[The Truth in regard to England in 1817. By a Frenchman. Edited by J. A. Viévard] . Translated by W. T. Young

Preface

. As I Avas one morning*, during* the summer of 1846, running my eye over the library of a friend who resides in one of the Swiss Cantons where I was on a visit, I by chance took doAvn a book Avithout lettering on the back, and on opening it I found it Avas in the French language, Avritten thirty years ago, and "dedicated" to the English nation. So struck Avas I Avith some of its sentiments, that on my return home at the close of the summer, I endeavoured to obtain a copy of the work, but I inquired in vain for it at all our foreign booksellers. I therefore wrote to my friend in Switzerland, who kindly sent me over his copy ; and for my own improvement in the political matters it discusses, I thought the work worth

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. the trouble of translating — and now begto sub mit it to the public. Some persons may condemn me for thinking a work, evidently Avritten for the day in which it was published, suitable for republication, either in its original lang*uag*e, or in translation. They may say, " The interest is gone by — Avhy dig up the political bones of past generations, AA'hich are buried and forgotten?" I would answer, that to an Englishman the interest of what concerns his country never " goes by ;" and although such political bones may be in appearance dead, yet their spirit lives, in facts Avhich are daily and hourly being worked up into the body of our national life and history. The events referred to are indeed scarcely yet become matters of history — their consequences at least are still operating on the country — and before we turn over a neAV leaf, it is sometimes useful to run the eye afresh over the page we have just read.

The dead leave us their experience, a solemn warning, a sacred trust, Avhich we are not to use as idle spendthrifts, but to regard as materiel in preparing the way for generations, which are to succeed us, as we have succeeded others, in the inheritance Avhich God has entailed upon our race

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. V for their good, and his own glory. As guardians of these trusts, nothing which is permitted to survive the strife and tempests of the Avorld should be indifferent to us. History is but the world's cemetery, Avhere not the bones merely of nations are entombed, but where their spirit lies as it were embalmed, and Avhere, as from the epitaphs of bygone clays, Ave may learn what has raised and Avhat has sunk nations and public men in the waters of life, and also gather from human example and experience, illustrations of Avhat Divine revelation is in precept daily setting before us. The Avork under consideration is a species of essay on, or defence of, the practical Avorking of the British Constitution, at a period Avhen it was passing* under the severest ordeal to AA'hich a nation could possibly be subject.

A noble and g*enerous French emigrant stands forward in England's defence, braving the odium which so plain an expression of his sentiments was calculated to draw doAvn upon him from his fellow-countrymen whom he addresses. Grateful for the hospitality he received, he is unwilling to alloAV the Avild and malignant accusations of some ainono" them, to fasten individual sins and infir mities on our national character. As translator of the work, although I agree

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. VI with its main tenor, I must not be regarded as necessarily adopting all the Author's reasoning and sentiments, and I entirely disclaim all inten tion of sitting in judgment on my own government and country, and above all of uniting with the Author in measuring their qualities by the equivocal standard of other nations, and the acts and principles of other governments. There is I conceive but one standard by Avhich the fundamental principles of political institutions can ever with safety be judged, and that is the standard of past experience in connection with Divine truth ; for in eschewing* human infallibility, there remains to us no choice of rule in such matters, but that Avhich is above all dispute. The hostile authors, specially singled out by M. de Vauguyon from among the throng of literary assailants, by Avhich the English nation and constitution were attacked on the Continent at the beginning of the present century, are M. Pillet and M. Rubichon.

Their political writings are made the object of his special animadversion, as he proceeds in his work of England's vindication. I should have been glad if these authors' names could have been omitted by me, and if I could in a greater degree have softened down the severe and sarcastic style adopted by our champion Avhenever he

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. VII meets their charges. The Avork would have been more interesting, and quite as instructive, without these episodes ; — but, as my object has been to give M. de Vauguyon's sentiments as much as possible in his OAvn language, translated, I have been care ful not to destroy the integrity of the work, the chief value of which seems to me to consist in the sentiments it contains regarding England and her constitution being those of a disinterested foreigner, and, above all, of a Frenchman. He takes a practical vieAV of Engiand, her people, and their institutions, and attributes our national advancement in poAver and civilization to our high sense of personal liberty, and its con sequent moral responsibility, combined with con servative, political, and commercial principles, which together have founded institutions such as no mere philosophical theorizing could have con ceived, and nothing but accumulated practical experience and indomitable perseverance could ever have produced.

