The Roman Republic of 1849, with accounts of the Inquisition, etc

Front matter

Ef/GEWED BY TBWELCR A PHIJ *■ i FffQM AmOUENREOTYFE J5F M.A A: THE ROMAN REPUBLIC OF 1849; WITH ACCOUNTS OF THE INQUISITION, AND CjjE $xi%t nf %wm, A 77 D BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES. WITH ORIGINAL PORTRAITS. 3$jg @j)w&EW MtoigUt /C AUTHOR OF A " TOUR IN ITALY, IN 1820, Hid 21," &.C. &C. ~~$~~. NEW YORK: PUBLISHED BY R. VAN DIEN. 86 NASSAU STREET. Entered According to Act of Congress in the year 1851, By R. VAN DIE N, In the Clerk's Office ofthe District Court of the United States, for the Southern District of New York. Stereotyped "by Vincent L. Dill. 128 Fulton st. Sun Building, N*. T. C. A. Alvord, Printer. CONTENTS. Pacre

Introduction

5 C1n.*uPTEIV 1- Most of the great events in Rome unanticipated.— the good conduct of the people and their government, therefore, the more supnzing.— Causes not understood.— How to account for it, 11

Chapter II

Brief view of the failure of the European Revolutions ot lb48.— Misrepresentations of the Roman Republicans.— The 1 j L People to choose their own form of government admitted by precedent.— Importance of being prepared for self-government—Necessity of a training under a constitutional monarchy examined --------.18

Chapter VI

Popish Despotism.— Its Institutions concluded.— The Inquisition - - - - - - - -47

CHAPTER 711.

To ability to read, in all circumstances, necessary to Republicans 1— What the modern Romans, and how they have been taught. — Cicerouacchio, the Roman Tribune. — His virtues, influence and deed - - - - - - -64

Chapter XV

Approach of the French to Rome.— Feelings of the people. — Arrangements for resistance. — Garibaldi meets and fights them all day. — Retreat of the French —Incidents — Letter from an American gentleman in Rome, describing scenes in the city - 133

Chapter XVI

Chagrin of Oudinot. — Noble treatment of the French prisoners by the Roman government and people. — Oudinot's false report to his government.— Letter of Louis Buonaparte. — Austrians resisted at Bologna. — Enthusiasm of the people - - 140

Chapter XVII

Uncertainty of the Romans respecting the intentions of France. — Arrival of M. De Lesseps, as ambassador from Paris. — Armistice. — Negotiations. — Testimony of De Lesseps in favor of the Romans ------- 145

Chapter XVIII

The Battle of Palestrina— The Battle of Velletri— New pcfidy of General Oudinot, and the advantage he gained by it. — Scene of action near the walls of Rome. — Villas Pamfili, Corsini, Quattro Venli and Vascello. — The Milvian Bridge. — Roman bravery. — The siege commenced ----- 154

Chapter XXII

Garibaldi's retreat commenced. — His wife.— Golonel Forbes — Terni. — The Austrians and French in pursuit. — Todi — Orvieto, Avczzo, Cisterna, Santangelo in Vado. — San Marino, Sortie Cesenatico. — Embarkation — Dispersion. — Results - 196 CHAPTER, XXIII.— Measures of the government in Rome, indicating suspicion and fear.— Siege of a Nunnery.— The Pope's Letter to the Romans.— Old Spies restored. — Books condemned. — Chronicles of Despotism in Italy ------- 209

Chapter XXIV

Reflections on the preceding Chapters.— The Italian question interesting to Americans. — Its practical relations - 224 AP PENDIX.

Chapter II

Appendix concluded.— The Italian National Committee.— The Romans retain the characteristics of their ancestors. Truths proved by the history of the Roman Republic of 1849.— The Popular sentiment -----..

INTRODUCTION.

