Familiar letters on public characters ; and public events from the peace of 1783, to the peace of 1815

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FAMILIAR LETTERS PUBLIC CHARACTERS,

PUBLlb E iwN

Introduction

Towards the close of his life, Mr. Jefferson prepared statements, seriously affecting the motives and conduct of a numerous class of his fellow-citizens. He intended to have these statements published after his decease. He seems to have expected, that they would be received as HISTORICAL TRUTHS, proceeding from high authority.

If Mr. Jefferson has stated truths only, all who know the value of sound historical information are under great obligations to him. If he has stated "false facts," (as he calls them,) without intending to do so, he has increased the well-known difficulty of arriving at certainty, as to the past ; and his labors are worse than useless. If he has stated what he knew to be false, he has abused public confidence, and has dishonored his own fame.

As most of those citizens, of whom he speaks reproachfully, have become, like himself, insensible to earthly commendation, or censure, is it too soon to inquire, in which of the above mentioned relations Mr. Jefferson should be viewed 1

It would be doing, it is hoped, great injustice to the American public to assume, that they are incompetent, or unwilling, to judge calmly and justly of historical truth, whatsoever it may prove to be, or whencesoever it may come- But, if the men of this day are so near to that time in which Mr. Jefferson was a conspicuous political agent, that

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INTRODUCTION.

prejudices must prevent a calm and righteous judgment, then the same posterity, to which Mr. Jefferson confidently appeals, must judge of him, and of those whom he has attempted to consign to their reproach and contempt.

According to the words on the title page, " the views and principles" of Mr. Jefferson's political adversaries are to be known by " a comparison of a series of their discourses and actions." Mr. Jefferson is to be known, not " from his speeches and actions," but " from the whole tenor of his language and conduct."

These " views and principles," and this " language and conduct," are set forth in the following pages, " for a reasonable length of time ; " that is, throughout one third of a century.

The form adopted is, familiar letters, as these are better suited to the purpose than the ordinary form of History ; and because these admit of personal descriptions and particular illustrations, which the " Memoirs and Writings of Thomas Jefferson " make indispensable.

Boston, April 20, 1834, i 4 M

Preface

TO THE SECOND EDITION.

Some time has been taken to learn what the public sentiment might be on these letters ; and to ascertain what errors in facts might have occurred. All such errors have been corrected, so far as known ; and a better chronological order has been made. These were not the only objections, which have been noticed. Some cautious, sensitive persons disapprove of all inquiry into 3Ir. Jefferson's claims to gratitude and admiration. They acknowledge such sentiments to be due to men, who, from good motives, achieved illustrious deeds ; and Avho forgot self, in devotion to the public. These persons are not supposed to maintain, that men, who misunderstood, or who perverted their trust, are to be ranked with men of the first class. But they suggest, that, if inquiry be made into Mr. Jefferson's pretensions, the people may take it ill, and that there must always be danger in startling ancient and deep-rooted prejudices.

The fear of startling prejudices may be a cogent reason for persisting in the divinity of oracular responses ; for continuing in the faith, that birds were commissioned to foretell the fate of armies ; and for persevering in search after the will of the gods, among the entrails of a bullock. But, in these days, reason and common sense are supposed to have some ministry in the human mind. One may venture to pay the tribute to the American people of believing, that they can arrive at and value truth; and that having the right and the duty of ordering their own welfare, they can and will justly estimate the means of accomplishing that purpose. We have no design to shock any one's prejudices. We are not dealing with Mr. Jefferson as an individual. We " war not with the dust." With Mr. Jefferson's principles and example, as an expounder of the constitution, every free American is deeply concerned ; and, if Mr. Jefferson has been unjust to public benefactors, every American is interested that his errors should be made known.

