National History of the War for the Union, civil, military, and naval ... Illustrated with ... steel engravings ... by A. Chappel and T. Nast

Front matter

NATIONAL HISTORY OF THE WAR FOR THE UNION, Ciiril, HUIitarg antr ftakl* FOUNDED ON OFFICIAL AND OTHER AUTHENTIC DOCUMENTS. BY EVERT A. DUYCKINCK, Author of " National Portrait Gallery of Eminent Americans," " Cyclopedia of American Literature," Eto. INCLUDING BATTLE SCENES BY SEA AND LAND, AND FtJLL-LENGTH PORTRAITS OF NAVAL AND MILITARY HEROES, FROM ORIGINAL PAINTINGS, BY ALONZO CHAPPEL AND THOMAS HAST. IN THREE VOLUMES. -VOLUME I. NEW YORK: JOHNSON, FEY AND COMPANY, 27 BEEKMAN STREET. Entered according to Act of Congress in the year 1861, Br JOHNSON, FRY & COMPANY, In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the Southern District of New York. to THE ARMY AND NAVY OK THE UNITED STATES Cj)is Jpistorg OF TUB WAR FOR THE UNTON 13 KESPECTFUIXT DEDICATED Tuoa, too, sail on, o sirrp of statb sa.il on, o union, strong and great ! humanity — with alt. its fears, with all tne hopes of future teajr6— is hanging breathless on thy fate ! we know wnat master laid thy keel, what workmen wrought tny ribs of steel ; who made each mast, and sail, and rork, 7.rhat anvils rang, what hammers beat : IN WnAT A FORGE AND WnAT A HEAT WERE SHAPED TnE ANCnORS OF THY HOPE.

FEAR NOT EACH SUDDEN SOUND AND SHOCK, ris OF THE WAVE AND NOT THE ROCK; TIS BUT THE FLAPPING OF THE SAIL, AND NOT A RENT MADE BY THE GALE. IN SPITE OF ROCK AND TEMPEST'S ROAH, IN SPITE OF FALSE LIGHTS ON TnE SHORE, BAIL ON, NOR FEAR TO BREAST TnE SEA ! OUR HEARTC, OUR HOPES, ARE ALL WITH THEE; OUR HEARTS, OUR nOPES, OUR TRAYERS, OUR TEARS, OUR FAITH TRIUMPHANT O'ER OUR FEARS, ABE ALL WITH THEE, — ARE ALL WITn THEE. ILonjttlloiD The" Publishers submit this record of the War fob. the Union with a few words of acknowledgment to their Subscribers for their support during its progress. Undertaken at an .early period of the conflict, when its duration could not be calculated, the work has been steadily7 prosecuted, chapter byT chapter contemporaneously with the rapid march of events. Relying mostly upon original documents which will always retain their valtt^ the narrative has been proportioned to the importance and length of the struggle ; while the Artists have presented in a series of more than seventy" engravings, the most remarkable incidents and most important personages who have figured in the national history during this unprecedented struggle.

In attaining this result, the Publishers have had to encounter many mechanical difficulties growing out of the interruptions of labor, and the increased price of materials, consequent upon the war ; but they have never suffered these embarrassments to interfere with the steady progress of the work. One thing has been constantly kept in view, to exhibit as far as opportunity at the time allowed, the merits of the conflict as set forth in important State papers and other public documents by7 the parties on either hand. Thus by the side of the messages of President Lincoln will be found those of the leader of the Rebel Confederacy, and, where such materials were accessible, the dispatches and reports of rival commanders. Nor has it been attempted generally7 to sit in judgment upon the merits or pretensions of individuals, officers or statesmen, in the thronged arena of the conflict.

