Ireland, 1798-1898

Preface

The favourable reception accorded to a little book, "Ireland, 1494-1868," written by me some time ago, for the " Historical Series," published by the Cambridge Uni versity Press, has induced me to make this sketch of Irish History from 1798 to the present year. The volume comprises part of the period I traversed before ; but it describes events at much greater length, and enters much more into details, than was possible in a very brief epitome ; and it embraces a period not treated in the earlier work, but of supreme importance to the student of Irish History, for it deals with the thirty years which have elapsed since 1868. It may fairly claim, I think, to be, in all respects, an original and independent publication ; I hope it has placed the course of Irish affairs, during the last hundred years, before a reader, in something like their true historical aspect, and in fairly correct perspective.

I have written this book, I trlist, in the spirit in which it ought to be written, and -have taken the point of view which should be taken in considering the subject. I have endeavoured to ascertain the truth and to tell it fearlessly ; to point out the correlation of cause and effect in the evolution of a melancholy, but most instructive history ; to rise, when entering the field of politics, above the blind ing dust of party conflicts ; and to be strictly just in the conclusions I have formed as to men and things. But the greatest historical writers, when describing contemporaneous events, or those near their own times, have not been free from the prejudices and prepossessions caused by tradition, VI

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education, personal experience, and the circumstances of life ; Thucydides and Tacitus, Clarendon and Thiers, are more or less partisans ; a humble attendant on a noble procession cannot escape from these subtle but all-powerful influences. I prize candour and frankness ; and at the risk of the charge of egotism, shall say a word as to what these associations have been in my own instance. I belong to a family which, on both its sides, has been true to the political faith of Henry Grattan ; I am naturally, therefore, what is still called an Irish Liberal. Two, at least, of my kinsfolk voted against the Union in the Irish Parliament ; one — Sir John Newport — I remember him when in extreme old age — was one of the last and ablest of the Chancellors of the Irish Exchequer, and resented the financial treatment of Ireland from 1800 onwards.

Except when at school, or at Oxford, I was brought up in youth in the class of the Irish landed gentry, especially in that of its old Catholic Houses ; I am myself an Irish landlord, who have, for half a century, managed an ancestral estate, the wreck of a great inheritance lost through conquest and confiscation. I have listened to Plunket, Bushe, and Maria Edgeworth, and knew those eminent personages, as a boy can know the old ; I have heard O'Connell in what he called The Conciliation Hall, and in the House of Commons ; I have often conversed with survivors of the Rebellion of 1798, whether of the victorious or the vanquished party, and with a few aged members of the Irish Parliament. In later life I have been more or less intimate with leading men of the Irish Bar and Bench from 1854 to the present time, and with many Irish politicians of mark, especially with several of the independent gentlemen who opposed Mr. Gladstone's measures of Irish finance ; and in a long forensic and judicial career I have become familiar with the ideas, the sentiments, the ways, the tendencies of my fellow country men of all sorts and conditions.

I have been acquainted, but only slightly, with three or four Lords-Lieutenant and Chief Secretaries of Ireland, and with a very few British statesmen ; but I have not had the advantage of knowing

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VII from a personal side what have been their views on Irish political and social questions. Parnell I never saw, and had no knowledge of chiefs of the Land and the National Leagues ; possibly, for that very reason, I have done less justice to the motives of these men than they deserve. For the rest, if I am an Irish landlord, I have not had my rental practically reduced by Mr. Gladstone's Land Act of 1881 ; and I have censured the administration of that mischievous agrarian law, an administration, for the faults of which its original agents are chiefly responsible, not on personal, but on public grounds only. I may add that, for many years, I have been a student of Irish History, particularly of the history of the Irish Land system ; nearly thirty years ago I investigated at length, and on the spot, the subject of Irish land tenure for the Times; and the Letters I then wrote, appearing as they did in that great organ of public opinion, attracted much attention at the time, and con tributed not a little to the passing of the Irish Land Act of 1870.

These various associations have, as a matter of course, affected the statements I have made and the judg ments I have pronounced in these pages. Irish History, unfortunately, is not much read in England ; I have thought it right to bring together some of the authorities which form the chief materials for it, from 1798, and the few preceding years, to the present day. The true student of History, like the true lawyer, will always ascend to the fountain and not merely follow the stream. The original sources of Irish History, during the above period, may be classified under five heads. I. The Statutes of the Irish Parliament up to the Union, from, say, 1799 ; the most striking features perhaps of these are the draconic Coercion Acts ; but there is a good deal of valuable domestic legislation ; and the great Catholic Relief Act of 1793 should be studied.

