The civilization of the South American Indians : with special reference to magic and religion

Front matter

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The History of Civilization.

Introduction

Subject-matter of the present investigation, p. xxiii—Different theories on the self-decoration among savages, p. xxiv sg.—Connection between magic and animism ; Indian theory of metempsychosis, p. xxv sq.—The comparative method in sociology, p. xxvisg.—Ethnological literature on South America, p. xxvii sq.-— Distinction to be made between statements of facts and explanations given of these facts, p. xxix.—The culture-history school of ethnology, p. xxx sq.

Chapter I Ceremonial Body-painting

Savage man’s reluctance to reveal his ideas, p. 1 sg—Von den Steinen’s theory of body-painting, p. 2 sqg.—Body-painting as a protection against mosquitoes, and flies, and effects of the weather, p. 8.—Natural openings of the body and uncovered parts protected with painting, p. 4 sq¢—Blackening of the body and face as a mourning custom, p. 6 sqqg.—Body-painting as a puberty ceremony, pp- 9-14.—Why the desire for self-decoration is strongest in savage men and women at the beginning of the age of puberty, p. 9 sq.—Significance of the initiation ceremonies at puberty, p. 10.—Various puberty ceremonies connected with painting, p. 10 sgqg—Why women are excluded from religious ceremonies, p. 14 sgqqg—Women supposed to be less addicted to self-decoration than men in Savage societies, p. 16 sg.—Body-painting at feasts and dances, p. 17 sqq.— Ceremonial character of Indian dances, p. 18 sq.—Body-painting at death-dances, p. 20.—Body-painting practised by sorcerers, p. 21 sg.—Body-painting as a protection against disease, p. 22 sqq.mBody-painting for visiting, p. 26 sqgq.— Body-painting tor canoeing and hunting, p. 28 sqg.—Body-painting for war expeditions, p. 30 sqg.—Custom of painting the dead, p. 31 sgg.—EKschatological ideas of the Indians, p. 33 sqq.—Painting supposed to protect the corpse against the evil spirits who cause decomposition, p. 386 sq¢.—Body-painting on different occasions among the Indians of Ecuador, p. 37 sqg—Concluding remarks on body-painting; origin of the magical virtues ascribed to the paint, p. 89 sqq.

Chapter II Customs Relating To Hair And Nails, Head And Skin

Different classes of hair-custom, p. 438.—Hair-cutting as a mourning custom, p. 43 sq.—Cutting of the hair of girls at puberty, p. 44 sq.—Dr. Preuss’ and Dr. Koch-Griinberg’s theory on hair-cutting after a death, p. 46.—The hair as the seat of the soul, p. 46 sg.—Nails and skin as the seat of the soul, p. 47.— Origin of this belief, p. 48 sq—Why the hair of women is cut in mourning and at puberty, p. 50.—Ideas in regard to nails, p. 50 sqgqg.—Moustaches, eyebrows, eyelashes, and pubes removed, p. 52 sqqg.—Various hair-customs among the Chaco tribes, p. 55 sqg.—The hair-dress of warriors among the Guaycuris, p. 56 sq. —Hair-dress of the Chiriguano chiefs, p. 58.—Tonsures and pig-tails, p. 59 sq.— Artificial flattenir s of the head, p. 60 sq.—Scalping and head-trophy-making: among the Jibaros, pp. 63-67; among the Mundructs, p. 67 sq.; among the Araucanians, p. 68; among the Chaco Indians, p. 68 sg.—Custom of skinning slain enemies, p. 70 sqq.—Use of animals’ skins for magical purposes, p. 72 sqq.