Chapter II. Rise And Progress Op Secession

The introduction to this opening drama was the election for the Presidency. The canvass of 1860 brought four candidates into the field, representing differ ent shades of political opinion, turning mere or less directly on the free-soil agi tation which had vexed the country since the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. Of these, Mr. John C. Breckenridge, of Kentucky, was the candidate of a minority of the Democratic party, the ultra pro-slavery party of the South ; and stood pledged by the resolutions of his supporters in the convention7-, at Char- THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. 21 leston in April and at Baltimore in June, to the fullest protection of the institution. Not only, by the terms of those resolutions, had Consrress or the Territo rial Legislature no power to abolish or prohibit the introduction of slavery in the Territories, or impair its assumed rights, but it was declared to be the duty7 of the Federal Government, if necessa ry, to afford to such propertyactive pro tection.

Diametrically opposed to this doctrine stood the declarations under which Mr. Lincoln accepted his nomina tion, from the Republican National Con vention at Chicago, in May. The "platform " of that body explicitly set forth, in language made remarkable by subse quent events, " that the new dogma that the Constitution, of its own force, carries slaveryinto any or all the Territories of the United States, is a dangerous politi cal heresy-, at variance with the explicit provisions of that instrument itself, with contemporaneous exposition, and with legislative and judicial precedent, is rev olutionary in its tendency, and subver sive of the peace and harmony of the country." It was also further declared, " that the. normal condition of all the ter litory of the United States is that of freedom ; that as our republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordained that no person should be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law, it becomes our duty, by legislation, when ever such legislation is necessary, to maintain the provisions of the Constitu tion against all attempts to violate it ; and we deny the authority of Congress, of a Territorial Legislature, or of any individ'ials, to give legal existence to slavery in any Territoryof the United States.' Intermediate between these declarations on the Territorial question. came in Mr. Douglas, the nominee of the majority of the Democratic Convention at Baltimore, who was understood to ad vocate a doctrine of non-intervention b' Congress, or " popular sovereignty."

A fourth body7 of delegates, professing to represent a certain "Constitutional Union" conservatism, met also at Baltimore in May, and with the simple declaration, "that it is both the part of patriotism and duty7 to recognize no political principles other than the Constitution of the country7, the Union of the States, and the en forcement of the laws," pledged them selves to "maintain, protect, and defend those great principles of public liberty and national safety." Their nominee for the Presidency was Mr. John Bell, of Tennessee, with Mr. Edward Everett foi the Vice Presidency7. With principles thus pronounced, the case was given to the country in Novem ber, when it appeared that of the entire popular vote, 4.662,170, Mr. Lincoln received 1.857,610 ; Mr. Douglas, 1.305, 976 ; Mr. Breckenridge, 847,953 ; and Mr. Bell, 590,631.

Every free State, except New Jersey, where the vote was divided, voted for Lincoln, giving him seventeen out of the thirty-three State? which then composed the Union. In nine of the slave States, besides South Carolina, he had no electoral ticket. Al abama, Arkansas, Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Maryland, Missis sippi, North and South Carolina, Texas, cast their vote for Breckenridge ; Bell received Kentucky, Tennessee, and Vir ginia ; Douglas, Missouri. The electoral vote stood for Lincoln and Hamlin, 180 ; for Breckenridge and Lane, 72 : for Bell and Everett, 39 ; for Do"iglas and John son, 12. i the old elements of Whiggism, certainly did not present a revoltiticnary aspect. It rather appeared to lean to conservatism. Its candidate had been chosen as eminently a safe, prudent leader.

Indeed, in the delicate relations of the times, the country would not have tolerated a violent agitator or disturber of its peace. The intention of the vic torious party, if we regard the declarations of its interpreters, was to adhere to and maintain the sound constitutional doctrines of the fathers of the Republic. If any resistance was to be offered to slavery, it was not to the privileges con ceded to it by the Constitution, but to its extension into new fields of which Congress was the guardian. Such was the expression of the popu lar voice, after a canvass conducted with earnestness on both sides, and, apart from the intrigues and divisions of the politicians of the Democratic party in their Charleston Convention, with re markable moderation and freedom from acerbity. It appeared the calm, sober, regular assertion of the judgment of the country on a question of national policy which had been long discussed and fully investigated.

