Peterborough, New Hampshire, in the American revolution

Front matter

CORNELL

UNIVERSITY

LIBRARY

Preface

IN all great crises like the American Revolution or the Civil War, the daily life and industrial condition of the people concerned in the struggle, their responsi'bilities and burdens imposed by passing events, their economic situation and the spirit and temper they brought to the discharge of the duties laid upon them by the conflict, are always fruitful fields for historical investigation and study. Hence this effort to tell what the people of Peterborough did during the War for Independence, how they lived and how they discharged the obligations demanded of them by the needs of the time.

It has not been the intent of the writer to give a history of the Revolution or to re-write the story of its many battles and campaigns. Some documents of the period have been inserted wihich exhibit the stress of a particular military emergency, and which set forth the views and opinions of leading men upon the crisis then impending; or which describe the hardships of the men during campaigns in which Peterborough had many soldiers engaged. All these throw light upon the situation as it directly affected the people of the town, and furnish the motives and explain the causes which spurred them to the action they took to meet a condition of affairs they were called to face and answer. While these letters, circulars and orders were of general application they were as pertinent to and as compulsory upon the people of Peterborough as upon those of any other town.

The poverty of the town records upon everything relating to the war: the total absence of papers and private memorials of the people and the lack of local information in the newspapers of the day, have rendered the task of writing a complete and satisfactory history of the town in the Revolution one of great diflBculty and embarrassment. If a perusal of these pages disappoints the reader because of what they do not contain, the author himself confesses to a greater disappointment stilly But enough has been gathered to convey some idea of the trials and hardships and the patience and patriotism with which the town met and discharged its duty. Every source of information throwing light upon the local situation and upon individual or collective action has been freely used and incorporated into the narrative. Due credit has been given to the authorities by reference to which the statements of the text can be verified.

The writer desires to express his obligation and gratitude to Hon. Ezra S. Stearns for his invaluable and painstaking assistance, especially in the preparation of the personal sketches of the soldiers ; to William A. Scott, Esq., of Fargo, North Dakota, for his careful revision of soldiers' sketches relating to the Scott and Robbe families; and also to Miss Caroline Smith for her wise criticisms and her revision of portions of the manuscript.

JONATHAN SMITH.

Clinton^ Mass., June, 1913.

Contents

Page CHAPTER I.

Peterborougli In Frenoh and Indian "War — Condition of Town in 1755. Policy of France in tlie New World — ^Attitude of Indians toward the Settlers— Settlements on the Upper Connecticut— 'Character of the Peterborough settlers — Personal sketches of the Peterborough soldiers — Battle of March 13, 1758 — ^Names of Peterborough men in the fight — Names of those killed and who escaped — ^Account of Rogers's expedition — Rogers's Narrative — Suffering of the men — Robert Rogers 1

Chapter II

Beginnings of the Revolution — ^Population of Peterborough in 1767, 1773, 1775 — Population of neighboring towns^Social and economic condition of the people — ^The militia of the Town in 1775 — ^Roll of Cajptain Alexander Robbe's Company — 'Committees of Correspondence — Circulars of Second Provincial Congress — Third Provincial Congress — Fourth Provincial Congress — iCounty Congress — ^Character of Governor Wentworth — ^Letter to Selectmen of Temple — Revolutionary acts of the Provincial 'Congress — ^The Continental Congress and its work 24

Chapter III

In prosecution of the War — Absence of local records — ^Agreement of Enlistment — Supplies sent to Cambridge — Manner of raising men — ^Military population of towns — The army ration of 1775 and 1862 — Supplies for the Army-^Outfit of the soldiers — Raising men for the Continental Army, and how "done — ^Action of Town in raising its quotas — ^Names of the three-years men — Action of Town in paying its m.en — Beef for the Army and the action of the town thereon — Foreign Commerce during the Revolution — Difiacultles in

VII

Page carrying on the war — ^Hardships of the men in the field —

■Wiggles'worth''s letter — Noah Emery's letter — The retreat from Tioonderoga — iSoldiers' letter to Selectmen of New Ipswich — 'Suppression of the Tories — Powers of the Committee of Safety and their methods of dealing with British sympathizers — ^Pedlars — Jotham Blanchard reported — The case of David Hills — 'Fixing price of goods — Tahle of prices — ^Efforts to check extravagance — People admjonished to economy and prudence — Banishment of Tories — John Morrison 43