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XVi CONTENTS

CHATPER III FEATHER ORNAMENTS

Current theory on savage feather ornaments: feathers and plumes as trophies of the chase (Spencer, von den Steinen, Hirn), p. 75 sq.—Magical character of Indian feather ornaments, p. 77.—Why feather ornaments are more used by men than by women, p. 77 sq.—Feathers as means of conjuring evil spirits, p. 78.— Feather ornaments at feasts and dances, pp. 79-86.—Religious and magical character of Indian dances, p. 80 sg.—Various instances of feather ornaments used at dances, p. 81 sqq—Feathers at marriage ceremonies, p. 84 sq.—Feathers at puberty ceremonies, p. 85.—Feathers used by sorcerers and medicine-men, p- 86 sqqg—Exorcism carried out by means of feathers, p. 88 sqq.—Magical instruments adorned with feathers, p. 90 sgg.—Chiefs and warriors adorned with feathers, p. 98 sq.—Feathers as “‘ signs of sorrow,” p. 95 sqg.—Captives decorated with feathers previous to execution, p. 96.—Feathers applied to the body to give it strength, p. 97 sqqg.—Feathers as “* medicines,” p. 100.

Chapter IV

EAR-, LIP-, AND NOSE-ORNAMENTS; NECKLACES, BRACELETS, ANKLETS, RATTLES, ETC.

Magical character of these ornaments, p. 102.—Ear-, lip-, and nose-ornaments used to protect critical parts of the face, p. 102 sq¢—Magical ear-ornaments, p. 103 sqq. —Nose-ornaments, p. 107.—Lip-ornaments, p. 108 sq.—The tembeta of the Guaranis, p. 109 sqg.—Magical ceremonies which mark the first employment of the face-ornaments, p. 110 sgg.—Piercing of the lips and the ear-lobes performed by sorcerers or medicine-men, p. 114 sg.—Magical necklaces, p. 116 sqq.—Magical stones as ornaments, p. 119 sq.—Magical whistles, p. 120.—Human teeth as ornaments, p. 121 sq.—Teeth and claws of wild animals worn as ornaments, p-. 122 sqq.—Rattle ornaments, p. 126 sqgg—Why some ornaments are worn only by men, some only by women, pp. 128-130.

Chapter V

OTHER PERSONAL ORNAMENTS, THE COVERING OF THE BODY AND THE ‘* SENSE OF SHAME ”’

Band ornaments for the arms and the legs, p. 131 sqg.—Bands?and ligatures as means of magical conjuration, p. 133 sq.—Magical armlets, p. 185.—Magical ligatures for girls among the Caribs and the Tupis, p. 186.—Head-coverings, veils, and frontals as protections against evil spirits, p. 188 sqg.—Magical girdles of human hair, p. 139 sqg.—Other magical girdles, p. 140 sq.—The custom of covering the genital parts, p. 141 sqg.—The “ sense of shame ”’ unknown to the savage, p. 142 sq.—Provoked hy the covering, p. 143 sq.—Genital organs in some cases covered for purely practical reasons, p. 144.—The wearing of clothes due to superstitious reasons, p. 144 sq¢.—Menstruous women attacked by evil spirits, p. 145 sqq.—The women made pregnant by evil spirits, p. 147.—Monstrous children and twins

lled for superstitious reasons, p. 147 sq.—Magical garments and charms as protections for the genitals, p. 149 sqg.—Magical waist-clothes and penis-envelopes for men, p. 150 sqq.

Chapter VI Ceremonial Mutilations And Kindred Customs

Scarifications and mutilations of the body as mourning customs p. 153.—Current theories on the subject (Preuss, Koch-Griinberg, Tylor, Spenver), p- 153 sq.— Pre-animistic interpretation of mourning customs, p. 155.—Mazvical power of the human body due to the spirit or soul, p. 155 sq.—Ceremonial rutilations are in