The Irish Statutes of the Imperial Parliament follow ; they also comprise many repressive measures, notably the severe Coercion Acts of 1833 and 1882 ; the principal remedial Acts are the Reform Acts from 1832 to 1884; the Acts for reforming the Irish

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Established Church, and for commuting the Tithe ; the Poor Law Acts ; the Municipal Corporation Act, and the Acts for creating Town Commissioners ; the numerous Education Acts ; the Act for Disestablishing the Protestant Irish Church ; and the series of Land Acts from 1870 to 1896. The Bills, which have not become law, are not very easily procured ; but some are important and very significant. II. The Irish State Trials. The principal of these are the State trials arising out of the Rebellion of 1798 and that of Emmet ; the trial of O'Connell and his associates in 1844 ; the trials of Smith O'Brien and others in 1848 ; and the trials of the Fenian conspirators in 1865-6. But by many degrees the most important of these judicial inquiries are what really was a State trial, the proceedings before the Special Commission of 1888-9.

The Evidence and the Report fill four large volumes ; but they form infinitely the best account of the revolutionary and socialistic Irish movement of 1879-85, and they should be diligently perused. III. The next head consists of the Debates of the Irish Parliament, especially the Debates before the Union ; and the Debates on Irish Questions in the British and Imperial Parliaments from 1799 onwards. The speeches of the great statesmen and orators should, of course, be the only ones studied. Collections of many of these speeches have been separately published. IV. The fourth head comprises the numerous Reports of Parliamentary and other Commissions and Committees on Irish affairs ; many of these, with the Evidence, are of extreme importance. The most remarkable of these are the Report and the Evidence on the State of Ireland in 1820-5, an historical document of the greatest value ; the Poor Law and Education Reports ; the Reports, with the Evidence, on Irish Local Government ; the Report of the celebrated Devon Commission and the Digest of the Evidence ; the Mass of Reports, with the Evidence, on the Irish Land Acts from 1872 to 1894 ; and the Reports and the Evidence on Irish Taxation and Finance of 1815 and 1864, ending with the well-known Report of the Childers Commission made in 1896, and the

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IX most important evidence attached to it. V. Under the fifth and last head we may range the correspondence of states men, eminent lawyers, and politicians from about 1790 to this day. A great deal of this has not seen the light, and probably never will ; but some papers, and even volumes, are of sterling value. The Correspondence of Castlereagh and of Cornwallis is of the first importance for the period of the Union and for some time afterwards. Many of the letters of Burke on Irish affairs are most interesting and instructive. Mr. Lecky's " History of England in the Eighteenth Century" contains a large number of des patches and letters on Ireland that deserve notice. Some of Pitt's letters on this subject will be found in Lord Stanhope's biography of that statesman. The Correspon dence of Peel when Chief Secretary of Ireland appears at length in Mr. Parker's volume ; and some Irish papers of Wellington, curious and characteristic, are in the huge mass of his Supplementary Despatches.

Papers by Canning and by Lord Wellesley on Irish subjects have been published in biographies of these eminent men ; and some letters of O'Connell and of Plunket in the accounts of their lives. As we approach more recent times documents of this kind become rare, but some despatches of Lord Palmerston and of Lord Clarendon refer to Ireland, and have been pub lished. As for secondary sources of information, these are ample, but of very unequal value. For the history of Ireland down to the Union there is nothing to compare to Mr. Lecky's "History of England in the Eighteenth Century"; the volumes on Irish affairs have been published separately. Froude's "The English in Ireland" contains a spirited account of the Rebellion of 1798 ; but this is a bad book, full of inaccuracies, and written in a spirit offensive to Irish men.