Chapter IV

Campaigns of 1775 and 1776 — The Alarm at Peterhorough, Aipril 19, 1775 — ^Robert Wilson's Company — ^Names of Peterborough men at Cambridge — ^In Colonel Sargent's regiment — Colonel Stark's regiment — ^Colonel Reed's regiment — ^Colonel Brewer's, Colonel Prescott's and Colonel Woodbrldge's regiments — Number of Peterborough men in Bunker Hill Campaign — Men wounded in Battle of Bunker Hill — Peterhorough men in Arnold's expedition — Men at Cambridge in winter of 1775 and 1776 — Raising men to reinforce army in Canada — ^Peterborough men in Colonel Wyman's regiment — In Colonel Bald"win's regiment — for the reinforce ment of Ticonderoga — (Letter of John Hancock — ^Bounties for enlistment into Continental Army — ^Names of men in Continental Armiy — ^Application by the Town to the State for arms and ammunition 85

Chapter V

Campaigns of 1777, 1781— Close of Campaigns of 1776 — Plans of British ministry for 1777 — ^Their comprehensive and sweeping character — Their failure and the causes thereof — Circular of Josiah Bartlett — Names of soldiers for defense of Ticonderoga — Order of General Folsom — Captain Alexander Riobbe's Company — ^Draft of militia ordered — General Burgoyne's instructions to Colonel Baum — Men in Bennington Campaign — iln Colonel Nichols's regiment — In Colonel Moore's regiment — Description of Captain Parker's Company on its departure for Bennington — General Stark's description of the battle of Bennington — Names of men in Colonel Cilley's three-years' regiment — Names of men in Colonel Henry Jackson's (Mass.) regiment— jPrisoners at Bennington — Burgoyne's men in Peterborough — Men in the Rhode

VIII

Page Island Camipaign in 1778 — ^Men enlisting into Continental Army in 1778 — ^Men in Colonel Mooney's regiment in 1779 — Efforts to fill up the Continental Army — Bounties offered — Claim of Town in regard to quota — Petition of Captain Scott — ^Names of men furnished in 1780 — jLetter of Colonel Niohols^Names of men enlisting in 1781 — Men in the army in 1782 — ^List of Peterorough men killed or died of disease during the war — and of those wounded 102

Chapter VI

Evils of the currency — Trade -with Great Britain and other countries during Revolution — Currency issued by Provincial Congress and Assembly — ^Amounts in different years — Effect upon prices — and Contracts — ^Petition of Soldiers in regard to their pay — ^Rates of depreciation established in 1780 and 1781 — Counterfeiting the Currency — ^Activity in the British and Tories — [Line of posts between Londonderry and New York — Efforts to check counterfeiting — Penalties — ^Attempts to check the decline in price of the •currency — Its final redemption 130

Chapter VII

Xiife in Peterborough during Revolution — ^Social and Industrial conditions and habits, 1775-1783 — Manners of the people — lioyalty to their church — ^Loss of men in the war — ^Absence of men in the army — Effect — Women's outdoor labor — Labors of the household — ^Incident — ^Communications between the army and the homes — Economy of the people — Absence of public meetings — Methods of filling quotas — Increase of State and local taxation — [Financial burdens of the war — Hardships of the people 142

Chapter VIII

Revolutionary Pensions — Policy of State and Congress up to 1818— Acts of 1789, 1793, 1806, 1818, 1820— List of Peter- "borough soldiers stricken from rolls and restored — ^Act of June 7, 1832 — List of Peterborough soldiers pensioned — Pensioners living in Peterborough in 1840— 'Provision for families of men in service 153

Chapter I. Peterborough In The French And Indian War.*

At the outbreak of the French and Indian war of 1755- '63, Peterborough had been permanently settled only six years. After several unsuccessful efforts the people had, by 1755, come to believe that at last their desire was realized, and their purpose to found a town and make for themselves a new home had come to fulfilment. They were hard at work clearing away the forests and building their homes of logs; one or two saw and grist mills had been established; they were beginning to acquire property in domestic live stock, and the fear of Indians was beginning to die out. The number of families was from thirty-five to forty. The outbreak of another dreaded Indian war was a rude awakening from their dream of peace.

