Paddy at Home ('Chez Paddy.') By the Baron E. de Mandat-Grancey. Translated by A. P. Morton

Preface

. Ireland and France are still united by so many sympathetic memories tbat we have watched all tbe incidents of the struggle undertaken by the unfor tunate Irish against England with the keenest interest. Tbis struggle has now lasted nearly three hundred years, but the Irish have never despaired. They have always preserved their faith and their nationality unsullied. England has tried every means for their subjection. First — extreme repression. We may say that until the commencement of this century, the brutality and perfidy she has displayed, surpass all that one could imagine. How, for instance, can we allude calmly to the Bill (2 Anne, C. VI. § 3) which provided that if in a Catholic family the eldest son became a Protestant, be might, through that alone, lay claim to the property of all his relations who remained Catholic; the latter only retaining the usufruct, and being then obliged to remit a portion of the rents to bim. This law bas been repealed ; but it was not until 1829 that a Catholic member could sit in Parliament.

PREFACE.

. VIII These measures were quite inadequate to advance matters one single step. The two races always refused to assimilate. England herself has been conquered, and the Norman invaders were not too merciful towards the Saxons. However, the fusion took place so rapidly that at the end of one or two centuries there was no longer any distinction between the two peoples. But it appears as though the Norman race in blending with the Saxon, had lost all its powers of assimilation. From that time England has made many conquests. Nearly everywhere she has scrupulously respected the customs, the religion, and even the prejudices of the vanquished. And yet neither in Canada, in India, nor anywhere else has she ever been able to assimilate the conquered race, in spite of the material progress that she often brings them, whilst the Spaniards or the Portuguese, who used the most abominable means to conquer their colonies, who did nothing for tbem, who exhausted them in every possible way, still managed to completely modify the nationality of the races with whom they were dealing, so that after they regained their freedom these colonies remained Spanish or Portuguese in language, customs, and religion.

It therefore seems as though modern Englishmen have an absolute inaptitude for the assimilation of foreign races. From 1829 they bave done all in their power to win submission from Ireland by kind ness, since they could not conquer it by violence.

PREFACE.

. IX Everything that we hear about the state of tbis unhappy country shows us that these attempts have not been more successful than the former ones. Now Mr. Gladstone wishes to try a third experiment. He says that unquestionably the union between Ireland and England has, until now, been a most unhappy one. We have only to look at the map to see that they must live under the same political legislation. A divorce is impossible. Let something like a judicial separation be tried ; each one would regain liberty to a certain extent, and there would only be left those details under the old dual regulations which it would be absolutely impossible to deal with separately. This is the programme now laid before the English people. Has it any chance of being accepted by the parties interested ? And then if it is adopted, what influence would it have over the future of the two countries ?

I have often asked myself these questions, sym pathising with one side when reading the excited debates in the House of Commons, with the other when hearing of the lamentable state of Ireland. But I seem to catch a glimpse of one view of the question that no one bas yet alluded to. The Irish attribute tbeir misery to England's tyranny ; the English, in dignant at the accusation, reply that the laws which rule Ireland are the same which render the English people rich and prosperous ; they assert that the Irish have only themselves to blame for their misery. In X

PREFACE.

. this discussion each starts with a fixed idea — tbat the misery of Ireland must have some social, religious, or political cause. May it not quite simply result from economical causes ? The facility of transport is tending to level the value of land and population all over the world ; and consequently it is ruining agriculture in Europe. This evolution is only commencing amongst us, whilst the accumulation of capital and the fertility of the soil have until now singularly mitigated its effects. But in Ireland, where no capital exists, and where the soil is very poor, this evolution commenced a long time ago, and its consequences must be more terrible than anywhere else. Is it not here that we must look for the real origin of the Irish crisis ? And if this is so, may not the events now taking place in that unhappy country be reproduced amongst us sooner or later, if we do not guard against them ?

It was in order to verify this theory that I de termined last year to go and pass some weeks in Ireland, where I have many friends. The notes which I now ask you to read have been collected from day to day. As far as possible, I have named the persons who have given me information, and designated by their right names the localities through which I passed. But I have been forced to break this rule three or four times, in order not to expose my hosts to personal danger. Geancey, April, 1887.

