The American Colonies previous to the Declaration of Independence. (The Arnold Prize Essay ... 1869.)

Introduction

. . . ... . vii

Chapter I. English Discoveries In America During The Sixteenth Century

PAGE English Navigation at the end of the Fifteenth Century, . . . . 1, 2 Sebastian Cabot 2-4 Other Early Discoverers, ... 4-6 Commencement of a new Epoch under Elizabeth, 6, 7 PAGE Frobisher's Voyages, .... 7-9 Sir Humphrey Gilbert, .... 9-12 Raleigh sends out Amidas and Barlow, 12, 13 Settlement under Granville and Lane, . 13-16 White's Voyage 16, 17 Concluding Remarks, .... 13

Chapter II. Foemation Of The Thirteen Colonies

Formation of the Virginia Company, . 19 Captain John Smith, . . . . 19, 20 Colonisation of Virginia in 1606, . . 21-23 The Second Colony, . . . . 23, 24 Growth of the Colony, .... 24-26 Story of Pocahontas 26, 27 The Indian Massacre, . . . . 27, 28 Early Legislation of Virginia, . . 28-30 Emigration to Virginia, ... 30 The Virginia Company dissolved, . . 30, 31 First Independent Legislation, . . 31, 32 History of Virginia from 1630 to 1659, . 32-34 Slavery in Virginia, . . . . 34, 35 Social and Economical State of the Colony, 35-38 Intolerant Laws, 38, 39 Constitution of Virginia, . . . 39-41 Laws regulating the cultivation of Tobacco, 41, 42 ', Laws concerning the Indians, . . 42-44 '. Bacon's Insurrection, .... 44-48 Government of Culpepper and Effingham, 48, 49 ' Early History of Maryland, . . .49, 50 Attempt to colonise _Vew England in 1607, 51, 52 '.

Gorges's Attempts at Colonisation, . 52, 53 < The Leyden Puritans 53-55 Their Project of Colonisation, . . 55, 56 ] The Colonisation of Plymouth, . . 57, 58 ] Positin of the New England Company, . 58-61 "Weston's Colony 62 ] Colonisation of New Hampshire, . . 62 ] Colonisation of Massachusetts, . . 62-64 < Roger Williams, 64-67 < Colonisation of Connecticut . . . 67, 68 Gorges colonises Maine, . . . , 68, 69 1 ( Colonisation of New Haven, C9 Difficulties between New England and the Home Government, . . .69, 70 Acquisition of New Netherlands, . . 70, 71 James II. attempts to consolidate the New England Colonies, ... 71 Government of Andros, .... 71 His Defeat, 71,72 State of New England from 1640 to 1675, 72 The Pequod War, 72-74 Laws of the New England Colonies, . 74, 75 Peculiarly Religious Character of New England, 75-77 Its Intolerance, 77-79 Provision for Education .... 79 Contrast between New England and Virginia, 79,80 Early Attempts to colonise Carolina, . 80, 81 Locke's Constitution for Carolina, . . 81, 82 Formation of a Settlement at Albermarle, 82 Colonisation and Early History of South Carolina, 82, 83 North Carolina, 83, 84 Quakerism, 84, 85 William Penn, 85 His Colony in West New Jersey, . . 85, 86 Establishment of a Quaker Colony in Pennsylvania, 87, 88 Penn's Relations with the Indians, . . 88, 89 Early History of Pennsylvania, . . 89, 90 General James Oglethorpe . . .90, 91 Colonisation and Early History of Georgia, 91-95 .Jeneral Survey of the Thirteen Colonies, 95, TABLE OF CONTENTS, VI

