well known, on board of American shipping, had ever found an insecure but ready shelter. Had Great Britain once relinquished her right to search vessels of the United States, both her army and navy, by desertion alone, would have suffered materially.

In a work published since the late war, under the authority of the government of the United States, entitled “An Exposition of the Causes and Character of the

THE LATE WAR.

IX

War with Great Britain,” it is stated, that; “ up to March, 1811, Great Britain had impressed fr6m the crews of American vessels, peaceably navigating the high seas, not less than six thousand mariners who claimed to be citizens of the United States, and who were denied the opportunity of verifying their claims.” And in the same work it is further added, that “ when war was declared, the Orders in Council had been maintained with inexorable hostility, until a thousand American vessels with their cargoes had been seized and confiscated under the operations of these edicts ”

Another reason assigned, in the work above cited, for declaring war, was stated to be u an open violation of the American waters and an infraction of the fundamental principles of the law of nations by the” pretended u blockade.” However, to these might justly be added, together with a few considerations of minor import, the idea of an additional stripe to the national escutcheon by the Conquest of Canada .

In a message from Mr. Madison, the American president, dated June 1st, 1812, recommending immediate war with Great Britain, as the only available means of satisfaction to which they could now resort, for the numerous insults and indignities which the American flag had sustained — all other causes were but as a drop in the bucket, compared with the Orders in Council, both in the extent of the injustice of the measure and in the mischief arising from them to neutral nations. It is there stated, that “ these orders were evidently framed so as best to suit the political views add commercial jealousies of the British Government. The consequences which would result from them to neutral nations had never been taken into the account ; or, if contemplated or foreseen as highly prejudicial, that consideration had no weight in the minds of those by whom they were imposed.”

The United States congress perfectly concurred with the sentiments held forth in the president’s message, and followed it up, on the 18th of the same month, wdth an act of that body (carried by large majorities,) declaring war against Great Britain, &c. offensive and defensive, in due form. On the 23d of the same month, the British Government rescinded the Orders in Council so bitterly complained of ; but the arrival of that repeal in America, did not, in the slightest degree, tend to restoring public tranquility. The genius of war, the demon of destruction had already gone abroad, and no concession on the part of Great Britain was sufficient to $llay it. It was stated in the public documents of the United States, that u . the Orders in Council had not been repealed because they were unjust in their principles and highly detrimental to neutral commerce — on the contrary, the motive of their repeal was obviously selfish and had no reference to the rights of neutral nations. America, to protect herself, and to avenge her wrongs, had prohibited all commercial intercourse with Great Britain. The latter power, thus deprived of her best customer, had no longer a sufficient and regular market for her manufactures and colonial produce ; her merchants and manufacturers were nearly ruined ; distress and poverty spread themselves over her territories ; complaints and petitions poured in from all quarters ; and the Orders in Council wrere repealed, not to render justice to America, but to rescue a large portion of the British people from absolute starvation.” Yet, notwithstanding all this, it is stated in the document above alluded to, that, u if the Orders in Council had taken place sufficiently early to have been communicated to the United States government before they had actually declared war, the repeal of these decrees against neutral commerce would have arrested the resort to arms ; and that one cause of the war being removed, the other essential cause — the practice of impressment — would have been the subject of renewed negotiation. But the declaration of war having announced the practice of impressment as one of the principal causes, peace could only be the result of an express abandonment of that practice.”

In opposition to the reasons assigned by the American government, it was stated in a speech of the Prince He gent of Great Britain, bearing date the 9 th day of January, 1813, a few months after the declaration of war, that u the real origin of the contest was to be found in that spirit which had long unhappily actuated the councils of the United States : their marked partiality in palliating and assisting the aggressive tyranny of France ; their systematic endeavor to influence the people against the defensive measures of Great Britain, and their unw orthy

desertion of the cause of other neutral nations. * *

It is through the*prevalenee of such councils that America has been associated with France, and committed in wrar against Great Britain. And under what conduct, on the part of France, has the government of the United States thus lent itself to the enemy ? The contemptuous vio lation of the treaty of the year 1800, between France and the United States ; the treacherous seizure of all American vessels and cargoes, in every harbor subject to the control of the French arms ; the tyrannical principles of the Berlin and Milan decrees, and the confiscations under them ; the subsequent confiscations under the Rambuoillet decree,^ antedated or concealed to render it more effectual; the French commercial regulations, which rendered the traffic of the United States with France almost illusory; the burning of the merchant ships at sea, long after the alleged repeal of the French decrees — all these acts of violence, on the part of France, produced, from the government of the United States, only such complaints as end in acquiescence and submission, or are accompanied by suggestions for enabling France to give the semblance of legal form to her usurpations, by converting them into municipal regulations This disposition of the government of the United States; this complete subservienev to the ruler of France ; this B hostile temper towards Great Britain — are evident in almost every page of the official correspondence of the American with the French government, and form the real cause of the present war between America and Great Britain.’’ Such might be said to form the prominent features of the discordant views taken by the two governments, as regarded the conduct of each other, and from which source emanated the incessant acrimony and recrimination that so strongly marked their diplomatic relations for a number of years, and ultimately involved the two nations in a most unnatural war.

