An ecclesiastical history, ancient and modern ...

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Introduction

I. The ordiBr and method, that have been followed in the former part of this, work, Cannot be continued, without the greatest inconvenience, in this fourth book, which relates to the modern history of the church. From thecommenceraient of the' sixteenth centurjr, the face of religion was remarkably changed; the divisions, that had formerly perplexed the church, increased considerably; and the Christian societies, that relinquished the established forms of divine Worship, and erected themselves into separate assemblies, upon principles different from those of the Jloman hierarchy, rapidly multiplied. ■ This circumstance renders it impossible to present in one connected series, or, as it \iete, in one continued tablature, the events, vicissitudes, and revolutions, which happened in the church, divided its metnbers, and enfeebled the dominion of its tyrants. From the period on which we now enter, the bond of union among Christians, that had been formed by a blind obedience to the Roman pontiff, was in almost every country, either dissolved, or at least relaxed; and consequently this period of our history must be divided into a multitude of branches, into as many parts, as there were famous sects that arose in this century.

II. It is however proper to observe here, that many of the events, which distinguished this century, had a manifest relation to the church in general, and not to any Christian society in particular; and, as these events deserve to be mentioned separately, on account of their remarkable tendency to throw a light upon the state of Christianity in general, as well as upon the history of each Christian society, we shall divide this fourth book into two main and principal parts, of which the one will contain the General and the other the Particular History of the Christian Religion.

III. To the General History belong- all those events which relate to the state of Christianity, considered in itself and in its utmost extent, to the Christian church viewed in the general, and abstracted from the miserable and multiplied divisions into which it was rent by the passions of men. Under this head we shall take notice of the advancement and progress of Christianity in general, without any regard to the particular sects that were thus instrumental in promoting its interests; nor shall we omit the consideration of certain doctrines, rites, and institutions, which appeared worthy of admission to all,,: or at least to the greatest part of the Christian sects, and which consequently produced, in various countries, improvements or changes of greater or less importance.

IV. In the Particular History of this century, we propose reviewing, in their proper order, the various sects into which the church was divided. This part of our work, for the sake of method and precision, we shall subdivide into two. - In the first we shall comprehend what relates to the*more ancient Christian sects, both in the eastern and western hemispheres; while the second will be confined to the history of those more modern societies, the date of whose origin is posterior to the Reformation in Germany. In the accounts that are here to be given of the circumstances, fate, and doctrines-of each sect, the method laid down in the introduction to this work shall be rigorously, observed, as far as is possible, since it seems best calculated to lead us to an accurate knowledge of the nature, progress, and tenets of every Christian society, that arose in those times of liscord.

vi INTRODUCTION.

V, The most momentous event that distinguished the church after the fifteenth century, and we may add, the most glorious of all the revolutions that happened in the state of Christianity since the time of its divine and immortal Founder, was that happy change introduced into religion, which is known by the title of the Blessed Reformation. This grand revolution, which arose in Saxony from small beginnings, not only spread itself with the utmost rapidity through all the European provinces, but also extended its efficacy to the most distant parts of the globe, and may be justly considered as the main spring which has moved the nations from that illustrious period, and occasioned the greatest part both of those civil and religious revolutions that fill the annals of history down to our times. The face of Europe was, in a more especial manner, changed by this great event. The present age feels yet, in a sensible manner, and ages to come will continue to perceive, the inestimable advantages produced by it, and the inconveniences of which it has been the innocent occasion. The history, therefore, of such an important revolution, from which so many others have derived their origin, and whose relations and connexions are so extensive and so general^' demands a peculiar degree of attention, and has an unquestionable right to a distinguished place in such a work as Jhis. We now proceed to give a compendious view of the modem history pf the Christian church, according to the intimated plan and method.

AN

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.

THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY.

SECTION I. THE fflSTORT OF THE REFORMATION

I. The Histoiyof the Reformation is too ample and extensive to bo comprehended, wittiout somq degree of confoaion, in the uninterrupted narrative of one Section: we shall therefore divide it into Four Farts.