If the maintenance of constitutional liberty be the object, there may be those, who think ^ny effort of this nature profitless and vain. They may be of opinion, that the sovereign people will not believe constitutional government to be a restraining power, intended to prevent the wrongs, which they can do to each other ; and authorized to protect itself against their own illegal assaults. The people will not be convinced, it is said, that their peace, prosperity, and freedom depend on the strict observance of laws : They cannot know when they are well or ill governed ; and rather prefer, if they could know, the ruling of cunning and deceitful flatterers to that of wise and honest men. We are reminded of the rebellions and of the near approach to despotism, within the last fifty years ; and how all combinations of citizens, however originating, resolve themselves into political parties, and seek power by perverting the right of suffrage. We are reminded, also, of the gradual decline in the character of public authority, and of the striking contrast between the personal worth and dignity of some who have ruled, and of some who do rule. Then the future is looked to, with fearful apprehension, and it is asked, whether, as numbers increase, and the American people are farther and farther removed from the influences of the revolution, there can be any reasonable hope of preserving civil liberty.

PREFACE.

To all such suggestions it may be answered, that any government, except mere despotism, implies difficulties and contentions ; and the freer it is, the more will these abound. Yet our government can be kept within constitutional rules, or soon brought again within their limits, when it has transgressed them. But this supposes watchfulness and intelligence, and a keen sensibility to encroachment. Such qualities our citizens have shown, to an extent sufficient to preserve civil liberty so far ; and it ought not to be doubted, that they will continue to do so. The real character of the government, however, has not always been republican ; it has sometimes been republicanism fashioned by democratic despotism. Our rulers will generally arise from a certain sort of numerical power. The art is well understood of making dominion out of the fears, prejudices, and pride of that power. There will always be the sympathy of identity between that power and the rulers which it selects ; and these rulers will be worshipped because worship is self-gratulation. This is the true secret of the homage rendered to Napoleon, to Mr. Jefferson, to Andrew Jackson. But this is a natural delusion, which positive suffering can dissipate. As all such rulers inevitably tend (the world over) to despotism, the turning point will be, whether the majority can be made to feel actually existing despotism in time to crush it by peaceable election, and before its strength renders opposition vain. We incline to think, that liberty will often be in peril ; but that intelligence, virtue, and interest will again and again combine and rescue it from the grasp of its pretended friends.

It is proved in this country, rather than in any other, of any time, that as society moves onward under its natural propensity to improve, intellectual power takes the place of physical force. It is here, therefore, that all are interested to give to this power a useful direction ; and rather are the

Vm PREFACE.

wealthy and exalted, than the poor and humble, interested, that all should be well informed. Ambition does not choose for its birth-place the palace in preference to the hovel ; and in a free country it will not be idle. Like the richest soils, rank with noisome and poisonous weeds when unsubdued, it will, if left to itself, deform society with infidelity, perversion, and crime. By promoting the means of intellectual, religious, and consequently of moral culture, it may possibly come to be a generally admitted truth, that public life can be neither honorable nor profitable to the individual, when not honorable and useful to the jjublic.

There may be much of speculation, but no settled opinion on the point, whether the Americans have a better or worse hold on civil liberty, at this day, than they had at the beginning of this century. It might have been expected, that their institutions would have obtained solidity by use and precedent ; and that the enjoyment of freedom, such as was never before known, would have made that freedom precious to every mind, capable of understanding its value. But Americans have too much freedom to have occasion to consider what it is ; just as one, who never felt the weight of a chain, finds a silken thread intolerable. They have even sometimes gone so far as to renounce the guardianship of their liberty, and have appointed masters, and think it freedom to render homage to them. This is discouraging. But yet it is believed, that Americans will preserve civil liberty ; not through virtue and intelligence alone, but through these and the conservative power of interest ; and through interest, because the American institutions are distinguished from any others, in having a renovating principle, which can be applied at Avill, without violence ; and without any shock to the established order of society, but that of dismissing a dominant faction, and establishing a wise and constitutional policy. This is revolution ; but it is tranquil and peaceable. Something of the same nature is seen in the English government, in the power to change a ministry. Thus virtue and intelligence, the dictates of interest, and the provisions through which interest may operate peaceably and justly, lead to the belief, that constitutional order and tranquillity can and will be preserved.