> But before we enter into details, it may not be improper in this place to take an impartial retrospect of the causes which led to an even t so much lamented by the enlightened men of both countries, that we may be the better enabled to decide upon the justice of those pretensions held out by the executive of each nation, and to those who have been accustomed to hear only the one side of the question it will be especially instructive.

THE LATE WAR.

Chapter II. £

Conciliatory Disposition of the British Government towards America — Reasons for the same — An uncommonly hostile Disposition manifested by the American Government towards Great Britain — Reasons for the same— Grand commercial Treaty between Great Britain and France , before the Revolution — Commercial Treaty completely overthrown on the Accession of Buonaparte — The unrivalled commercial Greatness of Great Britain , cause of bitter mortification to France.*

It seems to be a general opinion that the Americans, whether right or wrong on the principles of public law on which they so obstinately insisted, (a point which shall be afterwards examined,) might! have brought matters to an amicable arrangement, without any material sacrifice even of the doubtful maxims for which they contended ; for never was the spirit of conciliation carried farther than by the British government in its intercourse with the ministers of the United States.

England had many obvious reasons for endeavoring to avert the calamities of an American war at this period : she was engaged in a very arduous contest in Europe ; she had the most numerous and formidable enemies to contend with ; she had the interests of her commerce to maintain, which are always dependent, in some degree, cm a friendly connection with America ; and she had,

* In order co preclude the necessity of referring to notes for the. authorities from whence the following, on the events of the war, has been chiefly collected, which in such a work (especially) is eminently calculated to confuse an ordinary reader ; it is conceived most proper in this place to state, that amongst the British , and American periodicals and other publications., of the day in which the occurrences noticed transpired, the Annual Register, Niles’ Weekly Register, See. & c. Sec. have largely contributed their portion.

moreover a natural and generous aversion to conquer, before sire could bring -herself to draw the sword against a people connected with her by a resemblance of language, laws and institutions. These were motives sufficiently powerful to have ' restrained English ministers, even if they had not been otherwise remarkable for mildness and forbearance. Had the principles of international law, which were invariably advanced by the Americans, been as sound as an impartial examination of them may perhaps shew thafthey were unreasonable, still it would have been in the power of America, had she sincerely desired peace, to have preserved it by an honorable compromise on those points which had created the greatest difference of opinion, or almost by any thing short of an absolute surrender of the rights and honour of Great Britain, which it was rather too much in any people to expect. But if there be any one point in recent histpry which even the arts of faction cannot involve in doubt, it is this : that the government of America was not sincerely desirous of peace with Great Britain ; that it took all possible means to disturb the moderation and provoke the anger of the British ministers ; and that upon all occasions it betrayed symptoms of the m6st unaccountable partiality to the despotism of France ; those who studied the history of American affairs for three or four years immediately preceding the declaration of war against Great Britain, are well aware of the grounds on which this opinion is formed ; and a very singular inquiry thus suggests itself, how it should have happened, that the only republican government in the world, should, at the greatest crisis of affairs, have combined with the most odious of despotisms against a country which had always been recognised as an illustrious model of practical freedom, and which was, at this very moment, engaged in a grand effort to vindicate the independence of nations.

In attempting to account for this singular political phenomenon, something undoubtedly must be allowed for the yet unextinguished spirit of animosity produced

THE LATE WAR.

1?'

by our unfortunate colonial war. It may probably be supposed that such antiquated prejudices had long ere the period at which the war commenced, become the exclusive property of the vulgar ; and must have given way in the minds of enlightened men, to considerations more recent in point of time, and more important in their practical influence on American affairs. It is an undeniable fact however, that the government of the United States is, to a more than ordinary degree, under the discipline and control of the rabble ; and if indeed there be any truth in the common speculation as to the motives of their hostility towards Great Britain, it must be very fat gone in vulgar absurdity. National prejudices so discriminating and so mischievous, are every where but in America confined to the lowest order of men ; they have long been banished out of the more respectable circles even of private life, and could never find their way into the councils of a great European state, without devoting it to the supreme and unsparing contempt, and ridicule of its neighbors.