The settlers were a brave and sturdy people, familiar with the hardships and sufferings of war acquired in the civil and religious conflicts in Ireland. But much as they dreaded it, this contest appealed strongly to them both on political and religious grounds. They had not forgotten that the French had been their old foes in Ireland, and that in the final struggle between the Prince of Orange and the deposed English king, which culminated in the Battle of the Boyne, July 1, 1690, France was found fighting under the banner of James II, and its soldiers composed a substantial part of his defeated army. They realized, too, that the effort of the French king to found a permanent colony in

*The substance of this chapter was puWishea by the author In the "Granite Monthly" for August, 1902.

Canada was to establish upon their borders the institutions of feudalism, monarchy, and Kome, which embodied all that was offensive to the independent, liberty-loving Scotch Irishman.

The war was the turning point in the history of the Western continent, and on its issue hung the future of the new world. Early in the seventeenth century, when France turned her thoughts toward the establishment of colonies in North America, she laid down a plan of the most sweeping and far-reaching character. It included nothing less than the seizure of the whole continent and making all the Indian tribes subjects of the French king and the willing disciples of Eome. By the provisions of the charter of the French Colonial company, organized in 1626, every settler was to be a Frenchman and a Catholic. The new possessions were to be kept free from every taint of heresy, and the Huguenot of Canada, because he was a Protestant and for no other reason, was to be harried out of the colony with as much cruelty and as little remorse as he had been driven from France itself. This policy was consistently carried out. In the prosecution of the scheme the Jesuits were its pioneers and active promoters. They aimed to subdue and convert the Indians not so much by the sword as by the cross. Their purpose was to control the savage tribes by bringing them into the Catholic church and to make them her willing and obedient children both for peace and war. By 1755 France had established a chain of military posts reaching from Quebec to the Ohio river, and was endeavoring to complete the cordon by extending it to the mouth of the Mississippi. The intent was to confine the English to a narorw fringe along the Atlantic coast. With the Indians for allies, French statesmen reckoned the day would surely come, and that soon, when in the event of war with England they could easily drive the hated English settlers into the sea and thus reign supreme in the new world. This bold plan failed from the inherent weakness of French civilization itself for all colonizing purposes. Between Jesuit and noble, French administration in Canada was corrupt and weak. It was all head, with no integrity, no sense of moral responsibility, no enlightened public spirit at the heart. The results became apparent at once when war was declared, and the defeat of France in the end was inevitable. But this internal weakness was not evident to the colonists in the beginning of the struggle, and they believed they had a desperate conflict before them. Both they and the mother country realized that it was to be a battle for the possession of a continent, and on its issue depended whether the Latin civilization of France, with its despotism, its corruption of administration, its bigotry and religious intolerance was to be the universal law of the new world, or whether Anglo-Saxon ideas of political liberty and religious toleration were to prevail throughout its borders.

But the war appealed to the settler for another reason more direct and personal. The French policy, in its dealings with the Indians, had been radically different from that of England. The emigrants from Great Britain had, so far as possible, ignored the Indian altogether, and did not take him into account. If the English settler wanted land he bought it of the native for a mere song, or fought him and seized it by act of war. The institution of a religious propaganda among the savages and the idea of converting them to the Potestant faith were minor considerations, and, with a few insignificant exceptions, received no attention. To seek savage alliance and friendship was no part of the Englishman's general scheme. He came here either to enjoy the religious freedom he so much coveted, or to better his fortunes by trade through the different avenues of industry. On the other hand the French idea was to enlarge the empire of France by adding to its territories the northern half of the Western hemisphere, and the details of the plan were carefully worked out in the councils of the French king. French administration sought to carry out this great project through a policy of conciliation and friendship with the Indians. The idea had its origin with the Roman hierarchy.

which strove to bring every people, whether barbarous or civilized, into the fold of the Catholic church. Its ministers were the Jesuit priests, powerfully supported by the French king and his nobles, who were trained in the precepts and faith taught in the schools of Loyola. The Jesuits had, long before 1755, established and sustained missions among all the Indian tribes east of the Mississippi and north of the Ohio river, except upon the Atlantic coast. These missions were centers of French influence, and had acquired a vast sway over the savages, making them fast friends of France and the French policy. But they had lost the support of the Six Nations,, through an ill-advised battle in which Champlain had severely defeated them. With this exception France had won the friendship of the Indian tribes east of the "Father of Waters," and the sympathy of those dwelling among the English settlements east of the Alleghany mountains. The result was that when war was on between the two great powers, France had the hearty support of the Indian tribes of Canada and the great Northwest, and the outbreak of the conflict in 1755 was, as the settlers well knew, a signal for lighting the savage fires of conflagration and murder in all the frontier settlements of New England.

