The Italian in America

Front matter

The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library.

There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text.

Cornell University Library E1 84.18 L86 olin

Preface

The design of " The Italian in America " is to present clearly the contribution of Italy to American development and citizenship. The work is one of a series reviewing the influx of the various racial strains and nationalities that are making up the composite American. The authors have in view simply the recital of facts for impartial consideration, for no concern of this country is more momentous and urgent than the national dealing with the problems of immigration, congestion, distribution and education for American standards of living and citizenship. To exclude what is essentially bad or unfusible from any source — to welcome and utilize what is essentially good and helpful, even if yet imperfectly developed, is in the judgment of the authors the true American policy.

CHAPTER I The Flow of Emigration / PAGE

\jOi Present National Concern — Notable Increase — Record of Influx and Efflux — Population Born in Italy — Distribution of Influx — Proportion of Males to Females — Age of Emigrants — Computed Productive Value — Certificate of Inspector of Royal Emigration Department — Alleged Undejsjrability of Southern Latin Infusion-Ajrounds of Prejudice—rAim of Present Inquiry . . i-^_ __. . . . , . . -. — "~~~. . 1

CHAPTER II The Inheritance and Progress of United Italy

OrigiH^and- Descent of Italian People — Influence of Old Roman RepuMicand Empire — Maintenance of Civilization — The Renaissance ill-Italy — " The Liberator and Teacher of Modern Europe" — ItalianTmpigss on "Anglo-Saxon" England — Distinctive Indebtedness ofAmetica — The Uprising of United Italy — Progress of Unification— ^Advancement of Northern and Central Italy — Drawbacks in Southern Italy — General Industrial Development — Educational Undertakings — Indisputable Progress of United Italy ,20

CHAPTER III The Causes and Regulation of Italian Emigration

A Home-loving People — Main Cause of Emigration Originally — Lack of Diversification and Development of Industries — Land

PAGE

Monopoly Burdens of Taxation — Financial Condition of

Italy— Present Motives of Emigration— Depression of Important Agricultural Industries — Government Regulations Safeguarding Emigration and Colonization — Institution of Royal Emigration Department — Purpose and Operation of Amended Italian Emigration Legislation — Official Restriction of Increase of Emigration 39

Chapter IV

First Employment at Hand — Classification of Occupations of Immigrants — Proportions of Skilled and Unskilled Labor — ■ Drift of Italian Influx-^-Early Settlements — Objectionable Congestion — Improvement in Conditions of Living — Increase in Property Values — Extension of Italian Ownership and Investments — Computation of Savings and Property Valuation in New York and Other Cities — Social and Industrial Progress — Advances in New England and the Middle States — Comparative Exhibits in the South and West . . .61

CHAPTER V In Competition and Association

Demonstrated Capacity of the Italian Immigrant under Severely Trying Conditions — Improvement of Condition of Unskilled Laborers — Workers in the Clothing Trades — Masons and Stone-cutters — Barbers and Hairdressers — Carpenters and Joiners — Sculptors, Painters, Musicians — Professional and Business Men 93

CHAPTER VI In the Mining Fields PAGE

Influx from Italy to Our Mining Fields — Effect of Introduction of Machines on Coal Mining — Competition of Lithuanians, Slovaks and Poles — Only a Small Fraction Italian — Main Objections to Employment of Italians in Coal Mines — Labor and Social Conditions in Mining Fields West of the Mississippi — Italian Miners in Indian Territory, Texas and Colorado 99

Chapter VII

Apparent Neglect of Openings for Work and Settlement in Agricultural Districts — Causes of Adhesion to Cities and Towns — Opportunities in American Market Gardening — Successful Market Gardening by Italians Throughout the United States — Cultivation of Small Fruits — Illustrative Strawberry Culture at Independence, Louisiana — Extension of Grape and Olive Growing — Noteworthy Italian Vineyards and Wineries — Particular Adaptability for Cotton, Rice and Sugarcane Culture — Illustrative Examples — Comparison with Negro Labor — The Demands of the South 114

Chapter VIII

Comparative Density of Population of the United States — Openings for Profitable Employment— Urgent Call from the South for Immigration— Effect of Entry of Unskilled Labor —Decrease in Available Supply of Unskilled Laborers—