PREFACE.

TO THE ENGLISH EDITION. Agriculture has been subjected for some years past in all parts of Europe, and particularly in France, to a crisis so intense and terrible as only to be compared to that which Italy passed through at the time when, by the extinction of piracy in tbe Mediterranean, the transport of grain from Egypt and Algeria to Rome became possible. The effect of that measure was to ruin the agriculture of the peninsula, and to compel the rural population to exile themselves from their country ; but it must be admitted that the result in the end was to benefit all the nations of the Mediterranean coast by enabling tbem to partici pate in the advantages of civilisation, which until then had been the appanage of a very small number. This economic revolution, disastrous as it was to the Roman Empire, proved beneficial to humanity.

I am absolutely convinced that the application of the discovery of steam, to diminish the spaces which sepa rate us from the thinly-populated continents of Ame rica and Australia, must bring about an analogous

PREFACE.

. revolution — that is to say, a more equal division of wealth, and a more logical distribution of the human race upon the surface of the globe. I understand very well that those who can set the love of humanity before the love of country will rejoice at this — but I am not one of them. I believe that for certain countries success in the con test of competition is impossible. In those countries a large emigration is the only remedy. With us in France it is different. I believe we can compete, and compete successfully, when aided by protection, and I am glad to recognise the fact that most of the continental nations adopt this policy, for it is the only one which, in my opinion, will preserve to the Caucasian race and to European civilisation the position which they hold at the head of mankind.

I have been to seek in Ireland the confirmation of these theories. I believe I have found it there. I know how repugnant such ideas will be to some, and that possibly they may call forth but little sympathy from the mass of English readers ; I have therefore been desirous of offering these few words of explanation in order that they may understand the spirit in which this book has been conceived and written as it is — by a Frenchman for Frenchmen. " Traduttori ! tradittori!" says an Italian proverb, and this I bad so forcibly in my mind that I bad some hesitation when Mr. Chapman did me the honour to

PREFACE.

. XIII offer to publish an English translation of my book. I know well the difficulty of translating a book of this style, however intimate the translator may be with the two languages ; and I should never have thought it pos sible for any one to succeed so completely in rendering even the slightest thoughts of the author, as has been accomplished by Mr. Morton, who has so kindly served me by interpreting me to the English public. I may perhaps be permitted to offer to him here some ex pressions of my gratitude and of my admiration for his bterary talent, which I have felt so strongly while reading the proof sheets. Edmond de Mandat-Grancey. nth July, 1887. PAOE 23 CONTENTS.

Chapter I. The Story Of

A MINISTER, HIS SECRETARY. AND A PAIR OF SATIN SHOES — MR. R 'S THEORIES — LONDON — ENGLISH SOLDIERS— THE CHANNEL TUNNEL — HYDE PARK — HOLYHEAD — DUBLIN — THE JAUNTING CARS — The United Ireland and mr. o'brien — The Freeman's Journal and mr. dwyer gray 1

Chapter II. The Land League

— AN IRISH CONFESSOR — CAPTAIN BOYCOTT — A CONSPIRATOR'S CAVE — MR. HARRINGTON — MR, BIGGAR — THE OBSTRUCTION CAMPAIGN — MR. O'SULLIVAN LORD MAYOR, POET, PATRIOT, STATESMAN, AND DIVER — A ROUGH ELECTION MEETING — MR. SHACKLETON — A CANDIDATE'S PROFESSION OF FAITH — PEMBROKE HOUSE .

Chapter III. Advice To Tourists On The Art Of Kissing English Women

AN IRISH INN — CASTLE CONNELL — THE DEATH OF THE LAST OF THE O'BRIENS — BALLINACOURTY — CAPTAIN MOONLIGHT — THE SHANNON — SIR CROKER BARRINGTON — MR. CARDEN — LORD CLONCURRY AND HIS TENANTS — A LAND LEAGUE HUT — MR. PATRICK HOGAN'S OPINION OF THE LANDLORDS CONTENTS.