The colonists fully realizing their danger knew what was before them when hostilities broke out, and braced themselves for the conflict. There was an additional peril to the border settlers of New Hampshire. During the war which closed in 1748, the French and Indian invasions from Canada had entered the Connecticut and Merrimack river valleys by way of the Coos meadows along the upper waters of the Connecticut river. To command this highway of communication and depredation was of great consequence to the colonists, and the authorities determined to occupy it and thus close this door to savage raids. In the winter of 1751- '52 grants were made of two townships on the upper Connecticut, one on each side of the river, and in the following spring a committee was sent up there to survey and lay out the new towns, build forts and prepare for the establishment of colonies. The Indians owning these lands and seeing what was intended, were exasperated and determined on retaliation. A desultory warfare ensued, accompanied by acts of reprisal and revenge on either side, and hostilities of the kind incident to Indian warfare were in progress, when the conflict of 1755 broke out, though no raids had extended as far south as Peterborough. The declaration of war, as the settlers of New Hampshire well understood, was a general signal for savage forays, to be more cruel and deadly on account of the happenings in the upper Connecticut valleys. They did not know where the attack would strike, for it usually came when and where least expected. They did know it would be more swift and vengeful by this seizure of Indian lands at the Coos meadows.

The Peterborough settlement was peculiarly exposed to these savage incursions, and was in a defenseless condition. There was a fort on Eitchie Hill but it had no garrison. There were small settlements at Hinsdale, Keene, Penacook, and up along the Merrimack valley between Concord and Franklin; other than these there was no barrier between Peterborough and Canada. But the settlers were brave and determined men, inheriting the military instincts of their ancestors in the mother country, and were as ready to fight for their homes here as their fathers had been for civil and religious freedom in Scotland and Ireland. The town was not organized as a municipal corporation until 1760, and the military service of the men was the spontaneous expression of their patriotism and their appreciation of the issues involved in the struggle. The following is the list of those from Peterborough entering the army during the war. The names are arranged alphabetically, with such brief details of their personal and military career as can now be obtained :

Allat, David. Family unknown, but was without doubt a resident of Peterborough in 1760. Private in Capt. Nehemiah Lovewell's company of John Gofife's regiment. Enlisted March 18, 1760, and was discharged at No. 4, November 13, 1760. Length of service, thirty-four weeks one day. On the rolls his name is given as David Alld. Possibly a brother of William Alld, and was born in Ireland.

Cunningham^ Samuel, a son of Thomas Cunningham, who settled on the "Street Koad," so-called; born in 1738, in Townsend. Said to have served in the army in 1756, when he was only seventeen years old, but no record of such service can be found. The same authority (Mr. Dunbar) says he was in Eogers's bloody fight of March 13, 1758, when so many Peterborough men were killed. He was one of the very few who escaped on that day. March 16, 1760, he enlisted into Captain Willard's company of Colonel Oliver Wilder's regiment, and served till December 15, thirty-four weeks and five days. He was allowed 135 miles' travel and his pay was £16, 16s. Zd. Probably on the Crown Point expedition of that year. Served in the Revolution.

Cunningham, Thomas. There is doubt as to the identity of this man. On page forty-seven of "Genealogies of Peterborough Families," Dr. Smith refers to a Thomas Cunningham as the son of "old Mose." Aside from this reference there is nothing in any military roll yet found, or in any paper or record relating to the history of the town, to distinguish him from the Thomas Cunningham who signed the petition for a town charter in 1760, and the two are probably identical. He was born in 1706, in Ireland, and came to Peterborough from Townsend, Mass. He enlisted in Capt. Eobert Rogers's company of Rangers, November 23, 1755, and served till May 22, 1756 — twenty-six weeks. His residence on the rolls is given as Peterborough ; rank, sergeant. He was allowed for pay £11, Is, 7d., for bounty £2, 13s. 4:d., and travel, and served at Fort William Henry. Mr. Dunbar says he was in Rogers's expedition in March, 1758, but was not in the battle. Probably, along with Alexander Scott, he was left behind to guard the camp while the others

In the French emd Indian War. 7

went on to meet the Indians. He was a prominent man in town for many years, and died in 1790, aged eighty-four years.