The Republican speakers had, indeed, been denied a hearing at the South ; but of this, while they felt its inconvenience and injustice, theymade no complaint, for theywere successful without it. The public had yet to learn what such exclusiveness foreboded ; they did not read in it incipient treason and rebellion, or if the suspicion crossed the mind, it was rejected as uncharitable and incredible. On the other hand, Southern orators like Yancey-, openly threatening rebellion, and partizans of their way7 of thinking, had spoken freely in Northern cities ; and their language, however un palatable, had been listened to with res pect. The defeated party had nothing to complain of on that score. If their divisions had elected Lincoln, it was obviously their own fault. They were not such children in political science, as to be taught the proprietyof submission to the authoritative declarations of the bal lot-box.

Mr. Lincoln, whose election was so of ten made the pretence of hostility, — as if the whole Government were in the hands of the President, — had open ly pronounced his sentinents on the chief measures in agitation in the country7 in reference to slavery7 ; and in each instance had shown not only7 the highest deference to the Constitution and the laws, but a prudent regard to the peace and welfare of the country. He had de clared, in the most emphatic manner, that he considered the people of the Southern States entitled to a Congres sional Fugitive Slave Law ; though he thought the one in existence might be amended, while he had no intention of impairing its efficiency-. He would not, he said, " introduce it as a new subject of agitation upon the general question of slavery." He would even, he admitted. much as he should dislike the necessity, acknowledge the claim of a new State to be admitted with a slave constitution, though he would have the noxious ele ment of slavery kept awayfrom it whilo The vote, if we interpret it by the professions of the Republicans, — and they were entitled to the benefit of their promises till theyshould refute them by their actions, — said that, while the influence of the new government was to be on the side of freedom, yet that every principle of the Constitution was to be maintained.

The party, absorbing largely MR. LINCOLN'S DECLARATIONS. 23 in a territorial condition. In regard to the abolition of slavery7 in the District of Columbia, while, with Henry Clay-, he thought it desirable to " sweep from our Capital that soul blot upon our nation," he held that if it w-cre done, it should be in accordance with several conservative provisions, namely, that the abolition should be gradual, that it should be on a vote of the majority of qualified voters in the District, and that compensation should be made to unwilling owners. Of the abolition of the slave trade between the different States, he had formed no opinion, for he had not sufficientlystudied the constitutional question ; but,- if he were to make up his mind in favor of the measure, he would not press it without regard to the wishes and welfare of the parties immediately interested.

Such, in effect, were the declarations to which he pledged himself in the summer of 1858, in his electioneering contest with Douglas in Illinois ; and the record was often appealed to while he was a candidate for the Presidency-. 'A house divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this government can not endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved — I do not expect the house to fall — but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery" will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction ; or its ad vocates will push it forward, till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new — North as well as South."

This was indeed a notable expression of opinion, a most sagacious glance of a keen sighted observer on what was passing before him, a species of prophecy, as it turned out ; but it did not necessarily im ply any disposition to hasten either event by a revolutionary course of conduct. More important, however, than any of these declarations of a local political conflict several years old, as an inter pretation of Mr. Lincoln's views and feelings in relation to the existing state of affairs, was the language of the address which he delivered in the city of New York not long before his nomination, and which was largely circulated as an indication of his policy. Its leading design, rigorously carried out with equal learn ing and acumen, was to test the principles of the Republican party by the practice ,of the Fathers of the Constitution.

" Let all," said he, adopting a text thrown out in one of the speeches of Senator Douglas, " who believe that 'our fathers, who framed the Government under which we live, understood this question just as well, and even better, than we do now,' speak as they speke and act as they acted upon it. This is all that Repub- There was, however, another declara tion which fell from his lips the same season, which, as it was frequently quoted by his opponents and has since, by the progress of events, attained a sort of his torical significance may be worth presenting in this relation. It was made in a speech at Springfield, Rlinois, at the close of the Republican State Conven tion in June. "We are now," said he, " far into the fifth year, since a policy was initiated with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation.

