The seat of government of the United States. A review of the discussions in Congress and elsewhere, on the site and plans of the federal city, etc

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THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES. A REVIEW OP THE DISCUSSIONS, IN CONGRESS AND ELSEWHERE, ON THE SITE AND PLANS OF THE FEDERAL CITY ; WITH A SKETCH OF ITS PRESENT POSITION AND PROSPECTS. READ (IN PART) BEFORE THE NEW YORK AND MARYLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETIES. ALSO, A NOTICE OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION. BY JOSEPH B. VARNUM, Jr. NEW YORK: PRESS OF HUNT'S MERCHANTS' MAGAZINE 1848. PRINTED BY G. W. WOOD, 29 GOLD-ST, NEW YORK. The following pages comprise an article which was read be fore the New York Historical Society in January, 1847. It was also read before the Maryland Historical Society, at Baltimore, and an assembly of citizens at Washington. The interest which was manifested on these occasions induced the writer to enlarge the plan, and introduce other matter not strictly coming within the scope of an historical discourse, but believed to be important to a complete view of the subject.

He has, however, for the most part, omitted all such details as would more properly belong to a guide-book ; or be invested with a local, rather than a general interest: It is believed to be the first attempt which has been made to call attention to the various questions which arise in the selection of a seat of government for a nation. As such, the editor of Hunt's Merchants' Magazine deemed it worthy of insertion in that well-known and valuable periodical ; and it is now issued in this form for distribution amongst those friends who have taken an interest in the subject. To Lewis H. Ma chen, Peter Force, John C. Brent, and Joseph Gales, Esquires, he is under obligations for valuable suggestions and facts. That he may have made some mistakes, is not unlikely ; but he will have accomplished his object if he shall succeed in inducing some abler pen to develop the easiest and best way of fulfilling the design proposed in founding the city of Washington.

Chapter I. False Impressions Prevailing In Relation To The City Of

WASHINGTON— MR. SOUTHARD'S REMARK, AND ITS APPLICATION — SESSIONS OF CONGRESS, WHERE HELD PRIOR TO 1790 — ARTICLE OF THE CONSTI TUTION PROVIDING FOR A SEAT OF GOVERNMENT — DISCUSSIONS IN RELATION TO THE PLACE TO BE SELECTED — DISADVANTAGES OF A COMMERCIAL CITY — PROPRIETY OF LAYING OUT A CITY EXPRESSLY FOR THIS PURPOSE — POSITION — INFLUENCE OF THE PROPOSITION FOR FUNDING STATE DEBTS — THE GROWTH OF THE WEST ANTICIPATED WHEN THIS QUESTION WAS DECIDED — DR. PATERSON's CAL CULATION — RECENT REMARKS OF SENATORS CALHOUN AND ALLEN ON "A CENTRE OF TERRITORY," AND INFLUENCE OF COMMERCIAL CITIES — CONSTRUCTION OF THE ACT. Notwithstanding the number who annually visit Washington on busi ness or pleasure, there are few who rightly understand the relation in which that city stands to the general government, or appreciate its import ance as the only spot where it is practically seen that, for national purposes, we are but one people.

Tiit're are, it is true, forts, arsenals, and navy-yards scattered over the country, in which all are interested equally, and which awaken our pride, as citizens of the great republic ; but each of these is limited to some one object, and a sight of one is a sight of al). It is only at Washington that one sees a whole district of country laid out expressly as a common centre of the nation, and a city planned solely with a view to the gratification of national pride, and for national conve nience ; the inhabitants of which are under the entire control of Congress, and deprived of the elective franchise, for the express purpose of remov ing them from the influence of party spirit, and enabling the government to perform its functions without embarrassment or restraint. Everything that beautifies or adorns it, or in any manner affects its prosperity, should interest, to almost as great a degree, the citizen of the most distant State as the resident on the spot ; for there are few who do not, in the course of their lives, expect to reside there for a longer or short er period.

It is the fashion to speak of Washington as a place of extravagant pre tensions, never to be realized ; of magnificent distances, dusty streets, and poverty-stricken people, without reference to the circumstances under which this particular spot was selected for the seat of government, the ob jects contemplated in laying out a Federal cit}-, how far those objects have been accomplished, and to what extent any failure on this score is to be ascribed to the inefficient legislation of Congress. There are gross mis statements made every year by those who ought to know better, and the tendency of which is, not only to prejudice the interest of those who re side upon the spot, but, in our opinion, to foster a public sentiment which is calculated to work no small amount of injury to our institutions and country at large.