Gordon's " History of the Rebellion " is a fair and impartial narrative ; the reader should be warned against the passionate partisanship of Musgrave, Maxwell, and other Orange writers. Plowden's "History of Ireland" is dull and diffuse, but gives some useful information on events 1*

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X from 1782 to 1800-1. I may also refer to the Irish chapters of Mr. Massey's " History of England," to Madden's " United Irishmen, " to McNevins' " Precis of Irish History," and to Ingram's " History of the Irish Union," a bit of clever but false paradox. There is no consecutive or complete history of Ireland since the Union ; but a large collection of historical and quasi-historical books of different degrees of merit may be mentioned. Plowden's second work only goes down to 18 10 ; it represents the ideas of a loyal Irish Catholic bitterly disappointed by Pitt. The " History of Ireland" from the Treaty of Limerick to 1851, by John Mitchell, expresses the views of a Presbyterian rebel, but is not without value. Wyse's " History of the Catholic Association " is a fair narrative, rather out of sympathy with O'Connell.

I pass by O'Connell's " Ireland and the Irish," a book unworthy of such a man ; but the " Reports " of the Repeal Association and the " Essays on the Repeal of the Union " and the " Spirit " and the "Voice" of the "Nation," embodying the views of the Young Ireland party, are instructive, and abound in interest. " Two Centuries of Irish History," from 1691 to 1870, edited by Mr. Bryce, is an able performance from the point of view of English Radicalism since 1886. Mr. Barry O'Brien's " Fifty Years of Concessions to Ireland " and " Irish Wrongs and English Remedies" are elaborate works, full of research from the point of view of a powerful and moderate advocate of Home Rule. The "Young Ireland," the "Four Years of Irish History," and the " League of the North and South," by Sir Gavan Duffy ; the " New Ireland," by A. M. Sullivan ; and " The Parnell Movement," by Mr. T. P. O'Connor, M.P., almost complete an account of Ireland during the last half century, as this is made up by Irish " Nationalists " ; and to these works may be added passages from Mr. McCarthy's " History of Our Own Times " ; Irish chapters from recent histories of England ; Miss Lawless's slight sketch of " Ireland " in the Story of the Nation Series ; and " Ireland since the Union," by Mr. J. H. McCarthy. For the Constitutional History of Ireland

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XI reference may be made to the chapter on Ireland in Hallam's "Constitutional History"; but more especially to Ball's " Irish Legislative Systems," an elaborate and excellent description of the Irish Parliament from the earliest times to 1800-1, and also of the proceedings relating to the Union. The admirable treatises of Professor Dicey, " England's Case against Home Rule," " A Leap in the Dark," and "The Verdict" are essays that belong to Con stitutional History ; they should be read, and have never been answered. As regards the Ecclesiastical History of Ireland, Mant's work may be consulted ; but Ball's " Reformed Church of Ireland," which carries the narrative down to the Disestablishment Act of 1869, is a much better book. Brenan's " Ecclesiastical History " describes the fortunes of the Catholic Church of Ireland from remote antiquity to Catholic Emancipation.

Reid's and Killen's works relate to the Irish Presbyterian Church ; and on both these subjects there are other publications of more or less merit. Books on Irish Education in this century are abundant. I shall only mention two, written from opposite points of view, " Education in Ireland," by Mr. Godkin ; and " The Irish University Question," by Arch bishop Walsh. In addition to more elaborate works, there is also a host of essays and tracts, one of great merit by Butt, and several also very good by the O'Conor Don and others. The economic and social condition of Ireland during the last century and a half has been thoroughly explored and illustrated by a series of careful and intelligent writers. For the period between the American War and the Peace of 1815 — a period of supreme importance — the celebrated "Tour" of Arthur Young, and the elaborate " Account of Ireland," by Edward Wakefield, are by far the best narratives ; these are standard works of great merit ; but many similar publications of the time are valuable ; and special reference may be made to an excellent account of the o'd Irish land system by Mr. Lecky in the 27th chapter of his " History of England in the Eighteenth Century." Works of this class written in more recent times are less

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frequent ; but the " Irish Disturbances " of Sir G. Lewis, published in 1836, is a well-informed essay; "The Irish Crisis," by Sir C. Trevelyan contains a good account of the Famine ; the " History of the Great Irish Famine," by the Rev. J. O'Rourke, and the " Irish Landlord since the Revolution," by the Rev. P. Lavelle illustrate the ill-will and the passions engendered by that catastrophe ; the " Letters on the Condition of Ireland," by Mr. Campbell Foster, republished from the Times are well worth reading ; and the " Ireland, Industrial, Political, and Social " of Mr. J. N. Murphy is a fair description of the Ireland of 1868-70. The Irish Land Question has, within the last forty years, given birth to a literature of its own ; I may refer to the " Emigration and the Tenure of Irish Land," by Lord Dufferin, to the " Irish Land Question " of John Stuart Mill ; to the " Irish People and the Irish Land " of Butt ; to Judge Longfield's essay on the Irish Land in " Systems of Land Tenure " ; to the " Irish Land," an excellent little book by the late Sir George Campbell ; and to my own " Letters on the Land Question of Ireland," republished from the Times.