Chapter IV. Page Limerick

— ADMIRABLE SELF-DEVOTION OF THE IRISH PIGS — THE AGENTS— MALLOW — KILLARNEY — HOW WE TRAVEL IN KERRY — MUrKROSS ABBEY — AN IRISH CABIN — DERRY- GARIFF— THE ORIGINAL HISTORY OF AN ESTATE — THE DRAMA OF GLENVEIGH — A DINNER IN KERRY .... 117

Chapter V. An Agent's Morning How

A DAIRY WAS FOUNDED— MR. O'LEARY'S CASE — MINISTER AND ARCHDEACON — CATHOLIC ORGANISATION IN IRELAND — THE DISTRESS OF THE TAX- PAYERS AT KENMARE — AN INDIGNATION MEETING — THE IRISH CONSTABULARY 160

Chapter VI. Departure From Kenmare

— A BAILIFF UNDER PROTECTION — HOW PLAIN DAUGHTERS CAN BE ADVANTAGEOUSLY DISPOSED OF — BLARNEY CASTLE — TRALEE — BARON DOWSE'S SPEECH — AN IRISH MARKET — THE GRAND JURY AND ITS PRESIDENT — MEDITATIONS 205

Chapter VII. In Search Of An Authentic Case Of Boycotting Anglers On

THE SHANNON — THE CONSTITUTIONAL — ENGLISH EDUCATION — DEPARTURE FOR SHAUNGANEEN — MR. THOMPSON — THE CORK DEFENCE UNION — SEVERELY BOYCOTTED — PRETTY MISS M'CARTHY AND HER LEG OF MUTTON — ENSILAGE IN THE OPEN AIR— THE RETURN FROM CAHIRMEE — THE CONNECTION BETWEEN ENGLISH- WOMEN'S VIRTUE AND THE RAISING OF THOROUGHBRED HORSES — THE ORIGIN OF HARICOT MUTTON — CHRISTMAS NIGHT 1880 AT SHAUNGANEEN 228

Chapter VIII. Conclusion Chapter

I. THE STORY OF A MINISTER, HIS SECRETARY, AND A PAIR OF SATIN SHOES — MR. R 'S THEORIES — LONDON — ENGLISH SOLDIERS — THE CHANNEL TUNNEL — HYDE PARK — HOLYHEAD — Dublin — the jaunting cars — United Ireland and mr. o'brien — The Freeman's Journal and mr. dwyer gray. July lst, 1886. — At twenty past eight this morning I left the Gare du Nord and arrived at Charing Cross at half-past five. When we reached Dover at three o'clock the English Custom House officers had closely examined all the luggage carried in tbe hand. Others now waited for us in London, who searched our trunks quite as minutely. They made me unscrew the little boxes in my dressing-bag, apparently to ascertain that they did not contain dynamite ; for at the present time dynamite causes great preoccupation, not only to the English police, but also to a great many of Queen Victoria's faithful subjects.

I can prove this by a story which is only a few months old, and which was related to me a day or two ago. It happened at the time when O'Donovan Rossa, at J New York, daily announced in his newspaper that the week would not close before all the public buildings in London were destroyed by the exertions of pupils who bad just left the special school which he bad founded at Brooklyn for tbe study of the use of dynamite ; and since these threats have been corroborated by the explosions at the Tower of London and at the War Office, public excitement bad reached its highest point. One morning when a very high official reached bis office he saw a small, strangely-shaped parcel, which bad been placed on his writing-table. " What is that ? " demanded the official, addressing his secretary. " I do not know," replied the other ; " it was there when I came in, and no one can tell me who put it there."

"Oh, ob!" said the official. "I am obliged to go out for a few minutes ; be kind enough to open it and see what it is," and the great man precipitately left the room. The secretary advanced to open it, but changed his mind. " Mr. Jones," said he to one of the chief clerks who was reading in the next room, " the chief has sent me to the city. Will you kindly open the small parcel you will find on the writing-table ? " and he ran down stairs. Half an hour later when the chief returned he found the man who cleans the office examining with an astonished face a pair of satin shoes that the minister's wife, who was then in the country, had sent to her lord and master in order that they might be returned to the shoemaker. However, for the moment dynamite seems to have become a matter of secondary interest.