. '(KhriB is no country in the world regarded with greater interest by many educated Americans than Italy, and none of the nations of antiquity more admired than the old Romans. The course of our classical education fosters such a taste ; and many of our most esteemed writers, as well as those of England and other countries, have done much to extend and perpetuate this influence of schools and universities. Some believe that the study of the languages, customs and deeds of heathen people are made to engross too much of the time and thoughts of our youth, leaving them too ill taught in what relates to Christianity and the present state of the world, and with false opinions which render them less prepared to be useful and happy in American society. Without expressing any opinion on this question, im portant as it is, we may safely declare, that Italy presents great claims to our attention in her ancient history, and much more than it has hitherto excited among us, on account of important and instructive scenes, events and characters of which it was the theatre in the time of the Reformation, and, in later years, down to the present day.

To acquaint the reader more particularly with the history of the last mentioned period is the design of this work : for circumstances, which will be fully explained here-

INTRODUCTION.

. VI after, have rendered it necessary, that the truth should be laid distinctly before Americans, as the true Italian question, es pecially as regarded and sustained by the Roman Republicans, is a question essentially our own, and all other questions now pending in Europie are of secondary interest to us, or rather de rive their censequence only or chiefly from their relations to that# Exertions are indeed made, to produce the opposite opinion : but by persons whose views and convictions afford evidence enough for us, that they are insincere. It may be well for the Italians, that so many things concur to give a high eminence in our minds to everything connected with the scenes of ancient Roman greatness. The country and the race are associated with the recollection of past days ; and an American can hardly rest satisfied until he has stood on the ground where some of his faVorite scenes were acted, in those long past days, which our fancy has invested in colors of its own choosino-.

And those of us, who have gratified this strong desire, must ever be ready to acknowledge that the reality has not disappointed us. What traveler in Italy does not look back upon his journeys with pleasure ? It is true that most .of us have expressed regret at the degradation of the people themselves, and come home confirmed in the common opinion, that the Italians of modern days are a very degenerate race, and neither desire nor deserve a better lot than that which they have to endure. These opinions, it is easy to perceive, are generally founded on very hasty and superficial grounds : for not one of our travelers in fifty, it may be presumed, is able to converse with the people in

INTRODUCTION.

. VII their own language ; and, of those who can, only a small pro portion have both time, opportunity and disposition to make a careful examination, and to form deliberate and consistent de cisions. It is true, there are some facts in modern history, which are not easily reconcilable with the doctrine, that the Italians have lost all the virtues of their ancestors, or predecessors, as some in sist on calling them. Those who are acquainted with the his tory of the sixteenth century in Italy, know that the Italians were among the very foremost in the great moral and intellectual Reformation of the time ; and that, with all the boasted superiority of the Teutonic and even the Anglo Saxon race, neither Germany nor England could have survived the power of the combined enemies, who overwhelmed the friends of truth and freedom south of the Alps as well as of the Pyrenees.

The history of the Reformation in Italy, within a few years recovered to the world by the learned and devoted Dr. McCrie, is a chapter indispensable to the present day, without which the most intelligent reader cannot be well qualified to speak of the present state of the world or its prospects. And in later days also the char acter of the Italians has suffered through the ignorance of other nations, and especially of Americans : for, while they have borne the blame, not only of enduring the oppression of their spiritual rulers, but also of sustaining the system which destroys them and millions of other men, the simple truth is that they have made repeated and heroic efforts to overthrow it forever, and would have succeeded, in several instances, but for the interfer

INTRODUCTION.

. VIII ence of foreign nations, who have overcome their otherwise un conquerable opposition by the force of gunpowder and bayonets, or by a false and corrupt system of diplomacy. Englishmen have often reproached the Italians, with their degeneracy: but England has joined with other powers, in more than one in stance, in this impertinent, unjust, oppressive policy, such as she herself would never have submitted to, while she had a single plank afloat on the ocean, or a grain of saltpetre in her soil — at least, so every Englishman would be ready to boast ; — and, if the question were put to us, .Americans would answer in the same terms. If, when brought to the trial, they or we would act as heroically as the Italian patriots have done, over and over again, the world and we might well be satisfied.