Chapter III. General View Of The Colonies From

168S TO 1760. PAGE Ethnology of the Indians, . . .97, 98 Their Character, Religion, and Political System, 98-101 Failure of all Attempts to civilise them, 101-103 King Philip's War, . " . . 103-105 Early American Slavery, . . 105, 106 The Witch Persecutions in New England, 106-108 French Aggressions in the Ohio Valley, 108, 109 Benjamin Franklin . . . 109, 110 PAGE His Scheme for Confederation, . 110, 111 Bra-dock's Defeat Ill, 112 Defeat of the French near Fort Edward, 112 The French Inhabitants of Acadia, 112, 113 Their Eviction by the British Government, 113 Conclusion of the War, . . . 114, 115 Discussion whether England shall keep Canada or Guadaloupe, . . 114, 115 Canada becomes British Territory, . . 115

Chapter IV. The Contest For Independence

Position of the Colonies at the Conclusion of the French War, . . 116-118 State of England at the Accession of George III., 11S-120 Influence of that event, . . . 120, 121 Character of the Ministers Granville and Townshend, 121 Project of an American Revenue, . 121, 122 How received by the Americans, . 122, 123 Attempt to subvert the Independence of the Judiciary, 123 Townshend's American Policy, . 123, 124 Carried out by George Granville, . 124-126 The Stamp Act, . . . 126, 127 General Attitude of England towards the Colonies, 127-133 News of the Stamp Act received in America, 133-135 Granville's Scheme discussed in Parlia- ' ment, ...... 135, 136 The Stamp Act becomes Law; - . 136, 137 Patrick Henry, 187, 138 His Resolutions denouncing the Stamp Act passed by Legislature of Virginia, 138, 139 Massachusetts proposes a Congress, 139, 140 Nine Colonies meet in Congress, . . 140 ProceedingsofMassachusettsAjisembly, 140, 141 Reception of the Stamp Act, . . 141, 142 Ministerial Changes in England, . 142, 143 Pitt opposes the Taxation of America, 143, 144 Trecothick and Franklin examined, 144, 145 Rockingham's Ministry repeal the Stamp Act, 145 Rejoicings in England and America, . 146 Disputes in Massachusetts Assembly, 146,147 Chatham's Ministry, .... 147 Townshend introduces a Scheme for Taxing America 147-149 Further Resistance in America, . . 149 Policy of Massachusetts; . . . 150-153 Proceedings in England, . . . 153, 154 The Southern Colonies pass Non-impor 1 tation Resolves, .... 154, 155 Departure of Bernard from Boston, 165, 156 The Boston Massacre, . . . 156, 157 Lord North's Policy, . . . 158, 159 The Non-importation Agreements fail, . 159 Disputes between Hutchinson and the Assembly, .... 159-162 The Slavery Question in Virginia, . 162, 163 Virginia resolves on Committees of Correspondence, 163 Hutchinson's Letters, . . . . 163 The Boston Tea-riot. . . . 163, 164 The Boston Port-bill, . . . 165, 166 How received by Boston, . . 166, 167 And the other Colonies, . . 167, 163 Preparations for Resistance, . . 168, 169 Proceedings of the Congress at Philadelphia, 169-171 The British Parliament of 1775, . 171-174 Chatham's Policy of Conciliation, . 174-176 The Newfoundland Fishery Bill, . 176, 177 Lord North's Scheme of Conciliation, 177, 178 Burke's Policy, .... 178-180 Address presented by the Citizens of London, 180 Proceedings of the British Soldiers at Boston, 180-182 The Virginian Convention . . . 182 Patrick Henry's Speech . . 182, 183 Preparations for Resistance in Virginia, 183, 184 General Survey of the Position of both Countries at the Commencement of the War, 1S4-1S7 Concord Bridge and Lexington, . 187, 188 Siege of Boston, .... 188, 189 I Capture of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, 189 \ Military Daring of the Americans, . . 189 The Philadelphia Congress . . . 190 Its Proceedings, .... 190-192 Washington elected General, . . . 192 His Character, 192 Bunker's Hill, .... 193-195 Proceedings of Congress, . . 195, 196 Weakness of the

Colonial Army, 196, 197 The Americans resolve to attack Canada, 197 Montgomery appointed General . ; 198 Operations in Canada, . . . 198-200 Siege of Quebec, .... 200, 201 Death of Montgomery, .... 201 Quebec is relieved .... 201, 202 Proceedings of Dunmore in Virginia 202, 203 State of things in England, . . 203-205 Examination of Penn before the Lords, 205, 206 Proceedings of Parliament, . . 206-209 Washington raises the Siege of Boston, 209-210 Victory of the Americans in North Carolina, .... 210, 211 Battle of Fort Moultrie, . . . 211, 212 Proceedings of Congress, . . 212,' 213 South Carolina and Virginia construct Governments, .... 213, 214 Congress resolves on Independence, 214*, 215 The Declaration of Independence, 215, 216 Conclusion 216-219

INTRODUCTION.