Under the operation of that policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. slaveholders ? Moreover, both branches of Congress were in the hands of the opponents of Mr. Lincoln, and might be presumed to be a sufficient guard over his movements. He could be little, after all, but their Executive. What, then, was the danger to be apprehended from a Republican President, thus prudent in his own resolves, and thus powerfully held in check by his political adversaries ? licans ask — all Republicans desire — in relation to slavery7. As those' fathers marked it, so let it again be marked, as an evil not to be extended, but to be tol erated and protected onlybecause of and so far as its actual presence among us makes that toleration and protection a necessity.

Let all the guaranties those fathers gave it, be, not grudgingly, but fully and fairlymaintained. For this Republicans contend, and with this, so far as I know or believe, they will be content, ... It is exceedinglydesirable that all parts of this great Confederacy shall be at peace and in harmony, one with another. Let us Republicans do our part to have it so. Even though much provoked, let us do nothing through pas sion and ill temper. Even though the Southern people will not do so much as listen to us, let us calmly consider their demands, and yield to them if in our deliberate view of our duty, we possi bly can."* In vain were all these inducements to a pacific policy held up before Southern statesmen. It would seem that they had adopted a course of revolt before which nothing of good counsel that could be offered would be suffered to stand in the way.

On no other hypothesis than a disposition to break up the Union at all hazards, can their conduct be accounted for. Instant measures were taken by them to array the whole region south of the Potomac in opposition not merely7 to the Republicans, but to the government itself. It was not legitimate influence in the work of legislation which was sought for in their agitation, but disorganization and absolute destruction of the State. Immediately7 leading actors began to busy themselves publicly with the work of treason. Influential politicians corre sponded with one another, schemed, plotted and intrigued. The readiness with which they brought forward their arguments, and the confidence of their plans showed them practiced in the arts of revolt. They were evidently but en acting in the eye of the public what they had long before studied and re hearsed in private.

The long-desired opportunity for which they had eagerly waited, had arisen. Their arguments on previous occasions lad failed to convince, or had not been followed by action They had now an irresistible appeal ir. The amiable and conservative charac ter of the'se declarations had to be ad mitted by7 all fair-minded disputants, who would then be driven to point out the probability of the influence of such a man in bringing others to his way of thinking, and thus providing for the passage of measures tending to the limitation of slavery with the safeguards which he proposed. The weakness and absurdity of such a remonstrance were palpable enough, yet it was frequently urged by men who appeared so determined to up hold Southern institutions, that they would not permit them to be brought in question even by the Southerners them selves ; for who could be influenced to any purpose in such an issue save the * Address of the Hon. Abraham Lincoln at the Cooper Institute, New York, February 27, 1860.

COURSE OF SOUTH CAROLINA. 25 the election by the North of a Republi can President, a sworn foe, as he was represented, of Southern institutions. In full command of their political ma chinery, working upon the prejudices and ignorance of the people, they had but to touch certain springs, and the fair edifice of the national authority in the South fell to the ground, and in its stead arose the hideous structure of a rebel Confederacy. with this conclusion he recommended a thorough reorganization of the State mi litia, and the acceptance of the services of ten thousand volunteers, who should be drilled and be in readiness for instant action. " With this preparation for de fence," he concluded, "and with all the hallowed memories of past achievements, with our love of liberty7 and hatred of ty7ranny7, and with the knowledge that we are contending for the safety of our homes and firesides, we can confidently appeal to the Disposer of human events, and surely trust our cause to his keeping."

Indeed, there is but too much reason to believe, from the public declarations of many of their eminent politicians, from the divisions at the Charleston Convention, and from other indications, that Disunion was a foregone conclusion in many Southern minds. The election of a Northern President, chosen by the votes of the Northern States, it was frequently7 asserted would justify an act of secession. When the vote was taken,' and the decision made known, the action was immediate. The legislature of South Carolina, which was in session, called together in advance of its regular meeting, to appoint electors for President and Vice President, proceeded at once to take the initiative in the revolt. Indeed, Governor Gist, the very first day of the meeting of that body7, the fifth of November, had in his message advised the course to be pursued in the event of Abraham Lincoln's election.

