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The history of England, from the accession of King George the Third, to the conclusion of peace in the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three

John Adolphus · 1817 · Scanned text · Free in the US

158,552 words · about 11 h 6 min to read

Period artwork: Interior of the Bodleian Library, 1845
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About this book

Author
John Adolphus
Language
English
Published
1817
Length
158,552 words · about 11 h 6 min
Sections
12 reader sections
Text
Scanned text, read from page scans by OCR; may contain errors
Rights
Public domain in the United States

 

Contents (12)

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Contents

OF ‘

THE SECOND VOLUME.

AFFAIRS of India, page 2. — Causes of mismanagement, ib. ~ Loss of the supervisors, ib. — Famine in India, 3. —Retention of the sums stipulated by treaties, 4. — Effect of these events in England, 5.— Select committee appointed in the House of Commons, 7. — Increasing distress of the company, ib. — They negotiate a loan; 8. — appoint new supervisors, ib. — Notice of their affairs in _ the speech from the throne, ib. — Secret committee appointed, 9. Select committee continued, ib. — First committee of the secret committee, ib. — Debate on the motion for a bill to prevent sending out supervisors, g. — Petition of the directors against the bill, 11. — Bill passes, 12. — Dividends reduced, 13. — Application to parliament for a loan, ib. — Restrictions on the company, 14. — Leave granted to export tea, duty free, to America, ib. — General regulations, ib. — Attack on Lord Clive, 15. — his defence, ib. — Renewed attack, 18. — Motion of General Burgoyne, 19. — Charge against Lord Clive relative to the deposition of Surajah Dowlah, ib. — his defence, 20. — Exculpatory resolution, 23.—Continued rancour against him, ib.— his death, 25.— Contest with the Black Carribs of St. Vincent's, ib. — Early history of the island, ib. — The French obtain a settlement, 26. — The island ceded to Great Britain, 27. — Proceedings of government, 28. — Conduct of the Carribs, ib. — Survey ordered, 29. — Hostility of the Black Carribs, ib, —— Artifices of the French, 30. — Alarms and remonstrances of the planters, 31.— Orders of government, 32. — Representations of the planters to the King, 33. — Treachery of the French, 35. — Hostile operations against the Carribs, 37.— Discussion in the House of Commons, ib. — Mr. Townshend's motions, 39. — Termination of the contest, 40.— Increase of pay of captains in the navy, 41.— Bill for relief of dissenters, rejected, ib. ;

II Chap

XX.

em, pacman! 1772.

14th and

Lheir petition against the bill.

but they failed in proving that the company pos- - sessed sufficient authority over their servants in India to restrain those abuses which by long forbearance were grown inveterate. ‘ The increase of these mal-practices was clearly demonstrated; and the odious means used to oppress the natives, without benefit to the company, fully displayed : but it was not advanced that any powers, delegated by the company alone, could be sufficient to remedy the evil, which was more likely to infect the supervisors themselves, than to be removed by their exertions. Mr. Burke spoke with his accustomed wit

Burke’s and eloquence ; and displayed (to use the words of sPe°- an anonymous author) all those rare qualities of the head and heart, with which he was so eminently gifted”. He inveighed, with severity against the conduct of ministers, who, since the year 1767, had been receiving from the East India company four hundred thousand pounds per annum, and yet conniving at their notorious mal-administration, for the purpose of subjecting them so entirely to their own mercy, that they might plunder their property, and inyade their chartered rights without fear or scruple. Alluding to the dilatoriness of the select, and the extraordinary dispatch of the secret committee, he said, ‘‘One has been so slow in its motions that the company have'given up, long since, all hopes of redress, from them; and the other has proceeded altogether as rapidly ; so that no one

P History of Lord North’s Administration, p. 92.

CHA P., XX,

Ns pore 17 2s

Bill passes the Commons.

Opposed in the house of lords,

23d Dec.

Petition.

Bill passed. 29th Dec.

