Ireland in the Nineteenth Century, and seventh of England's dominion; enriched with copious descriptions of the resources of the soil, and seats and scenery of the North West district

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IRELAND IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY, AND SEVENTH OF ENGLAND'S DOMINION; ENRICHED WITH COPIOUS DESCRIPTIONS OF THE RESOURCES OF THE SOIL, AND SEATS AND SCENERY OF THE NORTH WEST DISTRICT BY A. ATKINSON, ESQ. AUTHOR OF " THE IRISH TOURIST," " IRELAND EXHIBITED TO ENGLAND," ETC. etc. " Concordia res par<æ crescunt— Discordia maxi*næ dilabuntur." — Sallust. LONDON ; PUBLISHED BV HAMILTON, ADAMS, & CO., PATERNOSTER-ROW. LIVERPOOL ; D. MARPLES, LORD-STREET. 1833. D, Marples, Printer, Lord-street, Liverpool. TO THE ENGLISH PUBLIC. The Author of this Work refers with confidence to the free and unpurchased terms of approbation, in which divers ofthe Liverpool Journals (to whose proprietors and editors, ample specimens were submitted for inspection as they came from the press) have spoken of the importance to the English interests, of the varied contents of this impartial and independent volume, which we have now the honour of submit ting to the serious consideration of the friends of British prosperity in both countries. TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Chapter I

Page Embracing a concise but important Review of the numerous and complex causes, (political, ecclesiastical, and commercial) by which Ireland has been impoverished, divided, demoralized, and laid waste ; together with the legislative measures that should be adopted for securing the rights of British connection to that country without a dissolution of the Act of Union. As also the reports of Mr. Dalton, an Irish antiquary, and those of the National Trades' Union, "on the rise, progress, and decline of trade in Ireland," embracing a period of parliamentary history, in relation to that country, of nearly six centuries 1 CHAP. II. Author's letter to the King on the nature and effects of the legislative union between Great Britain and Ireland ; and on the establishment of a local Parliament in the latter country for purposes of internal improvement 60 A Review of the Press and the Parties ; including a critique upon Cobbett's Reformation, with observations upon the character and capabilities of O'Connell and other leading men 91 Poor laws , 143 Malthusian system in Ireland 1.51 The tithe question ; with the Author's letter on that question to Sir Hussey Vivian, Commander of the forces 168 The grand jury system 174 Evils in the policy by whieh some Irish estates are governed 176 General observations on the soil of Ulster, &c. 177 Reflections addressed to the landed interest of the province 178 CHAP. III.

Author proceeds through the County of Antrim to the North-west District, in a Tour of Observation and Research. The O'Neill estates 183 Hollybrook and Gracehill 18-5 Town of Ballymoney (including reflections upon the patriot Hutchinson) 186 Balnamore mills, with the surrounding scenery 191 Moorefort 193 Coldagh TABLE OF CONTENTS. Page Brookhall 195 Town of Coleraine, and drive to the Giant's Causeway 196 Somerset 199 Leghinmore 1 99 Lisnafillan 200 Bushmills 201 Ballydivity 202 Lisconnan 204 Knockmore 206 Craig and Culresheskin 207 Town of Ballycastle 207 CHAP. IV. Author enters the County of Londonderry, and visits the following objects. Bristol folly 21 0 Fruit hill, with its neighbouring valley and surrounding mountains. ... 211 Newtown Limavady (with remarks on the Irish spirit trade ; on the best mode of reforming the Irish people ; on the British crime of murder by strangling ; and on the national crimes and future prospects of England) 220 Bellearena 233 The Manor of Walworth (the property of the Fishmongers' Company of London) 235 The London G rocers' estate 246 The Templemoyle Agricultural School, and North-West Farming Society 248 The City of Londonderry 253 The Farm, the seat of Sir Robert Ferguson, Bait., M.P., with a critique upon the nomenclature of our seats 257 Ballynaguard, the seat of John Hart, Esq., with a query to the farming societies, remarks on the criminal laws, and a rhyme on the broad oak 265 Kildeny, the seat of the late General Hart 279 Bellemount 281 Thornhill 282 Greenhaw House 282 Beech-hill '. 283 Coolkeiragh 284 Ashbrook 290 Dunmore House 291 Prehen 292 Birdstown 293 Burt House _ 294 Faan Cottage TABLE OF CONTENTS.

