History of the French revolution

Front matter

Cornell University Library

The original of tiiis book is in the Cornell University Library.

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Preface

For the present English Translation of the 3rd and 4th Volumes of his work the Author has been enabled to consult, in addition to the afore-mentioned sources, a large number of very important diplomatic papers contained in the Archives of Vienna, to vrhich access has been granted him, with the most gratifying liberality, by the Imperial Chancellor Graf V. Beust, through the good offices of the Keeper of the Archives Herr v. Arneth.

The Author has had the satisfaction of finding his general views of events and persons confirmed by the contents of these most interesting documents; in many particulars, of course, his narrative has been improved and enriched by the opening of these fresh sources.

Bonn, December 1869.

CONTENTS OF VOL. EI.

BOOK vn.

IHTEERUPTION OF THE COALITION WAK.

Chapter I. The First Committee Of Pdblic Safety

The Girondists bring forward the draft of a new Constitution. — Democratic arrangements in Paris. — Plundering on the 25th of Feb. — Communistic programme. — Favourable condition of the proletariate in consequence of the war. — Danton demands that the country should be governed by the Convention. — Emeute of the 10th of March. Revolutionary tribunal. — Danton and the Girondists. — Establishment of the Committee of Public Safety. — Bouchotte Minister-at-war. — Prohibition of trade in money ...... Page 3

Chapter II. War And Diplomacy In April And May

Austria's position in respect to the affairs of Poland. — Russia and Prussia control the elections to the Polish Diet. — Austrian note against Prussia : breach between the two Powers. — Pause in warlike operations. — Danton's diplomacy. — Negotiations with Sweden. — Treaty. — Custine's plan of leading the Moselle army to Belgium. — Desportes entrusted with a Prusso-Bavarian negotiation. — Scheme for secularising the spiritual Electorates. — Temporary truce at Mayence . . 27

CHAPTER ni.

FALL OF THE GIEONDE.

The French Democrats hostile to peace. — Raising of 300,000 recruits. — Revolt of La Vendee — The Conventional commissioners in the Depart-

CONTENTS OF VOL. HI.

ments. — Fresh demands of money by the Parisian Municipality. — The Departmental Council demands fixed prices. — Forced loan and recruiting in Paris. — Consequent emeute of citizens in the Sections. — The Democrats determine to overthrow the Gironde. — Danton's proposals rejected by the Gironde. — Danton, Robespierre and Pache at Charenton. — Commission of Twelve appointed against these intrigues. — Arrest of Hebert.— Attitude .of the Committee of Public Safety. — The revolt of May 31st fails. — Revolt of June 2nd. — Arrest of the Girondists . . Page 54

Chapter IV. Shelvins Of Danton

Significance of June 2nd. — Revolt of Marseilles, Lyons, Bordeaux and Bretagne against the Jacobins. — Ferment among the Bourgeois of Paris. — The Jacobins temporise. — Constitution of 1793. — The Committee of Public Safety tries negotiation with the Departments. — It adheres to a policy of peace with foreign countries. — Protects Custine and Biron against the Democrats. — Melancholy condition of the Army of the north. — Danton wishes to save the Queen. — Fall of the Committee of Public Safety. — War against Marseilles and Lyons. — Persecution of the Girondists Custine and Biron. — Fall of Mayence and Valenciennes. — The Queen before the Revolutionary Tribunal. — Warlike spirit of the new Committee of Public Safety . 84

Chapter V. Polish Troubles

Lithuania and Courland pray to be received under Russian Suzerainty.