But the republic cannot be eternal ; that unsparing innovator, Time, will surely bring it to an end. Will it be by military usurpation ? No case is now foreseen, (such is our fortunate position on the globe,) in which any man can have so numerous and devoted an army, as to make himself a despot, while the people are wise enough to train themselves to the use of arms, as militia. Will it be by exciting and corrupting a craving jwpulace ? There can hardly be such a class in the United States. Commerce, agriculture, and universal industry, bringing comfort and independence, unknown to ancient republics, preclude the existence of such class in such numbers, as to endanger the public safety. It must be yet a long time before there can be so many who have nothing, and who can acquire nothing, and who can be attracted into combinations by a sense of oppression, that the ordinary powers of government, aided by the force of public opinion, cannot control them. Will it be by civil usurpation ? This cannot advance far, without touching the interests of a majority, sufficiently to arouse them to a sense of their danger. If they do not discern the wrong before it reaches their property and daily bread, they will feel it then, and will help themselves to a peaceable constitutional remedy.

Mr. Jefferson would certainly have lost the popular favor, in consequence of the privations and miseries which he imposed upon his countrymen, if he had not so intermingled foreign politics as to make it believed, that the honor of the country was involved in his measures. So Mr. Madison

PREFACE.

would have lost his popularity, from the distresses of the war, if a majority had not been disciplined to feel, that the war was a necessary and patriotic policy. Both these Presidents foresaw consequences, and retraced their steps.

In the present chief magistrate there is a striking example of the consequences of usurpation. He has ventured to lay his hand on the commerce, the industry, and the money of the country, and he has suddenly fallen from the most extraordinary popularity to the very lowest degradation. He has so fallen, because he is not sustained by any such auxiliary causes as his two predecessors relied on. He can distress the country, but he cannot destroy its liberties.

It will be seen, that the nearest approach to despotism was during the presidencies of Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison. Legislative and executive power were then in perfect harmony. In nearly all the states, there was equal harmony between like powers, and close sympathy between these and the powers exercised by the national government. But there was an opposition, which comprised a major part of every thing which government is instituted to protect, computing in any manner but by heads. This opposition and the judiciary saved the country from greater calamities than those which it endured. It is by no means intended to suggest, that either of these magistrates intended despotism. Neither of them had any such design. But if either of them had gone but little further, he might have glided into absolute dominion under the full belief, that he was sustaining republican liberty by silencing its enemies. At this time, all but Jackson-men know, that the President is a monarch, though he conscientiously believes, that he is the purest of republicans, because he thinks " the people " honor and admire him.

There are some dangers peculiar to this country, and among them civilicar and disunion. When and in what form this danger may present itself, it would be presumptuous to conjecture. There has been a recent excitement of this tendency, but it served only to cause an estimate of the value of the union, and to fix it more firmly in the reverence of the people.

In a land so free as this, an incessant struggle for power, both from good and from bad motives, must be expected. There will be perverse legislation, corrupt and wicked management, blind devotion to party, and instances of flagrant usurpation. Americans have no patent i-ight, in the matter of government, nor any better assurance than other nations have, that wisdom, virtue, and disinterestedness will always govern their country. Their constitutions are better than those of any other country, but they are to be administered by men. It may often require the best efforts of such minds, as now adorn the Senate of the United States, to discern and declare where the constitution was left, and to aid the people in replacing it on the solid foundation of their respect and affection. But such events may recur again and again without the final loss of republican liberty.

Good as the constitution is, it is not now the same admirable product of human wisdom which it was, when first presented to the American people. It was then an illustrious commentary on the experience of past ages ; — an unprecedented system, whereby to obtain all the good, and prevent all the evil, which arise from man's strength and weakness, virtue and vice, whether regarded as an individual, or combined in society. It was no less honorable to the people to have adopted this system, than it was to have conceived, prepared, and to have offered it.