" The only alternative," said he, "is the secession of South Carolina from the federal Union." Not overlooking the inevitable contingency upon such action, if, as he expressed it, "in the exercise of arbitrary power, and forgetful of the lessons of history, the government of the United States should attempt coercion," he add ed, "it will become our solemn duty to meet force by force." In accordance The advice fell upon willing ears. Following the suggestion of the Governor, the topic of Secession was freely discussed by the legislature. There was much talk of arming, of the relative advantages of separate action and of cooperation with other States ; Messrs. Chesnut and Hammond, the' representatives of South Carolina in the United States Senate, resigned their seats, and their resignation was accepted ; and — the most important, because most dangerous, proceeding of all — a resolution was unanimously adopted in both branches of the Legislature, calling a special convention of the people, to meet on the 17th December, to consider and provide for the interests of South Carolina in the assumed emergency.

On the 27th November the legislature was again in session at Columbia, listening to another message from Governor Gist, urging various means of independence, commercial and military, and strongly charged with Secession doctrines and advice. The Federal Government, he said, could " not rightful ly use force to prevent a State from seced ing, or force her back into the Union," adding significantly, "but, in the language of the late Judge Harper, men attempt in this argument to conceal the employment of armed resistance. I: was the common talk at Charleston. At the same meeting a letter was read from Colonel Hayne, in which the prospects of a struggle with the government were thus confidently discussed : " Should the South be called upon," said he, " to meet the North in the battle-field, we have eight millions of the Anglo-Saxon race to sustain us and our cause, just in the sight of God and man.

What more do we want? Did not Frederick the Great, with a population of not half of our number, carry on successful war with almost the whole of Europe against him, and at the close of the war, add ing largely to his empire ? The great Napoleon conquered Europe — -all but gallant England. Burke, with his large mind, told Lord North, the British pre mier in ' '76,' that the Southern colonies would, on trial, be found hard to subdue —and it was found to be so, in the hour of trial and on the battle-field. For all the purposes of war — especially long and continued war, for good and sufficient reasons perfectly understood and duly en dorsed by our people — the Southern States rank among the first nations of the world."* naving arms in their hands may use them." It is not a little significant of the calculations made at this period by the South, that he encouraged his hearers with the remark, "It is gratifying to know that, if we must resort to arms in defence of our rights, and a blow struck at South Carolina before the other States move up in line, we have the tender of volunteers from all the Southern and some of the Northern States to repair promptly to our standard and share our fortunes."

With reckless indifference to the probable consequences of these rebellious suggestions, with an appeal to honor and religion, he added : "We can not penetrate the dark suture ; it may be silled with ashes, tears, and blood ; but let us go forward in the discharge of our duty-, with an unwavering trust in God, and a consciousness that anything is preferable to dishonor and degradation." The Hon. C..G. Memminger, afterward Secretary of the Treasury of the Confed erate Government, in a speech at a public meeting in the city7 of Charleston, on the 30th of November, with the prescience of an actor who had in his own hands the guarantee of his predictions, marked out the entire programme of the Rebellion. The action of the Convention, the Commissioners to be sent to Wash ington to treat for the forts, the capture of the latter by armed men if not surrendered, the indisposition of President Bu chanan to act offensively7, the powerless ness of President Lincoln in the early days of his administration, giving time to South Carolina to gain over to her cause the cotton States, were all pointed out as so many onward stages in the progress to Southern Independence.* There was no In Georgia there was at first some hesitation — for there were many friends of the Union in the State, and others who, from interest, looked with suspicion upon the threatened movement.

Gov ernor Brown, in his message to the legis lature in November, opposed secession and the project of a Southern Convention, contenting himself with a plan of taxation and reprisals upon the property of citi zens of States infringing upon Southern * History of the Southern Rebellion, by Orvillo J. Vic- * A P. Hayne to Captain S. Y. Tupper, Charleston, Nov ember 20. 1860. Charleston Mercury, December 1 tor, i. PROGRESS OF THE REVOLT. 27 rights. He recommended, however, the appropriation of a million of dollars to arm the State. The legislature refused to elect a new Senator to the United States Senate for the next Congress, an example followed before the conclusion of the month in North Carolina. the Southern States have for domestic peace and safety-, or for future respecta bility and prosperity-, is dependent on their action now, and that the proper action is secession from our faithless, per jured confederates."