The first will contain an account of the state of Cluistianity before the commencement of the Reformation; /.> /'^

The second will give the'history of the Reformation from its beginning until the date of the Confession of Augsburg; / .T J ;

The third will exhibit a view of the same history, firom this latter period to the commencement of the war of Smalcald; and

The fourth will cany it down to the peace that was concluded with the advocates of the Reformation in the year 1555.* This division is natural; it arises spontaneoi^ly from the events themselves.

CHAPTER I. Concertmg the State qf the Christian Church

before the Reformation.

I. About the commencement of this century, the Roman pontiffs lived in the utmost tranquillity; nor had they,- as things seemed to be situated, the least reason to apprehend any op.; position to their pretensions, or rebellion against their authority; since those dreadful commotions, which had been excited in the preceding ages by the Waldenses, Albigenses, and Beghaxds, and more recently by the Bohemians, were entirely suppressed, aoad had yielded to the united powers of counsel and the sword. Such of the Waldenses as yet remained, lived contented under the difficulties

* The writers of the history of the Reformation, of every rank and "order, are enumerated by the very learned Philip Fred. Hane (who himself deserves a most eminent rank in this class) in his Historia Sacrorum a Luthero emendatorum, part i. and by Jo., Alb. Fabricius, in hisCentifolium Lutheranum, part ~*i. cap. clxxxvii. The greatest part, or at least the most eminent, of this list of authors must be consulted by such as desire i farther confirmation or illustration of the matters which f propose to relate briefly in the course-of this history. The illustrious names of Sleidan and^Seckendorff, and others, who bave distinguished themselves in this kind of erudi'- tion, are too well known to render it necessary to recommend their works to the perusal of the curious reader.

of extreme poverty in the valleys of Piedmont, and proposed to themselves no higher earthly felicity, than that of leaving to their descendants that wretched and obscure comer of Europe, which separates the Alps from the Fyrenean mountains; while the handful of Bohemians, that survived the ruin of their faction, and still persevered in their opposition to the Roman yoke, Jiad neither strength nor knowledge adequate to any new attempt, and therefore, instead of inspiring terror, became objects of contempt.

II. We must not, however, conclude from this apparent tranquillity aiSi^ security of the pontiffs and their adherents, that their measures were applauded, or that their chains were worn vpithout reluctance; for not only private persons, but also the most powerful princes and sovereign states, exclaimed loudly against the deq>otic dominion of the pontiff's, the fraud, violence, avarice, and injustice that prevailed in their counsels, the arrogance, tyranny, and extortion of their legates, the unbridled licentiousness and enormous crimes of the clergy and monks of all denominations, the inordinate severity and partiality of t^e Roman laws; and demanded publicly, as their emcestors had done before them,, a reformation of the church, in its head and in its members, and a general council to accomplish that necessary and happy purpose.* But these complaints and demands were not carried so -fer as to produce any good effect, since they came fi'om parsons who did not entertain the least doubt about the supreme authority of the pope in religious matters, and who, of consequence, instead of attempting, themselves, to brii^g about that reformation which was so ardently desired, remained entirely iflactive, and looked for redress to the

''' Th^se complaints and accusations have been largely enumerated by several writers^ See, among, . many others, VaL Em. Loescherus, in- Aptis et Documentis Reformationis, tom. i. .cap. v. j^. et Ern. Salom. Cyprian. Prsefat. ad WiJh.Ern.Tenzelii Hiatoriam Reformat, published at fceipsic in 1717.— The grievances complained of by the Qermans in particu* lar, are amply mentioned by J. P. Georgius in his Gravamina Imperator. etNationis German, adversus Sedera Romanam.cap. vii. Nor- do the wiser and more learned among the modern Romanists pretend to deny that the church and clergy, before the tim«' of liUtlver, were corrupt in a very high degree^

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION.

court of Rome, or to a general council. As long as the authority of the pontiff was deemed sacred, and his jurisdiction supreme, there could be no reason to expect any considerable reformation either of the corruptions of the church or of the manners of the clergy.