That part, which may be supposed to have engaged the attention of the framers most intently, was the executive power. It was so guarded as to prevent to the utmost, the elevation of a mere popular favorite ; and to inspire the chosen with a proper sense of responsibility, not to a party, but to a nation. Under the influence of Mr. Jefferson, it was so amended as to convert the dignity of the presidency into a commission to superintend a continually recurring scramble for favor and reward. This is the most lamentable of all Mr. Jefferson's errors. All others may be transitory ; this will be permanent. For, if a majority concur in the necessity of amendment, they will not concur in what it shall be ; much less will they restore the Constitution to its original excellence. If executive patronage be not always a corrupting and debasing machinery, it will be otherwise only by choosing Presidents, who have too much wisdom and conscience to make it so.

Closely connected with civil war and disunion is the question of slavery. A most unfortunate delusion has arisen, founded partly on hostility to the principle of slavery, (a principle, which, in the abstract, no reasoning can sustain,) partly on disregard of the true nature of the negro, partly on mistake of the common sentiment of all classes of society, but more than on either of these, on the error, that the condition of the negro can he bettered hy general manumission, ill a land where white popttlation hold the political power and the physiccd strength. This is a subject full of fearful apprehension, so long as philanthropy so entirely misapplies itself, in territories where slavery does not exist,- as to attempt to govern within territories where ages have interwoven slavery with all the desired objects of life. It is already seen, that this matter resolves itself into a question of mere interest; and no teacher is needed to make known, that the next door neighbour to interest '\s force ; and that this will surely be called in, when interest finds itself presumptuously assailed. What sort of philanthropists must they be, however amiable their motives, who propose to intelligent masters voluntarily to exchange condition with their slaves ! The restoration of the colored to the regions, which their Creator originally assigned to them, by colonization, is a matter of very different character from that of " aholition."

There is one danger to national security and to republican institutions, which is daily becoming more and more obvious. It will be seen in the following pages, that Mr. Jefferson introduced this danger. It cannot be a long time, before Congress will be called on to provide an effectual remedy. State legislatures cannot perform their duties, until Congress comprehends and performs its duty. Certainly the citizens of the United States will not much longer confer office on men, who are willing that their land should be a home for the vice and pauperism of Europe ; and perhaps subjected (by the mere exercise of political privileges) to foreign dominion.

One must be very assuming to foretell the condition of this, or any other nation, on general principles ; but he may be allowed to make some deductions from experience. Thus it may be inferred, that in a country so extensive and varied as this, no fatal heresy will be tiniversal, at the same time ; and that no man can acquire, and long retain, a dangerous popularity. There will be, no doubt, alarming excitements in one or more states ; but the strength of the federal government, powerful majorities in all other states, and stronominorities within the limits of the excitement, will parry the threatened evil till good sense returns. When the federal government transcends its limits, stale authority will interpose salutary checks ; and there will always be diligent and zealous minorities, in the federal government, to warn the people of their danger. Above all, there will be a pervading sense of safety and utility in the union, which no member of the confederacy will be seriously disposed to relinquish, as b the inevitable consequence must be foreign alliance, and a return to colonial dependence.

The multiplication of states will be no evil. Each one containing a sovereignty in itself, breaks up one great whole into harmonious parts ; and makes the great difference between the American and Roman republics. In the latter, Rome was the empire ; whole countries, appendages. In like manner, this country is distinguishable from modern France, which is a sort of republic with a King for its chief; but France must always be restive and turbulent, while Paris is all France and all of France is Paris.

Vast as this country is, its remotest parts will not be strange to each other. Commerce, enterprise, mutual wants and dependence, facility of intercommunication, and the daily messenger, the press, will soften and wear away prejudice, the child of ignorance. The variety of religious sects will promote religion. As no one of them «an strengthen itself by alliance with civil power, intolerance is deprived of its weapon, and will rather be useful than mischievous.

The American community may have some analogy in its progress to the seeming evils of the natural world. Vesuvius is not always casting forth its lava ; it gives time for the verdure to return, and for human habitations to rise again, over the path of its desolation. A small portion of earth, or ocean, is exposed to the rage of any one tempest. Epidemics, by some unknown law, have their times and places; and though their existence any where, may sometimes awaken anxiety every where, they do not wrap the whole world in gloom at the same moment.