. I propose in this Essay to examine a few of the most remarkable in that course of events by which a wilderness, inhabited only by savages and wild beasts, was changed in less than two hundred years into the home of one of the greatest of the civilised powers of the world. For this purpose I propose, first, to glance briefly and in outline at that movement which changed the sober, homely Englishman of the earlier Tudor reigns into the enter prising versatile Elizabethan Englishman, and which moulded the gentry, yeomanry, and merchants of the sixteenth centuiy into a race of navigators and explorers, the boldest and most adventurous that the world has ever seen. I propose then to trace somewhat more fully the growth of the several colonies, to illustrate their social and political life, their manners, religion, and laws ; to pass in review the most striking incidents, and the most eminent characters in their history ; to consider their rela-

INTRODUCTION.

. tions to the savage inhabitants whom they drove out, and to the colonists of other civilised nations with whom they came in con tact ; lastly, to examine the principal causes which gradually alienated, and finally rent them asunder, from their mother country, and bound them together in one independent empire. THE AMERICAN COLONIES PREVIOUS TO THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.

Chapter I. English Discoveries In America During The Sixteenth Century

In 1488 an obscure Genoese, one Bartholomew Columbus, was sailing to England with an offer from his brother, an unsuccessful projector at the Court of Castille, to Henry VII.1 That offer, if accepted in time, might have enabled England to anticipate Spain in the New World, and to become the great gold-power of Europe. England was saved from that lot by the unconscious agency of a pirate ship. Bartholomew Columbus escaped from captivity and completed his mission at the English Court, but, before he could return, the eyes of the Spanish sovereign had been in some measure opened to the importance of his brother's designs, and the destiny of Spain and South America was sealed. Even had Columbus' offer come in time, it is hardly likely that the English king would have committed himself to the adventure, or that the English people would have followed it up.

The English of that 1 Knight's " History of England," vol. iii., p. 776. A day were a thriving, industrious race, content with the resources of a moderately populated soil and a stationary commerce. " The wine brigs made their annual voyages to Bordeaux and Cadiz ; the hoys plied with such regularity as the winds allowed them between the Scheldt and Thames ; summer after summer the Ice land fleet went north for the cod and ling, which were the food of the winter fasting days ; the boats of Yarmouth and Eye, Southamp ton, Pool, Brixham, Dartmouth, Plymouth, and Fowie fished the channel."1 The spirit of Drake and Gilbert and Ealeigh yet slept. Even eight years later, when Columbus had already sailed on his second voyage, it was left for foreign enterprise, albeit helped by English seamanship, to take the first step towards founding a British Empire in the New "World.

In 1496 John Cabot, a Venetian, and his two sons, obtained a patent from Henry VII. for the discovery of hitherto unknown lands.2 In 1 Froude's " History of England," vol. viii., chap, xiii., p. 423. 2 Thi History of Sebastian Cabot and his voyages from 1496 to 1498, is somewhat obscure. I have throughout followed Biddle's "Memorial of Sebastian Cabot." The principal points in question are — 1 . The birthplace of Sebastian Cabot ; 2. The distinctness of the two voyages ; 3. Whether it was John or Sebastian Cabot that undertook, or at all events commanded, the first voyage ? 4. What was the land discovered?" 1. Stow says, " One Sebastian Gabatto, a Genoa's son, borne in Eristow." Stow's "Annals," p. 481. Eden, "Sebastian Cabot tould me that he was born in Bristow." Eden and Wylles Decades of the New World of Indies, published, London, 1555, by William Powell.