He admires our aptitude for the appreciation and use of the time-honoured Avisdom and experience of our forefathers, and the poAver of making it subservient to a bold spirit for political, scientific, and commercial enterprise. But, above all, he views us as essentially a religious people, Avho cannot exist as a nation without

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. an ecclesiastical establishment, as positive and practical in its character and agency as any other portion of our constitutional economy. He plainly vieAvs the "Anglican religion" as a positive and national system of church-government, headed by the sovereign, and yet as free from the political defects of the Papacy as it is from the indefinite and factious spirit of mere nominal Protestantism. He regards the constitution of the Church of England as the " people's " Magna Charta of religious liberty — as a great light set in the midst of the land, armed with authority to instruct them, and to point to Divine Revelation as their only rule of faith and duty — as in fact the ark of the nation's covenant Avith God — at once the depository of truth and justice, and the only sub stantial barrier against superstition and infidelity.

We are sometimes disposed to listen to the advice and warnings of a stranger, Avhile we dis regard the voice of a friend or relative. Should the republishingof so ingenuous a review of our constitutional position a generation back, assist any who may think proper to read it, in obtaining a better knowledge of the noble frame work and practical character of the British constitution, and of their individual responsibility as En glishmen in regard to it — my object will be attained.

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. IX I cannot doubt, that vA'hile some readers will find in the Author's observations much that Avill give rise to deep and solemn reflections, as to the actual state ancl prospects of their country, yet, looking at the general view he takes of England's energy ancl resources to meet great emergencies, others, and I should hope the majority, -will find that our past history throAVS before it a cheering and hopeful light on the future. Every one may now-a-days have access to the public records and statistics of his country, and can therefore form for himself an estimate of her political and moral condition. Hence, I have considered comparative statistical notes super fluous. And each reader may judge for himself, whether the English and their constitution continue to be worthy of the defence — indeed, of the high and generous encomiums, with which this distinguished foreigner was pleased to honour them a generation back.

Every day's occurrence, since the year 1815, when our country stood in so exalted a position before the world, has added to our national and individual privileges, and consequently to our national and individual responsibilities before God, our country, and the world at large. b X

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. By an eternal decree of Providence, the righteous suffer with the guilty, the guilty participate in the general good— the wheat and the tares grow together until the harvest. In Avhatever state, there fore, a man's lot may be cast, his Aveal ancl his Avoe are alike bound up in the fate of the common wealth to AA'hich he belongs, be its form despotic or liberal. But there is no such action and re action, no such mutual responsibility betAveen a despotic government and its people, as in a free state ! Where, hoAvever, civil and religious liberty is personally enjoyed as it is in England, there is a corresponding individual responsibility, and it behoves us to consider that every exercise of our political and religious privileges must be perpetually telling directly or indirectly upon the body and its respective members.

The state is not more responsible for the security and welfare of its subjects, than its subjects are for the security and welfare of the state.— The obli gation is mutual, their duty ancl well-heinaare inseparably bound together in their respective stations as appointed of God, in power or subjec tion, as the case may be. No Englishman can commit a fault without wounding the state, neither can the state do wrong without injuring every

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. XI member in the state. It is a question of degree ; and although it may have become the habit of statesmen and politicians of modern days, to justify the maintenance of political error by the term un fait accompli, it is not less true Avith a state than with an individual, that every known error sanctioned, every sin unrepented of, stands a Avitness against it, and if pertinaciously adhered to, becomes an obliquity in the foundations, which sooner or later must enfeeble the superstructure. Every man's work is positive and specific — it is a link somewhere to be found in the great chain of political, social, and national life. It is this positive character of our laws and of our people, Avhich M. de Vauguyon so justly admires. In it he sees a manliness of temper and action which; combined with personal freedom, cannot fail to command success in Avhatever it undertakes.