CONTENTS XVil essence purification rites, p. 156.—Blood-letting and other bleeding practices have for their object to purify the body from evil spirits, p. 156 sqq.—Magical bleeding-instruments, p. 158 sq.— Arrows used at bleeding, p. 159 sq¢—The arrow as a magical charm, p. 160.—Bleeding at drinking-feasts, p. 161 sq.—Bleeding at initiations, p. 162 sq¢—Women scarified and lashed at first menstruation, p- 168 sqqg.—Lashing, running, and wrestling as means of purification and conjuration, p. 166.—Mock capture of the bride and sham fights as magical ceremonies, p. 167 sqqg.—Trials performed with young men at puberty: scarification, bleeding, and lashing, p. 170 sqqg.—Initiation of chiefs and medicine-men, p. 170 sqqg.—Sir J. G. Frazer’s theory of beating or scourging as a religious or ceremonial rite, p. 174 sq.—Scarification of medicine-men, p. 175 sq.—Circumcision, p. 176 sq.—Mazgical or religious significance of circumcision, 177 sq.—Jus prime noctis, p. 179 sq¢—Jus prime noctis among the Ijca in Colombia, p. 180 sq. —Why the defloration is entrusted to another person than the bridegroom, p- 181 sg.—Scarification and mutilation at mourning, p. 182 sq.—Distinction to be made between the soul of the dead and the disease- and death-demon, p- 183 sq.—Scarification of a widow before she is allowed to remarry, p. 184.— The mariquarri dance of the Arawaks, p. 184 sqq.—Mutilation at mourning among the Charruas, p. 186 sg. Custom of tattooing, p. 188 sqg.—Scarification of the body, origin of tattooing, p. 189.—Tattooing of girls at puberty, p. 190 sq.— Magical character of this practice, p. 191.—Tattooing during pregnancy, p. 192. —Tattooing practised at mourning and after the slaying of an enemy, p. 198 sq¢.— Scar-tattooing, p. 194 sq¢—Summary: Ceremonial mutilations are essentially of a religious or magical origin, and cannot be explained as means of attracting the opposite sex, pp. 195-197.

Chapter VII The Origin Of Ornamental Art

Original meaning of Indian ornaments: they either represent human figures, animals. or “‘ geometrical ’”’ designs, p. 198.—Dr. Stolpe’s theory on the origin of animal figures in ornamental art, p. 199.—Ornamental figures regarded as real decorations (Schmidt, Koch-Griinberg, von den Steinen), p. 199 sq.—Sir J. G. Frazer’s theory of magic, p. 200 sq.—Connection between sympathetic magic and animism, p. 202 sq¢.—The magic of names, pp. 204-207.—The name identical with the soul, p. 207.—The name deposited in material objects, p. 207 sq.—The soul identical with the shadow, p. 208 sq.—Principles of magical conjuration: imitation one leading principle, p. 209 sg.—The imitation may only be partial, p. 211 sq.—Magic performed through figures and images which form a total representation of the original, p. 212 sqgqg—Indian mask-dances, pp. 214-222,— Significance of mask-dances, p. 215 sq.—Masks of the Xingu tribes, p. 217 sqq.— Mask-dances of the Onas, p. 219 sq.—Mask-dances of the Lenguas, p. 220 sq.— Occasions on which mask-dances are performed, p. 221 sq.

CHAPTER VIII THE ORIGIN OF ORNAMENTAL ART (concluded)

Ornamental patterns applied to drums, p. 228 sq¢.—Ornamented rattle-gourds, p. 224 sq.—Ornamented flutes and bull-roarers, p. 226.—-Ornamented dancing-staffs, p. 227.—Magical significance of geometrical patterns, p. 227 sq.—Ornamental patterns applied to the body, p. 229 sqg.—Magical significance of these ornaments, p. 231 sq—Ornaments applied to clothes, p. 232 sq.—Ornamental patterns applied to walls of houses, pp. 284-238.—Pieces of furniture decorated, p- 238.—Ornamental patterns applied to canoes and paddles, p. 238 sq.— Ornaments applied to pottery, pp. 240-256.—-Decorated pottery of the Pueblo Indians, p. 240 sg.—Ceremonial “ killing ”’ of clay vessels, p. 242 sq.—The grave-offerings in many cases amulets, the object of which is to protect the remains of b

XViil CONTENTS the dead, p. 244 sq.—Breaking of vessels at burials, p. 246 sq— Why fragments of pottery, and especially such as bear paintings, have been laid into the graves, p. 247 sq.—The burial jars proper have probably for their object to protect the remains of the dead against evil supernatural influences, p. 249 sq.—Ornamented burial baskets of the Guaraunos, p. 251.—Ornaments applied to food- and water-vessels, pp. 252-256.—Eating- and drinking-cups, and other utensils, destroyed after a death because they are infected by the death-spirit, p. 252 sqq.—Decorated drinking-vessels used at ceremonial drinking-feasts, p. 255 sq.—Indian rock-engravings, pp. 256-264.—Dr. Koch-Griinberg’s theory on rock-engravings, p. 256 sq.—Facts bearing out their magical or religious significance, p. 258 8q.— Rock-engravings and paintings found at such places as are regarded as seats of spirits, p. 260 sq.—Figures applied to the walls of caves, p. 262.—Summary : Rock-engravings must be wholly explained from Indian superstition and belief in spirits, p. 262 sqq.

