Half a century of Australasian progress. A personal retrospect, etc

Part I

Itinerary of the Tour of a Revisit. PAET II. A Series of Articles on General Questions of Australasia, The Colonies, and The Empire Generally. by WILLIAM WESTGARTH LONDON: SAMPSON LOW, MARSTON, SEARLE, & RIVINGTON, LIMITED, St. 5nnBtan's JQornac, Fetter Lane, Fleet Street, E.C. 1889. [All rights reserved.} LONDON : PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED, STAMFORD STUfcfcT ASD CHARING CROSS. PEEFATORY REMARKS. " We regard the Colonies an integral parts of the Empire, and our warmest sympathies are with our brethren beyond the seas, who are no less dear to us than if they dwelt in Surrey or Kent."— Speech of the Prince of Wales at the " coming of age " dinner of the Boyal Colonial Institute, 13th March, 1889. Some more Recent Occurrences. My Preface is not a little in the nature of a Post script.

Events have a quick succession in Austral asian colonial life. Ere an ordinary volume like this can be passed through the press, much that is fresh or additional upon its subject may have occurred which an author would still like to notice. Amongst other events in so brief a space have been these three of no small significance. First, the late elections in New South Wales, as was not altogether unexpected, have at last threatened the free-trading position which the Colony, mainly under Sir Henry Parkes's vigorous hands, has hitherto been able to maintain. Colonists, whenever they quit their mother's leading, seem unable to save themselves from the common lapse into " protection," although every distinguished economist, without one single exception, has declared and demonstrated, that for any society to restrict its own market, and to limit a

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. IV its own sphere of exchange, must be self-evident folly and loss. Second, yet one further conference upon Intercolonial Federation has separated once more without result. Upon these events, the latter even more untoward than the first, I must say a few words in this preface further on. Third, just as I go to press, we have had the important speech of the Prince of Wales, a sentence from which, as quoted above, cannot fail to promote the great cause in whose interest it was spoken. A fourth subject is also recently to the front, in more assured hope of success than before, namely, the admission of our colonial stocks into the highly privileged list for Trust investment. There seems no doubt now that this privilege will be conceded very shortly. Our distinguished Chancellor, even as a mere matter of business, could not allow this concession to interfere, as undoubtedly it would have done, with his greats Consols' Conversion scheme.

But that completed, the way for the other will be clear. Australasia must not miss this happiest of opportunities for inaugurating her coming — her in evitable — Three per cents. Each Colony might issue, as the privileged stock, an uniform Three per cent. Into this all the previous outstandings, respectively, might be gradually converted. Thus the foundation might be laid of a great Australasian Dominion stock, a worthy substitute in point of security, as we may hope, for the old parental Threes which have just expired.

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. V Some Prominent Public Questions dealt with. In the course of my Australasian tour my attention was called to a variety of high public questions of the day, most of them of very great current interest and importance, alike to the Colonies and the Empire. In giving my views upon these ques tions, I not only speak as from the very ground and scene of the questions, but also out of a length and variety of colonial experience which not many could claim to exceed. I have discussed them with all due freedom, feeling that my views are mostly those of thorough conviction. If I have aimed at a touch of humour to suitably lighten some subjects having perhaps a leaden character to many readers, I shall not be misunderstood — not even if the humour be but moderately visible. These questions then, wherever or whenever they crossed my path, I have endeavoured duly to discuss.

They already arise in considerable num ber and diversity. They are Australasian questions, questions of the Colonies in general, and questions of the whole Empire. One of them, for example, is the improvement, by means of irrigation and otherwise, of the Australian climate, a subject which is now commanding very general attention on the spot, and in which is involved a progress that, as even now exceeding all the marvels of the past, may be regarded as prospectively in the region of the incalculable.

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. VI Another question pertains to still improved inter communications, especially as to the high desi deratum of speed, in which, as must yet be con fessed, our Australasian " Lines " are so completely outstripped by those between Liverpool and America. I might have included another question, not uncon nected with this of the speed of intercommunication, namely the great Postal question, colonial and general, if it had not been of late wielded with such exemplary vigour and pertinacity by my friend, Mr. Henniker Heaton, M.P. for Canterbury. Then follow certain graver questions, such as, first, the policy of the extension of the Empire, a subject on which there are now indications of a changed feeling at Home, and one more in accordance with the colonial view, which has usually regarded the utmost possible extension amongst the unclaimed areas of savage peoples as the most likely to result in excluding future foreign complications, and giving to the Empire the minimum of possible future danger or disturbance.