The arguments and appeals which he used to hasten the worK of revolt were no better and no worse. though more candidlyavowed, than those of his more powerful confederates. They present a curious and very instructive specimen of the logic of the rebellion. " But some Southern men, it is said, object to secession until some overt act of unconstitutional power shall have beet committed by the general government; that we ought not to secede until the President and Congress unite in passing an act unequivocally hostile to our insti tutions, and fraught with immediate clanger to our rights of propertyand to our domestic safety. My countrymen, if we wait for such an overt act, our fate will be that of the white inhabitants of St. Domingo. " But whywait for this overt act of the general government?

What is that government ? It is but the trustee, the common agent of all the States, appointed by7 them to manage their affairs according to a written Constitution, or power of attorney7. Should the sovereign States then — the principal and the part ners in the association — for a moment tolerate the idea that their action must be graduated by the will of their agents? The idea is preposterous." Governor Moore, of Alabama, was de cidedly authoritative in advising the peo ple of his State of the necessity of Se cession. In an address sent forth early" in November, he set before them this solemn asseveration : "In full view and, I trust, just appreciation of all my obli gations and responsibilities, official and personal, to my7 God, my7 State, and the Federal Government, I solemnly declare that, in my7 opinion, the only hope and suture security for Alabama and other slaveholding States is in secession from the Union."

Alabama was ripe for re volt. In October, Governor Herschel V. Johnson, in a speech at New York, had coupled her with South Carolina in a sketch of the programme of disunion. "Alabama," said he, "is pledged to with draw from the Union, and has appropriated two hundred thousand dollars for military7 contingencies."* Governor Pettus, of Mississippi, on the 26th November, met the legislature of that State with advice not less uncompro mising. Florida, the least important of the Southern States, the most dependent upon the Union for her prosperity-, bound to the National Government through every7 stage of her history7 by every claim of gratitude and allegiance for benefits re ceived, was among the loudest and least considerate in these pretensions of revolt. Governor Perry7, in his Message of No vember 26, proclaimed, " the only hope The remaining cotton States were equally7 ripening for revolt, and a dan gerous sympathy was exhibited in the border slave States.

There was con siderable disaffection already7 manifested in Virginia, where, under the auspices of Governor Letcher, the leaders were coollycalculating the resources of rebel- * Speech at the Cooper Institut< , New York, October 24, 1860, reported ;n Tin World of the following day. the occasion was that of the leader or follower of a party long accustomed to power suddenly and unexpectedly check ed in its enjoyment. There was an evident look of suspicion cast upon the new incumbent who had been chosen by the people to administer the government. Some of the President's expressions were certainly very peculiar, and perhaps, in this respect, better represented the state of feeling in a large portion of the country than would the usual more courteous and conventional terms of public docu ments.

There was a certain air about the Message of stinted allowance or for bearance, as if the incoming Republicans were creeping into power surreptitiously, or were in some measure, as yet, spite of the authoritative voice of the people, on trial. Nor was this very much to be wondered at in so facile a chief magistrate, when it was commonly asserted out of doors by members of his party, that the inauguration of the new President would never be suffered to take place ! Indeed, Mr. Buchanan was reported about this time to have said, that he would prob ably be the last President of the United States. How clearly was this remark able condition of opinion represented in such apologetic utterances as this in the Message. "The election of any one of our fellow citizens," said Mr. Buchanan, with a simplicity which would be amus ing were it not the index of a coming tragedy, " to the office of President, does not of itself afford just cause for dis solving the Union" — adding to this enor mous platitude and startling intimation of treasonable intentions somewhere, the soothing declaration : " this is more es pecially true if his election has been effected by a mere plurality, and not a majority of the people, and has resulted lion.