An old Bristol chronicle, " Sebastian Cabot borne in Bristol." Quoted by Mr Seyers, in his Memoirs, Historical and Topographical, of Bristol. Best says in the dedication of his account of Sir Martin Frobisher's three voyages, published 1578, to Sir Christopher Hutton, "Sebastian Cabota being an Englishman and born in Bristowe." Hakluyt, [Ed. 1589], p. 6S0. "Sebastian his sonne an Englishman borne." 2. That Cabot made a voyage in 1497, is proved by an extract from a MS. in "The History and Antiquities of Bristol." " Iu the year 1497, 24th of June, on St John's Day, was Newfoundland found by Bristol men in a ship called the Matthew," and by extracts from the Privy Purse expenses of Henry VII. for 1497, "to hym that found the new Isle £10," and "to John Carter going to the newe Isle, a reward £2."

Moreover, from the passage quoted above, Stow says, "This yeere [I49S] one Sebastian Gabatto, a Genoa's son borne in Bristow, professing himselfe to be expert in knowledge of the circuit of the world and islands of the same, as by his charts and other reasonable demonstrations he shewed, caused the king to man and victual a ship at Bristol, to search for an island which he knew to be replenished with rich commodities." This evidently implies a previous knowledge of the land the next year the eldest son, Sebastian Cabot, set sail in pursuit of the philosopher's stone of the mariners of that day, a northto be traded with. Besides, the second patent [given by Biddle, p. 76] refers to "the land and isle of late found by the said John in oure name and by oure com mandment." Bacon too, in his life of Henry VII., speaks like Stow of a voyage in 1498, in terms which evidently refer to a voyage of commerce, and imply a previous discovery.

That a voyage was made in 1498 from England to trade with the "New Island," is proved by entries in the King's Privy Purse Accounts "to Lanslot Thirkell of London, upon a prest for his ship going towards the New Island, £2, 22d of March, 1498." "Delivered to Lanslot Thirk:.ll going towards tlie new Isle, a prest. £20. " To Thomas Bradley and Lanslot Thirkell going to the New Isle, £30, April 1st 1498." 3. With the exception of Hakluyt in his later edition, all the early writers, including Stow, attribute the voyage of 1497 to Sebastian, not to John, Cabot. It i; clear, too, that it was attributed to Sebastian in the authority from which Hakluyt took his statement, and that he must himself have changed th3 name to John. His account is taken from Stow, and is headed, "A Note of Sebastian Cabot's First Discovery of Part of the Indies, taken out of the latter part of Robert Fabyan's Chronicle, not hitherto printed, which is in the custody of Mr John Stow, a diligent preserver of antiquities."

In the original edition of Hakluyt, 1582, the name of Sebastian was left to stand not only in the heading, but in the narrative. It is clear that when Hakluyt compiled this edition, he had not read the patents of 1496 and 1498. It is probable that, after reading them, he substituted the name of John for that of Sebastian in the narrative, though he omitted to do so in the heading. The statement in the second patent, that the land and isles were found Ly John Cabot, may mean that the expedition went out at his expense ; nor does the fact of the first patent being made out in his favour necessarily imply that he went on the voyage. That the father should undertake the expense of the voyage, and send out his son, a man in the prime of life, is in itself reasonable and probable, while the testimony of contemporary writers is strongly in favour of the claims of the younger Cabot. 4.

The extent of Cabot's Voyages. — The authorities for the statement that he sailed as far as 67 degrees of north latitude [in all probability into Hudson's Bay] are, — 1. Cabot's own statement in "Peter Martyr's Decades," iii. lib. 6. 2. In the prayse and report of Master Martyn Forboisere's voyage to Meta incognita, published in Hakluyt, the author says, " In reading Belle Forest, in the second tome, and other authors, I find that Gabotha was the first in King Henry VII.'s daies that discovered this frozen land or seas, from sixtie-seven towards the north, and from thence towards the south along the Coast of America to thirtie-six degrees and a half, as it is affirmed in the sixth book of the Decade." The land vhich Cabot discovered, was in all probability not Newfoundland, but Labrador. The character of the country, the elks, the white bears, fishing, and the appearance of the inhabitants, [Peter Martyr], all correspond with the character of Labrador.