With the narrow contracted prejudices of the Ameri- * ean democracy, other causes undoubtedly conspired to accelerate a rupture with England. The commercial system, that miserable tissue of blunders, which had so long and so effectually kept down the growing prosperity of Europe, had been wisely exploded by the most enlightened European nations before the revolution of France. The enlarged views and superior talents of those political philosophers who diffused a radiance round the close of the last century, had completely triumphed over every obstacle which ignorance and prejudice could oppose; and England and France at last discovered that they had a mutual interest in the commercial greatness of each other. They did more than this ; they reduced their principles to practice, and embodied them in a treaty, which, if not unexceptionable in all respects, was at least, a great step towards the triumph of genuine philosophy over the errors and absurdities of the old political

IB school. The French revolution, however, deranged all the plans of enlightened men ; it engendered a rancour and animosity between the nations more violent and pernicious than the ancient jealousies of the commercial system, and terminated at last in a despotism, which threw France and her dependencies far back in the scale of improvement.

The commercial system was revived by thenew,French government, with a barberous and destructive fury, which had never been contemplated at any former period;, the refined and generous principles which so many eminent men had contributed to establish, were forgotten ; their works were neglected or proscribed ; the progress of human improvement was arrested; all seemed about to be sacrificed to the rude genius of amove Xr whelming despotism. As a truce with, that crafty and despotic usurper who had now gained such an absolute ascendancy over the destinies of the French nation, was never any thing more than his passive submission to necessity, until he could recover himself from some untoward dilemma into which his folly and ambition had brought him ; so was it soon discovered to be the case with the peace of Amiens. His invincibles had been driven, by the British troops, from the shores of Egypt; his fleets had been either taken or locked up in, French ports by the immortal Nelson and his compatriots ; and, in order to recover himself, he is induced to accept of the terms of what is called the Treaty of Amiens ; but reckless of all good faith, it was scarcely promulgated to the world, until every term of that treaty was violated, and Europe again convulsed by a relentless war. But even during the short interval of repose which succeeded the treaty of Amiens, the maxims of the new government were sufficiently indicated in the impolitic restraints and prohibitions by which the commercial intercourse of the countries was fettered. England, however, in all this, never pretended that such measures afforded a legitimate ground for hostilities

TK$ LATE WA&- since every nation being supreme within itself, has a right to determine whether it shall or shall not receive the commodities of foreign states ; but if the commercial animosity of France could not have justified England in declaring w^r, it certainly afforded her a just and solid ground for entertaining jealousy against a power thus hostile to her interests, and called upon her to watch all the proceedings of that power with the most scrupuloysu vigilance.

The unrivalled commercial greatness, to which England had arisen, at this time, surpassing all that history had ever recorded at any preceding period, and all that even the most flattering visions of her statesmen had ever contemplated, was an object of bitter and increasing mortification to the politicians of France^ her naval supremacy, which was founded on the prosperity of her commerce, and promised for it an indefinite duration, filled their minds with jealousy and apprehension* These feelings rose to the highest pitch after the peace of Amiens. Europe seemed to learn, for the first time, that the commercial grandeur of England possessed a stability which had never been supposed . to belong to this species of power. It had withr stood the shock of the most extended and desolating warfare ; and at the close of a contest of long duration and unparalleled fury, in which the empire had sometimes contend with the combined energies of Europe, it not only remained untouched but had mightily extended itself during every year of hostility. The war had terminated in the establishment of a naval power, which had gathered strength by all the efforts made to weaken it ; and had now risen to that proud eminence, which bid defiance to all rivalry. The rulers of France reflected on these matters with bitterness corresponding to the disappointment of tfoeir hopes ; they despaired of being able for this enormous power by any ordinary efforts ; and could think of no way by which its further growth might be checked, but by the entire sacrifice of their commerce and resources. They hoped that by excluding the productions of British industry from their ports, and by prohibiting the use of British commodities throughout France and her dependencies, they might gradually undermine this overgrown power ; while their depraved policy at the same time sought to inculcate a belief among their subjects, that such measures would promote the industry of France. Thus was a system established, (if indeed so rude and impolitic a thing deserve the name,) in direct opposition to all the views of modern science ; a system, which was in truth but a barbarous extension of the old theories, that so many enlightened men had endeavored to banish for ever from the world.

THE LATE WAR.

Chapter III

The Relation in which the affairs of America stood with those of France as regarded Great Britain , — Great Britain fully succeeds in annihilating the Commerce fyc of France merely by following the footsteps of that Government— Issuing of the u Berlin Decree ” — That Decree executed with inexorable Force — Passing of the British u Orders in Council” in retaliation — The Orders in Council fully justified by the Laic of Nations — Blockade of the British Islands an open Violation of the Law of Nations — Rights of Neutral Nations the same in War as in Peace .