Parties in the Polish Diet. — Catharine defers the Prussian negotiation. — Russo-Polish treaty of June 22nd. — Impatience of Prussian government.— Polish Diet refuses to ratify Prussian treaty. — The Russian ambassador expresses his concurrence with the Diet . 119

Chapter VI. Catastrophe Of The Coalition

Coburg's arguments against a march upon Paris. — Agreement between him and Prussia respecting the plan of the campaign.— Conflicting views in London and Vienna.— Mission of Count Lehrbach to the Prussian head-quarters. — He demands a Polish province for Austria. —Arrival of intelligence from Grodno.— Prussia retires from the Coalition.—Discontent of Holland and Sardinia. — Conclusion of the Prussian treaty in Grodno.— Poland becomes a Russian province by the Alliance of the 16th of October j35

CONTENTS OF VOL. III. ^h

BOOK vni.

EEIGN OP TEKEOE IN FRANCE.

Chapter I. Provisional Government

Difficulties of the Jacobins in carrying on the Government. — The Commune advocates a levy of the people en masse. — Instead of this a motion is carried for a fresh recruiting. — Breach between Hebert and Danton. — Law against monopoly {accaparement) : state-bankruptcy, requisitions. — Money traffic of the Parisian municipality. — Opposition of the Bourgeois. ^Party . contests respecting war in La Vendee. — Loss of Toulon. — Convention and municipality decree new terrorising measures. — Laws respecting revolutionary army, "suspects," fixed prices, and requisitions. — The municipality receives a million livres a week. — The Girondists brought before the Revolutionary Tribunal. — The Committee of Public Safety proclaimed as provisional Government

Chapter II. End Of The Campaign Of 1793

50,000 men despatched from the Vosges to Flanders. — Officers of high birth ejected from the army. — Houchard, general of the Army of the north. — His plan of operations.— Battle of Hondschotten. — Dunkirk relieved. — The Committee of Public Safety sanction Houchard's measures.-^ — Fall of Le Quesnoi, battle of Menin, retreat of Houchard. — Fall of Houchard. — Jourdan, general of the Army of the north. — The Austrians besiege Maubeuge. — New FrencTi tactics. — Actual numbers of the troops and armies. — Battle of Wattignies. — End of the campaign in Flanders. — Jourdan dismissed. — The Austrians attack Alsace. — General Piohegru. — General Heche. — Hoche forms a junction with Pichegru. — The former receives the command of the Armies of the Moselle and Rhine. — And gains a complete victory over Wurmser ... ..... 190

Chapter III. Oppression Of The Country

Tyranny of the Conventional Commissioners in the provinces. — Seizure of all specie. — General disarming of the people. — Arrests in Paris — Trial of the Queen. — Plunder and closing of the churches. — Worship of Reason. — Exasperation of the great mass of the people. — Couthon and CoUot d'Herbois in Lyons. — Siege of Toulon; Cartaux and Bonavin CONTENTS OF VOL. in.

parte.— Treatment of the city by Freron and Barras.— Rossignol's and Lechelle's operations against La Vendee.— Campaign of the right banK of the Loire. — Carrier in Nantes . ■ rage

Chapter IV. Party Feuds Among The Jacobins

Philippeaux brings charges against the agents of the Minister-at-war.— The Committee of Public Safety experiences the evils of anarchy.— Robespierre separates himself from the Hebertists.— Influence of Fa,bre d'Eglantine.— Robespierre's first open attack on the Hebertist faction. Robespierre declares against atheism.— Coalition between Danton and Kobespierre.— Law of December the 4th.— Desmoulins publishes the "Vietix Cordelier."— Angev of the Convention.— Robespierre attacks CoUot d'Herbois and Bouchotte.— Robespierre in favour of a milder treatment of " suspects." — CoWot d'Herbois returns from Lyons. — Change in the position of affairs. — Robespierre changes sides. — Distress of the Dantonists. — St. Just's influence on the party contest. — Couthon and St. Just order the confiscation of the property of "suspects." — St. Just attacks the Dantonists. — Unexpected attempt at insurrection on the part of the Hebertists. — The Committee resolves to annihilate both parties. — Fall of the Hebertists. — Dissolution of the revolutionary army. — Fall of the Dantonists. — Position of affairs .... . . . 259

BOOK IX.