The mention of the Island of St John, as off the coast discovered by Cabot, has given rise to some confusion, but this is cleared up by reference to Ortelius, who, in his " Theatrim orbis terrarum," in a map, dated 1587, calls a small island just off the coast of Labrador St Joan. west passage to " Cataia." Baffled by the increasing icebergs when he had reached sixty-seven and a half degrees of north latitude, he turned south, and on St John's Day discovered the coast of Labrador. Still sailing south he explored the coast of Florida as far as thirty-six and a half degrees of north latitude. On his return he obtained a second patent, and again sailed in 1498 with several ships laden with "grosse and sleighte wares" for trafficking with the natives.1 With so little attention, however, did his successes meet, that after this we hear no more of him in England for nineteen years.

There may have been various causes beside lack of enterprise which may have made Henry VII. and his subjects disinclined for maritime discoveries in the direction of America. The bull of Alexander VI. could not but have some effect with a still Eoman Catholic nation, and the hope of a Spanish aEiance may have made the king chary of encroaching on the treasures of the New World. StiE he did not altogether neglect American discoveries. For the next seven or eight years we have scattered intimations that voyages were made, though of their circumstances and results we know nothing. We find a patent granted to three Englishmen, Thomas Ashurst, Eichard Warde, and John Thomas, and three Portuguese, John Gonsalo, and John and Francis Fernando, bearing date, March 1501,2 and another patent in December of the same year, in favour of Hugh Eliot and Thomas Ashurst, merchants of Bristol, and John Gonsalo and Francis Fernando, Esquires.3 Both these patents reserve the rights of the king of Portugal, and expressly forbid the offering of any violence to the persons of the natives,4 a condition which speaks well for the humanity of the king, if not for the morality of the early navigators.

It is also stated in Purchas that Eobert Thome 1 Stow, p. 481. 2 Biddle. Appendix D. 3 Rymer, vol. xiii., pp. 37, 42. Rymer places the date of the first patent the 10th of May, sixteenth year of Henry VII. Biddle, however, shows that this is wrong. 4 " Sive aliquas mulieres insularum seu patriarum predietarum rapuerint et viola verint, juxta leges ac statuta per ipsos in hac parte ordinata castigandi et puniendi." and Hugh Eliot "discovered the Newfoundland," and that had they followed their pilot's mind the lands of the West Indies had been ours." 1 Traces also are to be found of such voyages in the existing records of the time. We read in the King's Privy Purse Accounts such entries as these — " 17 th November 1503. — To one that brought hawkes from O the new founded isle, £1." " 8th April 1504. — To a preste that goeth to the islande, £2."

"25th August 1505. — To Clays going to Eichmond with wylde catts and popyngays of the new found islande for his costs, 13s. 4d." "To Portugales that brought popyngais and catts of the mountayne, with the stuff to the king's grace, £5." It was probably in one of these voyages that the savages were brought over, who, Stow says, were seen in London in 1502.2 After the accession of Henry VIII. we hear of no more voyages till the nineteenth year of his reign. In that year two ships were sent out in search of the North-west Passage, under Thorne and Eliot, of which the larger was lost on the coast of New foundland. The other returned safe to England. Nine years later Hore sailed from London with two ships, and encountered the horrors of the north seas in their worst form.3 That some definite progress had been made by the year 1541 is proved by an Act of Parliament, in which special provision is made for the Newfoundland Fisheries.4 In 1549, the third year of Edward 1 Purchas, [Ed. 1626], p. 810.