Dividends reduced.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

knows where they will stop. Like the fly of a jack, the secret committee has gone round, hey go mad ! the select committee has moved like the pondrots lead at the other end; and in that manner have they roasted the Indian company.” The reasonableness and absolute necessity of the proposed restrictions were, however, too evident to be removed by rhetorical ingenuity, aud the motion for the third reading of the bill was carried by a majority, exceeding five to one. *

In the upper house, the bill was principally opposed by the duke of Richmond, who as a proprietor of stock, was also conspicuous at the India house in resisting the measures of government. A petition was offered against the third reading, similar to that which was presented to the House of Commons, and the same counsel heard, and evidence examined’. The debate was not distinguished by a great display of talent : the motion for the third reading was: carried *, and a protest, not remarkable for argument or ingenuity, signed by five peers, was entered on the journals. !

During the recess, the court of directors adopted a measure which prudence and integrity ought to t From the statements made to the house, it appeared that the net duties paid to povernment of 1,000,0001. per annum, the indemnity upon tea, and the 400,000. paid to government, amounted in the whole to an ‘annual sum little short of 2,000,0001. ‘That the company lost by the indemnity agreement, since its commencement, at least 1,00@,0001. of which 700,000l. was to bé paid to government, and 800,0001. to the purchasers, ; That the sale of 31,000,000. pounds of tea, sold in the Jast five years, produced a sum less by 100,000/. than 21,000,000 pounds sold in the preceding five years : from which, it appeared, the company suffered a total loss of 100,000/. and 10,000,000 pounds of tea.’ That government had profited by the company, within the last five years, 3,395,0001. that is to say, 2,200,0001. being the produce of five years and a half of the 400,0001. per annum which the company stipulated to pay, and 1,195,000/; increase of the revenue on that branch, compared on a medium of the preceding five years. That the company’s whole receipt of dividend, during the same period, was short of 900,0001. above six per cent. the lowest trading. dividend in time of war; and on the whole, that the mercantile profits being on an average 464,000/. per annum during the above period, they would afford a dividend of twelve and’a half per cent. from whence it was evident that, government. reaped ao. divantage of 3,395,000/. and the company or proprietary not a single shilling,

§ Contents 26-—Non-contents 6.

» GEORGE If.

have suggested at an earlier period : they reduced their dividend to six per cent. This palliative, for it was no more, could not however restore order to their finances ; and the court, feeling the necessity of an application to parliament for a loan, endeavoured first to learn from the minister the general plan he intended to propose for the mutual good of the public and of the company. ‘To the message which conveyed the request of information, Lord North declined any reply, and the general court was obliged to pass a vote, that application should be made to parliament for a lean not exceeding 1,500,000/., for four years, at four per cent. with liberty to discharge the debt, by payments of three hundred thousand pounds each. :

In pursuance of this resolution, a petition was presented to parliament, proposing that the company should not make a dividend of more than six per cent. until one-half of the proposed loan was discharged: that the surplus. of the net profits arising in England above that dividend, should be appropriated to the payment of the company’s bond debt, until it was reduced to a million and a half; and thenceforward the surplus profits should be equally divided between the public and the company. It was further requested, that the company should be released from the heavy penal interest incurred by non-payment of money due in consequence of thelateactsfor indemnities on teas, and also discharged from the annual payment of four hundred thousand pounds to the public, for the remainder of the five years specified in the agreement. Lord North, in.a committee of the whole house, after exculpating government from many insinuations respecting the payment of four hundred thousand pounds a year, moved a series of resolutions, which establishing. the necessity of parliamentary assistance, and the propriety of a loan, ordered a

supply of 1,400,600/. with a proviso that due care

CHAP.

Sere

19th Feb.

LZ FS.

24th Feb, Application to. parliamet fora loan.

ed March.

Petition.

oth March, Lord North’s motion,

14 CHAP.

XX.

1773. 23d March Restrictions on the company.

8th April.

26th April.

Leave granted to export tea duty free to America.

General regulations.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

should be taken to prevent the recurrence of similar exigencies.

The regulations intended to produce this effect were, a restriction from making a greater dividend than six per cent. till the loan should be repaid ; from augmenting their dividend to a greater amount than seven per cent. till their bond debts should be reduced to a million and a half; and no larger dividend. than eight per cent. was to be allowed, until a participation of profits between the public and the company should take place ; which participation was thus defined ; after payment of the required loan, and the reduction of their bond debt to 1,500,000/. three-fourths of the net surplus of the territorial revenues of the company, to be paid into the exchequer, and the remaining one-fourth set apart, as a fund for discharge of contingent exigencies. |