There have been many attacks ; I have never seen a defence of the Irish agrarian legislation of 1881-96. Mr. Lecky's " Democracy and Liberty " (vol. i. chap. 2), criticises it as it deserves. The " Ireland " of Lord Grey is an able, but hostile review of Mr. Gladstone's Irish legislation since 1868 ; and " Irish Nationalism," by the Duke of Argyll, and " New Views on Ireland," by Lord Russell of Killowen, an Irishman, the present head of the Common Law of England, as the late Lord Cairns, an Irishman, was a head of English Equity, may be studied with advantage. French literature abounds in works and essays on Ireland ; the writings of De Beaumont and of M. de-Laveleye are of real merit. This period is fruitful in biographies of Irishmen, and of eminent men connected with Ireland, but these also are of very different degrees of value. The lives of Flood and Grattan are poor performances, but ought to be read ; those of Lord Edward Fitzgerald and Sheridan by the poet Moore are

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XIII well known ; there is no tolerable biography of Burke and Lord Clare. The autobiography of Wolfe Tone is a remarkable work ; it has been unfairly carped at ; Tone was an enemy of England, but an able, enterprising, and honourable enemy. Lord Stanhope's " Life of Pitt " is a eulogy ; but it contains a good deal concerning Irish affairs and the Union ; Lord Rosebery's short tract is superficial and misleading ; Macaulay's sketch of Pitt is quite wrong as respects the Union and the Minister's conduct. There are biographies of more or less merit of O'Connell, of Lord Wellesley, of Plunket, of Drummond, of Lord Melbourne, of Lord Palmerston, which, and especially that of O'Connell, relate a great deal to Ireland ; the " Peel and O'Connell " of Mr. Shaw Lefevre, and the " Despatches and Speeches of Earl Russell" are conversant with Irish subjects, and are works of a biographical character.

There are many accounts of Mr. Gladstone's political life ; the latest, that written to contain the illustrations of " Punch," is a dull andundiscern ing collection of praise ; but it deals, to some extent, with Ireland, and there is useful information in it. The Irish policy, however, of Mr. Gladstone may best be gathered from his own speeches and writings ; and his character as a statesman, conspicuously made manifest in his conduct of Irish affairs, is revealed in numerous reminiscences, and notably in remarks made by Lord Russell, Lord Palmerston, and Lord Selborne. Mr. Lecky's " Leaders of Public Opinion in Ireland," if a youthful, is a very interesting work : the sketch of O'Connell is particularly good, and should be studied by Englishmen who have never done that great man justice. The "Memoirs" relating to this period are not very numerous ; by far the most important are those of Greville, the English Saint-Simon ; these often refer to Ireland from 1829 to 1860, and are very valuable ; Greville's " Past and Present Policy of England towards Ireland " bears witness to his fine understanding and impartial mind.

Other books of this class are the Memoirs of Miles Byrne and of Holt, two rebels of 1798, "The Life and Times of Lord Cloncurry"; "Ireland, Past and Present" by J. W.

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Croker ; " The Memoirs of Lord Hatherton " ; " Journals, Conversations, and Essays relating to Ireland," by Nassan Senior ; and the Irish chapters in Disraeli's " Life of Lord George Bentinck " are exceedingly good. The novels of Maria Edgeworth, of Maxwell, of Lever, illustrate the life of the upper classes of Ireland as it once was ; those of Lover, of Banim, of Carleton, the life of the Irish peasantry. Those of Miss Edgeworth are of peculiar excellence; taken altogether, these works strikingly attest and explain the profound divisions of race, of faith, and of class which form the cardinal feature in the social structure of Ireland. The Home Rule controversy of 1886-93 has also created a literature ; this largely consists of essays and articles, in Quarterly and other Reviews and Magazines, some very able indeed ; I may refer to the " Parnellite Split," and to two small volumes of great merit republished by the Times in 1886 ; and to " The Truth about Home Rule," " Ireland under Coercion," and many other essays from the Unionist and Home Rule points of view.