Apathetic Attitude of United States— Energetic Encouragement of Immigration by the Dominion of Canada — Imperative Needs of Our Northwestern and Southern States — Organization of Immigration and Development Associations — Efficiency and Desirability of Italian Labor • ■ • 155

CHAPTER IX The Call for Better Distribution

Temporary Occurrences of Congestion No Justification for Exelusion — The Undertaking of Distribution in New Zealand — Feasible Cooperation of Our National Government — The Call for National Action — Error of the So-Called "Educational Test "—Successful Attraction and Utilization of Labor Misjudged as "Undesirable" — Imperative Need of Provisions for Systematic, Comprehensive and Sustained Distribution — National Apathy Intolerable — A Forecast Which Only Incredible Blundering Can Falsify 176

CHAPTER X Pauperism, Disease and Crime

A Popular Fallacy — Our Restrictive Immigration Laws — Authoritative Records of Pauperism — High Average Physical Vigor of Italian Immigrants — Their Death Rate in This Country Comparatively Low — Remarkable Immunity from Disease Outside of Congested Centres — Exceptional Powers of Resistance and Recuperation — Comparative Criminality — The Immigrant and " The Slum " — Police Department Records — Crimes Attributable to Intoxication Rare — Lack of Reliable Statistics — Crime Rate Decreasing Both in Italy and America — Police Commissioner McAdoo'a Well-judged Resort . . 190

CHAPTER XI Progressive Education and Assimilation

Appreciation of American Institutions* — Fitness for Assimilation — Entry in American Politics — Correspondence of Italian and American Political Institutions— Does Heterogeneity' Inevitably Retard Assimilation ? — The Demonstration of Assimilation in Massachusetts and New York — No License to Neglect Precautions — Noteworthy Racial Characteristic of the Italian Advancing Assimilation — Dread of Alien Intermixture an Ancient Conceit — Demonstrated Genius of Italian People — Competence As Agricultural Laborers — Poverty No Valid Ground for Exclusion — Intermixture Not Detrimental — Italian Capacity for Education — Extension of Reading — Certain Advance to Good Citizenship 221

CHAPTER XII Privileges and Duties of Italian-American Citizenship

Alleged Lack of Identification with American Interests — Rising Appreciation of Opportunities Open to American Citizens — • Privileges and Advantages of Citizenship — Obligations Resting on Naturalized Citizens— Fidelity to Oath of Allegiance and Integrity of Republican Institutions — Duty to Exalt Standard of Citizenship by Personal Conduct and Every Influence at the Command of the Citizen 249 ix

Chapter I The Flow Of Emigkation

It is only of late years that any study of Italian immigration, capacity and character has become of any national concern to this country. Long ago there used to be a childish patter in our primary schools : "In 1492 Columbus crossed the ocean blue." Most of the children had in mind that Columbus was born in Italy, and in the upper schools there was some slight tracing of the opening of North America to immigrants through the guidance of the Cabots and Verrazano. But there was little reckoning of any contribution of living Italians to American development. Our scholars, at large, were far more attracted by the memorials of the Old Roman Empire than by the present day problems of Italy. The uncovering of a headless and armless bust was much more interesting than the inspection of an Italian rookery.

We knew in a general way the dreary annals of Italian decadence — of the provincial and civic alienations — of the

l

The Italian iit, America

regal and oligarchic impositions — of foreign invasions and internecine conflicts— of the" greedy extortions of the ruling classes and the heavy burdens of the toiling masses. We were moved to sympathy with the ardor and struggles of high spirited patriots for the redemption of their fatherland. Garibaldi, Cavour, Mazzini— all who shared in the labors and perils through which Italy was freed and unified — were honored in America perhaps more highly than in any other country in the world, outside of their native land.

But we had no thought of any particular appeal of Italy to us or of her entry in force into the pressing problems of our own life and growth. Outside of the passing survey of tourists, the Italian common people were practically known to us only by the sight of a rambling organ-grinder or image-seller. This travesty of the wandering minstrel of romance, twitching his plaintive monkey, and this peddler of plaster casts on a headboard, were the current expositions of Italy in this country for many years, until the common people began to come over in swarms and enlarge our familiar view of the Italian in America.