Cunningham^ William^ a son of Thomas Cunningham, and brother of Samuel above named. Enlisted into Captain Eogers's company of Kangers, November 25, 1755; discharged June 6, 1756; length of service, six months and twenty-four days. Pay, £15 per month old tenor. Has company was left by order of a council of war to garrison the forts above Lake George during the winter of 1755-'56. March 6, 1760, he enlisted into Capt. Silas Brown's company

of Colonel regiment ; discharged December 9, 1760 ;

time, thirty-nine weeks and six days. Pay, £17, 18s, 9d. On the rolls his residence is given as Dunstable, but he was, without doubt, the son of Thomas Cunningham, and should be accredited to Peterborough. He afterward went to Maine and died there.

Ferguson, Hbnry^ came to Peterborough with his father in 1749 or 1750. Enlisted into Capt. Richard Sykes's company of Col. Abijah Willard's regiment, March 18, 1760; served till December 19, 1760, thirty-nine weeks and four days. Received for pay £17, 16s. 2d.; was allowed for 205 miles' travel home. On the rolls his residence is given as New Hampshire. Served in Revolution.

Geegg^ Samuel, was born in Londonderry in 1738, and came to town some time prior to 1760. About 1757 he enlisted into the British army and held the rank of sergeant. He took part in the siege of Louisburg and was also in the campaign in Canada in 1759, and was present at the battle of Quebec, which decided the issue of the war. Date of enlistment and discharge unknown, as no rolls of his regiment are in this country. At the beginning of the Revolution he was offered a commission in the English army, but refused it. B,e died in Peterborough, December 10, 1808, aged 70 years. (See Dr. Smith's Genealogies, page 98, from which the above sketch is taken.)

Hogg, John, was a private in Capt. Nehemiah Lovewell's company of Col. John Hart's regiment; enlisted May S, 1758; discharged November 12, 1758. Term, twenty-six weeks and five days. Nothing is known of him or his family beyond this record. In a plan of lands in Peterborough, now in possession of the heirs of the Masonian Proprietors, dated 1758, he is put down as owner of Lot No. 55, in the western part of the town. A part of Col. Hart's regiment went to Louisburg and the other part to the western frontier. There is no means of telling in which direction Capt. Lovewell's company was ordered. Contracted small-pox in service and died on his return home.

Keixy, John. Enlisted into Paul Gerrish's company of Col. Theodore Atkinson's regiment, September 19, 1755; discharged December 11, 1755. He was clerk of his company. He was also a member of the force raised out of Colonel Atkinson's regiment of militia for the Canadian expedition in 1759. He enlisted March 23, 1759; date of discharge not found. For this service he was paid £6, Is, 6d Dr. Smith, in his history, states that he was killed in Rogers's fight, March 13, 1758, but Mr. Dunbar does not include his name among those in the battle. He was brought up by Rev. Mr. Harvey, who preached in Peterborough for several years. The date and place of Kelly's death, as well as his subsequent career, are unknown. Like so many of the heroes of this war his name disappears absolutely with the conclusion of the struggle.

McLeod, or McCloueg, George. Was a private in Capt. Jonathan Butterfield's company of Col. Jonathan Bagley's

In the French and InMwn, Wa/r. 9

regiment. Enlisted, April 14, 1760; discharged, December 1, 1760. Service, thirty-three weeks, one day. He was allowed for seventy-five miles' travel home. On the rolls his residence is given as "Peterboro." Served afterward in the Eevolution.

EoBBE^ Alexander. Came with his father to town from Townsend. He served in Rogers's Rangers, was present and took part in the battle of March 13, 1758, and was one of the two Peterborough men who escaped alive. The dates of his entry and discharge from the service are unknown, as the rolls of Rogers's companies, with one exception, are lost. He was afterward a captain in the Revolutionary war.

Scott, Alexander. Name is not found on any military roll. Mr. Dunbar is authority for the statement that he was with Captain Rogers in his disastrous expedition of March, 1758. From his account Scott was one of those left behind to guard the camp. He is supposed to have been one of the earliest settlers of Peterborough. He came to America from Ireland about 1730, and settled in Townsend, or Lancaster, Mass. In 1753 he kept the public house in Peterborough, afterward owned by Robert Wilson, on the Street road. In 1758 he was back in Townsend, but subsequently returned to Peterborough, settling on land east of the old cemetery.