III. If any thing seemed proper to destroy the gloomy empire of superstition, and to alarm the security of the lordly pontiffs, it was the restoration of Jggjning in Europe, and the number of men of genius that suddenly arose, vmder the benign influence of that auspicious revolution. But even tliis new scene was insufficient to terrify the lords of the church, or to make them apprehend the decline of their power. ' It is true, that this happy revolution in the republic of letters dispelled the gloom of ignorance, and kindled in the minds of many the love of truth and of sacred liberty. It is also certain that many of these great men, such as Erasmus and others,~pointed the delicacy of tlieir wit, or levelled the fury of their indignation, at the superstitions of the tim^s, the corruptions of the priesthood, the abuses that reigned in the covirt of Rome, and the brutish manners of the monastic orders. But this was not sufficient, since none, had the courage to strike at the root of the evil, to attack the papal jurisdiction and statutes, which vvere absurdly, yet artfully, sanctified by the title of canart-ioio, or to call in question the ancient and most pernicious opinion, that Christ had established a vicegerent at Rome, clothed with his supreme and unlimited authority. Entrenched within these strongjiolds, the pontiffs looked upon their own authority and the peace of the church as beyond the reach of danger, and treated with indifference the threats and invectives of their enemies. Armed with power to punish, and abundantly furnished with the means of rewarding in the most alluring manner, they were ready, on every commotion, to crush the obstinatOj and to gain over the mercenary to their cause; and this indeed could not but contribute considerably to the stability of their dominion.

IV. HenSe it was, that the bishops of Rome lived in the utmost security and ease, and, being free from apprehensions and cares of every kind, followed without reluctance, and gratified without any limitation or restraint, the various demands of their lusts and passions.

' Alexander VI., whom humanity disowns, and who is rather to be considered as a monster than as a man, whose deeds excite horror, and whose enormities place him on a level with the most execrabletyrants of ancient times, stained the commencement of this century by the most atrocious crimes. The world was delivered fi:ora this papal fiend in the year 1503, by the poisonous draught which he had prepared for others, as is generally believed, though there are historians who attribute his death to sickness and old age.* He was succeeded in the pontificate by Pius III., who, in less than a month, was deprived by death of that high dignity. The vacant chair was obtained, by fraud and bribery, by Julian de la

* See Cent. XV. pan ii. chap. ii. sect, xviii. note fa."

Rovere, who assumed the denomination of Julius II.

V. To the odious list of vices' with which Julius II. dishonoured the pontificate, we may add the most savage ferocity, the most audacious arrogance, the mostdespotic vehemence of temper, and the most extravagant and phrenetic passion for war and bloodshed. He began his military enterprises by entering into a war with the Venetians, after having strengthened his cause by an alliance with th^ emperor and the king of France.* ,He aflei^ wards laid siege, to Fejrara, and at length turned his arms against his former ally, the French monarch, in conjunction with the Venetians, Spaniards, and Swiss, whorn he had drawn into this war, and engaged in his cause by an offensive league. His whole pontificate, in short, was one continued scene of military tumult; nor did he suffer Europe to enjoy a moment's tranquillity as long as he lived. We niay easily imagine me miserable condition of the church under a «»<!««• of Clfyist, who lived in camps, amidst thedin of arms, and who was ambitious of no other fame tb^a that which arose from battles won and cities desolated. Under such a pontiff all things must have gone to ruin; the laws must have been subverted, the discipline of the church destroyed, andth^ genuine lustre of true religion entirely effaced.

VI. Nevertheless, from this dreadful cloud that hung over Europe, some rays of light seemed to break forth, that promised a better state of things, and gave some reason to expect that reformation in the church which was so generally and so ardently desired- Louis XII,, king of I^ance, provoked by the insults he had received from this arrogant pontiff, meditated revenge, and even caused a medal to be stricken with a rnenacing inscription, expressing his resolution to overturn the power of Rome, which was represented on this coin by the title of Babylon.f Several cardinals also, encouraged by the protection of this monarch and the eiriperor Maximilian I.; assembled, in 1511, a councilat Pisa, with an intention to set bounds to the tyranny of this furious pontiff^ and to correct and reform, the" errors and corruptions of a superstitious church. Juhus, on the other hand, relying on his own strength, and on the power of his allies, beheld these threatening appearances without the least concern, and even treated them with mockery and laughter. He did not, however, neglect the methods of rendering ineffectual the efforts of his enemies, that prudence dictated, and therefore gave orders for a council to meet in the juateran palace in 1512,{in which the decrees of the council of Pisa were condemned and annulled in the most injurious and insulting terms. This condemnation would, undoubtedly, have been followed by

* See Du Bos, Histoire de la Ligue de Cambray.

t See B. Christ. Sigismund. Liebii Commentatio de Nummis Ludovici XII., Epigraphe, ' Ferdam Babylonis nomen,' insignibiia,. Leipsie, 1717. — See also Theg: Epis. Crozianus, torn. i. — Colonia, His. Liter, de la Ville de Lyon, torn. ii. — The authertticity and occasion of this medal have been much disputed, and as is well l^nown, have afforded matter of keen debate.