That either of us would do better, we may perhaps suppose possible, when we show a due appreciation of those who have set an example more self-denying, persevering and noble, than we, or almost any other people, have ever had even an opportunity to emulate. And what shall we say of our own position, and the part we have taken in the affairs of Italy ? We may feel an honorable pride in remembering, that our government was not openly a party to the restoration of the Pope in 1815 or 1849, by force of arms; or in suppressing in blood the efforts made between those epochs to cast off the intolerable yoke of the Pope and his allies. But what room is there for boasting, or what excuse for self gratulation can a people have, whose agents abroad and whose statesmen at home have generally shown extreme ignorance and indifference towards the character and claims of Italians, and too

INTRODUCTION.

. IX often have used thenofficial influence against them ? Let any person review the opinions e.xpressed in certain quarters, at important crises, and let him see the connection, sometimes pal pable enough, between words and actions, at home and abroad, and say whether it is not time for disinterested men to speak plainly, and express proper indignation at the discredit thus brought upon our country, and the utter perversion of our true principles and policy, to the irreparable injury of men and na tions, whom our ancestors would have loved and honored, for the noble part they have taken on the theatre of the world. How different would have been our standing abroad, the state of opinions at home, and the results upon some distant regions of the earth, if we had had representatives of a different char acter at a few foreign posts !

Would the best patriots and phi lanthropists have been belied by authority in our journals ? Let us make what amends we may in time to come. Those who, the last year, estabUshed freedom in Rome, both civil and religious,Jiave not been finally destroyed or disheartened, through our neglect, or opposition. Let our rulers and diplomatists, our writers and our foreign representatives throw away the mists of misrepresentation and prejudice, look the subject calmly in the face, form independent opinions and act like men, Americans and Christians, in a manner consistent with our professed prin ciples, the example of our ancestors and our own true interests. Above all, let the people turn, while it is not too late, to con sider the important questions involved, form their own conclu sions, and insist that truth, honor and justice shall be regarded X

INTRODUCTION.

. by those who stand up to speak and act in their name. .And let Christians understand the conflict which is going on in Italy, so that they may perceive it to be the grand contest between truth and falsehood, liberty and oppression, real and counterfeit Christianity ; where honor and magnanimity on the one side stand with the olive branch and the Gospel, and duplicity fawns on the other, with fetters for the body and the mind, and a sword for those who refuse to wear them. Let American Christians also understand, that the friends of liberty, truth and virtue de sire their aid to conquer their deadly enemies, by a sword in deed, but only " the sword of the Spirit, the word of God." **,* To the distinguished personal friends of the author, who have kindly sat for their portraits for this volume, he has been indebted for much valuable information. CJjt Unman lUplilu.

CHAPTER I.

Most of the great events in Rome unanticipated. — The good conduct of the people and their government therefore the more surprising. — Causes not understood. — How to account for it. %ut overthrow of the Roman Republic by the French is one of the most unaccountable measures in the history of Europe, to those who do not view aright the influence of popish infi delity over national character, and the nature, objects and power of Jesuit and diplomatic intrigues in the direction of national affairs. To one who makes proper allowances for these, nothing will excite surprise, merely because it is wrong, injurious, or in consistent with itself, in a people or a government where they are in operation. Different opinions will naturally enough be formed by different persons even of the latter class, respecting some parts of the machinery employed, or the numerous prob able objects aimed at, in the complicated affairs of French inter ference : but who can doubt, that Louis Napoleon was the tool, that the Jesuits were the schemers, that the diplomatists were the abbettors, that ambition and superstition were the means EMERGENCIES UNEXPECTED. used upon several subordinate assistants, and that the ends were the disgrace of one republic, and the overthrow of another, with the destruction, or at least the long delay of religious liberty and the restoration of popery.