Every one is THE STORY OF A MINISTER. 3 thinking of tbe elections and of the events passing in Ulster. You must know tbat of the population of this Irish county about fifty-five per cent, are Protestants, nearly all of Scottish origin. For two hundred years, thanks to English supremacy, they have not neglected a single opportunity of tormenting their Catholic neighbours, and they say that if Mr. Gladstone's Bill should render Ireland independent, the positions will be reversed, and the Catholics will lose no time in returning their persecutions with interest. Their exasperation has therefore assumed alarming dimen sions. It must also be acknowledged tbeir arguments are very specious. " We have," say they, " been brought here by the English to consolidate their conquest. In all the southern revolts we have formed the vanguard of the English troops.

It is just because we are loyal subjects of the Queen tbat we are hated by tbe Irish ; and now England talks of abandoning us, bound band and foot, to our enemies. " We maintain that in doing this she will exceed her rights. No Government is allowed to cut the bonds o that unite the different parts of the kingdom. English we are, and English we mean to remain ; and if they intend to separate us, in spite of ourselves, we will resist, if necessary, even in arms. And we shall soon see whether the Queen will send her soldiers against us merely because we wish to remain her subjects." With this subscriptions were organised, not only in Ulster, but in most of the colonies ; rifles were bought, volunteers were enlisted, and the party newspapeis loudly announced tbat an army of 75,000 men was only B waiting until Mr. Gladstone's Bill passed before taking the field.

No doubt there was a great deal of exaggeration in all this. However, tbat the movement existed cannot be denied, and from its nature it must create very great difficulties for Mr. Gladstone if he succeeded in passing his Bill, for he will be forced to send an English army against Englishmen only because they wish to remain English subjects. Would the army go ? Would the soldiers accept such an odious commission ? We may well inquire, for the other day at Aldershot some drunken soldiers invaded a Gladstonian election meeting. They beat the persons present, treating them as rebels, and when the guard were called in they did not conceal their sympathy for their comrades. I also read in the Morning Post a fact wbich appears to me very significant. The officer who commanded the detachment which reached Khartoum some bours too late to save Gordon — Lord Charles Beresford, captain in the navy — is now candidate for the section of Marylebone, in London, which he represented in the last Parliament.

A rumour had spread tbat be, General Lord Wolseley, and several other superior officers who are Protestants but of Irish origin, had promised in case of a conflict, to take tbe command of the Ulster volunteers. He was questioned on tbis point, and this was his answer : " They have grossly distorted my words," said be. " I am an officer, and I can never join men who fight against Her Majesty tbe Queen ; but if I were ordered to serve against my fellow-countrymen I would resign my commission." It is therefore not impossible that the least skirmish LIBERALS AND CONSERVATIVES. 5 in Ulster would end, always supposing that the Bill passed, in mutiny in the English army. The situation is consequently very serious. At least this appears to be tbe general opinion. I had the good fortune to dine with several political men this evening.

Our host, a very fine old man, occupies an important position in the magistracy. He is also a distinguished author who bas exercised considerable influence in the Liberal movement of the last fifty years ; he was the intimate friend of de Tocqueville and his assiduous correspondent. Mr. R , who honoured me with a long con versation before dinner, appeared to me deeply moved by current events. The crisis provoked by Mr. Gladstone seemed to him so serious, that, although an old Liberal who had belonged to the Whigs all his life, and although for some years he bad not engaged in active politics, he had not hesitated to re-enter the arena and to take tbe field against his friends in favour of the Conservatives. Naturally, his attitude produced a great impression, and the other day be was invited to make a speech at a meeting over which Lord Malmesbury was to preside.

The newspapers published and commented upon bis speech. I told him how much the reports given of it had interested me, and he was kind enough to condense into a few words the thesis that be had supported. His estimate of the situation threw such a vivid light upon tbe question that I cannot do better than reproduce his words. " What Mr. Gladstone really proposes to us," said he, " is a dismemberment of England. He wishes that with our free consent and without any struggle we should submit to the loss of one of our provinces, just as after a disastrous war, you lost Alsace. " The wound thus inflicted upon the country would perhaps be even more dangerous than the one that France has suffered from, because, for many reasons, the scar would always remain open. And to whom in fact do they propose to surrender Ireland ?