VICTOEIES OF THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

Chapter I. French Preparations For War

Recruiting in France. — New organisation of the army. — Expenditure of the War Department. — Training of the troops. — Strength of the French armies. — Carnot. — Diplomatic conduct and general plan of the war. — Carnot's plans for the campaign . . . . 305

CHAPTER n.

RDSSIAN PLANS AGAINST TURKEY.

Position of the Empress Catharine. — Her designs upon Constantinople.

Misunderstanding with Prussia. — State of affairs in Vienna. — England endeavours to consolidate the coalition against France. — Thugut prefers a war against Turkey to the French war. — England continues to negotiate with Prussia. — The Prince of Coburg. — The Emperor Francis goes to Belgium. — Russia prepares for war against Turkey 337

CONTENTS OF VOL. III. ix

CHAPTER HI.

RETOLT OP POLAND.

Sievers governs Poland. — He is recalled.— Patriotic conspiracy in Poland. — Kosciusko. — Parties in Berlin. — Malmesbury's negotiation. — Treaty of the Hague between England and Prussia. — Revolt in Poland. — Madalinski.— Kosciusko raises his standard in Cracow. — Battle of Raclawicze. — Successful rising in Warsaw. — Revolt in Lithuania. — Prussian preparations. — The King of Prussia goes to Poland. Page 370

CHAPTER IV.

STRUGGLE FOR BELGIUM.

Continuation of the war in La Vendee. — Contests in Italy. — The English take Corsica. — Massena occupies Saorgio. — Arrival of the Emperor Francis in Belgium. — Siege of Landrecy. — Fruitless attempts to relieve it. — Landrecy capitulates. — Thugut prevents further offensive operations. — Vain attempts of the French on the Sambre. — Pichegru gains a victory in Flanders, near Mouscron. — Coburg resolves to go to Flan ders. — Negotiation of Montgaillard. — Battle of Tourcoin. — Engagemen at Tournai 401

CHAPTER V.

EVAOHATION OF BELGIUM.

News of the progress of Prussia in Poland. — Thugut and Waldeck wish to lead back the Austrian army to Germany. — They carry their point with the Emperor.— Francis resolves to return to Vienna. — Carnot's perverse plans for a landing in England.— Siege and capture of Ypres. — Fresh attacks of the French on the Sambre. — Departure of the Emperor. — Carnot summons Jourdan to Belgium. — Army of the Sambre and Meuse.— Jourdan beaten at Charleroi. — Charleroi besieged afresh. — Battle of Fleurus.— Retreat of the Allies on the Meuse.— Progress of French in the Palatinate and Pyrenees.— Pause in warlike operations in Belgium and Italy.— George III, King of Corsica.— Prevalence of peaceful sentiments in Vienna and Madrid .... 439

Page 145,

line 10,

» 409,

., 3,

» 446,

» 6,

» 471,

» 19,

ERRATA.

read: nFor Aug. 25th)) (instead of Aug. 20th). » ((his ministers Colloredo and Trautmannsdorf (Tliu-

gut followed somedays later))) (instead of Thti-

gut and Trautmansdorf). )) ((May 29th» (instead of 23th). » ((Ouessant)) (instead of Quessant).

BOOK YIL miEERUPTION OF THE COALITION WAE.

Ch. I.]

CHAPTER I.

THE FIRST COMMITTEE OF PUBLIC SAFETY.

ThB GIRONDISTS BKINQ FORWARD THE DRAFT OF A NEW CONSTITUTION.

Democratic arrangements in Paris — plbndering on the 25'™ of fed.

COMMCNISTIC programme — FAVOURABLE CONDITION OF THE PROLETARIATE IN CONSEQUENCE OF THE WAR — DANTON DEMANDS THAT THE COUNTRY SHODLD BE GOVERNED BY THE CONVENTION. — EmEUTE OF THE lOTH OF

MARCH. Revolutionary TftiBUNAL. — Danton and the Girondists

Establishment of the committee of public safety. — Bouchotte minister-at-war. — Prohibition of trade in money.