Lord North afterward moved, that the company should be permitted to export tea duty free to America; a permission deemed highly beneficial, as seventeen millions of pounds were then in the warehouses ; and finally he proposed his great plan for regulating the company’s affairs, as well in India as in Europe, the outline of which was, that the court of directors should be elected for four years, six members annually, but none to hold their seats longer than four years: no person to vote at the election of directors who had not possessed his stock twelve months; the qualification instead of five hundred pounds to be one thou-

_ sand. ‘That the jurisdiction of the mayor’s court at Calcutta should be confined to small mercantile eauses, to which alone it extended before the territorial acquisition; in lieu of this court anew one was established, consisting of a chief justice and three puisne judges, appointed by the crown; and a superiority was given to the

GEORGE III.

presidency of Bengal, over the other presidencies in India.‘

These resolutions gave rise to many animated debates, in which the rights of the crown, the chartered privileges of the company, the conduct of ministers, andtheexpediency of the proposed measures, wereseverely arraigned, andably defended. The East India company, the city of London, and the proprietors of stock, exceeding five hundred pounds, but not amounting to a thousand, petitioned against the bill. The company were heard by counsel ; and even desired to withdraw their application for relief, declaring they would rather submit to temporary dif - ficulties, than accept a loan on such severe conditions. But these efforts were unavailing : the bill framed in pursuance oftheresolutions of the house was approved, and, on the third reading, passed by a large majority“, the blanks being filled up with the names of Warren Hastings, esq. governor-general ; and lieutenant-general Clavering, the honourable George Monson, Richard Barwell, and Philip Francis, esqrs., as counsellors for the presidency of Bengal.

In the house of lords, the bill also met with strenuous opposition, and occasioned two protests, signed by seven and by thirteen peers.”

In the course of the debates on India affairs, many reflections were madeonthe character and conduct of lord Clive. While the bill brought in by Mr. Sullivan was before the House, his lordship in a long and eloquent harangue, defended himself against the aspersions with which the press then teemed. His exculpation extended only to the transactions of his last government : he depicted, with force and truth, t The salaries of the judges were fixed-at 80001. to the chief justice, and 6,0001.a year to each of the others. The governor-general was allowed 25,0001. a year, and the members of the council 10,0001. each.

W The report of these proceedings is extremely imperfect in Debrett’s debates ; buat I have been materially assisted by consulting the history of lord North’s ad~- ministration.

CHAP.

XX.

Ne need 177s Opposition to these measures.

2sth May.

Joth June,

Tn the lords.

Attack on lord Clive.

30th Mar. 1772.

His defence.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

cHuaP. the felicities of his situation, and the total want of

XX.

any motive to stimulate avarice or ambition, when, in a precarious state of health, he abandoned his home, his relations, and his ease, to visit a distant andinsalubrious clime, on the invidious task of reformation. Hestated the difficultiesin which hewasinvolvedfrom : . the insincerity of the court of directors in wording his instructions ; how easily he might have added to his fortune, by conniving at, and participating in, the abuses he was commissioned to restrain, or have consulted his own ease, by resigning himself to the indolence of despair. He, on the contrary, had pursued an intricate path, beset with difficulties and dangers; the welfare of the companyrequired vigorousexertion, and he took the resolution of cleansing the Augean stable. <« It was that conduct,”’ he said, ‘¢ which has

_ occasioned the scurrility and abuse against me, with which the public papershave been filled eversince my, return. ‘That conduct occasioned these charges; but that conduct enables me now, in day of judgment, to look my judges in the face — That conduct enables me now to lay my hand on my heart, and most solemnly declare to this House, to the gallery, and

_ to the world at large, that I never, in a single instance, lost sight ot what I thought the honour and true interest of my country and the company; I was never guilty of any acts of violence or oppres- °

' sion, unless the bringing oftenders to justice can be deemed so ; an idea of extortion never entered my mind; I did not suffer those under me to commit any acts of violence. or oppression: my influence was never employed for the advantage.of any man, contrary to the strictest principles of honour and justice; and, far from acquiring personal benefit by the expedition, I-return to England less opulent by many thousand pounds.”