There is a notable peculiarity in the flow of Italian immigration to this country. From the earliest days of the colonization of America up to less than a generation ago, the influx from Italy was barely a trickle, so inconsiderable that a microscope is almost needed to distinguish the Italian resident population in 1850 as portrayed in the Census plate (No. 17) showing the proportion and advance of leading foreign born nationalities in the closing half of the last century. Only a slight advance in numbers is shown in the plates for the succeeding censuses of 1860 and 1870, though the exact amount of the Italian influx during these decades is not strictly determinable from the lack of reliable records.

In 1880 an appreciable increase appears, but the advance was even then of comparatively inconsiderable importance. Though it was more than tripled in the succeeding decade from 1880 to 1890, the Italian population in the United States by the record of the census of 1890 is given as only 182,580. The total influx up to this date can scarcely have exceeded 500,000, and the greater part of this total was composed of those making only a transient stay. This is plainly determined by the statistics reported by Dr. J. H. Senner, formerly United" States™ Commissioner of Immigration, computing the total number of immigrants from Italy between the years 1872 and 1890 as 356,062. "With any just allowance for settlement by Italians prior to 1872, it is obvious that more than half of the immigrants within the recorded period had left the United States for their own or other countries, although a progressive increase in the percentage of settlers is noted with probable certainty.

The record of immigration for 1890 and subsequent years to date is more exactly traceable.

Immigration from Italy to the United States

1890 1891 1893 1893

This gives a total, from the census year of 1890 up to and including the census year of 1900, of 655,888,but this influx only increased the number of resident Italians, according to the last census, to a total of 484,703 in the United States, including all insular territories.

The aggregate increase of the influx in the four years succeeding the census year of 1890 mounted up to 738,289, but this, as above, does not represent the actual increase of resident population born in Italy, for this total is diminished by the numbers returning annually, as well as by deaths, so that no correct estimate of the existing addition to our population through immigration from Italy is likely to exceed materially one per cent, of the present population of this country. This exhibit compiled from official returns suffices to mark the futility of the assumption that the influx from Italy is affecting to any material extent the dominant racial character of our population.

How this influx was distributed up to the close of the census year 1900 is officially determined in the record of the last census, marking the apportionment in five comprehensive divisions, and the individual states as follows:

1900 Population born in Italy.

The United States 484,207

North Atlantic Division 352,065

New Hampshire 947

Vermont 2,154

Massachusetts 28,785

Rhode Island 8,972

Connecticut 19,105

New -Jersey 41,865

Pennsylvania 66,655

South Atlantic Division 10,509

Delaware 1,122

Maryland 2,449

District of Columbia 930

Virginia 781

West Virginia 2,921

North Carolina 201

South Carolina 180

Georgia ?;' 218

Florida 1,707

North Central Division 55,085

Indiana 1,327

Illinois 23,523

Michigan 6,178

Wisconsin 2,172

1900.

Population born in Italy.

Minnesota 2,222

Missouri 4,345

North Dakota 700

South Dakota 360

Nebraska 752

Kansas 987

South Central Division, 26,158

Kentucky 679

Tennessee 1,222

Alabama S62

Mississippi 845

Louisiana 17,431

Texas 3,942

Indian Territory 573

Oklahoma 28

Arkansas 576

Western Division 40,210

Montana 2,199

Wyoming 781

Colorado 6,818

New Mexico 661

Arizona 699

Nevada 1,296

Idaho 779

Washington 2,124

Oregon 1,014

California 22,777

From this table a regrettable lack of a better proportioned distribution of the influx thus far is evident. 72.7 per cent, of the Italians in this country are clustered in the North Atlantic Division, and 11.4 per cent, in the North Central Division. There is a better average distribution in the "Western Division, containing 8.3 per cent, of the Italian population, though by far the greater part are settled in California and Colorado. In the South Central Division there are 5.4 per cent., Louisiana and Texas containing by far the greater proportion of this percentage. The South Atlantic Division has thus far attracted less than a thirtieth part of the number in the North Atlantic Division, and a little more than a fiftieth part of the total of Italians in this country, showing a percentage of only 2.2.

It is interesting to mark also that the relative contribution of Italy to the total foreign born population of this country was less than a twentieth at the last census taking, or in exact percentage, 4.7. Although the number of Italians in the South Central Division was less than a twelfth of the number in the North Atlantic Division, it is noteworthy that the comparative percentage in the former, 7.3, was almost exactly as great as the percentage in the latter division, 7.4.