Louis Napoleon no doubt looks to the Sovereigns for a reward, as he has made France disgrace republicanism at home by suppressing it, in a much purer form, among a superior race, and in a much more important position, abroad. But, while a terrible blow has thus been given to civil and religious liberty in Europe, there are abundant evidences to show that it is by no means a fatal one. On the contrary, thousands of men have been convinced, by this very means, of some of the truths most important to be known, but most diffU cult to be taught. No Pius Ninth, or any other pope, will ever again convince a single intelligent friend of freedom, that popery is any thing but its irreconcilable enemy ; and why and how it is so, as well as when and where, we can all understand, at least somewhat better, than ever before.

The world also has a lesson, which ought to be an instructive one, on the fundamental difference between professions of a love of freedom founded on infidel speculations, and liberal principles springing from the rights of man as defined and taught by the Word of God; between a republic that bows its neck to a pontiff, and one whose people address him these words from the city of Rome itself: " When you left Rome the Bible entered it : it is in the hands of the people, translated into Italian. They have read it : and in it they find neither popery nor Pope. We choose to return to the faith of our fathers ! " Almost every one of the great events which occured in Rome GOOD ORDER. 13 within the last three years was unexpected, and therefore the changes of measures and of government which that city has passed through were not the results of arrangements deliber ately made before hand.

Pius Ninth was elected by mistake, he declared himself in favor of improvements to the astonish ment of all, his policy as well as his professions were suddenly changed unexpectedly to most, though not all, the revolutions of 1848 came unlocked for, and the successes and reverses of the Italian patriots were alike unforeseen. The plot, formed by the Jesuits and undertaken by the Austrians, for the murder of the pope and the leaders of the liberals in Rome and the restoration of the old system, was detected and frustrated in an instant. The three chief councillors of Pius, who induced him to adopt his liberal policy, unexpectedly died shortly after this defeat of the Jesuits, probably by their poisons ; and then his opposite policy was as suddenly adopted, under the influence of new councillors, appointed by them.

The prime minister, Rossi, was killed on the steps of the capitol, by some hand unknown ; and this blow, unexpected as it was, was used to terrify the pope and induce him to make a sudden flight. In the National Assembly an unexpected motion was made, to disavow for ever his tempo ral power, and to proclaim a republic. Both these measures were adopted, by nearly unanimous votes. To the surprise of the world, the people proceeded to elections by universal suf frage, without violence or disorder ; and their representatives assembled and conducted their proceedings with dignity, unanimity, moderation and wisdom, and with a spirit most honorable to their intelligence, liberality and patriotism. A new system was suddenly introduced among the people : both civil and SURPRISE OF THE WORLD. religious liberty were established.

Yet, new as they were, the Romans conformed in everything, as if they had been long habit uated to them. But the general tranquillity and joy were suddenly interrupted by events as une.xpected as any of the preceding. The armies of four nations, at the invitation of the Pope, violated their soil on four of its frontiers, and the capital was soon be sieged by 40,000 French soldiers. No man could have believed, a few weeks before, that the French republic, so boastful of its new name, could have been brought to overthrow a younger and sister state, which had been brought into existence partly by her example. But, even during the six weeks' siege and the cruel bombardment which Rome endured from the French, as during the bloody battles which preceded them, the Romans conducted with all the energy and unanimity which had before distinguished them ; and, when the invaders finally gained their end, and forced their way into the city, the same high traits of character were uniformly displayed, by the government and the people.

In all the changes, we repeat, which the Romans have passed through in the last three years, they have conducted well. They have conducted in fact so well, as not only to deserve our approbation in almost every particular, but as to excite our surprise. If the different changes had been long foreseen and carefully and deliberately prepared for by wise men, it is difficult to say how they could have been better met. Under the circumstances the results appear very remarkable, and loudly claim the attention of men interested in the state and prospects of mankind, and particularly of that important country, Italy. It is not saying too much to declare, that, if the Romans had acted exactly THE CAUSES. the opposite of what they did, when each of the changes occur red which have been enumerated above, Americans would not have been disappointed, but less surprised than they were at the steps which they actually adopted at the successive emergencies.