Scott, David. Born in Townsend in 1744, son of Alexander Scott, the preceding. Enlisted into Captain Willard's company of Col. Timothy Ruggles's regiment, March 6, 1760; discharged, December 16, 1760. Length of service, forty weeks, six days. Was allowed for 135 miles' travel home. Pay, £18, 17s, 9d On the rolls he is given as the son of Alexander Scott. He contracted small-pox, and died on his return home, according to Dunbar's sketch of Peterborough, written about 1820.

Scott, William. Nicknamed "Long Bill" to distinguish him from his cousin, William Scott, of Peterborough, who was called "Short Bill." He was son of Alexander Scott and brother of David, above named. Born in Townsend, in 1742. Enlisted into Capt. Silas Brown's company of Col,

■ regiment, March 6, 1760; discharged, December 8,

1760. Term, thirty-nine weeks, five days. On the rolls the name of his father or master is given as Alexander Scott. He was allowed for 180 miles' travel home, and his pay was £17, 17s, M. June 2, 1761, he enlisted into Captain Far-

rington's company of Colonel regiment, and served

till January 1, 1762. Service, thirty weeks and four days. On this roll, also, he is stated to be the son of Alexander Scott, and his residence is given Peterborough. He served in the Revolution and held the rank of captain. He was the ancestor of the late Hon. Albert S. Scott, and of Col. Charles Scott, ex-high sheriff of Hillsborough county.

Scott, William, brother of Alexander Scott, and grandfather of James Scott, Esq., late of Peterborough, deceased. Age at enlistment as stated on the military rolls, forty years. Enlisted into Capt. James Reed's company of Timothy Ruggles's regiment, March 31, 1756, discharged December 5, 1756. Service, thirty-five weeks, five days. Bank, sergeant. He was transferred to Captain Reed's company from Captain Wilson's company of Colonel Blanchard's regiment of militia. In the latter regiment he is stated to be a volunteer. Residence given as "Betters Borow;" in the muster roll of Captain Reed's company it is spelled "Peterborough." He served in the expedition to Crown Point and afterward in the War of the Revolution.

Scott, William. Nicknamed "Short Bill," to distinguish him from his cousin, William Scott, son of Alexander Scott. A nephew of Alexander Scott and William Scott. Born in Ireland in 1743. Hjis father, Archibald Scott, never came to this country. Enlisted into Captain Silas

In the French and tndiam, Wmr. 11

Brown's company of Colonel regiment, November

18, 1761; served till April 25, 1762. Length of service, five months, seven days. Served in the Eevolutionary war, and rose to the rank of major. On the rolls his residence is given as Peterborough. His descendants live in Buffalo, N. Y., Greenfield, N. Y., and Philadelphia, Pa. He is supposed to have come to Peterborough in 1760, and continued to make his home there until the Revolution.

Stinson, Mooe, was the son of Samuel Stinson, one of the earliest settlers of the town. Date and place of birth unknown. April 28, 1760, he enlisted into Capt. Silas Brown's company of Colonel regiment and was discharged December 8, 1760. Length of service, thirty-two weeks and one day. On the military rolls the name of his father or master is given as Samuel Stinson, and his residence Lunenburg, where he was probably at work at the time of enlistment. He was a highway surveyor in Peterborough in 1767. Died in Peterborough, April 29, 1769, aged 27 years.

SwANj William^ was the son of John Swan, one of the pioneers of the town. Born about 1721, and was married wihen he enlisted. His first service was in Nova Scotia. Enlisted May 31, 1754, in Capt. William Pierce's company of Colonel Winslow's regiment. Served till October 8, 1754. Term, four months, two weeks, five days. Residence, Lunenburg. He again enlisted March 27, 1759, into Captain Aaron Willard's company of Col. Oliver Wilder's regiment, under command of Jeffrey Amherst, and served till October 26, 1759 — thirty weeks and four days. From October 14 to October 16 he was in the hospital at Albany. On the roll his residence is given as Peterborough. The same roll says, "Reported to have served on a former expedition in 1755 to Nova Scotia." In Dr. Smith's genealogies it is stated that he "died in French war." And the same authority says his widow married again, returned to Dublin, and had nine children. No military roll so far found mentions his death, nor does Mt. Dunbar speak of his death in the service. Possibly he might have again enlisted after his discharge in October, 1759, and it might have occurred during that term of service.