Those who are about to close their eyes on all earthly scenes need not, as we humbly conceive, to despair of the fate of their descendants. There is hope enough that their country will go on, as well as the lot of humanity will permit. Certainly, such hope should be cherished ; for

PREFACE. XV

when the present institutions are broken up, no power but that which can still the face of ocean, can compose the political and social relations of Americans, anew, in any similitude to rational freedom,

Boston, Nov. 1, 1834.

I

Letter XXXII

Jefferson's Mazzei letter — speech as Vice President — Jefferson's remarks on the Mazzei letter — Jefferson's personal appearance — his vice presidency.

XX CONTENTS.

LETEER XXXIII.

Mr. Jefferson — principles of action — elements of parties — reasons why Mr. Jefferson's " Writings " should be noticed.

Letter L

Mr. Jefferson's gift of two millions to Napoleon — John Randolph's

pamphlet on this subject.

LETTER LL

Jefferson and England — rejects treaty of 1806 — embargo of 1807 — state of the country.

LETTER LIL

Governor Strong — Governor Sullivan — Lieutenant Governor Lincoln — proceedings of Massachusetts Legislature.

LETTER LIII.

Governor Gore — members of Massachusetts Legislature — merchants — Governor Gerry — Governor Strong.

LETTER LIV.

Mr. Jefferson's retirement — his various accounts of embargo system. LETTER LV.

Mr. Jefferson's account of himself — examination of his account — author of nullification.

LETTER LVL

Examination of his policy — effects of his policy.

LETTER LVIL How Mr. Jefferson found the United States in 1801 — how he left them in 1809 — Mr. Madison — his policy — continuation of Mr. Jefferson's.

fi_

XXU CONTENTS.

LETTER LVIII. ■^Causes of war in 1812.

LETTER LIX.

The Henry plot — Mr. Madison's motives. LETTER LX. •— War message, and measures in Congress. LETTER LXL ' Opposition to the war in Congress — state of Europe.

LETTER LXIL

Coincidence of Napoleon's war against Russia and American war against England — reception of the war in New England.

LETTER LXIII.

Terror that came with the war — Baltimore — Washington Benevolent Societies.

LETTER LXIV.

^- Convention at New York — Dewitt CUnton. LETTER LXV.

— Progress of the war — proposed conscription and impressment.

LETTER LXVI.

Proceedings of Massachusetts — causes of the Hartford Convention.

LETTER LXVIL

Effects of the Hartford Convention

LETTER LXVIIL

Measures in consequence of the Hartford Convention — conclusion

of the war — peace message.

LETTER LXIX.

Mr. Madison's probable motives — close of his administration — Mr. Monroe's presidency.

LETTER LXX.

,Motives and conduct of the Federalists.

LETTER LXXL

Strong — Brooks — Gore — Cabot.

CONTENTS.

LETTER LXXII.

Pickering — Lowell, senior — Higginson — Hichborn.

LETTER LXXIII.

Parsons — Sewall — Parker — Dexter.

LETTER LXXIV.

Otis — Lowell, Jr. — Quincy — Ward — Lloyd. LETTER LXXV.

Conclusion — difficulties — remedies.

The Appendix to the volume, first edition, is omitted in this ; it consisted of, 1. Evidence collected by the sons of James A. Bayard, on Jefferson's calumnies. 2. John Jay's letter on Washington's Farewell Address. 3. Proceedings of the Massachusetts Legislature on national affairs. 4. Address of the minority of Congress, on the war with England, drawn up by Josiah Quincy. 5. Extract from Walsh's letter on the genius and character of the French revolutionary government, and on French military conscription.

General Index.

For cradicable, page 77, line 27, read irradicable.

Letter I

The citizens of the present day find themselves to be members of a great and growing republic. They must be members, also, of some political party, if they exercise the rights and duties of citizens. They usually become partymen, without much consideration of the reasons for being on one side, or the other. Accident, imitation, or being on one side, because some one, not in favor, is on the other, are as good reasons as many can give, for the choice they make.