The tendency of the influx to cluster in cities, the more or less congested centres of population, is pronounced, and will be particularly accounted for. Of the total population born in Italy, in this country — 302,324, constituting 62.4 per cent., were resident in the 160 principal cities in 1900. This is considerably less than the percentage of the Kussian born population in the same cities, 74.9, with the exception of the natives of Eussian-Poland, showing only a percentage of 62.7; but it is considerably more than the average of the total foreign born, 49.5. It is worth remarking, however, that the percentage of Italians attracted to the cities is almost exactly the same as that of the Irish, 62. per cent, of whom are recorded as residing in these 160 principal cities. In view of the relatively long residence of the Irish in this country, the attraction to the city, so far as it is objectionable, is apparently more lamentable than in the case of the Italians, though they are far more rarely reproached for the aggravation of congestion.

In twenty-six of the cities noted, the Italian born population exceeded 1,000, the numerical distribution being in order:

2. Philadelphia 17 330

5. Newark g 537

6. Providence g 256

7. New Orleans g ggg

8. Pittsburg 5 ' 709

9. Buffalo gggg

10. New Haven g 262

11. Paterson 4 266

12. Jersey City ^ 832

13. Cleveland 3 ngg

16. Baltimore 2,042

17. Waterbury 2,007

18. Hartford 1,952

20. Bridgeport 1,436

22. Youngstown 1,331

23. Scranton 1,312

24. Rochester 1,278

25. Syracuse 1,232

26. Kansas City 1,034

Since the date of the census record it is certain that the Italian born population in all American cities has increased more or less through the influx of immigration, for they have received, as before, the greater part of those coming over, but the distribution has varied widely in some cases, changing materially the order given in the city record of 1900, and including cities not before mentioned, like Schenectady and Los Angeles, in the stated list.

In the computation of the Italian population in America it is usual to include the first generation, at least, born here, having one or both parents born in Italy. This enumeration raises the total of the so-called Italian population in America, according to the statistical tables prepared under the direction of the Italian Chamber of Commerce, to 748,855 in the year 1900. This number will be slightly reduced if the reckoning is confined to those having an Italian father, in which case the total is computed to be 742,197. According to this latter computation, the percentage of Italians residing in American cities is 77.9, or more than three-fourths of the total.

The same statistical tables give the Italian population of the State of New York, including children whose fathers were born in Italy, as 272,572 in 1900. The city of New York in that year contained more than two-fifths of the total in the State, or in exact figures, 225,026. The rapid increase in the State during the last three years is doubtlessly quite accurately marked in the March (1904) Bulletin of the Italian Chamber of Commerce. It is here computed that there were in Greater New York at the end of the year 1903, 382,775 Italians, including children whose fathers were born in Italy, and that the number in the entire State had risen to 486,175.

The division of sexes in the total of Italian immigration has not been exactly marked, though it is reckoned that the proportion of males to females has been at least four to one, and probably not less than five to one. For the past decade, however, it has been repeatedly noted that the percentage of women among these immigrants has been increasing, indicating a progressive firmness of settlement here and a rising intention to reside here permanently. This tendency was first particularly marked by Dr. J. H. Senner, U. S. Commissioner of Immigration, in his discussion of "Immigration from Italy" in the

North American Eeview for June, 1896. He observed that the percentage of women and children in the annual Italian immigration to this country was even then steadilyrising. This was accompanied by a corresponding decrease in the " birds of passage," and the increasing tendency of Italian immigrants to definite settlement was proved, as he states, " by the systematic statistics kept at the Port of New York since July 1st, 1893, as to numbers of persons arriving to join members of their immediate families." Examination showed that from July 1st, 1893, to the end of December, 1895, more than one-third of the immigrants came to join members of their immediate families ; and in this time the number of outgoing Italians exceeded the number of those who made their first entry into the United States by more than 25,000. In the Report of the Industrial Commission on Immigration (1901, Yol. 15, p. 203), compiled from original figures in the annual reports of the Superintendent of Immigration, 1895-1899, the percentage of male immigrants from Northern Italy is given as 78.19, and the percentage of male immigrants from Southern Italy at 75.50. Subsequent reports of the Commissioner-General of Immigration show the percentage of male immigrants to be still declining, and in the latest annual report for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1904, of the total of 193,- 296 immigrants from Italy, including Sicily and Sardinia, 149,363 are entered as males and 43,933 as females, show-

n ing that more than one-fifth of the immigrants for this last year of record were women and girls. In the same report the number of Italian children under 14 years of age arriving during the same fiscal year is given as 24,528, showing a material increase in the settlement of families here.