X Haiduini Ooncil, t. ix. p. 1S59.

OajLV. I.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION.

he most dire and formidable anathemas Lgainst Louis and other princes, had not death carried off this audacious pontiff in 1612, in he midst of his ambitious and vindictive proects.

Vn. He was succeeded, in IS13, by Leo X., )f the family of Medicis, who, though of a nilder disposition than his predecessor, was iqually indifferent about the interests of relirion aiid the advancement of true piety. He vas a protector of men of learning, and was limself learned, as far as the^larkness of the Lge would admit. His time was divided beween conversation with men of letters and >leasure, though it must be observed that the Greatest part of it was consecrated to the latter. He had an invincible ayersibn to whatever was Lccompanied with solicitude and care, and dislovered the greatest impatience under events if that nature. He was remarkable for his irodigality, luxury, and imprudence, and has iven bee^ charged with impiety, if not atheam. He did not, however, lose sight of the [rsind object which the generality of his prelecessors had so much at heart, — ^that of prbaoting and advancing the opulence and-granleur of the Roman see; for he took the utmost are that nothing should be transacted in the jateran council, (whichjulius had assembled nd left sitting,) tliat had the least tendency to ivour the reformation of the church; and, in a oiiference which he had with Francis I., king f France, at Bologna, he engaged that molarch to ahrogate the Pragmatic Sanction,* rhich had been so long odious to the popes, nd to substitute in its place another hodty of iws, more advantageous to the papacy; which e accordingly imposed upon his subjects uner the title of the Concordat, but not without [leir utmost indignation and reluctance.^

,* We have mentioned this Pragmatic Sanction, ent. XV. part ii, chap. ii. sect. xvi. note (c,) and iven there some account x)f its nature and design, 'his important edict is published at large in the ighth volume of the Concilia Harduini, as is the oncordat in the ninth volume, and in Leibnitz* Manasa Codicis Diplomat, part i. ii. The history of lese two pieces is given in an ample and accurate, tanner by Bishop Burnet, in his History of the Reirmation, vol. iii. — See also, on the same subject, ouVay's Hist. Acad. Paris, torn', vi. — Ha Clos, His. >ire de" Louis XI.— Histoire du Droit £cclesiastique rancois, torn. i. Diss. ix. — Menaglana, tom. iii. dty- 1 The king went in person to the parliament ) Dfier the Concordat to be registered; and letters itent were made out, requiring all the judge^and )urts of justice to observe this act, and see it excited. The parliament, after deliberating a month pon this important matter, concluded not to registr the Concordat, but to observe still the Pragmatic anction, unless the new edict should be received nd established in as great an assembly as that was, 'hich published the other in the reign of Charles II.; and when by vjolence and force they were bilged to publish the Concordat, they joined to this ublication a solemn protest, and an appeal from the ope to the next general council; into both which teasures the university and the clergy entered with le greatest alacrity and zeal. . But royal and papal espotism at length prevailed.

The chancellor Du-Prat, who was principally conerned in promoting the Concordat, has-been geneally regarded as an enemy to the liberties of the ^allican church. The illustrious and learned presi- BnfrHenault has not, however, hesitated to defend is inemory against this accusation, and to justify he Concordat as- an equitable con).rac.l and as a leasurc at-tended with less inconvenience than the