Chapter IX Indian Conception Of Animal Spirits

Such animals especially regarded as magical in which human spirits are believed to have taken up their abode, p. 265.—The belief in animal spirits among the Onas and the Araucanians, p. 266 sqg.—Ideas about the Ilama or Peruvian sheep, p. 267.—Ideas about the jaguar and other animals of the feline family, pp. 267-271. —Ideas about animal spirits in Chaco: among the Tobas, p. 271 sq.; among the Chorotis, p. 273; among the Lenguas, p. 274; among the Guaranis, p. 275 sqg.— Ideas about animal spirits in Bolivia, p. 276 sq.; in Brazil, pp. 277-281 ; in northern South America, pp. 281-284.—Totemism among the Goajiros and the Arawaks, p- 282 sq.—Ideas about animal spirits among the Indians of Ecuador, pp. 284-288. ~-Some animals are regarded as demoniacal and believed to bewitch people, p. 285.—-Ideas about birds, p. 285 sqg.—lIdeas about reptiles, p. 287 sqg.—-Superstition about the boa serpent among the Caribs and the Arawaks, p. 289 sg.— Venomous snakes regarded as evil spirits, p. 290 sqqg—Ideas about fishes and insects, p. 292 sq.—Kenaimas (wizards) in animal shape among the Guiana Indians, p. 293 sq.—aAll animals believed to possess a soul which is in essence of the same kind as that animating man, p. 294 sqg.—The Indian theory of the transmigration of souls, p. 295.—Dualistic conception of the soul among the Apapocuva-Guaranis exceptional, p. 295 sq—Totemism in South America founded on the doctrine of the transmigration of souls, p. 297 sq.

Chapter X Indian Conception Of Plant Spirits

The worship of an Earth-mother in South America, p. 299 sg.—The Earth-mother of the Jibaros, p. 300 sg—The Earth-mother of the Uitoto and the Uaupés Indians, p. 301 sg.—Animistic ideas about trees and shrubs among North American Indians, p. 302 sq.—Tree and plant spirits among the Jibaros, p. 803 sq—Ideas about the chonta palm in Ecuador, p. 305 sq.—Personification of plants among the Uitéto and the Guiana Indians, p. 306 sq—Yurupary, the “ Great Spirit ” of the Uaupés Indians, p. 307 sq¢—The Yurupary myth, p. 309—Cachimana, the

Great Spirit” of the Orinoco Indians, p. 310 sq—tIdeas about plant spirits among the Chaco Indians, p. 311 sq—Magical character of the beer brewed from the algaroba fruit due to the spirit animating the tree, p. 312 sqg.—Ideas about the manioc, p. 813 sq¢.—Ideas about garden plants among the Jibaros and the Canelos Indians, p. 314 sq—Sacred drinks brewed from the manioc root, p. 315 sq.— Ideas about a maize spirit, p. 316 sq.—Worship of the Maize-mother among the ancient Peruvians, pp. _318-322.—Ideas about medical plants: the tobacco, p. 322 sqq.; the vine Banisteria caapt, p. 824 sq.; the bush Datura arborea, p. 325; the coca, p. 326.—Ideas connected with the Indian arrow-poison, p. 326 sqq.