It appears in the Report of the Commissioner-General of Immigration for the year ending June 30th, 1903, that of the 233,546 Italian immigrants arriving during that fiscal year at the ports of the United States and Canada, including those debarred, only 11,246 had reached the age of 45 years and over, and that 197,267 were between the ages of 14 and 45 years. The showing for this year of greatest influx to date is substantially typical, and apparently marks an extraordinary proportionate contribution of able-bodied persons to the working capital of this country. In view of the official returns, it is difficult to discern any foothold for the assumption of any reckless dumping of the aged and infirm or persons unable to work for their own support in the flow of immigration from Italy.

It was calculated with particular elaboration by Frederick Knapp, Commissioner of Immigration for the State of ISTew York in 1870, that the average economic value of an able-bodied male immigrant over 20 years of age is $1,125. It is no practical concern whether this is an over or an under estimate. It is incontestable that every honest, able, willing laborer is a material addition to the working capital — the productive power of an undeveloped country. Unless it can be established by evidence that the mass of immigration from Italy is not composed of honest, able-bodied, willing laborers, there can be no economic warrant for any arbitrary resort to exclusion. If there are complaints of congestion, the rational economic resort is betterment of distribution — not the choking off of the productive flow.

An authoritative witness of the character and capacity of the bulk of the immigration from Italy, Adolfo Eossi, the present Supervisor of the Italian Emigration Department, has recently given evidence directly to the point in the weekly review of the New Tork Charity Organization Society Charities, published May 7th, 1904. It is his observation that emigration is taking away from his own country ' ' the flower of our laboring class, which leaves Italy, not to seek a living, but greater comfort. To this, naturally, contributes the selection exercised by your immigration laws which let in only the good and reject the bad. My government allows the American commission of physicians of your own selection at Italian ports a pretty free hand. They examine the immigrant not only for trachoma, but make a fairly thorough examination for hernia, for diseases due to senility, etc., thus adding a potent artificial selection."

" Then I notice that the newspapers write of the influx of a lot of poverty-stricken Italians. Just look at the facts: 84 per cent, of Italians coming here are between 18 and 45 years of age. That means that 84 per cent, of such immigrants belong to the working age. They are, in other words, producers. You get this product without the expense incurred in its raising. Every Italian of 18, for instance, costs his country, at the very lowest, $1,000 to bring him up. At 18 he begins to be a producer, but by leaving Italy the $1,000 invested by his country in him is lost. This ' human capital ' of fresh, strong, young men is the contribution of Europe to the new land. "We spend a thousand dollars to bring up and develop a young man, and then you reap the profits of the investment."

In face of the official reports and data here briefly summarized, there is a declared intention of influential formers of public opinion to urge legislation by Congress intentionally discriminating, in effect if not in form, against the flow of immigration from Italy in a way that will operate to exclude a great portion of it. In the Review of Special Reports in the Report of the Industrial Commission on Immigration to Congress, December 5th, 1901, the practical issue is assumedly brought to a head (p. LVIII) in the words: "The question now uppermost is that of the direct restriction of immigrants who are considered undesirable on general economic and social grounds, and not merely on the ground of contract labor." Unfortunately there is a lack of precision in the terms of this statement which opens it inevitably to further question. What is the standard of desirability which can or should be used in practice as a gauge for admission to this country, and who are to determine this standard ?

There is, undoubtedly, a current opinion that the immigrants from Southern and Eastern Europe are relatively less desirable to this country than the immigrants as a body from Northern and "Western Europe. This, indeed, has been so pronounced and outspoken that the present Commissioner-General of Immigration has apparently been led to set an official stamp of endorsement upon it in his report for the fiscal year ending June 30th, 1903

" While some encouragement may be gained from consideration of the foregoing tabulated statements showing that the ratio of increase in immigration from Northern Europe was greatly in excess of that of the increase from Southern Europe, yet the fact remains that the great bulk of aliens added to our population during the year just passed came from Austria-Hungary, Italy and Kussia, those three countries alone sending 572,726 of the total number of steerage aliens — more than two-thirds."