In vain did the Jews of old cry, " The Temple of the Lord are Ave " — when they desired to mag nify the privileges of their theocratic nationality; and equally vain Avill be our cry, as Englishmen, in favour of the British Constitution in " Church and State," unless, as individual members, Ave set oursehres to comprehend and appreciate its organic peculiarities, and our OAvn personal interests and responsibilities in regard to it and to our franb

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. XII chise, discovering and separating what is vital and eternal, from Avhat is merely accessory and transient. While, as members of the common wealth, Ave labour for our moral and intellectual advancement, our efforts must not be egotistical and selfish, nor solely in connection with Avhat our oavii will chooses to identify and sanction ; we must recognize the relative authority and subordination of the head and its members, if our efforts are to take root and fructify, if despotism and persecution are to be avoided, and the spirit of our constitution is to live in us, and Ave nationally, by it. " La Tyrannie," says Pascal, "consiste au desir de domi nation universelle et hors de son ordre, ou de vouloir avoir par une voie ce qu'on ne peut avoir que par une autre." Our civil and religious liberty opens out to us, individually, as Avell as nationally, a field for labour of boundless extent, in Avhatever direction our inclination may lead us.

Indeed, hoAV could our personal liberty be greater ? and what other political and social system could have secured to us richer national privileges, or more glorious opportunities of doing good ? The land is full of noble monuments of civilization, Avhich are justly the admiration of foreigners, and Avhich proclaim

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. XIII the existence of a combination of peace, poAver, and intelligence, moulded into political and social order, such as, the Author observes, is to be found no where else so ably adjusted, and nicely adapted to " the punishment of the evil-doer, and to the praise of them that do Avell," Avhich, in reality, is the end of all good government. Our constitution, itself the offspring of liberty, is the very means whereby this order and personal liberty is secured to us — let us not therefore place our national institutions in jeopardy — let us not mistake their use ancl character, and vieAV the liberty they insure us as an end, instead of a means to attain to other and better ends, Avhich are in store for Christians ancl Christian states, recognizing a higher destiny than mere earthly ease and ambition — than the mere amassinoof " gold and silver, which perish Avith the using."

Let our practice bear witness to our profession, then Avill the British constitution, in church and state, be a living evidence of our havingmore than human sanction for our public acts, more than private motives for our personal efforts ; and then Avill our patient obedience to the laws Ave all in some measure assist in framing, bear witness to the con fidence Ave have in the strength and soundness of

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. the political and religious principles on AArhich our con stitutional laAvs and liberty are based. "The improvement of social order," says Sir J. Mackintosh, " is the most sublime ancl difficult of all arts." Those who approach the subject ought then to do so with a clue consideration of its importance, and not to forget the solemn accountability which its study and practice involve — for the happiness of man and the destiny of nations, humanly speaking, depend upon it. I venture to think, that the voluntary actions of a statesman's life, together Avith his motives, avill form no trifling portion of his concern when he comes to sum up the events of his public career. I say voluntary actions, because it must be often difficult for public men of zealous minds to discern between duties posit_Are, and duties self imposed.

Although "agitation" is not a novel en-rine of popular power, it has seemingly been reserved for modern days, to develope it as an organized political engine, capable of over-ridingrepresentative deliberation ancl commanding the attention — may Ave not say the submission — ofthe " poAvers that be." Limited to the fair ancl open expression of private opinion, hand in hand Avith the press, free popular

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. XV discussion is necessary to the cause of both liberty and good government; but when agitation is joined in, and perhaps headed by, those who already hold a position in the legislative or execu tive councils of the country, it assumes such a character, as can hardly fail to prove most dangerous, to the state as Avell as to private charity and personal liberty. Charity, indeed, forbids us to impugn the motives of such as overleap the bounds of their just position ; but, however good the cause, it must not silence private judgment as to their acts, when by acting out of their own course, they lend to popular agitation a power and influence, Avhich are theirs for specific pur poses, and which ought to command respect and consideration only within the limits of their appointed sphere. HoAvever clear an apprehension of their subject such legislative ancl executive leaders of popular agitation may have, it is too much to expect that the mixed assemblies they address, should appreciate the nice distinctions between that which is inci dentally, ancl that which is merely accidentally corrupt, in the various subjects they assault.