Biddle identifies this with the voyage of 1527, mentioned below, but the expression, "discovered the Newfoundland," and the reference to the West Indies would seem to refer to an earlier date. 2 Stow, p. 485. "This yeere [1502] were brought into the king taken in ye New found Hands by Sebastian Gabote, before named, in anno 1498. These men were clothed in beasts' skins, and eate raw flesh, but spake such a language as no man could understand, of the which three men, two of them were seene in the king's court at Westminster two yeeres after. They were clothed like Englishmen, and could not be discerned from Englishmen." It is exceedingly improbable that if these men had been brought over by Cabot in 1498, as Stow supposes, and still retained their native customs and language four years later, that two years could afterwards have made so great a change in them. 3 Purchas, p. 822. 4 Bancroft's " History of America," vol. i., p. 77.

VI., Cabot's services at last met with a portion of the reAvard they had deserved, and he was made Grand Pilot of England, with a pension of £166, 13s. 4d.1 Age had not lessened his energy for discovery, but America was no longer the field of his labours. He, like most of the navigators of his age, attached more value to the visionary project of a north-west or a north east passage to Asia, than to the substantial advantages which the American trade and fisheries placed within their grasp. He became president of a merchant company, which included Willoughby, Chancellor, and Burroughs, and whose object was the discovery of a north-east passage to China.2 The Aroyage in 1553 was in its main object unsuccessful, and resulted in the loss of Willoughby and his ship, but the failure was compensated for by the discovery of a passage to Archangel.3 After this Cabot disappears from the history of discovery ; but the seed which he had sown was in a few years to bear fruit that would have far surpassed his most fervent anticipations.

In the words of an old writer, " it pleased Almighty God, of His infinite mercy, at length to awake some of our worthy countrymen out of their drowsy dreame wherein we have aE so long slumbered."4 The seventy years preceding the reign of Elizabeth had not only changed English modes of thought and life ; they had begotten a new race of Englishmen. Various tendencies had combined to bring about this growth. The movement which in theology had produced the Eeformation, and in philosophy contained the teach ing of Bacon, and of the seventeenth century in its womb, had changed the social and mercantile, as well as the political Efe of the nation. Henry VIIL, when he made England independent of the Papacy, foresaw that growing struggle between the two great principles of the age which culminated in the fight with the Armada, and he provided for it by making England an inde pendent military and naval power.

There were special reasons 1 Purchas, p. 810. "- Ibid. 3 Bancroft, vol. i., p. 79. 4 " A True Report of the Late Discoveries and Possession taken in the Right of the Crown of England in the Newfoundland," in Hakluyt, [Ed. 1589], p. 704. why the newly awakened life of the nation should show itself on the seas. The theoretical discoveries of Galileo, the practical discoveries of Columbus, shed a halo of science and romance over seamanship. Spain was no longer an ally to be respected, but a dangerous and hated rival. The spectacle of Philip and his Spanish courtiers riding into London decked in the spoils of Mexico and Peru must have been at once dazzling, enraging, ani mating. Might not England fight Spain on her own ground, and with her own weapons ? Might not the treasures of the New World be used to support England and Protestantism, not Spain and the Inquisition ?

Even the thirst for gold was ennobled when thus linked with love of national greatness and religious freedom. Another motive ought not in justice to be overlooked. As in the search for gold, so, in the conversion of the Indians, Spain was at once a pattern and a rival. To carry out the gospel to wild races dwelling in distant lands was a task peculiarly suited to the temper of an adventurous generation that had just passed through a great religious crisis. Such was the combination of influences under which England entered upon her career in the New World. The reign of Mary had repressed, but in nowise destroyed, the new-born spirit of the nation. When that evil time was passed, and a popular, ambitious, and enterprising monarch sat on the throne, the torrent burst forth in full strength. Privateers harassed the Spanish commerce on the coast of South America, and from thirty to fifty ships went every year to the Newfoundland fisheries.1 In 1576, Frobisher, afterwards Sir Martin Frobisher, a west country sea captain, hitherto only known as having been implicated in a charge of piracy,2 conceived a design of discovering the North-west Passage.