There is a right and a wrong in all political divisions. One side may be entirely right, and the other entirely wrong. Two opposing parties may be both wrong, in proportion as they deviate from the sound principles of the constitutions under which they live.

It is a dry and uninteresting employment to most young persons, to study out the origin, and progress, of the political institutions of this country. But if our republic is to continue, these young persons must know, in some way, how much it depends on them to accomplish its preservation. All modes of instruction must be attempted. Whether that intended, in the following pages, will be of use to that end, cannot be foreseen. It is the design to run through the prominent events, in this country, out of which political parties have arisen.

In 1783, and for some time afterwards, and up to the time of the French Revolution, there were distinctions in 1 society, now unknown. They were the remnants of the colonial relations. Persons in office, the rich, and those who had connexions in England, of which they were proud, were the gentry of the country, before the war. Modes of life, manners, and personal decoration, were the indications of superiority. The commencement of hostilities drove a large portion of this gentry from the colony ; but these indications continued among some who remained, and adhered to the patriot side. There was a class of persons (no longer known) who might be called the gentry of the interior. They held very considerable landed estates, in imitation of the landholders in England. These persons were the great men in their respective counties. They held civil and military offices, and were members of the general court. This sort of personal dignity disappeared before the end of the last century.

The long continued and impoverishing war had brought very serious embarrassments, public and private. One mode of relief, after the war ended, was to engage in commerce. The commercial part of the community who had means, (and some of them were wealthy from privateering,) and all who had credit in England, engaged in importing English manufactures. This traffic drained the country of specie, and introduced articles of luxury, which the inhabitants needed not, and for which they contracted debts, which they could not pay. Embarrassments were increased from such causes. Importations were discountenanced, and those who made them, not only made bad debts, but attracted public odium. The usual consequences of such mistakes followed. There were insolvencies, and prosecutions. These new, and improvident contracts, were but a small item in the causes of general distress, after independence was secured. These were far more serious and durable, as they involved public, as well as private credit.

The United States owed the heavy debt of the war. Besides this national debt, the states, separately, had contracted heavy debts of their own, in carrying on the war. Towns, also, had contracted debts in furnishing men, and necessaries for the army, especially in Massachusetts. Individuals owed large sums, the interest of which had been accumulating during the war. In the planting states of the south, very heavy debts were due to the English. These necessarily slept through the war.

When the courts of justice were again opened, and undisturbed by military movements, there was leisure to prosecute for debts. The utter inability to satisfy judgments in money, induced some of the state legislatures to enact, that debtors might tender any personal property, at an appraisement, in satisfection. Thus a seaboard creditor might recover a judgment against a creditor in the country, and instead of being paid in money, or by the seizure and sale of personal property, any country produce might be tendered, which, not being convertible into specie, was of no value to him. This legal provision is supposed to have occasioned the prohibitory clause in the United States constitution, that no state should pass any law impairing the obligation of contracts. If this was so, the application of this clause has been extended far beyond the original design, but, undoubtedly, with most reasonable and just effect.

The complaining and dissatisfied, of the present day, may have some sympathy with their predecessors immediately after' the war, who were not sufferers from wanton acts of rulers, but from necessary and inevitable consequences of having obtained their freedom. The. paper currency had sunk to be almost nominal. Of specie there was but a small amount. Congress earnestly besought of the states their proportion of the sums which the Union owed ; state creditors were importunate, and private debtors were vigorously pursued. Massachusetts had stood forth, foremost of all the states ; and at the close of the war, she had furnished one third of all the effective force in the national service. This state owed, as its proportion of the national debt, five millions of dollars. It owed on its own account, and not as a member of the Union, 84,3:13,333. It owed to the soldiers and officers, which it had sent into the war, $660,666, making ten millions of dollars. The resources of the state, to pay so much of this debt as was immediately payable, were only the revenues derived from importation, in the low state of commerce ; and direct taxation on estates, and polls of persons, overwhelmed with embarrassments ; and when the whole number of polls in the state did not exceed ninety thousand.