V. Page Mrs. Heath of Faan 296 Pennybum Flour-mills 297 The river Foyle 297 CHAP. V. Author enters the County of Tyrone, and visits the following objects : Town of Strabane — its trade, markets, &c, together with critical remarks upon the manner of levying local taxes upon towns and counties in Ireland 299 Minerals in the mountains 309 A landscape 310 The Tyrone Abercorn estate 311 Milltown 312 Burndennet bleach green 312 Urneyhouse (church property) 314 Shannon 316 Mulvoyne , 317 Deer Park 318 Crosh House 318 Parish of Ardstraw 319 Galloney House 319 Glencush 320 Corcreevy 321 Omagh (the capital of the county) 321 Mount Pleasant 324 Newgrove 325 Seskinore Lodge, &c 326 The Vesey estate 328 Ecclesville and Fintona 33 1 Spur Royal Castle 332 The Ravella estate 334 Killyfaddy House 334 Straughroy Cottage 339 The Tyrone election of 1830 341 Petty Sessions at Omagh 343 CHAP. VI.

Counties of Fermanagh and Leitrim. Entrance into the County of Fermanagh, with observations on its general appearance 349 Facilities for trade 361 Mineral wealth of Leitrim 365 Its towns, trade, character of the peasantry, and magisterial persecutions of the poor 379 Spas-Derrycarn VI TABLE OF CONTENTS. Page County of Fermanagh resumed. Garden Hill (with observations on the advantages resulting to a country from the example and labours of industrious resident landlords) . .. • 386 Colebrooke (with observations on minerals and tenures, and a brief notice of the Lisnaskea estate) Castle-Coole (with observations on the utility of commercial surveys, preparatory to manufactures and commerce, concluding with a serious address to the landed interest of Ulster Castle Archdale (scenery from thence to Belleek) 397 Florence Court 404 Derrybrusk House Bellevue 407 Lisgoole Abbey 407 Riversdale 409 Crocknacrieve 4,)9 Jamestown 410 Rossfad 41° Graan House 411 Hollybrook 412 Curragh 413 Forphy House 113 Killyhavlin Cottage 413 Lisbofin 414 Magheramena 415 The Rockfelt Property 416 Prospect Hill 417 Swanlinbar 418 A circuit drive 420 Tithe Composition Law 421 Lough Erne floods ; destruction of crops ; endemic diseases; cholera.. 424 Queries • 426 CHAP. VII.

County of Donegal. Boundaries, — extent, climate, soil, and commercial resources 428 Kildrum lead-mines 430 Sulphureate springs, and indications of iron and other minerals 431 Bundoran, and the mines in its vicinity 431 Waters and farms 433 Peasantry 434 Capabilities of improvement 435 Introduction to the local descriptions 436 Ballyshannon 437 Principal proprietors of the soil of Donegal TABLE OF CONTENTS. VII Page The Conyngham estates 456 The Hall (the family seat) 458 The Murray estate 459 Lough Eask 460 The Abercorn estate 461 St. Ernans 463 Drumboe castle 464 Fort Stewart 467 Castle-grove 469 Rock-hill 469 Woodlands 470 Glendoen glebe 47 1 Rockville 472 Buncrana castle, and the town of Buncrana 473 Rochfort, and the mountains of Innishowen 476 The mountain island of Inch 477 Coxtown 478 Donaghmore glebe 479 Oak-park 480 Rathmelton 481 Ballybofey and Stranorlar, with remarks on village inns 482 Woods and fences 485 Town of Donegal 485 National education IRELAND.

CHAPTER I.

Embracing a concise but important review of the numerous and complex causes, political, ecclesiastical, and commercial, by which Ireland has been impoverished, divided, demoralized, and laid waste — together with the legislative measures that should be adopted for securing the rights of British connexion to that country without a dissolution of the Act of Union. As also, the reports of Mr. Dalton, an Irish Antiquary, and those of the National Trades' Union, " on the rise, progress, and decline of trade in Ireland," embracing a period of parliamentary history in relation to that country of nearly six centuries.