The measures adopted by France, as set forth in the foregoing chapter, had a twofold connection with the affairs of America. In the first place, the American statesman entertained much the same feelings with respect to the commercial and naval greatness of England with their friends in France ; their understandings were in general of the same character, and their tempers equally as violent. They, as well as the French politicians, wished to render their country great by commerce ; and as the established ascendancy of Great Britain appeared to them to stand in their way, they scrupled not about the means which might be employed to remove it. Their minds were not susceptible of a generous emulation ; envy was the only feeling which a near view of the naval and commercial greatness of England could excite in their bosoms. They had no dread of France, who had in the course of the war lost her commerce, her colonies and her ships ; whose power never came into contact with their own ; whose resources of all kinds were exclusively devoted in the prosecution of a war, in the result of which, they vainly thought that America had \o interest. But they hated England, her commerce nd her power, as cordially even as the members of the

22':

French government did : and had America been as little dependent on commerce as France, had her citizens been as indifferent to its real interests, or had her rulers possessed the same despotic sway over their fortunes, which the French government had assumed over those of its own subjects, it is probable that Mr. Madison and his auxiliaries would at once have followed the example of Buonaparte, by prohibiting all commercial . intercourse with the British empire. But the Americans had not yet been wholly overawed by their rulers ; and it became necessary to pursue a more indirect and insidious course with them, than that which had been followed by Buonaparte in his dealings with a people whom he had entirely subdued.

The measures pursued by France in the execution of her anti-commercial system, suspended for a while the international law of Europe, and afforded to the rulers of America the pretext which they had so long des’red, for gratifying their animosity against England. The commercial hostility of France during the peace, although never considered by Great Britain as a ground for war, was not however forgotten when hostilities were renewed: and the English ministers therefore determined to employ the naval power which was at their command, to the annihilation of the foreign commerce of their enemy. These measures were such as the interests of the British empire demanded, and which a state of hostility fully justified; and they completely sueeeded in accomplishing the object which they had in view. The foreign commerce of France was annihilated; her industry checked ; her resources wasted ; and her ruler discovered, when it was too late, how gross were the errors which he had committed. It was however, impossible to retract ; and he resolved to carry his commercial war to the utmost pitch of fury. In this temper did Buonaparte issue his famous Berlin Decree, which renewed all the old prohibitory regulations, and ludicrously declared the British Islands to be in a state of blockade , at the very

THE LATE WAR.

moment when the fleets of Great Britain actually blockaded all the ports of France and her dependencies. Neutral vessels bound to, or returning from a British port, were made liable to capture by this singular decree Matters remained for some time in this state, the French ruler being unable to execute his decree, and the British government being averse to advance further in so barbarous a warfare. But having again proved successful in his northern campaign. Buonaparte resumed with fresh vigor his prohibitory system ; he confirmed all the provisions of the Berlin Decree ; excluded the merchandize of Great Britain and her dependencies, and accompanied these prohibitions with tire severest penalties.

Ever}7 article of British produce was searched for, seized and committed to the flames ; while the most cruel punishments were inflicted on the subjects of France, who dared to violate these arbitrary laws. This violent system had now reached its height, and it seemed to be the determination of the French ruler to have it executed with the utmost rigor ; the British government, therefore, could no longer, either in prudence or honour, delay the retaliation which its power enabled it to inflict The famous Orders in Council were therefore issued * all trade to France or her dependencies was strictly prohibited ; all vessels, of whatever nation, which ventured to engage in this trade, were declared liable to seizure, and France and her dependencies were thus reduced to that state of blockade, with which she had vainly threatened the British Islands. The Orders in Council admitted but of one single exception to this general blockade of the French empire. The French decrees had declared all vessels liable to seizure which had touched at a British port, the Orders in Council, to counteract this provision, declared, on the other hand, that only such ships as were in that situation should be permitted to sail for France. Thus did the utter extinction of the foreign trade of France result as a natural consequence of the very measures of her own government; measures, which no despotism, how ignorant soever, would have ventured to adopt, had it not trusted to a power which effectually silenced all popular opinion.

Two questions have been put on these Orders in Council, were they founded in justice, and were they supported by reasons of expediency ? On the first point, with which alone foreign powers had any concern, the advocates of these measures had a very easy task to perform ; for nothing surely can be more obvious to those who know any thing of the law of nations, than the right of Great Britain to retaliate on her enemies their own violence and injustice. What has been called the rule 1756, forms the first link in that chain of commercial restrictions, which in the sequel became so complicated ; and the perfect equity of this rule has always appeared manifest to the most enlightened minds. France, like the other European powers who possessed distant colonies, endeavored to secure for herself the monopoly of their markets ; and during peace strictly prohibited all strangers from carrying on trade with them. When she goes to war with England, however, the superiority of her enemy’s naval power compels her to relax the rigour of her colonial policy ; and she is willing that neutral vessels should bring home the produce of her American settlements. By the interference of these neutrals, however, the British are manifestly deprived of the advantages which their naval power would otherwise secure to them ; of the chance of captures, and the certainty of reducing colonies without striking a blow.