" England's Wealth Ireland's Poverty," by Mr. T. Lough, M.P., is a one-sided book, but is worth reading. WILLIAM O'CONNOR MORRIS. Gartnamona, Tullamore, February 9, 1898. PAGE I XV CONTENTS

Chapter I Ireland Before

1798 The attitude of Ireland at the Diamond Jubilee — Ireland before the events that led to the rebellion of 1798 — Catholic, Presbyterian, and Protestant Ireland — Protestant Ascendency — The Land system — General state of the Irish community — Agrarian and other social disorders — Lawlessness — The Irish Parliament after 1782 — The Government and Administration — The Established Church — The Catholic Church — Other incidents and features of Irish society — The influence of the French Revolution in Ireland — Movement in Presbyterian Ulster and among the Irish Catholics — Theobald Wolfe Tone — His objects — He founds the Society of the United Irishmen, and is made Secretary of the Catholic Committee — Policy of the Irish Catholic leaders — Burke and Pitt — The great Catholic Relief Act of 1793 — Ireland for a time quiescent — Position of Grattan and his prospects — The appointment and recall of Lord Fitzwilliam — Sudden change of affairs in Ireland — Fitzgibbon made Earl of Clare and virtually head of the Government — Lord Camden Lord-Lieutenant — The system of extreme Protestant Ascendency revived — The United Irish leaders turn to France, and become rebellious — Lord Edward Fitzgerald and Arthur O'Connor — Progress of the United Irish movement in the North and South — The Orange movement — This turned to account by the United Irishmen — Increasing danger in Ireland — The last efforts of Grattan and his followers — The descent of the French on Bantry — Alarming state of Ireland in 1797 — The contemplated rebellion is put down in the North — Cruelties perpetrated in the South — Arrest of Lord Edward Fitzgerald — The rebellion in the South is forced to a head — The rebel Directory is broken up. CONTENTS XVI

Chapter II Page The Rebellion

— THE UNION 34 Outbreak of the Rebellion in 1798— It is at once put down in Kildare and the adjoining counties— It assumes formidable proportions in Wexford— Father John Murphy— Oulart and Enniscorthy— The town of Wexford occupied— Battles of New Ross and Arklow— Vinegar Hill stormed— End of the Rebellion in Wexford- Its dregs linger in Wicklow and other counties— Partial rising in Ulster easily put down— Ulster quiescent and why— Munster and Connaught hardly stir- Lord Camden replaced by Lord Cornwallis— Policy of Cornwallis— The descent of Humbert— Death of Wolfe Tone- Complete collapse of the Rebellion— Pitt proposes the Union —His policy and conduct— A proposal for a Union fails in the Irish Parliament in 1799— Means employed to bring the Union about— Provisions of the Act of Union— Pitt resigns office- Review of his conduct— Position of Ireland in the Imperial Parliament.

Chapter III The Rise Of O'connell Catholic Emancipation

. . .63 Ireland after the Union — Emmett's rebellion — Severe measures of repression — Pitt rejects the Irish Catholic claims — Grattan in the Imperial Parliament — The Catholic Question after 1807 — Rise and character of O'Connell — His first exertions in the Catholic cause — The Veto — Schism in Catholic Ireland — Progress of the Catholic Question — Plunket — Peel — Death of Grattan — Ulster becomes attached to the Union — Increase of the Regium Donum — Protestant Ascendency — Orangeism — Ribbonism — Increase of English influences in Ireland and the results — The Irish financial arrangements of 1816-17 — Material progress of Ireland during the war — Disastrous change afterwards — Increase of population — The effects on the Land system — Irish rents and wages — Increase of evictions — The resulting evils — The want of a Poor Law — The cheap code of ejectment — WThiteboyism and agrarian disorder — Peel Chief Secretary — Merits and defects of his rule in Ireland — The Irish Constabulary force — George IV. visits Ireland — His welcome — Outburst of agrarian crime and famine in 1822 — Progress of the Catholic Question in Parliament — Plunket's speech — Attitude of the House of Lords — O'Connell founds the Catholic Association— His objects and policy — The Irish priesthood — The Catholic Association acquires formidable power — Attempts to suppress it prove vain — The Bill of 1825 and " the wings" — Rejected by CONTENTS XVII PAGE 104 !39 the House of Lords — Liberal Protestants returned at the General Election of 1826 — The Clare Election — Triumph of O'Connell — Catholic Emancipation reluctantly conceded.