VIII. The raging thirst of dominion that inflamed these pontiffs, and their arrogant endeavours to crush and oppress all who came within the reach of their power,- were accompanied with the most insatiable avarice. All ths proviucesof Europe were, in a manner, drained to enrich these spiritual tyrants, who were perpetually gaping after new accessions ol wealth, in order to augment the number of their friends and the stability of their dominion. And, indeed, according to the notions commonly entertained, the rulers of the church seemed, from the nature of their character, to have a fair pretence for demanding a sort of tribute from their flock; for none can deny to the supreme governors of any state (and such was the character assumed by the popes) the privilege of levying tribute from those over whom they bear rule. But, as the name of tnbute obviously tended to alarm the jealousy and excite the indignation of the civil iaagistrate, the pontiffs were too cunning to employ it, and had recourse to various stratagenls and contrivances to rob the subject without shocking the sovereign, and to levy taxes under the specious mask of religion. Among these contrivances, the <^stribution o£ indulgences, which enabled the wealthy to purchase impunity for their crimes by certain sums applied to religious uses, held an eminent rank. This traffic was renewed whenever the coffers of the church were exhausted. On these occasions, indulgences were warmly recommended to the ignorant multitude under some new and specious, yet fallacious pretext, and were greedily sought, to the great detriment both of individuals and of the community.

IX. Notwithstanding the veneration and homage that were paid to the Roman pontiSs, they were far from being universally reputed infallible in their decisionsj or unlimited in their authority. The wiser part of the German, French, Flemish, and British nations, considered thein as liable to error, and bounded

Pragmatic Sanction.- He observes, that by the king's being invested, by the Concordat, with the privilege of nominating to the bishoprics and vacant benefices of the first class, many corruptions and abuses were prevented, which arose from the simoniacal practices Jhat prevailed almost every where, while, according to the Pragmatic S.Tnction, every ctiurdi chose its bishop, and every monastery itsff^ot: He observes, moreover, that this nomination was the natural right of the crown, as the most considerable part of the great benefices had been created by the kings of France; and he insists particularly on this consideration,. that the right which Christian communities have to choose their leaders, cannot be exercised by such large bodies without much confusion and many inconveniences; and that the subjects, by entrusting their "sovereign with the government of the state, invest him, ipso facto, with air authority ~over the church, which is a part of the state, and'its noblest branch. See Henault's Abrege Cbronologique de I'Histoire de France, in the particular remarks that are placed at the end of the reign of Loui.i XIV.

The most specious objection that was made to the Concordat was this: that, in return for the nomination to the vacant benefices, the king granted to the popes the aTvnateg, or first-fruits, which had so long been complained of as an intolerable grievance. There is,, however, no mention of this equivalent in the' Concordat; and it was by a papal bull that sue ceeded this compact, that the pontiff's claimed the payment of the first-fruits, of which they had put themselves in possession in 1316, and which haa been suspended by the Pragmatic Sanctiou

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION.

Sect. I.

by law. The councils of Constance and Basil had contributed extremely to rectify the notions of the people in that respect; and from that period all Christians, except the superstitious monks and parasites of Rome, were persuaded that the pope was subordinate to a; general council, that his decrees were not .infallible, and that the council had a right to depose him, whenever he was convicted of gross errors or enormous crimes.' Thus were the people, in some measure, prepared for the reformation of the church; and hence arose that ardent desire, that earnest expectation of a general council, which filled the minds of the wisest and best Christians in this century.' Hence also the frequeqt appeals which were made to this approaching council, when the court of Rome Issued any new edict, or made any new attempt repugnant to the dictates of piety and justice.

X. The licentious examples of the pontiffs were zealously imitated in the lives and manners of the subordinate rulers and ministers of the church. The greatest part of the bishops and canons passed their days in dissolute mirth and luxiiry, and squandered away, in the gratification of their lusts and passions, the wealth that had been set apart for religious and charitable purposes. Nor were they less tyrannical than voluptuous; for the most despotic princes never treated their vassals with more rigour and severity, than these spiritual rulers employed toward all who were under their jurisdiction. The decline of virtue among the clergy was attended with the loss of the public esteem; and the most considerable part of that once respected body became, by their sloth and avarice, their voluptuousness and impurity, their ignorance and levity, contemptible and infamous, not only in the eyes of the wise and good, but also in the general judgment of the multitude.* Nor could the case be otherwise as matters were now constituted; for, as all the offices and dignities of the church had become venal, the way of prefei^ ment was inaccessible to merit, and theVicked and licentious were rendered capable of rising to the highest ecclesiastical honours.