Whatever has a tendency to produce a spirit of enquiry in England, concerning the resources of Ireland, and the political and ecclesiastical impediments to its improvement, must prove useful to both countries ; since experience proves that, up to this hour, England has not availed her self of the fruits of her conquest ; has not profited in a due proportion by the great natural riches of the Sister country ; has not made Ireland (no, not even by her legislative union) one country with herself; has not effected a sound moral amalgamation of the two countries, by all her laws; has been compelled, by the effects of her own ignorant or wicked policy, to govern Ireland in the 19th century, and the 7th of her own nominal dominion, by laws so ridiculously defective, that in several districts of Ireland (witness those of Clare, Galway, and Roscommon) there was no adequate security for life and property, so recently as in the year 1831 ; no permanent relief from ecclesiastical imposts that i; IRELAND, have oppressed and convulsed that country for several ages; no security for the religious and moral influence of the Established Church, against that contempt and hatred of its wealthy clergy, which the basely ignorant framers and maintainers of the law of tithe, so effectually created and transferred to the Church itself; no legislative enactments to provide employment for the poor, and to shield them from the unjust exactions of their domestic op pressors ; no provision for the myriads of families that have been thrown out of employment by the Act of Union, by the absentee system (and the consequent drain of native income) which that act produced;* no remedy for * As a letter to the king on the subject of the Legislative Union between Great Britain and Ireland, will be found in a succeeding part of this work, we shall make no farther advertence to it in this note, than merely to say (and this we do for the sake of those weak but well-minded Englishmen who apprehend dangerous results from an abolition of that Act) that the best conceivable substitute for its repeal would be, an appointment, by the crown and imperial parliament, of a standing committee of the two houses of legislature, composed of all the Irish lords and commoners for the time being, to sit in Dublin for a short period every summer during the recess, to compose bills (subject of course to the royal assent) for the improvement of Ireland, and the employment of her people.

This would probably be the best and most available substitute for a repeal of the Act of Union that human wisdom could devise, as it would combine with all the useful and lawful purposes of that Act, the most effectual secondary means of regenerating Ireland, and retaining her as a willing captive in the bosom of the British union. It would also have this additional recommendation, that it would enable the imperial parliament to devote a much larger portion of its time to the consideration of other subjects, than when heavily encumbered, as hitherto, with Irish affairs. And inasmuch as these committees would be charged with the exercise of a delegated power, (strictly confined to the internal improvement of their own country) and for every abuse of which they were liable to impeachment by the imperial parliament from which they derived their authority — inasmuch, we say, as this legitimate mode of improving Ireland, by the natural (though hitherto, in many instances, treacherous) guardians of her welfare, would have a powerful tendency to preserve the unity and integrity of the empire, and to bury the question of repeal in the sea of oblivion ; and to all its other benefits would unite the important additional grace of compelling its lazy lords to spend a little of their time and money in their own country; we think they are no friends of England who will treat this question with contempt. an English monopoly of all our manufacturing interests, which it contributed to produce also; nor for the sublet ting act, which (whether right or wrong) threw many hun dreds of labouring families adrift upon the world.

And lastly, no laws to protect the hundreds of thousands of men dicants that were thus created, from the painful alternative of becoming robbers and rebels to the laws, or of covering the whole face of the country (as swarms of locusts are said to have covered the land of Egypt) in tbe character of sup pliant beggars in pursuit of food ! — Under such circum stances it is not therefore surprising, that in certain districts of Ireland the laws of England are trampled under foot, the most sacred ties of humanity disregarded, and the value of property so completely deteriorated, that (in the absence of a strong military protection) a man of sense would not give sixpence for the fee simple of a good estate, if his residence upon the property to be purchased were made a sine qua non of the title proposed to be conveyed to him !