It is that spirit which undervalues every place, how ever sacred its associations, if not accompanied with the bustle of com merce and manufactures; which confines itself to the present, or, if it looks into the future, only looks with business-like eyes ; and which has, in a measure, broken up that feeling of patriotism and sentiment, which gathers around certain hallowed spots, and the cultivation of which, as in the case of popular songs and traditions, has, in every country, proved one of its greatest safeguards. We believe that the history of our seat of government, when well known, is calculated to place the aspect of that city in a new light before the country. In one of" his reports, the late Senator Southard spoke of it as the "only child of the nation ;" and the thoughtful visiter who stands on the terrace ofthe capitol, and looks upon the scene around him, instead of dwelling with contempt upon the scattered piles of brick and mortar, will, if we mistake not, in view of the circumstances under which it was brought into being, the honored names connected with its foundation, and its identity of interest with the Union, on which it is dependent for support, recognize the full force of the expression, and feel a corresponding interest in its present and future position.

The subject, too, is fraught with matter of grave reflection to the statesman and philosopher, as illus trative of the influence exerted by a political capital, the principles on which one should be selected, and the expediency of any future change in our own country. It is, therefore, that we propose to present, as briefly as possible, an outline of the arguments which led to the act for establishing the present seat of government, a sketch of the site selected, and the plans adopted for carrying that act into effect, with a v^ew of the present position and future prospects of the city, and the probability or expediency of any fu ture removal. The sessions of the old Congress were held, according as the exigen cies of the war, or the convenience of members from different sections required, at Philadelphia, Baltimore, Lancaster, York, Princeton, Anna polis, Trenton, and New York.

During this time, there appears to have been great anxiety and rivalry amongst the different States, for the honor of having this distinguished body in their midst. New York tendered the town of Kingston for the seat of government ; Rhode Island, Newport ; Maryland, Annapolis; Virginia, Williamsburgh. On the 21st of October, 1783, Congress had been insulted at Philadel phia, by a band of mutineers, which the State authorities were not able to quell. On this occasion they adjourned to Princeton, where they held their sessions in the hall of the college ; and it was probably owing to the recent disturbance, that the subject of a permanent seat of government was now taken up, and continued to be, at intervals, the subject of discus sion up to the formation of the constitution. We have no register of the The Seal of Government of the United States. 7 debates, but a large number of resolutions were offered, and votes taken.

Two of the most prominent propositions will throw some light upon the views as to place and plan which were entertained at that time. On the 7th October, 1783, on motion of Mr. Gerry, it was resolved that buildings for the use of Congress be erected on or near the banks of the Delaware, or of the Potomac, near Georgetown ; provided, a suitable district can be procured on one of the rivers aforesaid fora Federal town, that the right of soil, and an exclusive or such other jurisdiction as Con gress may direct, shall be vested in the United States. This, afterwards, underwent various modifications, one of which was to have buildings erected both on the Potomac and Delaware, until, finally, it was repealed on the 26th April, 1784. On the 30th October follow. ing, Congress met at Trenton, and the subject was again taken up, and, after a long debate, resulted in the passage of an ordinance, appointing three commissioners with full power to lay out a district not exceeding three, nor less than two miles square, on the banks of either side ofthe Del aware, not more than eight miles above or below the falls thereof, for a Federal town.

They were authorized to purchase soil, and enter into con tracts for erecting and completing, in an elegant manner, a Federal house, President's house, and houses for the Secretaries of Foreign Affairs, War, Marine, and Treasury; that, in choosing the situation for the buildings, due regard be had to the accommodation ofthe States, with lots for houses for the use of their delegates respectively. At the Congress which met at New York, January 1-3, 1785, great but unsuccessful efforts were made to substitute the Potomac for the Dela ware. The three commissioners were here appointed, but never entered upon their duties ; for various delays occurred, until, finally, the adoption of the constitution put an end to the whole business. But the reasons which led to these resolutions, no doubt, had their influence upon the minds of those who framed that part of section 8, art. 1, of the constitution of the United States, which declares that Congress shall have power to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not ex ceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of government of the United States, and to make all laws which may be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers.

By Elliott's Debates, it appears that the article was assented to in the convention, without debate. In the Virginia convention, some fears were expressed as to the influence to be exerted by a spot so exclusively under the control of government, under the apprehension that it would be in some measure out of the pale of law, and an asylum for political criminals or violators of State rights ; but the clause was finally acceded to without much opposition. The question as to the place to be selected for the "ten miles square," came up for discussion in Congress during the years 1789 90, on the introduction of a resolution by Mr. Thomas Scott, of Pennsyl vania, that it would be expedient to select a site which should be " as near as possible the centre of wealth, of population, and of territory."