His lordship then defended himself on the several specific charges of monopolies in cotton, diamonds,

_ salt, beetel-nut, and tobacco; of frauds in the ex-

GEORGE III.

change and goldcoinage, and of taking presentsfrom CH A Pz

Mir Jaffier. Of alltheseaccusations, he shewed the futility and want of foundation; and particularly, as tothe last, he proved, that instead of receiving money from the nabob for his ownuse, heconvertedalegacy, _amounting to seventy thousand pounds, together with forty thousand more, which he prevailed on the nabob to bestow, to the purpose of establishing a military fund for the relief of invalid officers and soldiers, and the support of their widows.

But the most interesting part of Lord Clive’s defence was that where he analized the state of India, and described those enormities which degraded the British name, and impoverished the company, while individuals were suddenly enriched, and the natives grievously. oppressed. ‘The germ of the evil was truly and forcibly displayed in the animated portrait which he gave of a young adventurer first seeking the shores of Asia. ‘‘ Let us for a moment,”’ he said, “ consider the education of a youth destined for India. The advantages arising from the company’s service are now generally known ; and every man is desirous to get his son appointed a writer to Bengal; which isusually at the age of sixteen. His parentsand relations represent to him the certainties of making a fortune, inflaming his ambition by reference to peers and commoners, who have amassed great treasufesin short periods. Thus aretheirprinciples early corrupted; and, as they generally go in considerable numbers, they mutually inflame their expectationstosuch a degree, in the course of the voyage, that before their arrival the period of return is fixed. Let us now view one of those writers arrived in Bengal, and not worth a groat. As soon as he lands, a banyan, possessed perhaps of one hundred thousand pounds, desires he may have the honour of serving this young gentle. man at four shillings and sixpence per month. The company has provided chambers for him, but they

XX.

CHAP.

XX.

Reply.

Renewed attack on Jord Clive,

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

are not good enough; the banyan finds better. The young man, in walking about the town, observes that other writers, arrived only a year betore him, live m splendid apartments, or have housesof their own, ride upon fine prancing Arabian horses, and in palanquins andchaises; that they keep seraglios, niakeentertainments, and treat with. champaign and claret. When he reports his observations, the banyan assures hint he may soon arrive at the same good fortune; furnishes him with money, and acquires over him absolute power. The advantages of the banyan advance with the rank of his master, who in acquiring one ~ fortune, generally spends three. But this is not the worst ; he is in a state of dependence on the banyan, who commits acts of violence and oppression, under the pretended sanction and authority of the company’s servant. And hence arises the clamour —

-against the English gentlemen in India.”

Lord Clive, in conclusion, exhibited, in detail, all the advantages to be derived from the situation of the English in India ; shewed the dangers which menaced their prosperity, and indicated the means of avoiding them; he displayed the utility of his own reforms, and demonstrated that a temperate pursuit of a similar system was alone requisite, to render the British empire in Asia permanent, honourable, and advantageous. ;

Areply was made by Governer Johnstone, but the effect of Lord Clive’s speech was not materiall diminished ; it was regarded as a complete exculpation, and a noble lesson of political wisdom.

The system of persecution against Lord Clive did not here terminate, but his last government was no longer the object of attack ; it was thought proper to recur to a more distant period ; to the deposition of Surajah Dowlah in 1757.*

*See Smollett’s contiouation of Hume, vol. iv. p. 114.

GEORGE Iii.

The examination of evidence before the select c HA P.

committee introduced the discussion, and the opponents of Lord Clive seized the favourable opportunity of attempting to turn to his prejudice and disgrace those very circumstances of his life from which he derived the greatest honour. General Burgoyne, on presenting the third report of the select committee, declared it contained an account of crimes shocking to human nature. He first moved some general propositions affirming that all acquisitions made under the influence of a mili-

_ tary force, or by treaty with foreign powers, do of right belong to the state; that to appropriate acquisitions obtained under the influence of a military force, or by treaty with foreign powers, to private use, is illegal; and that great sums of money had been obtained by such means from the sovereign princes in India. These resolutions were carried, though not without considerable opposition.

On a subsequent day, General Burgoyne returned to the subject, and directed a motion personally against Lord Clive, which was supported by Sir William Meredith, and resisted by Mr. Wedderburne, who ably exposed the impropriety of accusing an individual’of delinquency, on the bare report of a select committee. ‘The motion was not then discussed on its merits, but it was ordered that evidence should be heard at the bar.