In a word, that Ireland up to this day is a drag upon the wheel of England, instead of being what she ought to be, a powerful contributor to her treasury, and the main pillar of her strength by sea and land.* * Some of the causes by which this unfortunate country has been deprived of the means of existence, her character demoralized, and her capital and energies forced into foreign lands, being plainly and strongly exhibited in the first report of a committee of that called " The National Trades' Union," held in Dublin, on " the rise, progress, and decline of trade, com merce, and manufactures in Ireland," we shall give the substance of that report in the following extracts from it ; and as much light has been shed upon the same subject, by a Mr. Dalton, an Irish antiquarian (in a letter addressed by him to the editor of a Dublin paper), we shall append the substance of his letter to the aforesaid extracts, as we think these united communications, in connexion with the other important facts which this work contains, will enable every honest Englishman who lays his hand upon this book, to trace, with ease and accuracy, the complicated misfortunes of Ireland to the primitive causes which produced them ; and as the facts of English and Irish history contained in these communications, shed considerable light upon the state of trade and manufactures in the sister countries, at a very early period of their connexion, the English commercial reader will probably feel a peculiar interest in the perusal of this note.

IRELAND, In such a state of affairs as this, every work which has a tendency to call the attention of England to the causes by which these effects have been produced and perpetuated, must prove useful; and therefore, although in reference to which forms with us an additional motive for annexing it to our own facts and reflections upon the state of Ireland. Extracts from the Report ofthe Committee. " Your Committee have commenced a very laborious and minute enquiry, into the rise, progress, and decline of trade, commerce, and manufactures in Ireland : feeling deeply the necessity and importance of such an investigation in the present deplorable state of our trade. " It appears to your committee, that so far back as the year 1357, the serges manufactured in Ireland were esteemed and encouraged in many nations in Europe, particularly in Italy and Germany.

It also appears, that annual fairs were for several succeeding centuries held at Kilmainham, (in the neighbourhood of Dublin) and which extended from thence to Thomas street, (in the city) at which fairs, frizes, stuffs, and serges, tbe manufacture of Ireland, were sold not only to home purchasers, but to merchants from all parts of Europe, who attended here to purchase, in like manner as at the Leipsic fair in our own times ; whereby a considerable revenue was drawn from foreign countries and spent in Ireland. This great and important fair, under English jealousy and misrule, has long since totally ceased! " It also appears to your committee, that in the reign of Elizabeth, a con siderable export of cattle took place from this country to England, and which export trade, so far from being a drain of the resources of Ireland, as at present, and going into the pockets of heartless and unfeeling absentees, was then a considerable advantage to this country, the landlords being all residents, and spending their rents (which their tenantry were by such exports enabled regularly to pay) in the country, thereby benefiting the nation at large, and their own neighbourhood in particular, and rendering pauperism and want almost unknown in Ireland at that period; but this trade tended too much to the good and prosperity of Ireland, according to the opinion of our English rulers; wherefore by the 8th of Elizabeth, chap. 3, the export of cattle from Ireland to England was totally prohibited !

The consequence was, that the Irish nation paid more particular attention to the increase of their sheep, in order to export and manufacture their wool, which succeeded to such an extent in the succeeding reigns of James and Charles, that it next excited the jealousy of England, lest the Irish woollen manufacture should beat the English out of the foreign market. This appears from a letter of Lord Stratford, while Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, to Charles I., dated 25th July, 1636, wherein he says, ' there is a beginning here towards a clothing trade, whieh I had, and so should still discourage (unless otherwise directed), in regard it would trench not only on the clothings of England, (being our staple commodity) so as if they should manufacture the treasures of the soil we have little that is new to offer, yet, as that little will be accompanied with facts of history, calculated to shed considerable light upon the vicious and hostde elements of society in Ireland, we do not fear but their own wool, which grows to very great quantity, we should not only lose the profits we made now by indrapering their wools, but his majesty lose his customs, and in continuance it might be found that they might beat us out of the trade itself, by underselling us, which they are able to do.

Yet I have endeavoured another way to set them at work, the rattier in regard the women are naturally bred to spinning, and that Irish earth is apt for the bearing of flax, so I trust to make them to follow it when they see great profit arising thereby ; and that they shall generally take and employ themselves that way, which, if they do, I am confident will prove a mighty business.' " On this letter your committee shall only remark, that Providence inflicted a just and well merited punishment, both on the treacherous writer and his more treacherous master, who could so calmly contemplate, for the aggrandisement of another country, the ruin of the staple trade of a brave and industrious people. Both terminated their mortal career upon a disgraceful and ignominious scaffold." " Notwithstanding all the treacherous efforts that were made to divert the attention and capital of Ireland from the woollen to the linen trade, the exports of woollens to foreign countries from Ireland, still exceeded the expectations of England ; and to prevent its continuance, an Act was passed, the 14th and loth of Charles II., whereby an export duty of £3 6s. 8d. was laid on each piece of broad cloth containing thirty six yards, and fifteen shillings on each piece of stuff and kersey.