Second comes the equally grave question of the socio-political principles of the Empire's government, a question which concerns mainly the well-being of the non-British races of our tropical colonies. Selection of the most important of tliese Questions. Making a comparative estimate of the degree of importance of these various questions, the four following strike me as not only the most important,

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. VII but as those which press most immediately for settlement. First, the Chinese question, which is really one of our being some day blotted out or flooded out of national existence in certain of our Colonies by a possible countless swarm of non-associable human beings, with whom our only chance is by a timely exclusion. Second, the confederation of natural colonial groups, as the Canadian, Cape, and Ausr tralasian respectively, into one general government. Third, the grandest as well as gravest of all these questions is that of the political unity of the Empire, so as to bind effectively together this greatest of national structures which the world has ever seen in all the power and influence, and the guidance of wisdom and experience, which is possible to all its circumstances. There is still a fourth question, that of the final result of an united empire as to trading freedom or trading self-restriction to our vast and varied in terests.

Such experience as we have is, I fear, opposed to any hope that the colonial groups, when they respectively federate, will do otherwise than follow the Canadian example into protection. But when the lively and most interesting battle opens over the whole Empire, as it will do at once upon the completion of the political unity now so univer sally desired, I do not doubt that the mother's influence will prevail, even where common sense has failed, to hinder her children from damaging by their restrictions their own prosperity and prospects.

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. VIII The United Empire the Greatest Question. The United Empire is undoubtedly the greatest, as well indeed as the most urgent, of all our present questions ; and, as it is one on which I have bestowed much serious attention, I feel disposed to deal with it in a practical way leading to action. It is chiefly for the opportunity of some further remarks on this question, suggested by what has come further under my observation upon it since this volume was written, that I have taken the liberty of inflicting upon my readers this rather lengthened Preface. A Colonial View upon it. One of the most suggestive views I have as yet met with on the question of the Unity of the Empire is given in an article of the (Melbourne) Australasian weekly paper of 13th October last, which every one interested, and proposing to give in any way a help to the cause, should read.

But, as many may not have the opportunity, I shall here recall its sub stance. As I left Melbourne two days before the publication, I did not happen to read it until all my volume was in type, so that I must needs bring it up here. The writer of the article does not in the least doubt the general desire of the colonists to be united, or to remain united, with the great Empire of their fellow-countrymen, and that is evidently also his own personal feeling. But difficulty and

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. IX disagreement begin at once when we come to the steps that are to be taken to effect this object. The writer continues, on this further point also, to speak not only for his fellow colonists, but seemingly also from his own feeling. He says, in effect, " We dislike the idea of an Imperial Executive over shadowing us ; we dread a Parliamentary rule that is to be above our own ; we are nervous, whether really or affectedly, even about a federated English Cabinet, because we fear it might wield too much power," and so on, and so on. Now, the utter contradiction implied here may not be fully apparent to those who, like our Australian colonists, have revelled for nearly the last thirty-five years in that utterly anomalous paradise of being practically their own masters, and yet, while on their part responsible for nothing, full members of an Empire, every part of which their Mother is bound to cherish and defend.

Besides the question of the equities of such a case, we see well exemplified the apostolic argument about the body and its members. In the colonial case each member thinks to live for itself, because that is so safe and pleasant under the powerful shelter of the whole body, and yet each is grudging and jealous of the strength which it is to contribute thereto. In my view all this unreason, so to call it, is simply the natural outcome of the present politically anomalous and self-segregative position of our Colonies. The effect already, during the thirty odd

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. X years this condition has lasted, is to raise up a serious difficulty ; and, if there is a further like term of such anomalous life, the difficulty might possibly be enhanced beyond surmounting. The Empire will simply bleed to death, even if accompanied by the sweet music of the most loyal imperial phraseology. The high Importance of Time. In this case, then, of course there is no considera tion more important than time. I cannot pretend to guess at what exactly passes in the mind of my old friend, Sir Henry Parkes, on that point. But more times than once in the union movement the delay or abstention of his, the senior and most important Colony, has discouraged or postponed great questions of political or financial import. While in the very act of draughting this Preface, the southern telegrams bring us that abortive result of the Inter colonial Federation Conference to which I have alluded, and which will probably cause years of further delay.

" The session of the Australasian Federal Council for 1889," says the message, " which closed on Monday last, was unimportant and un eventful, judging from the meagre summaries of each day's business. The persistent abstention of the parent Colony, New South Wales, from any recognition of this union of the other Colonies practically paralyses the operation of the Council, and deprives its decisions of that weight and authority they would otherwise possess."