CONTENTS X1X

Chapter XI Spirits Of Inanimate Objects

The worship of mountains and volcanoes in ancient and modern Peru, p- 829 sq.— The worship of volcanoes in Eucador, p. 831 sq¢.—Mountain worship in ancient Mexico, p. 333.—Worship of mountains and other inanimate objects among the Onas, p. 333 sqg.—Ideas about mountains and hills among the Indians of eastern Keuador, p. 334 sq¢—Mountain worship in Guiana, p. 335 sq.—The belief about men transformed into stones and about rocks that are the ‘ ancestors ” of certain tribes, p. 337 sq—The worship of huacas in ancient Peru, pp. 338-344.—True meaning of the word huaca, p. 339 sqgq.—Examination of the worship paid to different huacas, p. 341 sqqg.—The places called huacas were looked upon as the abodes of spirits, p. 344.—The Peruvian worship of apachitas, pp. 344-348.—The apachitas were places inhabited by mysterious spirits, p. 348—Ideas about water spirits, p. 848 sqg.—Lagoon spirits of the Colorado Indians, p. 350.—Sea worship of the ancient Peruvians, p. 350 sg¢—The worship of heavenly bodies: the sun worship of the Incas, p. 351 sqqg.—Origin of sun worship in the island of Titicaca, p. 352 sq.—Nature of the Peruvian sun-god, p. 354 sg.—Worship of the moon in ancient Peru, p. 355.—Sun worship east of the Andes, p. 355 sq.— Worship of the Milky Way and the Pleiades in Chaco, p. 357.—Spirits active in striking meteorological phenomena regarded as disembodied souls of the departed, p. 358.—Animistic ideas about thunder, lightning, rainbow, meteors, etc., and superstitious practices connected with them, p. 359 sqq—Magic power ascribed to stones: stone fetishes, p. 862 sq.—Worship of chulpa-spirits among the Quichuas and Aymara, p. 364 sqg.—Magic power ascribed to crystals and coloured stones obtained from sacred mountains and caves, p. 365 sq.—Magical stones of the Colorado and the Jibaro medicine-men, p. 867 sq.—Sacred stone of the Jibaro women, p. 368.—Hunting charms of the Canelos Indians, p. 8369.— Superstitious ideas about stones among the Chorotis, p. 870.—Magic power ascribed to the ‘‘ Amazon-stones,” p. 8371.—Magic power ascribed to “‘ lightning-stones,” p. 372 sqg.—Conclusions regarding Indian animism: the spiritual life which the Indian assumes in animals, plants, and inanimate objects is a projection of his own psychical life, p. 874.—Connection between animism and sympathetic magic, p. 875 sq.

Chapter XII Magical Sacrifice

Meaning of the term “ magical sacrifice,” p. 377 sq.—-Certain magical objects, “* offered ’’ to supernatural beings, have erroneously been interpreted as sacrifices, p- 378.—The so-called “‘ grave-offerings ’’ have, in some cases, a purely magical character, p. 879.—In South America a ritual of sacrifice is only found among the half-civilized Indians in ancient Peru and Bolivia, p. 880.—The peculiar character of the Peruvian sacrifices and offerings makes it impossible to explain them as gifts to the deities, p. 380 sq.—Offerings of coca and tobacco, p. 381 sq.— Offerings of pieces of gold and silver and figures of men and animals, p. 383.— Offerings of sea-shells to the springs, p. 383 sqq.—Sacrifices to the sea-god Viracocha, p. 385 sq.—Offerings of woollen clothes, p. 886 sq.—Sacrificial rites performed at the foundation of new buildings, p. 387 sg.—Similar sacrifices performed previous to excavations for antiquities, p. 388.—The foundation-sacrifices have for their object partly to keep off evil spirits, partly to impart strength to the new building, p. 389 sqg.—Offerings to the earth to obtain an abundant crop, p. 390 sqg._-Fumigations of the fields for the same purpose, p. 391 sq.—Animal sacrifices in ancient Peru, p. 393 sq.—Sir J. G. Frazer’s theory on the dying god,” p. 394.—The Inca, an instance of a “ divine king,” the life and welfare of which was mysteriously bound up with that of his people, p. 895 sq.—The Inca’s relation to the Virgins of the Sun, p. 896 sg.—Highest gods of the Peruvians, p. 397._Why sacrifices were offered to the gods, p. 898.—Ritual of sacrifice in ancient Peru, p. 399 sq.—The Peruvian animal sacrifices were purely magical, having for their object to increase the power of the gods, p. 400 sg.—Strict pre-