It is very remarkable how exactly the two mighty forces which fill so prominent a place at the end of the 18th century — Russian imperialism and French democracy — ran parallel with one another. The death of the Emperor Leopold in March 1792, was to both the signal for action. During the summer, the one succeeded in conquering Poland, and the other in overthrowing the throne of the Bourbons. The fruits which the autumn yielded were, for Paris the repulse of the Prussian invasion, for St. Petersburg the first breach between the German Powers, and the final resolution of Prussia to join in the partition of Poland. The beginning of the year 1793, again, produced for Catharine the advantageous treaty of St. Petersburg, and for the Jacobins the triumph over all their domestic enemies, in the trial of Louis XVI. And lastly, while, in April, the Polish provinces were occupied without resistance by their oppressors, theParisian party, though beaten in the field,^forged a weapon for ftiture victories in the Committee of Public Safety. We see how these two mighty streams, simultaneously swelling, beat against the dams of Central Europe; and we soon convince ourselves that this coincidence is not the work of

A2 chance. While in other countries, personal liberty manifested in freedom of thought and security of property is the prevailing cry of the age, we have before us two. Powers which unite all the resources of their subjects— their thoughts and wishes— their intellect and property— under an iron despotism, and lead them forth for the subjugation of the world. Europe would, indeed, have had strength enough to resist them both at once, if its leaders had appreciated the danger, and been united among themselves. But as the very contrary of this was the case it was natural that every mistake should redound to the equal advantage of both these formidable adversaries. The realm of modern freedom lost ground every month; until at last the billows of war, raised on the one side by Russian despotism, and on the other by French democracy, beat wildly over the whole of our quarter of the globe.

We have seen what prevented the Parisian Democrats from seizing the reins of government in France immediately after the execution of the king. But as they were in the possession of the actual power, as the majority in the Convention wavered between the two parties, as the ministry was an impotent phantom without unity or fixed principle of action — there existed nothing worthy of the name of government, and France, benumbed by the indolence of the great mass of the people, was fated to become the victim of the first audacious ravisher. The Gironde imagined that after the removal of Louis the time was come for the real work

of the Convention — the drawing up of a new constitution

from the fulfilment of which they expected the restoration of their own power. As they had a majority in the committee appointed for this very purpose, Condorcet was able to bring forward a scheme as early as the 15th of February. The propositions contained in it were conceived entirely in the spirit of 1791, and were carried out to their remotest logical consequences—freedom for every State— freedom for every individual—freedom for every kind of labour and property.

Ch. I.] CONDORCET'S DRAFT OF A CONSTITUTION. 5

In accordance with these principles he proposed the nomination of all officials and representatives by universal suffrage, in tfie smallest possible electoral districts— election of the cabinet council by the whole nation— and a guarantee of all the original and fundamental rights of man— in short, an ideal of a free constitution for ideal men. What it lacked was, a government strong enough to administer the laws, to protect the fundamental rights, and to punish evil-doers. The mistake of 1791 was repeated on a larger scale; and its repetition, at such a moment, is fatal to the reputation of the Gironde for political sagacity. The scheme met with the worst possible reception from public opinion. The Bourgeoisie, who now looked on all politics with disgust and horror, took scarcely any notice of it; while the Jacobins, who thoroughly understood the real nature of democracy, were furious at the treacherous scheme which hallowed the selfishness of the owners of property, and proclaimed equality of rights for all men, and consequently for aristocrats, capitalists, and all other enemies of freedom. /( "This system of election," said Thuriot, "favours the rich. "The constitution," cried Hassenfratz, "ought to contain regulations by which the people may rid itself of unfaithful representatives." "According to this plan" said Couthon, "the position of the ministers would be so strong, that the patriots would have a difficulty in ejecting them." They were angry, therefore, that Condorcet did not subject the richer classes, the ministers, and the representatives of the people, to the patriots— i. e. to the populace of the capital and their leaders. We see from this that the Jacobins did not understand the word democracy in its modern sense of equal rights for all men, but literally, as the sole and absolute rule of the demos^— of the poor over the rich. The Convention did not venture to come to an immediate decision, and its deliberations on the project dragged on so heavily, that three months were spent over the preamble— the "Eights of Man." The feebleness of the Gironde was displayed in the most glaring light.