Nevertheless, it is scarcely credible that anyone will seriously propose that Congress should establish a geographical line of exclusion across the centre of Europe, cutting off immigration from Spain, Italy, Austria, Southern Russia and Greece. Nor is it probable that any avowed discrimination will be proposed and enacted to the disadvantage of any particular nation or nations of Europe. It is, however, much less certain that some covert discrimination will not be advanced by the pressure of prejudice in the form of a restrictive measure, ostensibly bearing uniformly and equally on all nationalities contributing to the stream of immigration. In fact, it is hardly disguised that the proposed "educational test" for admission will have this effect, as it has been expressly pointed out by its advocates that it will bear most onerously on the nations of Southern Europe, which their current opinion is disposed to stamp as "undesirable."

Thus the issue will not be drawn barely whether it is expedient or just to deny to an honest, willing laborer, who is unable to read the Constitution of the United States, permission to live and work for a livelihood in a republic exalting the standard of liberty : but there will be reliance on the fomented prejudice against the Southern Latin races to urge this measure as a handy expedient of exclusion of great part of the immigrants from Southern Europe, without seriously affecting the influx from Northern Europe, which is now too strongly intrenched here for attack.

In view of this probability, it is of practical concern to examine the grounds of this prejudice so far as it affects the character and contribution of immigration from Italy, which is the particular object of this special inquiry. A pithy, able and soberly phrased summary of the grounds of discrimination was made by Representative Samuel ~W. McCall of Massachusetts, who introduced in the House, in the Spring of 1896, the " educational test " bill which, he said, was principally prepared and specially advocated by the Immigration Eestriction League of Boston. He pointed out then that the exclusion effected by the test of illiteracy would affect chiefly the immigration from the Mediterranean ports, and argued that this exclusion was desirable on the ground that the influx from those ports was "from races not suited to our civilization" because "radically different from us in education, habits of life and institutions of government." Moreover, this objectionable class of immigration, not kindred nor readily assimilating, did not go "to our unoccupied territory, but settled down in our large cities, in our congested districts. They add to the labor problems that are vexing them, and most of them go into the dangerous slums of our Eastern cities."

This objection has been amplified and more bluntly and bitterly urged in a current outcry against Italian immigration. It is urged that the Italian race stock is inferior and degraded ; that it will not assimilate naturally or readily with the prevailing "Anglo-Saxon " race stock of this country; that intermixture, if practicable, will be detrimental; that servility, filthy habits of life, and a hopelessly degraded standard of needs and ambitions have been ingrained in the Italians by centuries of oppression; and abject poverty; that they are incapable of any adequate appreciation of our free institutions and the privileges and duties of citizenship ; that the greater part are illiterate and likely to remain so; that they are lowering and will inevitably lower the American standard of living and labor and citizenship; that they are crowding out American laborers from avenues of employment; that their labor is no longer needed here for the development of the country ; that a large percentage are paupers or on the verge of pauperism, and that the inevitable influence of their influx is pauperizing; that they make the slums in our large cities; that they burden our charitable institutions and prisons; and that there is no material evidence of progress and prospect of relief without the enforcement of a wide ranging exclusion. <

In view of these charges and assumptions it seemed desirable to investigate the causes and flow of immigration and the advance of Italian settlement in this country by wide ranging correspondence and close personal observation. The facts thus gathered with the simple intention of candid inquiry and accurate statement are submitted for consideration in the following chapters, to which the authors associated in this presentation have contributed from their special investigations. They present in succession an examination of the Italian race stock, existing Italian characteristics and conditions of life in Italy, the causes and regulation of immigration, its advance in the cities and agricultural districts of this country, its effect upon the standard and opportunities of American labor and the course of national development, its alleged pauperizing and criminal tendencies, and the sum of Italian accomplishment and rational hope of progress here as an integral part of the fusing of stocks in the complex American. Eliot Loed.

CHAPTEK II

THE INHEEITANCE AND PEOGBESS OF UNITED ITALY

The poorest Italian that comes to this country is jointheir to a splendid heritage. Unfortunately for him, it does not fill his pockets nor better his rating in the returns of official inspectors. But it might justly advance him to higher consideration in the eyes of the American people. Every student of history must know it already, yet it is so rarely held up to view in the midst of current flouts and "Anglo-Saxon" conceits, that I venture to recall its ineffaceable outlines.