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. XI Is Sir Henry himself so loyal that he can see no danger in delay ? In a late speech, also telegraphed quite lately, he had said, speaking of the Inter colonial Union, that ere that came there would be ten Colonies to deal with the question, instead of the present six. He alluded to tropical Australia, with its three prospective Colonies, and perhaps our section of New Guinea as the fourth. But to wait for this would certainly involve at least ten to twenty more years of time. The separate life to which each Colony is now so long accustomed is, no doubt, one cause of the block that has ever, from one Colony or another, hindered and protracted the union movement. In addition, I doubt not, the tariff question ruffles Sir Henry and his Free Trade Government, who are surrounded, within as well as without their boundaries, by the ceaseless hostility of Protection.

Indeed the fight already looks ominous for trading freedom even upon his own ground, as the late New South Wales elec tions have returned Sir Henry's party in a parliamentary majority of only four votes. A Striking Contingency. A rather striking contingency comes into view here. If New South Wales were at last to abandon the trading freedom she has so long preserved, and to cripple her exchange resources by the restrictions of protection, she would inevitably, I think, lose the commercial supremacy which she has of late years

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. XII wrested from her rival junior, Victoria, since the latter lapsed into this restrictive course. Perhaps patriotic Victorians may see here an additional reason for getting New South Wales committed to Protection like themselves. But I feel bound to admit that, if New South Wales thus sacrificed herself, she would, no doubt, very greatly remove the block to Inter colonial Federation, and I may here repeat my view, that everything else, tariffs not excepted, ought to be counted second to the great aim of unity, whether Intercolonial or Imperial. An Empire Executive. The difficulty in question suggests that the bringing together of the Empire should not be encumbered by any great steps into new courses, and for the simple reason that such steps will never be taken. Such are propositions about Federal bodies to super sede or dominate the present Parliaments, Home and colonial ; or to fill up the present so-called Imperial Parliament by a huge influx of proportionate colonial elements ?

I have pointed to the Cabinet as the comparatively easy and effective means of accomplishing Imperial unity. Let us introduce, in a constitutional way, the colonial element there, and at once there is an Empire Executive. An Intermediate Step. But even this is a step which Colonies, already querulous about steps, may find a difficulty in

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. XIII taking. It requires some form of election which the people of each Colony or each federated group will feel to be binding, so as to give the Empire all its possible influence and strength. On this account I have suggested a still simpler and intermediate step, which is, I think, quite possible to the con venient elasticities of our constitutional method, and may, almost at once, open the road to the final unity of the Empire. What should prevent the Queen, by advice of Her Government, nominating the colonial representative proportion by way of a council of advice, to sit always with the Cabinet ? Although no constitutional powers could be con ferred upon the colonial element thus introduced, yet the practical working would gradually make towards an Empire cabinet, while the step would be so significant, that it could hardly fail to be followed by the full constitutional arrangement.

I will venture to follow this general proposal by giving the exact detail. There are many colonists of position and experience, residing more or less per manently in this country, from whom such a selection as I suggest could be made. If the Colonial Office feels short of range, the Royal Colonial Institute and the large Colonial Trade Sections of the London Chamber of Commerce will complete its resources. I will suppose that ten members, added for the Colonies to a Home cabinet of sixteen, may be the proportion ; say, three each for the "Dominion and Australasia, two for the

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. XIV Cape, and one each for the East and West Indian Settlements of the properly colonial kind. For the present, then, let this proportion of the Cabinet be introduced by way of a nominated and advisory body. The mode of procedure, as it appears to me, would be for the Home Government to select these ten names, of course advisedly, and refer them for approval to the respective Colonies. If these names were sent to the respective governors, these latter would, in a prompt and common-sense way, easily ascertain sufficiently colonial opinion. My expectation is that a loyal and cordial acquiescence would be everywhere given, while a general interest would be aroused towards the further development of so significant a first step. The Parent to the Front at last. No small advantage of this step would be its indication to the Colonies that their parent was at last giving up that passive attitude of self-effacement in her family which she has so long, and I might even say so incongruously, assumed.

To this attitude, additional as it is to the grave political incongruities of the colonial position, I largely attribute the cross grains that on occasions show themselves in Colonies, and which are not altogether confined to recent exhibitions in Queensland, although exhibited there more pronouncedly perhaps than elsewhere. As parent of the family, the Home Government should come more to the front, and

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. XV invite or lead, rather than follow or stand passive. Of course the former must be done judiciously, and all the more so, from the Colonies having been so long used to, and perhaps somewhat spoiled by, the latter. The only instance, I think, in which this proper self-assertion has been made, namely in the proposition of the colonial Conference of two years past, was met, on the colonial part, with a cordiality of response which must surely have been to the parent all that was expected or desired. And out of that Conference has come, or, more strictly, has been completed, the present most important arrangement for joint naval defence. Judicious steps, even still more directly tending towards the unity of the Empire, might meet quite as prompt and favourable a response. I think that in such matters the Home Government has been altogether too timid, as though practically under estimating the great influence it still wields in the Colonies and the solid substratum of loyalty still there.