Mr. Lee afterwards moved that " a place as nearly central as a convenient communication with the Atlantic Ocean, and an easy access to the West ern territory will permit, ought to be selected and established as the per manent seat of government of the United States." On the 3d September, 1789, Mr. Goodhue, of Massachusetts, said, in The Seat of Government of the United Stales. debate, that the Eastern and Northern members had made up their minds on the subject, and were of opinion that, on the eastern banks of the Sus quehanna, Congress should fix its permanent residence. A bill passed one House in favor of some place to be selected on the Susquehanna, pro vided the States of Maryland and Delaware would connect the two bays by a canal. Subsequently, an act was introduced for establishing it at its present position, then more generally known as Connogocheague, from a river in Washington county, Maryland, a name which called forth many jokes in the papers of the day.

The place where the seat of government should be fixed, was allowed by every member to be a matter of great im portance. "The future tranquillity and well-being of the United States," said Mr. Scott, "depended as much on this, as on any question that ever had or could come before Congress." Mr. Fisher Ames remarked that " every principle of pride, and honor, and even of patriotism, were en gaged." The debates on the several resolutions and bills, elicited much warmth of feeling, and sectional jealousy. Almost all were agreed that New York was not a suitable place, as not being sufficiently central. There was much division of sentiment as to the relative advantages of Philadelphia and Germantown, in Pennsylvania ; Havre de Grace, and a place called Wright's Ferry, on the Susquehanna ; Baltimore, on the Patapsco ; and Connogocheague, on the Potomac.

The two last were about equally bal anced for some time in the number of supporters. It was remarked, by one of the members of Maryland, that the people of that State were in the situ ation of Tantalus, uncertain which to prefer, the Susquehanna or the Po tomac. Mr. Carroll strongly advocated the latter. Mr. Seney noticed sundry measures of the legislature of Maryland, which evinced, he said, their determination to support the pretensions of the Susquehanna. Mr. Smith set forth the advantages of Baltimore, and the fact that its citizens had subscribed $40,000 for public buildings. The South Carolinians offered an apparently whimsical objection to Philadelphia, to wit : the number Oi Quakers ; who, they said, were eternally dogging the southern members with their schemes of emancipation. Others ridiculed the idea of building palaces in the woods.

Mr. Gerry, of Massachusetts, thought it highly unreasonable to fix the seat of government in such a position, as to have nine States out of the thirteen to the northward of the place, and adverted to the sacrifices the Northern States were ready to make, in be ing willing to go as far South as Baltimore. Mr. Page said New York was superior to any place he knew, for the orderly and decent behavior of its inhabitants. The motion to insert Baltimore instead of the Potomac, was negatived by a vote of 37 to 23. We shall at present content ourselves with stating what we have gath ered from these debates, from letters and documents, and from conversations with gentlemen who lived in that day, as to the principles laid down by General Washington, Mr. Madison, Mr. Lee, Mr. Carroll, and others, who favored the site that was selected.

First. It was not desirable that the political capital should be in a com mercial metropolis.* The constitution declared that Congress should have * See Mr. Madison's letter— Sparks' Washington, vol. 9, p. 551. Mr. Gerry's remarks — Mad. Papers, p. 1,219. Mr. Grayson's remarks— Elliott's Debates in Virg. Convention, p. 431. The Seat of Government of the United Slates. 9 power to exercise exclusive legislation, in all cases whatsoever, over the seat of government. If it could bo supported that this clause left it op tional with Congress to exercise the power or not, there could be no doubt as to the expediency of exercising it. The provision was suggested by the history of all European capitals, as being essential to bestow dignity and independence on the government. " Without it, not only the public au thority might be insulted, and its proceedings be interrupted with impuni ty, but a dependence of the members of the general government on the State comprehending the seat of government, for protection in the exercise of their duty, might bring on the national councils an imputation of awe or influence, equally dishonorable to the government, and dissatis factory to the other members of the confederacy.

The consideration has the more weight, as the gradual accumulation of public improvements at the stationary residence of government, would be too great a public pledge to be left in the hands of a single State, and would create so many obsta cles to a removal of the government, as still further to abridge its necessary independence."* A great obstacle to the exercise of the control in a large commercial community, would be found in the mixed character of the population, and the many elements of discord which existed there. It could readily be foreseen that, in the midst of a dense and excitable mercantile population, such disturbances would frequently recur in times of high party feeling, or during any period of stagnation in business, when the unemployed multitudes could easily be aroused, by real or imaginary grievances, to overcome all opposition, and stay the operations of government.