6 FIRST COMMITTEE OF PUBLIC SAFETY. [Book Vlf.

Very different was the activity and success of their opponents, the Democrats. The plan of subjecting all the property and civilisation of France to their will, which they' had first promulgated after the 10th of August, and again during the month of December, was now to be brought into full operation by the new ascendancy which, this party had acquired through the trial and execution of the king. As the middle class in Paris kept entirely aloof from politics, the sectional assemblies were only attended by a handful of proletaries, who commenced their sittings late in the evening after work hours, and faithfully represented that sovereignty of the people, whose dicta — according to the doctrine of the Jacobinswere to be a binding law on the Convention. Care was taken that there should never be any want of orators or exciting themes of declamation: discussions were carried on till late in the night, on the worthlessness of the ministry and the Gironde — on the intrigues of the Emigres^ and the traitors at home — and above all, on the starvation of the poor, the hard-heartedness of the rich, and the means of exterminating usurers and monopolists. As many articles were made dear by the stagnation of trade and the mass of assignats, there was reason enough for complaint; and the exasperation was increased by the thought that goods existed in plenty, and that they only had a higher price put on them by the merchants, or were altogether withdrawn from the market, in consequence of the uncertain value of the paper money. And thus a fresh outcry was raised against their grinding selfishness and it was again demanded that the State should decree low and fixed prices, and punish those who refused to sell their goods. The word was passed from section to section; wherever any opposition showed itself it was immediately suppressed by a number of resolute Fideres; and on the 12th of February the first of, those stormpetitions— which were so terribly to characterize the year 1793— was presented to the Convention. Commissioners of the sections and the FkUres, warmly supported by Marat,

Ch. I.] THE "TAPE-DURS." 7

demanded, in the first place, a fixed price for corn; i but they met with so unfavourable a reception from the majority, that the magnates of the Mountain thought good to disown them, and pretended to scent disguised aristocrats among them. The consequence was that for the present the chiefs kept themselves cautiously in the background, but that the movement assumed a form all the more unruly in the lower grades of the faction. As in October 1789, the women once more took the lead. While the washerwomen, infuriated by the dearness of soap, demanded the punishment of death for all accapareurs and accumulators of wares, the sister Jacobin Club of the dames des Holies and huckstresses, called for the equalization of the value of paper money and silver coin. To remove all doubt of the political connection of these demonstrations, 28 sections came to a resolution, on the same day, to demand from the Convention a vote of approval in favour of the September murderers. If patriotic murder was once formally legalised, the sovereign people would certainly possess the simplest means of making the property of the rich available for the public good.

The Municipality which formed, as in September, the centre of all these machinations, took care to procure , in addition to the agitation of the masses, more solid and trustworthy weapons. Their armed force — the old troops of the 10th of August and the 2d of September— the '■Hape-durs" "strikehards," as the people of theHalles called these allied bandittiwas now completely organized. * Their commander at this time was the clerk Maillard, dispenser of the popular justice in September, and formerly leader of the women in the march of October the 6th 1789. Through him the Commune sent

1 The price proposed was so ex- that the very same tarif was demand-

tremely low, that modern democratic ed (and in some cases obtained,) four

writers declare that the whole af- -neeks later, by all the leading or-

fair was got up by royalist agens gans of the party.

provocateurs. They overlook the fact, ^ Conf. Mortimer-Ternaux, IV. 221 .