I believe that the easy course which I have suggested above for taking a preliminary step towards the Empire's political unity would be well taken by the Colonies, and that it would lead inevi tably to the completion of that object. The Colonial Element in the Imperial Executive. I have already said on this occasion, as well as on previous occasions not a few, that the introduction of the colonial element into the Home Cabinet might

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XVI result in the happiest effect upon Home party politics. A different view has been expressed on this contingency, to the effect that such unwonted fusion might rather confuse the Home political lines, by introducing, so to say, an alien element, unsympathetic with either party. Where, for instance, it is said, would the colonial element stand when there came a change of Government? If so slightly sympathetic with Home party as not to require to " go out " with the one or " come in " with the other, would it not " betray party secrets," or otherwise jumble our systematic party action ? Well, but this is to parade the very defects which we hope the colonial fusion will help to reduce or get rid of. On the contrary, there is a good hope that the system of unpatriotic " secrets," and other indications of unseemly party extremes, may be beneficially modified under the new course ; so that we may not only apprehend no harm from it, but rather confidently leave the two elements of the future Cabinet, the Home and the colonial, to adjust themselves for the Empire's good as circumstances may suggest.

They are to be guided, as M. Thiers said of the Pope, by " the Providence of events." If Lord Salisbury might possibly dread, from some past experience, that the colonial partnership meant an occasional perplexing spoke in the wheel of his Foreign Policy, I would recommend the effective cure of terminating the present abnormal colonial

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. XVII relations, which, out of entire non-responsibility, must ever be fertile in a crop of free talk. Lastly, in the way of the Empire's unity, is ever apt to be thrust upon the Colonies the bugbear of the Mother country's possible foreign wars, in which the Colonies might have no interest whatever. But, in the first place, the parent's past wars had been mostly made, more or less directly, on account of Colonies. And, again, the Colonies are just as much liable now to hostile attack arising out of such wars as if under the completest political union. Our empire must face its risks in that way like other powers of the world, and the Colonies, since the question came directly before them, have surely shown no shirking disposition. On the other hand, however, the contingency of unity presents some important and not unfavourable considerations. 1.

An Imperial policy, in which the colonial element duly weighs, will probably steer even still more clear, if possible, of foreign com plications than has been the later steady aim of our Home Government. 2. When the power of the whole Empire is grasped by an adequate and constitutional Executive, every section of it, even the least, is assured that in case of need the whole Empire stands behind it. 3. When the rest of the world realises this new position of the Empire, the prospect of any attack from other powers will be materially diminished. b

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. XVIII POSTSCRIPT. The Late Canadian Invitation to Australia and Intercolonial Federation. One of the latest as well as pleasantest anticipations of an United Empire, as well as the lesser question of an Australasian inter-colonial Federation, has been the invitation from the Dominion to her sister Australia for a meeting on behalf of their mutual commerce. Such approaches from one section of the Empire to another are so proper in themselves, and of so enlivening a character — they are invariably so cordially received, as far at least as a very limited experience yet goes — that the surprise is that they should not be oftener suggested. The Empire girdles the earth in the common bond of English race, and in the common spectacle of a vigorous progress. The various parts have a natural gravitation towards each other.

It is surely worth while to have now and again a special conference to consider how still further to extend these natural relations, and to diminish obstacles and distance. In Australia's cordial response, her proposed alternative that the Canadians should be the visitors, was, I think, a happy idea. There would be the reduced difficulty of a numerically smaller delegation from the one Dominion Government. But far beyond

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. XIX that minor matter is the consideration that, while Canada is already familiar to Australia from the facility of access from London, the latter is as yet almost an unknown land to Canadians. Indeed, the marvels, on the one hand, of an unprecedented race of progress in the Southern group, and on the other of the scientific romance of its fauna and flora, which now interest increasing multitudes in this age of extended science cultivation, give the decided pre ponderance of attraction in that direction. A citizen of Montreal, Quebec, or Toronto, would probably be far more struck with the appearance of Sydney or Melbourne, than with that of our Home cities, not excepting even London itself. Of course the larger part of the idea concerns the future, but what would impress the Canadian on that point in Australia was the comparative imminence of that future by the un exampled pace of the present.