Ko CONTENTS scriptions as to the colour and other qualities of the animals sacrificed, p. 401.— Human sacrifices in ancient Peru: cases in which they took place, p. 402.— Instances of human sacrifices, pp. 402-404.—Human sacrifices in Peru were in essence magical, being based on the idea of a transference of power, p. 404.— Human sacrifices which have for their object to put an end to famine and to secure an abundant crop, p. 405 sqgg— Human sacrifices, offered in connection with agriculture, have the character of a magical manure, p. 408.—Head-hunting to promote the growth of the crops, p. 409 sq.—Sacrifices of children to save or prolong the Inca’s life, p. 410 sq¢.—Method of sacrificing children, p. 411 sq.— Why children were sacrificed, p. 413.

Chapter XIII Indian Theory Of Generation And Conception

The Indian doctrine of metempsychosis, upon which totemism is based, is also connected with a peculiar primitive theory of generation and conception, p. 414. —Sir J. G. Frazer’s conceptional theory of totemism, p. 414 sqg.—To the savage Indian life and death are only two transitional moments in the history of the living beings, p. 416—Fate of the soul after death, p. 416 sg.—The idea of reincarnation in part appears in the Indian system of name-giving; Indian children often named after animals or plants, or after their ancestors, p. 417 sqq.— The belief in the rebirth of the dead in their descendants, p. 420 sgqg—Indian idea of conception, p. 422 sq—Man regarded as the bearer of the eggs, p. 423.— Ideas about a “‘ supernatural ” birth, p. 424 s¢— Women made pregnant by animal spirits, p. 426.—Women made pregnant by plant spirits, pp. 427-432.—The Yurupary mysteries in north-west Brazil, p. 428 sqq.—Festival of fertilization of the Chaco Indians and of the ancient Peruvians, p. 431 sqg.— -Phallic dances of the Kqgua and the Kobéua, p. 432 sg.—Endocannibalic practices by which the soul of a dead person is transferred from his bodily remains to his descendants, p. 433 sqg.—How this theory of generation and conception is apt to throw light upon the origin of totemism, p. 4385.

Chapter XIV The Couvade Or Male Childbed

The diffusion of couvade in South America: the custom occurs in all parts of the continent, p. 436 sqq.Couvade among the Caribs of the Antilles and the Arawaks of Guiana, p. 489 sq¢.—The rules of couvade refer not only to the father, but also to the mother, p. 441 sqg—Newborn children especially believed .to be exposed to supernatural dangers, p. 442 sq.—Precautions taken with regard to the mother of the newborn, p. 448 sq¢—Rules imposed upon the father of the child, p. 44.4..—-The idea of the Xingii tribes, that the man is the real bearer of the eggs and the child “ the little father,” p. 445 sq.—This belief explains the intimate connection which is supposed to exist between the child and its father, p. 447.— The soul of the infant believed to follow the father, p. 448 sq¢.—Particular rules of precaution observed by the father, p. 449 sqg—The custom of fasting, p. 451.— Why the parents have to be careful with their diet, p. 452 sq—Peculiar consequences of the father’s or the mother’s intemperance with regard to food, p. 453 sq.—Rules of diet observed by the father among the Jibaros, p. 454 sq.— Medicines taken by the father are supposed to benefit the child, p. 456—By dietetic want of caution the parents are believed to harm not only their offspring, but themselves as well, p. 457.—Bleeding practised with the father of the newborn child, p. 458 sq—In some cases the rules of diet are observed for months, or even for years, after the birth, p. 460.—The navel-wound of the child regarded as a dangerous source of infection, p. 461 sq¢—The savage belief that man may evade supernatural enemies by lying hidden and keeping silence, p. 462 sq.—Earlier theories on the significance of couvade, p. 464.—Couvade has essentially nothing to do with prevailing system of mother- or father-right, p. 465.—The Indian not only assumes an intimate sympathy between himself and his newborn child, but believes himself to be mysteriousl i j j ich i aepale Vesa y usly united with any object which is the result of