To check such influences, would impose upon the country the necessity of maintaining a strong military power at the capital, which it was de sirable to avoid, it being no part of our policy to keep on soot a large standing army. Another reason for avoiding a seaport city, would be found in the greater variety and importance of the local objects for which Congress would be called upon to legislate, to the neglect of national af fairs ; and in the apprehension, then generally entertained, that the local expenditures and influence of the different departments, which, in them selves, could afford no reasonable ground of alarm, might, in connection with the wealth and power of such a city, operate greatly to the injury of other places. London and Westminster were mentioned as cases in point: though they, unitedly, sent but six members to Parliament, they had more influence in the measures of government, by their commercial importance, than the whole empire besides.

It would become a favored city, and the government funds, largely disbursed there, would give it advantages, in point of capital, possessed by few others. A remark of Sir James Mcln tosh was extensively quoted, " that a great metropolis is to Tie considered as the heart of a political body — as the focus of its powers and talents — as the direction of public opinion, and, therefore, as a strong bulwark in the cause of freedom, or as a powerful engine in the hands of an op pressor ;" and it had come to be considered that one ofthe surest ways to prevent our capital's becoming the latter, would be to deprive it of the elective franchise. There were obvious reasons why those who lived under the immediate shadow of the government might exert a greater in fluence over the country by their votes and opinions, than the same num. * Federalist.

The Seat, of Government of the United Stales. ber who lived elsewhere. Many, at a distance, might suppose that those so situated, would have a better opportunity to scan the conduct of their rulers ; and the result of the election would, on this account, be, by the successful party, heralded from one end of the Union to the other, while, in reality, it would become the seat of all manner of rival factions, in which the officers of government would mingle, and be tempted and enabled to use the power in their hands for purposes of corruption with more facilities and less fear of detection, than if obliged to go abroad and operate in other places. The city should never be branded with the name of any one political party, but be regarded as neutral ground, where all parties might meet, and be received on equal terms by the residents.

There would be excitement enough attendant upon the ordinary business of legislation, without adding thereto the turmoil and strife of popular elections. Now, would any great commercial emporium be willing to give up this privilege, considered by Americans so invaluable, for the sake of having the government in their midst ? Certainly not ; nor would it be desirable that they should, since their voice in the public councils would be important. There would necessarily be, in all these places, branches of the government, such as custom-houses and naval stations, which were quite as much as it was desirable to concentrate in any one commercial community. Again, in a mercantile population, the great disproportion in fortune, and the heavy demand for land, would render it almost impossible for the officers of government to live in a style of decent respectability, suitable to their stations, upon the moderate salaries which a regard for economy, and the simplicity of our republican institutions, would seem to require ; whereas, in the absence of all other interests but those of persons con nected with the government, the value of the property would adapt itsi-lf, in some measure, to the means of the inhabitants, and then our function aries would be enabled to live in accessible and agreeable quarters, and to appear as well as those around them.

Secondly. It was thought highly expedient that a city should be laid out expressly for this purpose, so that there would be ample provision for all public edifices for centuries to come. It is true that abundance of ground for the public buildings could have been at that time obtained in or about Philadelphia and Baltimore, but they would have then been either all concentrated in one point, and somewhat circumscribed in respect to room, and choice of situation ; or, if more scattered, there would be a difficulty in forming that appropriate connection between them which would be essential to unity, and beauty of design ; and, after all, it would be a mere suburb to the city.* Besides, a thousand objects might, from time to time, «call for the erection of new edifices, which could not at present be anticipated, without keeping vacant for years, at a great loss of interest to the government, and to the detriment of the city, large tracts of land in the best position, which, in the hands of individuals, would be built upon and improved.

On the other hand, in a place that increased chiefly in proportion as the sphere of the executive departments was en larged, the lots of ground would seldom be available to any individual be fore they were required for public purposes, and the cost to the govern ment would be comparatively trifling, while there would be an opportuni- * See Mr. Smith's remarks in debate, Gales & Season's Debates, O. S., vol. 2, p. 960. The Seat of Government of the United Slates. 11 ty to devise a plan expressly for the public accommodation, to which purpose every part of the city would be subservient. The whole should be, as it were, one great building, of which the streets would be the passages ; the public edifices, the halls ; and the private ones, the rooms. It was, at one time, suggested as expedient to require a cession of soil, as well as of jurisdiction, under the idea that the State or States would find it an object to purchase the territory, and present it, for the sake of having the government in their midst ; while, on the other hand, the in come from the sales of lots, would furnish a fund for the erection of pub lic edifices, and the improvement of the place ; but this was pronounced out of the question with regard to places where any considerable popula tion had already collected ; to all of which, Mr. Carroll's remarks in regard to Baltimore would apply.