their daily orders to the companies distributed through the metropolitan sections; at the head of which were their most trustworthy partisans, chiefly composed of needy adventurers of all nations, equally serviceable as sectional orators or street assassins. By the side of this revolutionary army, the Hotel de Ville possessed an equally revolutionary police in the sectional committees which had been formed during the trial of the king. These consisted of about a dozen men in each section , humble artisans of fiery patriotism, but without a particle of education or property, who in virtue of their innate sovereignty, issued summonses, distraints, and orders of arrest, at the beck of the Commune, and under the powerful protection of Maillard. The Municipality had by these means established its authority in Paris on a firm foundation, and its connection with the clubs enabled it to extend its influence to the Departments also. Jacobin clubs existed in almost all the towns, and as in these too, as well as in Paris, the Bourgeoisie had given way before them in the sections, the Jacobins had the complete control over the election of town- councillors. They were, moreover, always ready to follow the instructions received from the capital, to coUect money and armed men, and get up violent petitions. And since they sent reports to Paris of their own local-troubles, and especially of the resistance they experienced from the departmental authorities, which were under the influence of the higher classes, we can easily understand how the Parisian Democrats naturally conceived the idea of a polity, in which France should be ruled by a number of despotic communal councils, under the direction of the Municipality of Paris, for the advantage of the proletaries. To aboKsh the departmental councils, and to invest the communes with all the powers of government, were the first steps in this direction.

For the present, however, these armaments and recruitings cost very considerable sums, which the Municipality, until, they had attained their grand objects, could only procure

Ch. I.] MAEAT INCITES THE PEOPLE TO PLUNDER. 9

from the Convention. At the beginning of February, therefore, they begged permission to raise 4,000,000 francs, by a progressive tax upon the rich, for the purpose, as they alleged, of buying corn ; and the restless proletaries were not a little pleased by the prospect of both a progressive scale of taxation, and a public distribution of bread. The Convention did not dare to refuse, and not only decreed the tax, but themselves advanced one million of it on the spot. But this was by no means sufficient. When the Convention, on the 24th, received the demands of the women, and in consequence of their unruly conduct made the Municipality answerable for the public peace, the latter asserted the absolute necessity of larger advances to be spent in alms and the purchase of bread. The Convention referred the matter to a committee, and showed little inclination to bestow new marks of favour of that kind. Whereupon Marat had bills printed during the night and distributed in the early morning of the 25th, which pointed out to the people that by plundering a few magazines, 'and hanging a few usurers, they might easily minister to their own necessities. In conformity with this summons, a thorough and complete clearance of shops of every kind was begun about 8 o'clock by a mob of women and disguised men, who began, indeed, by demanding low prices, but soon proceeded to plunder without any payment at all. At first the cry was raised for the necessaries of life, — for coffee, rice, and sugar; but in a short time the crowd seized on everything within their reach— wearing materials, grocery, valuables and dainties.

The rioters poured through the streets without resistance, shouting and yelling, and hour after hour passed by, before the authorities gave any sign even of their existence. Garat, the minister of the interior, was the first to point out to the Convention the real object of the movement, by saying that the great question of the necessaries of life had again to be considered ; that the Commune could easily restore order, but that for this purpose it needed further advances. It was then about 2 o'clock, and it was not until this time— six hours after the commencement of the pillage— that the Municipality met, and for decency's sake issued an order to the National Guard to interfere. Even then they sent, in the first place, to the more democratic sections, where the call to arms by roll of drum produced no effect at all.i When, soon afterwards, several of the plundered citizens made their complaint to the Hotel de Ville, a priest named Koux declared, amid the applause of the galleries, that the shopkeepers were only giving back to the people what they had hitherto robbed them of; upon which the Municipality proceeded with the "order of the day," and the plundering bands with their work of rapine. At last, at 5 o'clock, the Convention reluctantly came to the conclusion that there was no other means of staying the tumult than yielding to the demands of the Municipality, and buying off the maltreated citizens by an instalment of money from the treasury. They therefore made a further advance of 3,000,000, and subsequently 4,000,000 for the succeeding months. On receipt of this weighty intelligence , the scene in the Municipality was changed; orders were sent into all the sections to sound the alarm, and in most of the streets the plundering ceased. But the rioters were even now pursued with so little vigour, that they were able to commit fresh acts of violence during the whole of the night. In the morning it appeared that 1200 shops and magazines had been gutted, belonging almost exclusively to constitutional meml)ers of the National Guard; while the property of the Jacobin tradesmen had been spared. ^ The Municipality had attained their object without trouble and without danger; the impotence of all other authorities had been more palpably displayed than ever, and after this complete victory, the Commune no longer scrupled to come

