The economy of Methodism illustrated and defended : in a series of papers.

Front matter

THE

ECONOMY OF METHODISM lUttstralrtr aifo lefotMr:

IN A SERIES OE PAPERS.

Contents

Page AN APPEAL TO THE METHODISTS, IN OPPOSITION TO THE CHANGES

PROPOSED IN THEIR CHURCH GOVERNMENT 9

A NARRATIVE AND DEFENCE OF THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE ME- THODIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH IN BALTIMORE CITY STATION 57

Dedication

To Rev. Nicholas Snethen.

Rev. Sir, — Besides the common vanity of authors, which leads them to prefix to their works the names of celebrated men, I have other reasons for inscribing the following pages to you. You have condescended to notice my " book " while yet in embryo, and before its merits could possibly be appreciated. We have your gracious promise, that " if it should turn out to be in any measure what you suspect it will be, I must look out for something more than visionary theories."

I was at first doubtful whether or not the remarks in the Mutual Rights, No. 32, over the signature of Spectator, were intended for me ; for although I was designated by my professional appellation, and was conscious of having signified an intention of writing in defence of our Church polity, and, moreover, did not know of any other doctor who had done so, yet, as I was also described as a " learned and profound divine," a conscious unworthiness withheld me from appropriating the remarks to myself. Spectator did not, however, leave us long to doubt ; in a subsequent number, the doctor was pointed out as one of the signers of a publication which appeared in the " American and Commercial Daily Advertiser," of a particular date, — and as there were no doctors who signed that publication except Doctor Roberts and myself, and as Doctor Roberts had never proposed to write on the subject alluded to, the application of your remarks to me was inevitable.

Conclusion

We have shown, in the preceding observations, that the question which the Methodists are called upon to decide is one of no ordinary importance. It is not about some modification or amendment of the present system that we contend. The question to be settled is, whether we will abolish the present system of Church polity, under which we have so long prospered, and through the instrumentality of which so much good has been done, and adopt a new one ; whether, refusing to profit by the lessons of experience, we shall let go what we have proved to be good, and enter upon a course of experiments in Church government, — experiments, too, which propose advantages, the attainment of which is at least doubtful, but which involve, in their consequences, evils fearful in amount and inter* minable in duration. To this we object, because, —

1. We have seen that we are not bound to enter upon these experiments by Scriptural authority ; for the Scriptures have imposed no exclusive form of government on the Church, but have left her to regulate her outward economy according to the circumstances in which she may happen to be placed.

2. We have shown that the right of representation in the laity and local preachers is not, and cannot be, founded on an analogy between the natural rights of the citizen and the conventional rights of a member of our Church, for no such analogy exists. It is vain to appeal to the civil institutions of our country, or the principles on which they are so happily founded, in support of these fancied rights ; for our civil and ecclesiastical governments have no attributes in common with each other. They originated differently — are instituted with intentions totally different — and severally exercise an authority in which there is no one point of resemblance. The specious appeal, then, to our political feelings is declamation, not argument — it may amuse, but it cannot convince us ; we must have some better reasons for the measure before we risk an experiment, the result of which no sagacity can fully appreciate, and the evil effects of which no human wisdom may be able to repair.

3. We have insisted that no changes ought to be made which have no better foundation than abstract metaphysical speculation on the natural rights of mankind : because such speculations are endless ; and if once admitted as principles on which changes in our government are to be predicated, there is no anticipating the results or the consequences. We have not objected to any alterations, the utility of which can be clearly pointed out .; but we are not willing to alter our economy on any other terms. That which experience has proved to be eminently useful, we beg leave to retain, however it may be cavilled at by would-be metaphysicians and philosophers : for we are exhorted to prove all things, and hold fast that which is good; and we believe the advice is as wholesome as the authority is unexceptionable.

4. The utility or expediency of a lay and local representation has not been shown by the reformers. As we have seen, they have contented themselves with the discussion of the principle in the abstract, without condescending to tell us how it can be applied with advantage, or even with safety, to our peculiar circumstances as a Church.