So very much the younger as Australia is, her two capitals, Sydney and Melbourne, are each already twice the size of Montreal, the largest city of the Dominion. Promotion of Intercolonial Federation. But I am here rather concerned with the effect of such a visit in stimulating the Australasian Federal movement, when the many representatives of the comparatively small Australian Colonies meet the few, who though few, yet represent a sub-Imperial Power, already not unworthy to compare with not a h PREFA CE. XX few of the independent powers of the civilized world. Doubtless Australasian federation, when it does come, will take example, more or less, from that so successfully carried out by Canada. If so, then the separate political life of the Australian Colonies, which time has so far endeared to their respective populations, does not cease upon federation.

These Colonies merely surrender the federal questions, reserving still their own local administration, and reserving also, as I have proposed, the free hand to each over its tariff, which I believe will be an important facility, or indeed a necessity of the change. Difference between the Two Groups. But I apprehend a great difficulty to Australasia in creating such a numerically ample Federal Par liament as assembles yearly at Ottawa. We must remember, first of all, that ever-busy Australia knows no comparatively leisure season such as that which ice-bound Canada enjoys every winter. And again, over the immense Australasian area the heavy membership drafts of such a parliament upon the busy colonists, and the great distances, would be seriously felt. New Zealand, for instance, Fiji, New Guinea, the entire of Tropical Australia, and one or more Colonies of the present West Australia, would feel the practical inaccessibility of an Australian Ottawa, situated probably either at Albury, or lower down the queen of Australian rivers, the Murray.

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. XXI These considerations suggest a Federal Body rather in that numerical paucity to be associated with an Executive. Each Colony would elect its small contribution to the dominating body. By making of each Colony one electoral district, the best men would be secured, and the highest repre sentative consideration be given them. This mode seems to me better for a non-party federal body than the alternative of a selection by the respective sub-parliaments. The moderate numerical strength would not be unfavourable — rather, perhaps, the reverse — to influence and power, to loyalty of sentiment and to consistency of course. A Momentary Gleam of Protection at Sydney. During the temporary displacement of Sir Henry Parkes's government, just alluded to, the protec tionist advocates enjoyed a momentary gleam of hope, and their colours and their arguments were at once displayed.

Let me extract, from the elaborate address of the protectionist premier of the passing moment, Mr. Dibbs, the following passage, which concisely presents to us at once protectionist principle and protectionist error : — " Almost every other country protects its markets against our competition, while its surplus products and manufactures pour into New South Wales — the market which should be ours, but which we

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. XXII practically hand over to others."— Sydney Morning Herald, 23 Jan., '89. Is the protectionist to remain for ever incompetent to perceive that the change he would introduce here would be the sacrifice of the society's major interest for the minor— the welfare of the greater number for that of the lesser ? Let me now reconstruct Mr. Dibbs's sentence in accordance with the principles of true economy and common sense. It will then read thus : — " Almost every other country refuses to its people the selection, which they would otherwise make, of such of our products as best suited them, while such of the products and manufactures of these countries as best suit us we are always free to secure. Thus, by our advantageous exchanges of other kinds of our own products for these suitable imports, we make for ourselves the better market, while the self-restricted countries in question make for themselves the worse."

Had not the colony best remain so ? Before concluding here this work, which gives the Australasia of to-day, and was preceded only a few months before by my " Personal Recollections " of the same part of our Empire half a century before, I am anxious to pay a deserved tribute to my old friend and Victorian fellow-colonist, Mr. James Bonwick, late Inspector of Victorian Schools, and a multifarious author upon these Southern Colonies. Not a few of us have already taken up the pen on behalf of our infant Hercules at the Antipodes, but

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. XXIII more laboriously and more successfully perhaps than any other my old friend has toiled to provide the earlier food for the future historians of Australia. W. Westgarth. 8 Finch Lane, London, 18th March, 1889. CONTENTS. TACK Preface iii PAKT I. Section I. — A Prefatory Discussion on the Origin and Plan of the Work .... 1 An Australasian Eetroepect of Half a Century — Claims of " The Voyage Out " as part of the Subject — Choice of Koute — Eival Interests of Eoutes — The American and Mormonism — The British Association to Australia — Some Suggestions on this Subject — Plan of the Work. Section II. — The Voyage Oct ... . .14 The Charming Canaries — Cape Town — Tasmania. Section III. — Hobart, the Capital of Tasmania . 19 Comparative Eace of Colonial Progress — A Tasmanian Premier • — • A Digression upon Colonial Finance — Intercolonial Federation as bearing on Colonial Finance — Question of incorporating Tasmania with Victoria.