XI. The prodigious swarms of monks that overspread Europe were justly considered as burthens to society, and ocpasioned frequent murmurs and complaints. Nevertheless, such was the genius of the age, of an age that was emerging from the thickest gloom of ignorance, and was suspended, as it were, in a dubious situation between darkness and light, that these monastic drones vvould have remained undisturbed, had they taken the least pains to preserve any remains even of the external air of decency and religion, that used to distinguish them in former times. But the Benedictine and other monkish fraternities, who were invested with the privilege of possessing certain lands and revenues, broke through all restraint, made the worst possible use of their opulence, and, forgetful of the gravity of their character and of the laws of

* See CornelU Aurelii Gaudani " Apocalypsis, seu Visio -Mirabilis supers miserabili Statu Matris ;EC' cl€Sis, in,Casp. Burmanpi Analect Hist, de Hadri ano VI. p. 24S, printed at Utrcclu in 1727.

their order, rushed headlong into the shameless practice of vice in all its various Idnds and degrees. On the other hand, the Mendicant orders, and especially those who followed the rules of St. Dominic and St. Francis, though they were not carried away with the torrent of licentiousness that was overwhelming the church, lost their credit in a diffetent way; for their rustic impudence, their ridiculous superstitions, their ignorance, craelhr, and brutish manners^ tended to alienate from them the minds of the people, and gradually diminished their reputation. They had"the most barbarous aversion to the arts and sciences, and expressed a like abhorrence of certain eminent and learned men, who, being eagerly desirous of opening the paths of science to the pursuit of the studious youth, recommended the culture of the mind, and attacked the barbarism of the age in their writing and in their discourse. This is sufficiently evident fix)m what happened to Reuchlinus, Erasmus, and other learned men.

XII. Among all the monastic orders, none enjoyed a higher degree of power and authority than the Dominican friars, whose credit was great, and whose influence was Very widely extended. This will not appear surprising, when we consider that they filled very eminent stations in the church, presided everywhere over the terrible tribunal of the inquisition, and had the care of souls, with the function of confessors, in all the courts of Europe; a circumstance which, in those times of ignorance and' superstition, manifestly tended to put mosttof the European princes in their power. But, notwithstanding all this credit and authority, the Dominicans had their enemies; and about this time their influence began to decline. Several marks of perfidy, that appeared in the measures they employed to extend their authority, justly exposed them to the public indignation. Nothing could be more infamous than the frauds they practised to accomplish their purposes, as may be seen, among other examples, by the tragedy whrch they acted at' Bern in 1509.* They

QS-* This most impious fraud is recorded at length by Ruchat, at the end of the sixth volume of his Histoire de la Reformation en Suisse; and also by Hotting^r, in bis Histor. Eccles. Helvet. torn. i. There is also a compendious* but distinct, narration "of this infernal stratagem, in bishop Burnet's Travels through Prance, Italy, Germany, and Switzerland. The stratagem in question was the consequence of a rivalry between the Franciscans and Dominicans, and more especially of their controversy concerning the immaculate conception of the Virgin Mary. -'The former maintained that she was born without the blemish of original sin; the latter asserted the contrary. The doctrine of the Franciscans, in an age of darkness and superstition, could not but be popular; and hence the Dominicans lost ground from flay to day. To support the credit of their order, they resolved, at a chapter holden at Wimpfen in 1504, to have recourse to fictitious visions and dreams, in which the people at that time had an easy faith; and they determined to make Bern the scene of their operations. A person named Jetzer, who was extremely simple, and much inclined to austerities, and who 'had taken their habit as a lay-brother, was chosen as the instrument of the delusions they wore contriving. One of the four Dominicans, who had undertaken the management of this plot, conveyed himself secretly into Jetzer's cell, and about midnight appeared to him in a horrid figure, surrounded with howling dogs, and seeming to Wow fire from hia nostrils, by the meansof a box a'

Chap. I. HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION

wero perpetually employed ia stigmatizing, With the opprohidus mark of heresy, numbers of- learned and pioua men, in encroaching upon tlie rights and- property of others to atigment their i>ossessions, and in contriving the most miquitous snares and stratagems for the destruction of their adversariesj* and th^y were the principal counsellors hv whose instigation \nd advice Leo X. was determined to that most rash and imprudent measure, even the public condemnation of Luther.