5. The reformers have not pointed out any object of legislation, which remains to be effected by our General Conference, that demands the aid of an additional body of delegates : and we have seen that if we subtract from the business of the Conference, all that is already done to the satisfaction of our reformers, and all that relates exclusively to the travelling preachers, there will remain no subject of legislation which could justify us in putting anything to hazard for the purpose of effecting the wonderful project with which we have been so long entertained. And we think it is clearly obvious, that it would put to hazard much that has been heretofore deemed of vital importance. All that is valuable in peace and concord, all that is commendable in brotherly kindness and charity, would be put in jeopardy at every successive election ; and how many elections it would give rise to, it is impossible to foretell.

6. There is one argument against the utility and even the fundamental principle of this scheme of representation, which, if the reader has not particularly remarked, we beg him again to review, both because we think it most conclusive, and because it applies with equal force to all the different plans which have been suggested, or which can be proposed, on this subject. It shows the relation of the delegate to his constituents to be necessarily irresponsible, from the impossibility of their exercising that oversight of his individual doings which would be necessary to secure the faithful representation of their sentiments and circumstances in the legislature of the Church.

7. Of the impracticability of this scheme of reform, we think the impartial reader will, by this time, have been fully convinced. We have clearly demonstrated that it cannot be effected, without authorizing the conference to levy a direct tax on the members, and of expelling from the Church all who refuse or neglect to pay the imposition.

The consequences which would grow out of such a measure as this are not at all conjectural, whatever may be said of the " visionary theories " which belong to the contemplated reformation.

In short, the project presented by our disaffected members, is a bold and reckless innovation, for the adoption of which we have neither the plea of necessity, the prospect of utility, nor the sanction of experience. Necessity there cannot be, because it is acknowledged that the success of the present system, in effecting the great objects of its institution, is without parallel in the modern history of the Christian Church. The utility of the proposed changes is not the ground on which their advocates have urged them, or on which they have relied for success. And as to experience, all the lessons which it teaches go to show that every system of Church polity is dangerous in proportion to the contests for pre-eminence and distinction which it will produce ; for these contentions must inevitably loosen the only bonds by which a Christian community can be held together — namely, those of charity and brotherly-kindness. And we confidently believe, that whoever considers, without partiality or prejudice, the whole project of revolutionizing our Church government, will arrive at this conclusion — namely, that the whole scheme is impracticable ; and to attempt it, would inevitably destroy our itinerant ministry, weaken the connexion which now subsists between the several annual conferences, and ultimately produce a dismemberment of the Church.

We submit this appeal to the Methodists, with confidence that it will be read with attention and considered with care, on account of the importance of the subject. We delayed writing for a long time, with the hope that some person more competent, and who had more leisure, would have performed the task : in this we were disappointed ; and nothing remained but to do our duty as well as we could. If our arguments are solid, they will not fail of effect on account of the imperfect manner in which they are exhibited — " for truth needs no ornament ; all she borrows from the pencil is deformity." We should have avoided decoration and ornament even if it had offered : we " designed plain truth for plain people."

We will add what, we are sure, will give satisfaction to the lovers of peace on both sides, whatever may be their opinions of all the rest of our book — namely, that when our local brethren among the reformers shall abate somewhat of their pretensions, and the lay reformers shall be satisfied with a representation based on the broad ground of expediency alone, without any reference to abstract principles, we have terms of pacification to propose, on which we think all parties may safely meet and happily unite. These terms, however, are, as yet, our own, having never communicated our views to any member or minister of the Church of either party : and while the reformers continue in their present temper it will probably be useless to propose anything which does not quadrate with their " visionary theories." It must not be inferred that we think any sort of lay or local representation necessary. If we propose anything, it will be only for the sake of peace.

A NARRATIVE AND DEFENCE

OF

THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH IN

BALTIMORE CITY STATION,

AGAINST

CERTAIN LOCAL PREACHERS AND LAY MEMBERS OP SAID CHURCH,

BY

THE PERSONS WHO PREFERRED AND SUSTAINED THE CHARGES.

Put them in mind — to speak evil of no man. — Titus iii, 1, 2. Speak not evil one of another, brethren. — James iv, 11.

Wherefore, laying aside all malice, and all guile, and hypocrisies, and envies, and all evil-speakings, etc. — 1 Peter ii, 1.

For individuals to do wrong in their social or Church capacity, is a greater crime than to do wrong in their individual capacity; because their official acts will be more extensive in their influence, and of course the injury will be greater. — Asa Shinn, M. K., vol. iii, p. 12.