Encouraged by the example of Cabot, with whose voyage he was acquainted,3 on 1 Bancroft, vol. i., p. 80. 2 Catalogue of State Papers, vol. xl., 7. 3 George Gascoyne says, in the preface to Sir Humphrey Gilbert's Account of a North-west Passage, with reference to an account of Sebastian Cabot, "The which, as well because it was not long, as also because I understoode that Mr Fourboiser [a kinsman of mine] did pretend to travaile in the same discoverie, I craved at the saide Sir Humfreye's hands for two or three days to reade and to peruse." the 15th of June he set sail from BlackweE. He sailed into Frobisher's Straits, landed on the coast of Labrador, captured a native and returned, having lost five men.1 He brought back not the report of a North-west Passage, but hopes as chimerical and more dangerous.

A stone which he had found was reported to contain gold. England was already gold-mad,2 and the prospect of a northern Peru instantly awakened the enthusiasm of those who had been unmoved by the project of a North-west Passage. The Company of "Kathai," or Cathay, was formed, of which Michael Lok was to be governor, and " Furbisher " high admiral of aE the newly discovered lands.3 In 1577, Frobisher sailed with three ships on his search for ore.4 He returned, after a severe voyage, with a cargo of earth to be deposited in the mint.5 The next year, at the desire of the Queen,6 a third voyage was undertaken on a larger scale, and a colony pro jected.7 Colony and voyage alike were failures. Beset by fogs and icebergs one vessel was crushed, and the rest lost their course. The sailors almost mutinied, one of the ships with pro visions for the colony deserted, and the settlers became dis heartened.

The fleet was freighted with two thousand tons of ore, and returned home.8 The ore proved worthless, and aE that we ever hear further of the Cathay Company is a succession of squabbles between Lok and the adventurers.9 But the chapter 1 Purchas, p. 811. 2 The public records of the time are full of references to the gold brought back by Frobisher. In the Catalogue of State Papers, vol. cxlvii. 69, we find an offer from Lok to work the ore brought from the north-west voyage by " Captain Furbisher." So also in vol. cxviii. 36, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43 ; vol. cxix. 8, 9, 10, 12, 14, 15 ; vol. exxii. 3, it is stated in a note that some of the gold still remains attached by wax to a paper. 3 State Papers, vol. ex. 21. 4 State Papers, vol. cxi. 48, 49. Purchas, p. 811. 5 State Papers, vol. cxvi. 25. 6 State Papers, vol. cxxiii. 5.

Letters from Walsingham to the Lord Treasurer and Lord Chamberlain, March 11, 1578. 7 Bancroft, vol. i., p. 84. 8 Catalogue of State Papers, vol. cxxvi. 20. Bancroft, vol. i., p. 85. 9 Frobisher's gold discoveries seem to have been prolific in disputes. We find Lok repeatedly applying to the Council for orders to be given to the adventurers to of British maritime discovery was not yet closed. Eegardless of Frobisher's failure, Davies and Hudson essayed once more to discover the North-west Passage. It was not granted to the Elizabethan seamen to win that goal for which they had so per sistently striven, or to share in the colonisation of America. But though they left no permanent memorial of their triumphs, they stamped their impress on the generation that foEowed them. They were worthy to be the fathers of those puritan settlers, who left their English villages and farms to sail across three thou sand mEes of ocean with no home awaiting them but a bleak wilderness.

Nothing in modern seamanship can give us an idea of the hardships and sufferings of the early navigators. In vessels little bigger than fishing smacks they ventured through fogs and icebergs into unknown seas, or landed on frozen shores, where they were reduced by hunger to eat the bodies of their companions,1 or to live on sea-weed, when they scarce had strength to steer their boat.2 But their spirit of adventure, heroic as it was, was essentially that of explorers, not of colonists. Gilbert and Ealeigh alone were conspicuous exceptions. Gilbert was, as far as we know, the first in that age to whom the idea of founding a great trans atlantic empire had suggested itself. Even with him it is pro bable that the main idea was that of a great commercial power to counteract and cripple Spain, rather than an agricultural com munity in a great measure independent of the mother country.3 pay their shares.