And in the reign of William III. a duty of four shillings in the pound value on all broad cloths exported, being the manufacture of Ireland, and two shillings in the pound on all kerseys and stuffs; and thus Ireland was totally cut off from all foreign trade. These cruel prohibitions were passed in the days of her meekness and humiliation, but, as must be now apparent to every candid and thinking man, with more than Russian despotism and injustice. " The unwise, unjust, and paltry jealousy of England, appears amply from the foregoing ; * but to put the matter beyond doubt, your committee state one undeniable fact, whereby that jealousy is unblushingly acknowledged by the higher governing power of England, for in the address of the House of Lords to King William III., they openly complain of the increase of the * Paltry jealousy indeed, and, strictly speaking, as impolitic as paltry ; since, not to fetter the natural energies and resources of any branch of a dominion, but rather to encourage a full and vigorous development of these in every part, (each having its peculiar natural advantages) is not only the more generous and liberal policy, but in the end, must, obviously, contribute a larger aggregate amount to the wealth and power of the state.

What would we think in these days of the wretched minion, who, to preserve the trade of London, would stand in his place in parliament, and say, that Liverpool and her commerce should be destroyed ! — Ed. Note. IRELAND, this tour of observation and research, so far as it shall come under the eye of honest and impartial Englishmen, will contribute, with larger and more useful works, to direct thenwoollen manufacture in Ireland, ' which,' they say, ' made his majesty s loyal subjects very apprehensive that the further growth of it might greatly prejudice the said manufacture in England, by which the trade of the nation and the value of land would very much decrease, and the number of people lessened ; they, therefore, besought his majesty to declare to all his subjects in Ireland, that the growth and increase of the woollen manufacture, had long and would ever be looked upon with jealousy by all his subjects of England, but to recommend them to turn their attention to the linen trade.' The Commons, in still stronger terms, ' implored his majesty to make it his royal care to hinder the exportation of wool from Ireland, and discourage the woollen manufacture and encourage the linen ' — to which his majesty gave a most implicit answer, saying, ' I shall do all that in me lies to discourage the woollen trade in Ireland, and encourage the linen, and promote the trade of England.' The royal promise was carried into full effect, the result of which is felt at this day.

"Another strong proof of the ruinous treatment extended to the manu factures of Ireland, appears in the speech of Mr. Pitt, the prime minister of England, made in the British House of Commons, on the 2lst of January, 1800, where he says, " I will admit that for an hundred years this country (England) followed a very narrow policy with regard to Ireland. It mani fested a very absurd jealousy concerning the growth, produce, and manu facture of several articles ; " but what cure does he propose for all this jealousy and injustice ? He says, " that all this jealousy will he buried by the plan of the Union, which is now to be brought before you ! " Alas ! this measure, so highly praised by its base proposers, proved, instead of a benefit, the grave cf Ireland's trade and manufactures. " Your committee think it unnecessary to enter more fully into a detail of the legal enactments and documents, proving the evil policy and legislation of England.

They conceive they have shewn to demonstration the jealous and unfeeling conduct pursued for ages, in regard of the legitimate and staple manufacture of Ireland ; and that instead of fostering care and pro tection, the Irish woollen manufacture received from the government of England nothing but discouragement and prohibition. "In the glorious year of 1782, and for several years afterwards, the woollen manufactures of Ireland made rapid strides towards prosperity, under the fostering care of a patriotic and liberal resident gentry, and the blessings of a domestic legislature. The city of Dublin was filled with industrious, well-fed, well-clothed operatives, and health and competence were enjoyed by thousands of persons connected with the woollen manufacture. The Liberty, formerly the principal residence of the master woollen manufacturers, is now a desert waste, filled with wretchedness, poverty, and filth — where thc cheering sound of the shuttle is no longer heard, and w here attention to the policy by which that fine fertile country has been more than half lost to the British empire ; and, by an easy transition of the mind, to those better and happier houses, which at that period would bring £60, or even £80 a year, are now let at £20, or £10, and some even so low as £5 a year !