Chapter IV From

1829 TO THE FAILURE OF THE REPEAL MOVEMENT Catholic Emancipation not carried out in Ireland — O'Connell agitates against the Union — Failure of the agitation — Peel's great speech on the Union — The Irish Reform Act — The system of National Education in Ireland — The Tithe War — Severe measure of repression — Reform of the Established Church in Ireland — Proposal of O'Connell — Ten Sees extinguished — The Tithe Question — The Appropriation Clause — Resignation of Stanley and three of his colleagues — The episode of Littleton and O'Connell — Fall of the Grey Government — Retrospect of its Irish policy — The first Melbourne Government — A Tithe Commutation Bill rejected by the House of Lords — The first government of Peel — Another Commutation Bill — Peel defeated on a Resolution for appropriation — Alliance between the Whigs and O'Connell — Emancipation made a reality — Improvement of the Irish Constabulary force and other reforms — Protestant Ascendency and Orangeism discountenanced — Good results — Thomas Drummond — The Tithe commuted but without appropriation — The Irish Poor law — Reform of the Irish Corporations — The Melbourne Government unpopular in England — O'Connell's conduct contributes to this — Fall of the Melbourne Government — The second Administration of Peel — O'Connell revives the movement against the Union — His efforts for a time fail — The movement gradually acquires strength — The Young Ireland party — The monster meetings — Attitude of O'Connell — The movement attracts great attention abroad— Policy of Peel — The Clontarf meeting stopped — Arrest and trial of O'Connell — The sentence reversed in the House of Lords — Vacillation of O'Connell — Decline of his power — The movement collapses.

Chapter V Peel's Irish Measures

— THE FAMINE — THE RISING OF 1848 . Peel inaugurates a new policy for Ireland — Its principles — Charitable bequests — Maynooth — The increased grant to the College — Furious opposition to the measure — Its results not CONTENTS XVIII PAGE 166 important— The Queen's Colleges— Principles of this scheme of education— Opposition of the Catholic Irish heirarchy— The Colleges a comparative failure— The Devon Commission- State of the Irish land system— The Report of the Commission —The failure of the potato in 1845— Widespread distress— The policy of Peel— Destruction of the potato in 1846— Famine in parts of Ireland— Policy of Lord John Russell and his Govern ment—The Labour Rate Act— Useless Public Works— Relief in food— The Poor Law enlarged— Magnificent private charity- Thousands perished, but millions were saved— Emigration on an enormous scale— Death of O'Connell— His character— Final breach between O'Connell's party and Young Ireland— Smith O'Brien— An Irish Revolutionary party— Mitchell, Meagher, John Finton Lalor — Arrest and transportation of Mitchell — A rising planned— The Government forces it to a head— Arrest and sentence of Smith O'Brien and his principal adherents- Collapse of the movement of 1848.

Chapter VI From

1848 TO 1868 The Irish Exodus — Sufferings of the emigrants— Mistake of the Government — Aversion to Ireland felt in England — The Rate in Aid Act — The Encumbered Estates Act — Results of this measure — The Queen's visit to Ireland in 1849 — The Tenant Right Movement of 1850-52 — Its progress and failure — The National system of Education, and the Queen's Colleges condemned at the Synod of Thurles — The Census of 1851 and subsequent years — Revival of Ireland after the Famine in 1853 and afterwards — Growth of material prosperity — Social progress — Comparative tranquillity and order — State of landed relations — The Irish representation in Parliament — Cardinal Cullen and the Catholic Church in Ireland — The tranquillity of the country largely deceptive — Omens of future evils — Influence of the American-Irish on the people at home — Mischievous results — James Stephens and the Phœnix Society — Changes in the fiscal system of Ireland from 1853 to 1860 — The Income Tax imposed — The spirit duties raised — Great increase of taxation — Injustice of this policy — The Irish movement in America — Fenianism — Its characteristics — Secret societies in America and Ireland — Their operations — Arrest of Fenian leaders in 1865 — Abortive Fenian risings — Attack on Chester Castle — The Manchester executions and the Clerkenwell explosion. CONTENTS XIX PAGE 200 234