The case of Korea; a collection of evidence on the Japanese domination of Korea, and on the development of the Korean inependence movement

Front matter

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Foreword

By Hon. Selden P. Spencer, U. S. Senator from Missouri.

AMERICANS want facts. Justice is not founded upon mere emotion or sentimental enthusiasm. Right follows truth, sometimes slowly, but always eventually.

The history of this book is illuminating and thrilling. It is well worth the thoughtful consideration of all Americans. It deserves and demands attention.

Korea, the historic patriarch of the world, — more than four thousand years old when the United States was born — ^has a particular appeal to the conscience and heart of our country.

On June 4, 1883, there was proclaimed a " Treaty of Peace and Amity and Commerce and Navigation " between the United States of America and the Kingdom of Korea or " Chosen," which had been agreed to by the representatives of the respective Governments on May 22, 1882, and was formally ratified by the President of the United States (President Arthur) on

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February 13, 1883, after its approval by the Senate of the United States on January 9, 1883.

This Treaty inter alia provided:

" There shall be perpetual peace and friendship between the President of the United States and the King of Chosen and the citizens and subjects of their respective Governments. // other powers deal unjustly or oppressively with either Government, the other will exert their good offices, on being informed of the case, to bring about an amicable arrangement, thus showing their friendly feelings." (Italics mine.)

This Treaty gave to Korea a " big boy " friend upon whose strength and justice the twenty millions (present population) of Koreans instantly relied with a confidence that was pathetic in its intensity and devotion.

The " Hermit Kingdom " had lifted the latch and at once opened the door in welcome to the world. Other treaties followed, but the Treaty with the United States was the first.

We built the first railroad, the first electric light plant, the first water works in Korea ; we constructed the first large Korean steamboats, we equipped her mines with modern machinery.

Korea, both in spirit and in letter, lived up to her Treaty agreement, though, as a matter of fact, it entirely transformed her custom in regard to foreigners

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— a custom which had been estabHshed for decades of centuries.

The Korean people never changed this Treaty. It was and it is now their star of hope. Neither their Emperor nor their Prime Minister ever consented to its abrogation. Whatever may be the diplomatic situation of to-day, this fact cannot be morally overlooked.

How Japan secured control of Korea and in 1905 became the " protector " and diplomatic spokesman for these intelligent and independent people, and how later Japan completely annexed Korea and made of it a province, and how the Korean people proclaimed the independence of the Korean Republic, are graphically recited — from the standpoint of Korea — in a manner that indicates both historic accuracy and statesmanlike impartiality.

No nation on earth can indefinitely mistreat those over whom it happens for a time to have control.

There is a world public opinion that in the last analysis is absolutely controlling. This opinion may be slow in forming, but woe be to that nation whose conduct is such as to bring upon it the anathema of world condemnation. It would be better for that nation if a millstone were hanged about its neck and that it were drowned in the depth of the sea.

Propaganda skillfully directed, vigorously promul-

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gated, may temporarily deceive, but In God's own time the truth shines through the parted clouds and instantly the world recognizes the fact.

I commend this book to the careful thoughts of my fellow Americans. Its record of diplomafic and current events places upon Japan the burden. of explanation— a burden which no Government ought either to hesitate or refuse to instantly assume before the judgment bar of the world.

Civilization demands the truth — the whole truth and nothing but the truth — and no part of the civilized world ought to be more insistent for it, either from the standpoint of history or justice or Its own honor, than

the American people.

Selden p. Spencer.

Senate Office Building, Washington, D. C.

Preface

THE world is full of tragedy, and the conscience of mankind is already overburdened with the groans of suffering humanity. But the greatest of national tragedies to-day is little known to the civilized world. And that is the case of Korea. We have wept over Armenia and Belgium, but from neither of these lands does international injustice cry more loudly than from the little Hermit Kingdom of the Far East.

To the unsuspecting Western peoples, kept Ignorant by the Japanese Government of conditions in Korea, the Independence Movement of 1919 and Japanese atrocities in connection with it came as a surprise. But the spirit of nationalism, as exhibited by the Koreans in 1919, is simply a blaze from the smouldering fire that is and has been burning ever since Japan usurped Korea. The atrocities committed by Japanese are nothing more than a part of the system that has operated since the protectorate was established in 1906.

As to Korea's right to self-determination, no fairminded man would raise a question. Of all the nations that obtained their independence after the World

War, none has a better title to freedom than Korea. The Korean race is, perhaps, the most homogeneous in the world. Their history extends back some four thousand years. They have a civilization as great as China's in many ways, and greater than Japan's in most. During the long years of their independent existence, they have created a literature, an art, and culture of their own. In short, they constitute a nation in every ethnic, historical and cultural sense of the word. And to-day the whole nation is united in asserting its right to determine its own destiny according to its own will and choice.

Japan advances many arguments to justify her domination of Korea. They are (1) self-defense, (3) necessity for colonization, (3) benevolent motive to aid Korea. But none of these stands the test of close investigation and international justice.