" A similar decline in the woollen trade has taken place in the country parts of Ireland. The flannel manufacture of Wicklow, formerly a most important branch of trade, both for the home and foreign market, is now nearly annihilated; and the flannel-hall of Rathdrum, which some years since was crowded with the industrious manufacturers of that useful article, is now converted into a school-house. " In Carrick-on Suir, once a most important manufacturing town of coarse woollen cloths, and what is commonly called " Carrick ratteen," having 500 looms in full work, there is not at present, as your committee have been informed, 40 looms at work. In Kilkenny, the blanket and cloth trades have been reduced from great prosperity to the lowest ebb. In Cork, and every other place in Ireland where the woollen manufacture formerly flourished, a depression in a similar ratio with Dublin has taken place.

" Your committee, from the lamentable falling off in this important branch of the manufactures of Ireland, have been naturally led to inves tigate the cause of such deplorable results, and they are of opinion that the principal causes are ; First — the cessation of the protecting duty of 8^d. a yard on ' old drapery ' imported into Ireland ; which was enacted in 1799, and continued for twenty years by the act of union, which enacted, ' that old and new drapery should pay on importation into either country, the duties then payable on importation in Ireland.' This duty, though small and inadequate to the protection of the higher priced cloths, yet afforded a considerable protection to the low priced cloths, and the other woollen manufactures of this country ; but in violation ofthe promises made at the time of the union, as hereafter stated, this duty was suddenly taken off in the year 1821, and the Irish market thereby opened to the English manufacturer, who was then in possession of his own immense home trade, and a foreign woollen trade extending throughout Europe, and almost to every country in the world.

" Secondly — The loss of above £100,000 a year, formerly expended in Ireland on the army clothing department, which is nowlaid out in England, it appearing to your committee that from 1782 to 1800, the entire of the Irish militia, and several of the regiments of the line quartered in Ireland, were supplied by native manufacturers with Irish woollens. One house in the Liberty had at one period the supply of twenty regiments, which busi ness has now totally ceased. " Thirdly, and above all — The unjust and infamous act of union, which has deprived Ireland of her domestic legislature and her resident gentry, and consequently of her capital. " Many and specious were the promises held out when that detestable act IRELAND, days, when the murky gloom and withering blight of civil of Ireland's ruin was about to be accomplished.

It is quite needless to say, not one of these promises was ever fulfilled. Lord Castlereagh, of execrated memory, the prime mover of that fell act, and then the organ of the British government, in proposing that measure in the Irish parliament, and alluding to what he stated to be protecting duties on the several articles enumerated in the schedule No. 2, of the Act of Union, thus expresses himself. ' I wish them to continue for such a period of years as will give security to the speculations of the manufacturers. At the same time I wish to look forward to a period when articles of this kind may gradually be discontinued, and ultimately cease. It must be evident that if our manufactures keep pace in advancement for the next twenty years, with the progress they have made in the last twenty years, then that they may, at the expiration of it, be fully able to cope with the British* — and that the two countries may be safely left, like any two counties ofthe same kingdom, to a free competition !

It is therefore provided that after twenty years the United Parliament may diminish the duties of protection in such a ratio as the situation of our manufactures at that period may render expedient.' " Here, then, was a distinct, and unequivocal understanding, that the protecting duties should be merely diminished in proportion as a fair compe tition between the two countries would permit — taking it all the while for granted that Ireland would continue to improve in a ratio at least equal to her advancement during the preceding twenty years, which comprised the most glorious period of Ireland's liberty since she had come under the Eng lish yoke; but notwithstanding her evident and rapid depression (for the absentee system, draining the country of its life blood soon commenced), in open and shameless violation of this solemn pledge, and of every principle of justice, the protecting duties were entirely struck off 'at one fell swoop.' This was the finishing blow to Ireland's manufactures ; the result was soon felt with appalling effect, as will appear fully by the following return of the persons employed in the woollen manufacture (not including the manu facture of stuffs, hosiery, or carpets, which will form the subject of another * Did this Statesman know, when he was preaching this fudge to the Irish house of Commons, that Ireland had been deprived of her foreign trade and connections for a century or two previous to his speech, by the prohibitory impositions heaped upon her manufactures in the preceding reigns?