By means of unbridled declamation, they excite and captivate the feelings, rather than convince the sober judgment of the multitude Avhom they oftener

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. XVI delude or mystify than enlighten or substantially beiient-— thus proving themselves pioneers of des truction, rather than Avise master-builders in the art of political economy. — By such a course they neutra lize the very power ancl authority of the government, of which they form a legitimate and responsible portion, Avhile they countenance an erratic system of tumultuous excitement, which neither they nor their children maybe able to control; and which it is rather their duty to endeavour by legislation to neutralize, or bring under the subjection of Avise and moderate laws. Far be it from any Englishman to undervalue the honest efforts of self-denying* patriotism. On the contrary, he will feel that real patriotism is the spirit, the cement, ofthe British constitution, which, Avhile it recognizes our right to devise our way, claims to direct our steps, ancl holds us responsible for all their political consequences, each in his own order and in his own place.

Our Author attributes the French revolution ancl its bitter fruits to the decay and almost extinc tion of national patriotism among his countrymen, while he gives credit to Englishmen of every class, for possessing this conservative spirit to a degree which, he pronounces, must prove, Avhile it lasts, England's glory and her chiefest safeguard. Unlike

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. XVII some modern political philosophers, avIio see no hope for England unless she foreignizes her institutions and her people, Ave find in our Author, no such egotistical opinion in favour of the infallibility of French civilization, as applied to Great Britain — no dogmatical notion of desiringto impose on us influences foreign to our national character, but, on the contrary, he frankly tells his readers that he believes England contains within herself at once the experience of age, ancl the vigour of youth, ever ready to be applied to the service of her OAvn regeneration, Avhenever she requires their aid. There are philosophers, it would seem, avIio regard patriotism as a prejudice, ancl when they perceive its pretensions opposing their OAvn idol vieAVS of "liberalism," deal with it as such, but it may be hoped that so unnatural and un-English a sentiment has not yet taken root in British soil.

If it has — which God forbid — Ave need not throw away our resources in attempting to strengthen our "national defences"* — for, when British political patriotism has expired, no external or factitious strength Avill preserve, either our individual freedom or our national independence. * " The Earl of Hardwicke gave notice that he should, after Christmas, call the attention of the House to the defences of the country." — House of Lords, Thursday, December 2, 1847.

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. England's strength lies in her heart, not in her extremities. If the heart be sound, the head will be right, and the members will do their office as they have done before, and as occasion shall again require. Europe — France especially — understands this ; she has seen the problem worked out ; she has seen it solved. And this our French Author, Avho seems to have made England and the English character his special study, shoAVS us that he kneAV hoAV to appreciate. Notwithstanding that Von Raumer Avould like to Germanize England a little — he says, in his 'England in 1835/ " Without love for his country, a man is no better than a brute, and the ' ubi bene ibi patria,' is for the most part the motto of selfish heartless people," &c, &c. No one who reads his work on Engiand, AAill doubt his loAre for his Father land.

Shall Englishmen feel less for theirs P No ; nor need they any authority, beyond the history of their own country, for the sanction of patriotic motives in what they undertake. It is not indeed the sod — the material earth — which claims their affection, and binds them to any preference of country; but the most intimate associations of life, the dearest sympathies of home, the fact that they are fragments of a Avhole — responsible mem bers of a responsible body. If, as members, they

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. XIX have reaped of the national body, do they not owe something to it in return? Are there no fathers in the land claiming* their gratitude — no children demanding* their consideration ? Are there no national labours, of duty to God, and love to their neighbour, in which they sympathize, and which they Avould not regret to think were complete with the exclusion of their membership — however humble or insignificant their pretensions? Can we envy the man avIio, while he professes to love his neighbour as himself, loves not his country better ? From the habit of possessing them, Ave may become indifferent to God's richest blessing's. Those Englishmen whose lot in life has at any time cast them beneath the influence or power of a foreign government, doubtless best know how to appreciate their own.