To a Parliament elected by herself! But they know who the members of tbat Parliament would be. It would be Mr. Parnell and bis partisans, the Irish members of the present Parliament, or rather Mr. Parnell and his followers, for no one denies the well-known fact that the Irish Nationalists, before their nomination, were obliged to sign an agreement which bound them to the most absolute obedience to Mr. Parnell's orders. "We should therefore surrender Ireland to Mr. Parnell, and to the National League of wbich he is president. Now the National League is a society organised in America under the patronage of Irish revolutionists and their accomplices whom they can find amongst us, whose avowed aim is to substitute tbeir authority for that of the Queen. And they have so far succeeded that this irresponsible power bas been able to establish in Ireland all the elements and all the machinery of regular authority.

It raises taxes, promulgates laws, and has tribunals whicii simulate justice in the application of these laws, which are scrupulously obeyed because, whilst the enforcement of our law is hampered by the thousand formalities which always accompany the administration of regular justice, they use the dagger and pistol to ensure the execution of their decrees. Hundreds of innocent lives bave already been MR. R- S THEORIES. 7 sacrificed in tbis way. Their power is so great that they have found means to render life intolerable to all who show the least inclination to free themselves ; for their spies penetrate everywhere, and the country is so terrorised that the victims themselves dare not complain. And now they propose that we should surrender Ireland into the hands of these men ! " But tbis is not all.

Is there, at least, any chance tbat so dishonourable an abdication, so painful a sacrifice, would secure peace ? We assert that it would not do so. The Irish Nationalists have no definite aspirations. They use each concession that is made to them as an argument and basis for claiming a second. They are no longer content to demand that Ireland should have the right of framing her own laws ; theoretically, this would still be admissible ; they now wish that she should no longer submit to tbe laws of the English Parliament. As though two parts of the same nation can be ruled by different legislatures, by two codes so entirely different, and inspired by opposing principles. The experiment has already been tried in 1782, and it was then so clearly proved that this combination was absolutely impracticable, tbat Mr. Pitt won eternal honour by re-establishing, in 1800, that union which is so indispensable to a nation, yet which they now dare to ask us to repeal.

" I now approach another side of the question. I have the most profound respect for those of our fellow citizens who profess the Catholic religion. But, as you know, the eighty-six present members of Parliament who have attached themselves to Mr. Parnell, owe their election to the influence of tbe Catholic clergy. They are completely and absolutely devoted to tbe prelates of that Church. It is therefore these prelates who would rule Ireland. They would have the direction of the public education. But then, what would be the fate of the Protestant population, which is still loyal to England, whose cause they have defended for two hundred and fifty years ? You would abandon them to tbeir worst enemies. Would the Catholics at once proceed to massacre them as they did in 1641 ? Perhaps not. Still I feel convinced, that should troubles arise, tbe lives of the Protestants would be endangered, but, in any case, you may be sure tbat the Catholics would know how to render life intolerable to them.

" There is another consideration not less important than the former. From the day that Ireland possesses Home Rule, not a single Englishman will remain there, it would immediately be followed by a great emigration of the richer classes. Some would go to the colonies, but the others, in greater number, would come to England. Some of the cotton manufacturers in Belfast are abeady making arrangements for the transfer of their business to the Isle of Man. " Work, which is already scarce in Ireland, would then completely disappear. After the masters' emigration we should see that of the workmen, and their influx upon the labour market in England, whicii is already overcrowded, would necessarily lead to a serious fall in wages. "You now see tbe probable results of separation from both the social and economic aspects.

Its con sequences, from all political and military considerations, would be still more fatal. In case of war unity is ABSOLUTE CONFUSION. 9 indispensable in a great empire. It was through unity that in our generation Italy has attained independence ; it is through unity Germany governs Europe. And it is at this moment, when every nation is realising the necessity of strengthening the links that unite their different parts, that the proposal is made that we should create on our own coasts an independent, if not hostile, power . . . ." It appears to me that this speech, of which I can only give an epitome, faithfully reproduces the objec tions which Englishmen raise against the Gladstonian Bill. The first effect of the Bill was to throw the Liberal Party into absolute confusion. A lady whom I met to-day said to me : " Really, everything is upside down !