' Three others complained in the of the Commune. — ^ Tallien in the evening that the orders had not Jacobin Club, Feb. 26. -ReW. de PaWs, reached them until 7 o'clock. Minutes March 9. Gorsas, Courier, March 9.

Ch. I.] PROGRAMME OF THE COMMUNISTS. 11

forward openly with its communistic programme. In the first place, their procureur, Chaumette, appeared before the bar of the Convention, on the 3rd of March, to demand a prohibition of all money-dealing, and the adoption of measures against corn usurers. Then the Federes, on the 4th, worked in the same direction by a demonstration in the form of a fulminating address, in which they demanded before all things the heads of the Girondists, and moveover declared open war against the possessors of property. "The moneyed aristocracy," they said, "are striving to raise themselves on the ruins of the noblesse ; almost all the richer merchants and capitalists are usurers; let us do away with the constitution which is calculated to favour the rich and to injure the people; we can then march against the crowned tyrants of Europe with overwhelming force.

It is evident that if, in accordance with these demands, the buyers up of goods (accapareurs) were suppressed — i. e. the immediate sale of wares rendered compulsory; and further, if, as the women proposed, the price of all articles, and, as the Commune demanded, the value of paper money, were once for all fixed by law — the Government would be enabled by an unlimited issue of assignats to take possession of all the property in France, and bestow it at their pleasure upon their faithful proletaries. It was the most comprehensive attack on the rights of property, as far as our historical knowledge reaches, which was ever made in Western Europe; an attack made in the heart of a great and civilized nation, and one which was not confined to the brains of a few idle dreamers, but practically carried out in all its terrible consequences. It was made with fiery fanaticism and unbridled passion, and yet with systematic calculation. Its originators — victorious at home and abroad — were perfectly free in their deliberations, and did not adopt their measures under the pressure of necessity or despair, but from deliberate choice. For, at the end of February, when they proclaimed this unexampled tyranny to their fellow-

12 FIRST OOMMITTKE OP PUBLIC SAFETY. [B005 VII.

citizens, Dumouriez had possession of the old imperial city, Aix-la-Chapelle, and was destroying one Dutch fortress after another; the most brilliant prospects of victory and booty were opened out in every direction, and nowhere was there any danger which could give rise to angry excitement. On the contrary, the war had hitherto essentially improved the material condition of the proletariate, and thereby removed all possible excuse for such a system of robbery. ^ These are facts of universal significance, on which we ought to fix our attention . all the more earnestly, because they have been disregarded, although they are fraught with the most important consequences.

Before the beginning of the war, indeed, the working classes had suffered much more from the financial consequences of the Kevolution than the possessors of property. The price of all the necessaries of life had been enhanced by the assignats and the stagnation of business; and in consequence of the small demand for labour, wages, if not lower, remained nearly the same as before. This was the case in the summer of 1792. But when the war assumed larger and larger dimensions — when thousands upon thousands hastened to join the army— when, in February 1793, orders were given to raise 300,000 men,— a sudden change took place. Labourers of every kind became scarce, and the rate of wages necessarily rose to an unexampled height. The effect of the war was further increased by the growing anarchy which opened to the idle rabble the prospect of revolutionary booty, and spared them the necessity of seeking work. Thus