" He believed, if Congress were disposed to fix on that town, it would be agreeable to the States ; but he did not imagine they would agree to give government a property to the whole town and the surrounding country. The other parts ofthe State had never contemplated making Baltimore a compensation for such an immense property." In selecting a place not previously occupied, the object of the government would be accomplished whether the States conveyed the soil or not, since the cost of the purchase would be comparatively small. Thirdly. With respect to position, while a central point should be preferred, " it ought to be a centre uniting convenience with utility ; the heart should be so placed as to propel the blood to the extremities, with the most equable and gentle motion." There is no common centre.

Territory has one centre, population an other, and wealth a third. The centre of population is variable, and a decision on that point now, might establish a seat of government at a very inconvenient place for the next generation. The same remark may be made in this country with regard to territory. With the rapid increase of States, we should find it necessary to remove the capital every fifty years, unless we anticipated the future extent of our country by placing it where it would be, in the meantime, far beyond the centre of population and convenience. A centre of wealth is open to greater objections. The centre of a sea-coast line ought to be regarded because it is more con veniently accessible, has more wealth, and more people, than an equal area of inland country. Being more liable to invasion on that quarter, government should be near to protect it.

It is also the interest of the back coun try to have the government near the sea, to inspect and encourage trade, by which their abundant produce will find an export. When the central line between the Northern and Southern extremities was fixed, no person in the Western territory had ever wished anything further than that Con gress should establish their seat as far back on this line, as the convenience of maritime commerce would allow. This centre of a sea-coast line falls between the rivers Potomac and Susquehanna ; the place between the Potomac and Eastern Branch would admit of a navy-yard, and was yet so far inland as to be, in some measure, protected from sudden attack. The Potomac, Mill's Creek, and Young hogany, could be connected by canal navigation, and, descending the lat ter, you come to the Monongahela, which meets the Alleghany, and forms the Ohio.

Its immediate vicinity to two flourishing inland towns would give it some of the benefits of their prosperity, without the evils before The Seat of Government of the United Stales. mentioned as incident to a large commercial emporium ; since the inland trade would bring into them a different class of population from that which throngs our seaport towns — one accustomed to the institutions of the country, and more disposed to the preservation of good order. This, too, it was thought, would be a security against the place becoming slavishly dependent upon Congress, giving it a healthy trade, but not one which would supersede entirely the advantages derived from the presence of go vernment. Such were some of the considerations which led to the passage, by a vote of 32 to 29, on the 16th day of July, 1790, of an act entitled " An act establishing the temporary and permanent seat of government of the United States."

As we have only endeavored to set forth those reasons which were considered general and permanent in their application to the subject, we have not alluded to one topic, growing out of the politics of the day, which, it is well known, had an important effect in hastening a decision on the question. Under the then great object of funding the debt, the seat of government would concentrate the public paper ; hence, a situation was desirable from which all parts would be equally benefited by sending forth and circulating government funds, rather than building up lo cal benefits. " It was supposed," says Mr. Gibbs, " materially to benefit the Northern States, in which was the active capital of the country, and a more Southern residence was considered a countervailing advantage." This question infused peculiar bitterness into the debate.

Another consideration which led to the decision, was the deference and regard which would thus be paid to the wishes of General Washington, who had, from the first, strongly advocated the site upon the Potomac, and who seems to have formed rather extravagant calculations in relation to the future growth of the city. Some of the opinions which he ex presses in his letters, seem to conflict with the views we have given rela tive to the disadvantages of a commercial city ; but it is to be borne in mind that it was chiefly a seaport to which those views have reference ; and we have, in this respect, relied mainly on the statements of gentle men who lived at that time. In reviewing the debates on this subject, it is to be remarked that the growth of the Western country was anticipated, and depicted in glowing colors by some of the members of that day.

" If," said Mr. Madison, "the calculation be just, that we double in twenty-five years, we shall speedily behold an astonishing mass of people on the Western waters. * * * We see the people moving from the more crowded to the less crowded parts. The swarm does not come from the Southern, but from the Northern and Eastern hives. This will continue to be the case until every part of America receives its due share of population. If there be any event upon which we may calculate with certainty, I take it that the centre of population will rapidly advance in a south-westerly direction. It must, then, travel from the Susquehanna, if it is now found there it may even extend beyond the Potomac — but the time will be lonofirst; and, as the Potomac is the great highway of communication between the Atlantic and the Western country, attempts to remove the seat must be impossible." il I confess," said Mr. Vining, " to the House and to the world, that, view ing this subject in all its circumstances, I am in favor of the Potomac.