It would have been only what we were prepared for, by our common opinion of their character, if Pope Pius IX. had met much opposition to his pretended wish for improvement, and the Austrians many friends to their plot for the destruction of him self and his policy ; if the mass of the people, under Ciccero nacchio, had been a lawless mob, instead of an orderly army of citizen soldiers and watchmen ; if the Constituent Assembly had proved ignorant, incompetent, full of theories, fancies, and phren zies, like that of France, with constituents like theirs, divided into several blood-thirsty parties, killing one another by thousands, and all combining to disgrace republicanism abroad and at home, ignorant of it all, except in name ; Americans would have said, as many now say of the French : " That is what might have been expected."

Or if the leading Romans had betrayed personal ambition, rapacity, treachery, cowardice or fickleness, who could have anticipated any thing better, from their education and habits ? The Romans have conducted in a manner contrary to all that was expected. Of this there are the most numerous and pal pable evidences. What are the causes ? Here is a question as yet not published in a distinct manner, yet not difficult of discovery to any one who has -access to the history of events in Italy for the last few years, and who begins with correct views on some points of earlier history not generally understood. For there have always been in Italy many -enemies to the papacy; ERRONEOUS VIEWS. and their numbers has been greatly increased in later years, until they now form the majority, and in the Roman States a very great majority.

Every system of oppression must have enemies ; and popery is one of the most severe and intolerable that ever weighed down a people. The number of its opposers is better known to its executioners than to the world, from which they have been so effectually, and so cruelly severed, by hundreds and thousands, in the course of many centuries, by prison, poison, torture, fire, burying alive, starvation, and other ingenious forms of cruelty and murder. Many lips also have doubtless been kept silent, by the fears excited by such examples, threats made in secret and the terrors inspired by superstition. In late years many Italians have learned their rights, by visit ing Protestant countries, by reading Protestant books, and espe cially by studying the Word of God. Wherever one of them is found, who proves to be a decided foe of popery, he has claims on our sympathy and confidence : but when we become assured, that his opposition is founded on correct views of Chris tianity, our confidence in him should be increased.

And this is the fact with the great mass of those who have combined against popery in our day ; and the grand secret which Americans have yet to learn, to account for the extraordinary spectacle presented by Italy, is this, that the Italians have suddenly, and without the suspicion of the world, become devoted Protestants. Many have imagined that their recent revolutions were but the ebullitions of an ignorant, restless and unprincipled mass of men, ignorant of religion, infidels at heart, and mad for change, but at bottom miserably superstitious and fanatical, and ready at any moment FRENCH MISCONDUCT. to turn and support again the system of stupid imposture and iron-hearted cruelty against which for a day they had rebelled. The French have given the world too much reason to form such an opinion ; and the Germans have added their dark testimony to the same side.

But, however natural it may seem, to come to such conclusion from analogy, direct testimony can be afford ed, strong and clear enough, to establish a different ground for the Italians. 2*

CHAPTER II.

Brief view of the failure of the European Revolutions of 1848.— Misrepresentations of the Roman Republicans.— The right of the people to choose their own form of government admitted by precedent.— Importance of being prepared for self-government.— Necessity of a training under a constitutional monarchy examined. 3t would require many pages fully to illustrate the commencement, progress, decline and close of the revolutions of 1848, 1849, in the different countries of Europe, even if we were capable of doing aright so interesting a service to the world. Without pretending ability to perform such a task, it will be appropriate to our limited space, and in accordance with known facts, briefly to give the following outline of the leading events of that period in Italy, the country to which our attention is chiefly directed.

The revolution of 1848 may be called, in an important sense, the Pope's revolution. Although the people were prepared for it, in different degrees, there is reason to think that, but for Pius IX., it would not have occurred so soon. He encouraged all friends of liberty to CpXpect his aid, and doubtless gave new hopes and a strong stimulus to those most desirous of an immediate change. The Sicilians began the insurrection, chiefly, it is to be presumed, because they expected the Pope to be their PIEDMONT. 19 barrier on the land, to keep out the Austrian armies, which in 1821 suppressed their efforts, when Sicily, in like manner, made the first movement. To France their example was a spark of fire in a magazine ; and the explosion in Paris was the signal gun for the rest of Europe. The people of the various insurgent nations at once showed their power, and in many cases displayed honesty, magnanimity and humanity, as well as courage.