"An independent Korea, liable to become a possible strategic foothold for a hostile, powerful foe, would be dangerous for Japan," argue the Japanese statesmen; therefore, Japan must hold Korea for self-defense. But who would take Korea in case Japan releases her? The danger of Russian aggression or Chinese " imperialism " is out of the question. The only nation that has a direct interest in that part of the Orient, outside of Russia and China, is the United States. Would it be possible for the United States to take possession of Korea by force of arms, as soon as Japan releases her, for the purpose of imperial aggrandizement ? That question can be left to the judgment of the reader.

The pretext that Japan must have Korea for colonization is equally flimsy. Korea is already densely populated, and the Korean farmer cultivates the soil intensively. Furthermore, if the industry and capital now applied by Japan to foreign aggression were used instead for internal development, room for surplus population could be found within Japan proper. Hokkaido (northern Japan) and the southern half of Saghalien Island, though no further north than the states of Oregon and Washington, are sparsely settled. According to the Japan Year Book for 1918-19, a semi-official publication edited by Japanese, these regions have unexcelled climate and soil and are rich in fisheries and mineral resources. The area of these partly developed districts of Japan is about 49,000 square miles. This is over four times the size of Belgium, and yet Belgium has a population of seven and a half millions, which is five times as great as the combined population of Hokkaido and the southern half of Saghalien.

The three hundred thousand Japanese, who are In Korea, came there as exploiters, not as immigrants. The tens of thousands of acres now in Japanese possession were the best watered and cultivated lands when taken over by the Government. The loudly advertised claim that Japanese settlers in Korea are reclaiming waste regions or improving uncultivated soil is nothing more than a smoke screen to cover the illegitimate methods employed by the Government to deprive the Koreans of their land. Korea has proved a fertile field for Japanese grafters and land-grabbers, but as an outlet for colonization on an honest basis, it has proved of no value to the Japanese Empire. The Japanese are no pioneers ; they do not have the spirit of enterprise and adventure. They only take over, by underhanded methods, what other people have accomplished. As a field for surplus population, without illegitimate exploitation, an independent Korea would be of no hindrance to Japan. On the contrary, it would be an asset, as then the Japanese immigrants would be welcomed as immigrants and not hated as exploiters.

The third claim that Japan holds Korea for the humanitarian purpose of aiding the Koreans along the path of modern civilization is a nauseating hypocrisy. Ever since Japan went into Korea she has been practising upon the Koreans Turkish cruelty, with German efficiency and Japanese cunning. Yet she claims that she loves the Koreans as her own people. At the very moment when the Japanese statesmen are making public statements that they love the Koreans as their brethren, villages are being wiped out, innocent men and women are being beaten to death behind prison bars. The promises of reform, almost before they have left the mouth of official Tokyo, are being washed away In blood.

Why, then, does Japan want to hold Korea? It is for the same reason that HideyoshI invaded Korea over three centuries ago. Hideyoshl's real objective was the Asiatic mainland. Korea is the bridge between China and Japan, so It was necessary for the Japanese Shogun to conquer Korea first before marching his armies to the Middle Kingdom. So it is to-day. The ultimate objective of Pan-Nipponism is to consolidate all Asia under Japanese domination, after wiiich will come the settlement of the mastery of the Pacific. In order to dominate the continent of Asia, it is necessary for Japan strongly to entrench herself in Korea so that she may use that territory as a base of military operations. In this respect, and in it alone, the holding of Korea is essential to Japan.

Thus, we see the real object of Japan in holding Korea permits no argument. To the conqueror, whether he be an exponent of Pan-Germanism or Pan- Nipponism, justice has no argument and humanity presents no appeal. He listens to but one reason — that of strategy and cunning; and obeys but one command— that of force. Hence, the Korean question from the Japanese point of view has no argument to present and no appeal to make.

There are some American and European disciples of physical force, though small in number, who still believe that a nation that is not strong enough to maintain its integrity against its aggressive neighbours has no right to enjoy the privileges of independence. Therefore, if the Koreans are not in a position to drive out the Japanese from their land, they should suffer the thraldom of alien domination. This is, indeed, a cynical and callous sentiment based upon the worn-out idea that might makes right. The finer promptings of humanity and generous impulses of good faith are given no voice in the council of force. To those who subscribe to this doctrine — the doctrine of might — the only plea that I, as a Korean, have to make is the same that Daniel Webster made in his address to the jury in the case of Dartmouth College a century ago: " It is a poor little country, but there are those who love it."

H. C.

Washington, D. C,

Contents

I. Introduction 25

Land and People — Mountains — Climate — Agricultural Products — Mineral Deposits — Ethnography — Opinions of Keane, Hulbert, Gale — Population — Religious Beliefs ; History and Civilization — Antiquity of Korean History — Civilization of Ancient and Mediaeval Korea — Opinions of Brown, Bishop, Griffis ; Inauguration of Open Door — - Making Treaties with Western Powers — American Business Enterprises in Korea.

II. Diplomatic Relations Between Korea and Japan .41