When information had been thus obtained, General Burgoyne, after recapitulating the facts disclosed, said, he regarded the deposing of Surajah Dowlah, and the revolution in favour of Mir Jaffier, as the

origin of all those evils which operated to the temporary distress, if not total destruction of the com-

hy; he enlarged upon the perfidy employed to being about that revolution ; stated the fictitious treaty, forged in order to elude the payment pro- ‘mised to Omichund (ablack merchant and confident of Surajah Dowlah, whom Lord Clive and the select

c2

XX.

en enced! 1773.

sth’April. | Third report of the select committee,

21st April.

General Burgoyne’e motion ;

3d May; and charge egainst Lerd Clive.

CHA P.

XX. -

His defence,

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

committee in India prevailed upon to join in scheme to dethrone his master): exposedtheconduct of Lord Clive, in causing admiral Watson’s name to be signed, contrary to the admiral’s express inclination, to this treaty; and added, that the perfidy toward Omichund was of the blackest dye. He concluded with moving, that Robert “Lord Clive, aboutthetime of deposing Surajah Dowlah, nabob of Bengal, and establishing Mir Jaffier on the musnud, did, through the influence of powers with which he was entrusted, obtain, under various authorities, sumsamountingto two hundred and thirty-four thousand pounds, and in so doing, abused those powers, to the evil example of the servants of the public.”? Some amendments were moved, and in the debate, Lord Clive made a masterly defence of his conduct.

He investigated, with minutenes, thereports of the committees, so far as they applied to him, and in answer to the surmises attempted to be established, read irrefragable documents, proving the manner in which his conduct was viewed at the time, and by those who were best qualified to judge. They consisted of the nabob’s letters to him, as president of the select committee, the committee’s letter to the directors, and finally, the letter of approbation from the directors to him. He shewed the remissness of former administrations in neglecting the affairs of the East India company, and pointed out the personal malevolence which produced this untimely and unfounded crimination. ‘+ The directors,’ he said, ‘* for two years past, either through ignorance or design, had kept the affairs of the company a secret ; they had rioted at taverns, dissolved in dissipation and luxury, but entirely neglected their» duty, employing a man to think for them, to whom they allowed four hundred pounds per annum; hence many of their orders were so absurd and contradictory, that their own servants were al-. most justified in refusing obedience.”

a

GEORGE III.

Q1

His Lordship then exposed the invidious manner C€ H A P.

‘in which the committees pursued their inquiries, limiting them entirely to his conduct, instead of exploring subjects of general utility ; he was examined before them, he said, more like a sheep-stealer than a member of their own house. He vindicated the receipt of presents, as being, at that time, perfectly legal, and universally practised ; and proved, that if avarice had been his passion, he could have realized a fortune too great for a subject.

He entered into a detail of all thé transactions m. which he was engaged ; and after displaying the desperate situation of the company’s affairs, when it pleased God to make him the instrument of their delivery, related the circumstances of the fraud practised on Omichund. ‘* We soon discovered,”’ he said, “‘ that Surajah Dowlah only waited for the departure of the fleet to exterminate the English. But the nabob, like other treacheroys men, was surrounded b persons of the same cast and disposition. Omichund, his confidential servant, told his master of an agreement made between the English and Monsieur Duprée to attack him, and received for that advice four lacks ofrupees. Finding thisto be the man in whom the nabob entirely trusted, we considered him as a ‘most material engine in the intended revolution. We therefore made such an agreement. as was necessary for the purpose, and entered into a treaty with him to satisfy his demands. When all things were prepared, and the evening of the event was appointed; Omichund applied to Mr. Watts, who was at the court of the nabob, insisting on thirty lacks of rupees, and five per cent. on all the treasure that should be found ; threatening, unless this demand was immediately complied with, to disclose the plan to the nabob; and that Mr. Watts, with the two other English gentlemen then at court, should be put to death before the morning. Mr. Watts immediately dispatched an express to me at

XX.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. thecouncil. I did not hesitate in finding a strata-

XK gem to save their lives, and secure the success of the intended event. We prepared another treaty; this was called the red, the other the white treaty. It was signed by every one except admiral Watson, and I should have considered myself sufficiently au-.