My husband was in the House of Lords ; my eldest son is now a member of it ; his two brothers sat in tbe last House of Commons ; my family bas always been Liberal. During the fifty years that I have lived in the political world I have always been accustomed to see the Tories considered our enemies. And now, thanks to Mr. Gladstone, we are forced to acknowledge that, for the moment, only the Tories can save England ; and all my sons bave entered the field on behalf of their former adversaries." It is evident that every one whom I have seen is much alarmed. People are greatly exasperated against Mr. Gladstone, who, in order to succeed, will not hesitate to provoke a war of classes. The dissentients who have abandoned him have shown great loyalty to their new allies, for, in many instances several of them have withdrawn from the contest, leaving the field open for the Conservatives.

What will be the result of this struggle ? In the general opinion of all who were present at the dinner tbe elections would not throw any light upon the situation. The Conservatives would gain a great deal, but would not have a majority without the support of some of the dissentients. Now the latter will vote for them and against Mr. Gladstone on the question of Home Rule, but they will vote for Mr. Gladstone and against the Conservatives on every other subject. It will therefore, if these predictions should be realised, be come necessary to have a third election before long. These are some of the circumstances in wbich we admire a parliamentary government. Here I leave the English side of the question. To morrow I start for Ireland. I am going to live in the country governed by the Land League ; I shall see the principal heads of the Nationalist movement ; in their turn they will explain the situation to me from the Irish side ; and after hearing the pros aud cons of the question I will endeavour to form an opinion.

July 3rd. — I really do not know why London should be described as a frightful city ; but it is the English who speak of it in those terms. The French are con tented to believe the report, and, as a rule, take care not to go there. For my part I have only visited it two or three times in my life, and have never remained more than four days at a time, but I own that I think London is charming. I only find fault with the distances. In Paris one can get anywhere in twenty minutes ; here the shortest drive takes at least half an hour or forty minutes, and yet the cabs travel faster than our fiacres. But what animation in the streets, which are nearly all filled with two and sometimes four rows of carriages ENGLISH SOLDIERS. following each other uninterruptedly. And, besides, I have a weakness for the small English houses, which, without any architectural pretensions, all look so clean and comfortable.

Still, the absence of porches for carriages (portes cochircs) must be very inconvenient, particularly for women. What state must their satin shoes be in when they are obliged to cross a muddy pavement on a wet evening ? We are, perhaps, a little inclined to exaggerate English comfort. But, really, when we have seen M. Boulanger's untidy, bearded army, it is quite refreshing to look at the fine English soldiers, who walk about the streets holding a small cane in the hand. We may, perhaps, find fault with them for looking a little too much like fashion-plates, with their well-pomatumed hair and their small forage caps stuck over the right ear, in utter defiance of the most elementary laws of equilibrium ; but it is always advisable that a soldier should take pride in his appearance. Still, some of them a little exaggerate the effect.

But the Scotchmen — the Highlanders — are my delight. They exhibit their ruddy calves, and the long plaids tbat bang from tbeir shoulders, with such amusing pride. But one should see them in India. A few years ago I was at Singapore at the same time as a Scotch regiment. We never missed going to see them parade and drill every evening. There was the officer passing in front of his troops, stiff, formal, handsome as a god. The men stood perfectly still, but their grimacing, convulsed features indicated the revolt of the flesh against discipline ; as soon as the officer had passed the flesh asserted its right ; the bayonets waved like corn shaken by the wind. In defiance of breaking the line all hastily bent down and furiously rubbed their legs, which resembled zebra's stripes from mosquito bites.

It was a splendid sight. I was staying at the Alexandra Hotel. From my windows I could see the fine trees and green lawns of Hyde Park. I occupied tbe same room four years ago. But then we formed quite a party, M. de Lesseps, the Due de F , and several others. I can never help laughing at the recollection of tbe disaster that awaited us. The promoters of the Channel Tunnel had invited us to come and see the works, whicii were being actively pressed forward, a little, I believe, in the hope of forcing the hand of the English Government, which did not seem very enthusi astic about it. At Dover they had invited us to a grand dinner at the Lord Warden Hotel ; and on the following day a special train conveyed us to the entrance of the tunnel, at the foot of the long white cliffs by whicii the railway runs — the " white cliffs of Old England !