CONTENTS Xxl

Chapter XV The Conception Of Taboo

Definition of taboo, p. 468 sq.—Disease and death the most common source of taboo, p. 469.—Distinction made between “‘ witchcraft ” and “ disease,” p. 470 sqq.—How disease is believed to make persons and things taboo, p- 472 sq.—The taboo of death, p. 474.—Purificatory rites performed to remove the taboo of death, p. 474 sqq.—The taboo of death has its origin in a personal spirit or demon, p- 476 sq.—Distinction to be made between the ghost of the dead and the demon who caused the patient’s death, p. 477 sqg.—The said distinction illustrated by the beliefs of the Chaco tribes and the Ecuadorian Indians, p. 479 sq¢.—Taboo of religious instruments due to the death-spirits attached to them, p. 481.—Blood as a source of taboo, p. 48i sq—Manslayers taboo, p. 482 sq.—The blood of animals taboo, p. 483 sg.—Purification festival citua of the ancient Incas, p. 484 sqq. ' —The idea of material and spiritual pollution associated with the idea of moral transgression, p. 486.—Peruvian confession, pp. 487-496.—How confession was carried out, p. 487 sqg.—Confession in sickness, p. 489 sq.—Ethical element in confession, p. 490 sq.—-Confession in ancient Peru was not only believed to benefit the sinner himself, but also aimed at the welfare of the community or state, p. 492.—The sickness of the Inca was believed to be caused by the sins of his subjects, p. 493.—Dualistic character of Peruvian religion: radical opposition between the gods and the demons, p. 493 sg.—Moral evils regarded in the same light as material or physical evils, p. 494,—The offences confessed were partly religious, partly social, p. 494 sqg—The moral and criminal law of the Incas was connected with their demonology, p. 496.—Political importance of confession in the Inca empire, p. 497.

Chapter XVI The Conception Of Mana

The term mana denotes an impersonal power or influence, not a personal spirit,

- p. 498.—Dr. Marett’s theory on pre-animistic religion, p. 499 sq¢.—Refutation of Dr. Marett’s “ animatistic ’ interpretation of certain savage practices, p. 499 sq.— Ideas answering to the Melanesian mana exist in South America, but are closely connected with animism, p. 501 sq.—The power of mana made manifest with regard to fetishes, amulets, charms, and ‘“‘ medicines,” p. 501 sq.—aA pre-animistic stage unknown to the history of religion; the idea of a “ soul” universal among the lower races of mankind, p. 503.—Origin of the idea of a soul, p. 508 sq.—The soul believed to possess a mysterious power or energy, p. 504 sqg.—The constant tendency of the savage to personify the objects of his religious reverence overlooked by the advocates of the pre-animistic hypothesis, p. 505.

INDEX z : :

ETL ATAC

INTRODUCTION were begun during my stay among the Indians of the

Argentine and Bolivian Gran Chaco in the years 1911 to 1913, and continued during a later residence among the savage or half-civilized tribes of eastern Ecuador in the years 1916 to 1919. In the course of the five years that I have thus spent in close contact with the natives in different parts of the South American continent, I have devoted attention to their material and spiritual culture in general, but especially to their religious beliefs and practices. The reader will find, throughout the work, that the conclusions at which I have arrived with regard to various customs of the Indians are to a great extent founded on my own direct inquiries and personal observation of Indian life. But, since my comparative studies cover the whole area of South America, the vast majority of ethnological facts presented in my work are naturally gathered from the writings of other travellers, the existing literature on South America being scrutinized by me as carefully as possible for information respecting native customs and beliefs.

The starting-point for my inquiries was provided by certain self-decorative practices of the Indians which, as I soon found, were closely connected with their religious or superstitious beliefs. In fact, my first intention was only to publish a monograph on Indian self-decoration and art. Questions of this kind are dealt with in the first part of the present work. My task will be to show that customs, such as the painting of the face and the body, the cutting or shaving of the hair, the piercing of the lips and the ears for the insertion of rings or other ornamental objects, the adorning and covering of the body with skins of animals, feathers of birds, or with necklaces, bracelets, and other ornaments, the wearing of masks, the mutilation of the body, as well as scarification and tattooing—that such and similar customs have not, in the first place, been practised from decorative or esthetic motives, but form part and parcel of the practical religion of the natives.