From practical experience they will understand, that the Christianity which has been embraced by the state, came not to destroy human laws, or our national affections, but to purify, vivify, sanctify them ; and they Avill be apt to judge of a man's patriotism by his Christian character, and to question the purity of his Chris tianity Avhere true patriotism is repudiated. We need not of necessity forget the parable of the Good Samaritan, because Ave recollect the equally sacred injunction — " If any provide not

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. XX for his OAvn, and especially for those of his own household, he hath denied the faith, and is worse than an infidel?" The charity of the Good Sama ritan is one duty, and natural affection towards those who are nearer to us than our neighbour, is another, but not a conflicting duty. The " Liberal" must not charge the " Conserva tive" with disparaging his neighbour, because he shows affection towards his kindred ; or with hatred to foreigners, because he prefers, and shows greater confidence in, his OAvn countrymen and fellow - citizens. Such censure Avould be both illiberal ancl unjust. But to return more directly to the Author and his book ; — may Ave not profitably inquire AA'hether as a people Ave are really worthy of the commend ation he bestOAvs upon us ? whether there is amongst us that amount of private virtue, and ready devotion of personal interest to the public good, that jealousy of public credit and political integrity, Avhich he so much admired and extolled in us a generation ago? — AA'hether Ave have maintained, and are maintaining-, the British constitution in all the purity ancl vigour in Avhich we received it from our fathers, aud are bound to hand it clown to our children, as a sacred heirloom — a living instrument, full of experience and vigour — England's glory,

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. XXI and her only safeguard in real danger ? whether, in short, Ave thus far, through a generation of unparalleled peace and prosperity, can practically answer the Author's searchingand significant inquiry of 1817 — "Le gouvemement anglais a triomphe des plus etonnans dangers, mais il lui reste une derniere epreuve a subir — triomphera-t-il de la prosperite, de la gloire et de la puissance poli tique auxquelles il s'est eleve ?" This is a solemn inquiry, and one which, every Englishman must feel interested in honestly and heartily desiring to see demonstratively answered in the affirmative, for the fortunes of all are equally bound up in its issue. Whig and Tory may mutually charge and recri minate each other — the "people" may repudiate or adopt in argument whatever religious ancl political dogmas they please, but there is a reality behind all mere human sophistry, Avithout which our popular agitation Avill serve us and our country in but little stead, when we come to deal practi cally with the substantial dangers to which our common frailties and temptations, in the midst of unparalleled political liberty and commercial pros perity, are daily exposing us. The cry for " civil and religious liberty" has been raised and echoed through the land, until

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. almost every barrier to the human will and appe tite has been thrown down. "Liberality" has been invoked to lay open the ways of temptation — to remove every conservative landmark and sign post, which, out of love to God and charity to the poor and wayward, our venerated forefathers set up as indicative of danger. "Liberty" has been the watch word with every aspirant to political or religious power, Avhen addressing the multitude, but no word of its con comitant, responsibility, has been heard ; thousands have yet to learn from their patrons and favourite teachers the end they propose, and their OAvn accountability in havingall moral restraint ancl opposition in political ancl religious matters removed from their wills. And the Author's most important question still remains, I repeat, to be practically answered by the country at large — " L'Angieterre triomphera-t-elle de la prosperite de la gloire, et de la puissance politique auxquelles elle s'est eleve ?"

TRANSLATOR. December, 11th, 1847. DEDICATION. It is to the People of England that a work ought to be dedicated which is designed to refute the exaggerations, impostures, ancl absur dities with which certain authors, guided no doubt by hatred and passion, are by their books continually inundating France, Germany, and the Netherlands, against the English government and nation. A Frenchman,* as distinguished by birth, as by the nobleness and independence of his character, who has thoroughly studied the country which these writers have feebly pretended to portray, is desirous to evince his gratitude to the generous nation which has provided him an asylum, at the same time that it has preserved to the French their king and their princes. He has thought it his duty to vindicate the truth which has been wantonly outraged.

The fruit of his observations in England, and * M. de la Vauguyon, fils aine. DEDICATION. in all the great States of Europe, his reading, as Avell as his study of the leading publicists who have treated on the finances, politics, and commerce of Great Britain, have rendered him eminently qualified to furnish us with the requisite notes, which a practised pen has arranged as methodically as it was possible to do, while folloAving the irregular steps of the works which he has undertaken to refute. The undersigned editor has spared no pains to render this production worthy of the great nation to which it is dedicated, and has desired to do that which may prove acceptable to her. He ventures to hope, therefore, that the English people will deign to accept this homage, and that they will receive favourably an enterprise undertaken Avith a view to interest the friends of truth in all countries. Signed, VI^VARD. 1817.