thorized to affix his name, by a conversation I had with him. His name was, however, subscribed by another person, whether in his presence or not, I cannot say; but I know he thought he had sufficient authority. This treaty was transmitted to Omichund, who did not suspect the stratagem; and success attended the project. The House, I am fully persuaded, will agree, that when the very existence of the company was at stake, and the lives of these people so precariously situated, and so certain of being destroyed, it was true policy and justice to deceive so

reat a villain.” Lord Clive then read letters from admiral Watson and others, fully approving his conduct, and similar papers from the court of directors, who presented him with a sword richly adorned with diamonds, and after highly extolling his proceedings, termed the elevation of Mir Jaffier, a glorious and profitable revolution. In closing this part of his defence, he said, «<A late minister, (lord Chatham) whose abilities have been an honour to his country, and whom this House will ever revere, will, Iam sure, come to your bar, and not only tell you how highly he thought of my services at the time, but also what his opinion is now.”

He complained, that after such certificates, and so merited, he should bebroughtbefore the House likea criminal, and the very best parts of his conduct construed into crimes against the state. “I cannot say,”’ he concluded, “ that I either sit or rest easy, when I find, that all I have in the world is confiscated, and no one will take my security for a shilling. These are dreadful apprehensions to'remain under, and I cannot look’upon myself, but as a bankrupt. [have

GEORGE Itt.

not any thing left that I can call my own, except my paternal fortune of five hundred pounds per annum, which has been in the family for ages. Upon this I am content to live; and perhaps I shall find more real content and happiness than in the trembling affluence of an unsettled fortune; but, if it should be the case, I have'a conscious innocence that tells me my conduct is irreproachable. Frangas, non fiectes. They may take from me what I have ; they may, as they think, make me poor, but I will be happy! I mean not this as my defence. My defence may bemade at the bar; but before I sit down I address onerequest to the House, that, when they come to decide upon my honour, they will not forget their own.”

Having finishedhis defence, His Lordship quitted the house. _ A sentence of censure proposed against him was negatived, by a motion for the previous question; and at five o’clock in the morning, on the motion of Mr. Wedderburne, a resolution was passed unanimously, merely asserting the fact of Lord Clive having received the sum of two hundred and thirty-four thousand pounds, with the additional observation, that, at the same time, he rendered great and meritorious services to his country. .

In a subsequent debate, Lord ‘Clive recapitulated the topics contained in his speech of the last session, and exculpated himself from the charges, made through the medium of the press, on his conduct during his last government. After this, he intruded on the House no further, except to rectify a mis-statement of some facts, and then, such was the fury of party-spirit, that a member permitted himself to sneer at Lord Clive’s former defence, by saying, “the noble Lord was along speech-maker, and would, perhaps, offer another harangue of two ‘hours and ‘twenty minutes.” .

The defence of Lord Clive’s conduct did net,

c 4

CHAP.

KX. nme 1773.

Exculpatory resoluticn.

Continued

rancour

against Lord live.

CHAP.

XX.

Qn peed 1778.

He is ably defended by Wedderburne.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

however, rest on himself alone; Mr. Wedderburne, the solicitor-general, displayed an unusual portion ot learning, logic, and practical good sense, in hisbehalf. He reproached the committees with having, instead. of an open, liberal, and manly endeavour to bring forward such regulations as would prevent future evils, restricted themselves toa narrow, contracted, invidious attention to the conduct of individuals. He justified the deposition of Surajah Dowlah, on the grounds of justice as well as of policy. Far from admitting that such a transaction was dishonourable to Britain, he claimed the admiration of the historian, who in future times should record, * that a revolution which acquired to the company a dominion, larger, wealthier, and more populous than ever Athens possessed, or than Rome itself, when she had conquered. the Italian states; larger than France, and in revenues superior to most of the powers of Europe; that in the career of such conquests, in the midst of such great events, so few actions were to be discovered by the most inquisitive examination (and a more prying one never was known) that reflect dishonour on individuals ; none that tarnished the British name.’? He removed every imputation of blame from the artifice used to circumvent the traitor Omichund, and appealed to the honour and gratitude of the nation, against an attempt to deprive an individual of the remuneration of actions, which had been the admiration of the world; the pride of Britain ; the envy of Europe. In answer to the question, Where such oppressions and tyranny were to be found as were practised in Bengal? he said, «In the democratical tyranny of an Athenian mob, envious of every great. and noble name, taking off one for his wealth, banishing another for his family, and a third for his fame. _ This detestable spirit occasioned real tyranny, and we are now following the example.”

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