But ignorance too often led to mistakes, and false principles or bad principles to extravagant doctrines or visionary projects ; while a want of mutual acquaintance prevented mutual confidence, and the delay in establishing better "governments, with the fear of prolonged or increased disorders, drew many to desire the restoration of the old system, on the best practicable terms. In several countries duplicity was resorted to by sovereigns, who professed themselves favorable to the people's wishes, and were believed, and trusted, until they had the opportunity to show a different disposition with all the power in their hands. In the kingdom of Sardinia the same game has been played several times, and has been renewed since the triumph of the Papal party against Rome. The Piedmontese, being the most favorably situated to claim some of their rights from their government, have been encouraged in the attempt by their ministry, probably under the patronage of the diplomatists of Eng land as well as other countries.

But the pretences made of favoring religious reformation have already shown themselves false ; and Austria stands ready to interfere, and restore things to their old footing, whenever the superior powers may think fit to take off their masks. Intelligent observers have seen through the design from the beginning, the prime minister Azelio, and Lord Palmerston having made their line of policy well known by thenprevious course. The enemies of improvement, also, on this side of the ocean, had early notice of the scheme ; as was shown in ways which might be indicated. Few causes have ever been so bitterly assailed, as that of the Roman Republic ; and there are many difficulties in the way of a common reader, who wishes to form a correct opinion of it. Yet there is still much reason to wonder, why so little feeling has been expressed in its favor in this country, after the occur rence of some of the leading events, which are known to the world, and are not and cannot be contradicted or misrepre sented ; and since the publication of those eloquent and irresist ible letters of Mazzini, which have been extensively re-published and greatly admired at least, in the United States.

His letter to the French Ministers, Messrs. Tocqueville and Falloux, for example, must have been regarded, by every reader, as a tremendous piece of writing, difficult to be paralleled by any author in any language. Among the objections made to the Roman Republic by objectors in this country, are these : that it was not appropriate to the people, nor approved by them. In certain other countries a still stronger objection is felt against that form of government itself. But in the United States, of course, no person would venture to give utterance to such a feeling, how much soever he might be an anti-republican at heart. There are nations, we have reason to apprehend, who are not prepared to choose a republic, or to sustain one ; and the true friends of freedom do not wish to see it discredited elsewhere as it has been in France.

RIGHT OF CHOICE. It is therefore very appropriate and important to be able to answer the questions : Did the Romans desire a republic . Were they fit to form, to sustain, and to enjoy it ? These questions may be best answered by facts : but, it will aid our in quiries, if we first consider what has been their preparation for it. The Republic was declared at a remarkable epoch in the History of Rome. The people had made no preparations for it,-and it cannot be proved, indeed it can hardly be supposed, that even the leaders of the people, the most decided enemies of the old system, or the warmest friends of improvement, had any anticipation of such a state of things. The Pope has all the responsibility of breaking down the old system, for he over threw it, in fact, by deserting Rome, without giving notice of his intention, or leaving any representative to act in his place.

He not only left the capital, and left it without even the appearance of a government : but he fled to the open and declared enemies of the country and of himself. Thus, in another, and emphatic sense, he deserted his throne, and aban doned the last shadow of a claim, to be regarded as the sove reign of Rome. Not only so, but he committed an act which would have been high treason in a public officer, or even in a humble citizen. Now, those who believe that the sovereign power resides in the people, and that they have a perfect right to exercise it when they please, and to judge for themselves whether it has been abused by those with whom they have entrusted it, could have found no ground for objection with the Romans, if they had risen and deprived the Pope of his temporal power, a day, a week, or a longer time before his flight.