sk anthropological studies contained in the present work

XxXili

XXIV INTRODUCTION

Savage man’s love of self-decoration has often been commented upon in general works on the anthropology of the lower races, but only comparatively seldom has it been recognized that certain ornaments—as, for instance, necklaces and bracelets made of coloured stones or of the teeth of wild animals—are also worn as charms and amulets. Generally the view has been taken that such things are, and have always been, merely pieces of self-decoration. Thus, for instance, Darwin, who, in his Descent of Man, largely deals with this question, speaks of the “passion for ornaments” displayed by savages all over the world, and seems to think that the only object of these ornaments is to make man “ beautiful,” and especially attractive to the opposite sex. Even Darwin thus was of opinion that savage ornaments, being means of sexual stimulation, have their principal importance in connection with the contraction of marriages.' The same opinion has often been expressed, both by travellers among savage races and by theoretical anthropologists. A typical instance of the superficial way in which some ethnologists have looked upon these questions is the German traveller, W. Joest, who, in an extensive monograph, often quoted in works on primitive art, has treated of tattooing, body-painting, and kindred customs among uncivilized races. Whilst admitting that such customs also have partly arisen from certain practical motives, he strongly maintains that these motives had nothing to do with religion or magic. The principal motive for body-painting, tattooing, and other self-decorative practices, Joest finds in the sexual desire, in the desire of savage men and women to make themselves attractive to the opposite sex. The theory that the primitive ornaments are, in a large measure, used as “* means of attraction,” or as sexual stimulants, has especially been set forth by Dr. Westermarck. In the earlier editions of his History of Human Marriage, he already tried to show that ‘“‘ men and women began to ornament, mutilate, paint, and tattoo themselves chiefly in order to make themselves attractive to the opposite sex— that they might court successfully or be courted.’ In the last _ edition of his work, Dr. Westermarck has in the main kept up his view, trying to adduce fresh evidence in support of his theory. Even such customs as scarification, extraction and mutilation of teeth, circumcision, and covering of the genital parts, according to Dr. Westermarck, have largely served the purpose of attracting the

* Darwin, Descent of Man, ii. 367. * Westermarck, The History of Human Marriage, 1901, p. 172.

INTRODUCTION = opposite sex through the “‘ beauty ’’ these operations impart to the persons subjected to them.

On the other hand, Professor Y. Hirn has tried to assign various origins to those rude manifestations of an artistic sense which meet us among savage peoples.” In expounding the ideas and feelings which have given rise to primitive art, he largely avails himself of ethnological sources. But not even in Professor Hirn’s work is full justice done to the magical nature of primitive ornaments, and too much importance is ascribed to random theories, like those presented by Herbert Spencer, which have no real foundation in the facts of savage life. In general, the important rdle which magic has played with regard to the origin of most primitive customs has, up to recent times, been much underrated, naturally owing to our defective knowledge of the psychology of savage man.

But the subject-matter of my inquiries gradually became enlarged. The fact that magical ideas lie behind most primitive customs relating to self-decorations induced me to examine the nature of Indian magic in general, and since the supernatural power which is the essence of magic appeared to be intimately connected with animistic ideas, I was further led to inquire into Indian animism, as it refers to animals, plants, and inanimate objects of nature. Not only religious beliefs, but also certain forms of worship are involved in my investigations, since sacrifice among the Indians often has a purely magical significance. Moreover, since the belief in metempsychosis, deeply rooted in the Indian mind, appears to be closely connected with a certain primitive theory of generation and conception, I have tried to throw some light upon this theory also, notwithstanding the difficulties with which inquiries into these questions are beset. Again, the ideas which the Indians have about conception are apt to throw light upon the custom generally known under the name of “ couvade,” of which the classical land is South America. But, as we shall see, couvade is also connected with certain animistic ideas, which must be taken into account when we have to explain this peculiar primitive custom. Lastly, two fundamental notions in primitive religion are made the subjects of inquiry: the notion of taboo and the notion of mana. On the basis of the previous investigations, we may perhaps be able finally to decide whether the mysterious power behind taboo