← Narrative of the surveying voyages of His Majesty's ships Adventure and Beagle, between the years 1826 and 1836, Vol. 2 [of 3]

Chapter XXI…

Part 6 of 8 · Fitzroy, Robert · Public domain text

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Contents (56)
  1. Opening about 1 min
  2. Chapter II under 1 min
  3. Chapter III under 1 min
  4. Chapter IV under 1 min
  5. Chapter V under 1 min
  6. Chapter VI under 1 min
  7. Chapter VII under 1 min
  8. Chapter VIII under 1 min
  9. Chapter IX under 1 min
  10. Chapter X under 1 min
  11. Chapter XI under 1 min
  12. Chapter XII under 1 min
  13. Chapter XIII under 1 min
  14. Chapter XIV under 1 min
  15. Chapter XV under 1 min
  16. Chapter XVI under 1 min
  17. Chapter XVII under 1 min
  18. Chapter XVIII under 1 min
  19. Chapter XIX under 1 min
  20. Chapter XX under 1 min
  21. Chapter XXI under 1 min
  22. Chapter XXII under 1 min
  23. Chapter XXIII under 1 min
  24. Chapter XXIV under 1 min
  25. Chapter XXV under 1 min
  26. Chapter XXVI under 1 min
  27. Chapter XXVII under 1 min
  28. Chapter XXVIII about 1 min
  29. Chapter I about 21 min
  30. Chapter II about 35 min
  31. Chapter III about 37 min
  32. Chapter IV about 45 min
  33. Chapter V about 26 min
  34. Chapter VI about 22 min
  35. VII. SOUTHERN ABORIGINES OF SOUTH AMERICA about 22 min
  36. VIII. HORSE INDIANS OF PATAGONIA about 48 min
  37. Chapter IX about 42 min
  38. Chapter X about 41 min
  39. XI. HISTORICAL SKETCH OF THE FALKLAND ISLANDS about 19 min
  40. Chapter XII about 45 min
  41. Chapter XIII about 41 min
  42. Chapter XIV about 31 min
  43. Chapter XV about 30 min
  44. Chapter XVI about 37 min
  45. Chapter XVII about 58 min
  46. Chapter XVIII about 36 min
  47. Chapter XIX about 50 min
  48. Chapter XX about 47 min
  49. Chapter XXI about 39 min
  50. Chapter XXII about 54 min
  51. Chapter XXIII about 36 min
  52. Chapter XXIV about 51 min
  53. Chapter XXV about 32 min
  54. Chapter XXVI about 33 min
  55. XXVII. REMARKS ON THE EARLY MIGRATIONS OF THE HUMAN RACE about 25 min
  56. XXVIII. A VERY FEW REMARKS WITH REFERENCE TO THE DELUGE about 1 h 11 min

Continue:

Chapter XXI

Andes--Aconcagua--Villarica--Islay--Powder--Callao--Rejoin Beagle --Constitucion--Plans--Wilson--Carrasco--‘Galāpagos’--Iguanas--Lava Rocks--Land-tortoises--Craters--Turtle--Shells--Dye--Volcanoes --Settlement--Albemarle Island--Cyclopian Scene--Tagus Cove--Tide Ripples--Settlers--Climate--Salt--Dampier--Birds--Transportation of Tortoises--Currents--Temperature of Water.

The irreclaimably barren appearance of the sea-coast of Northern Chile, is very repulsive to an eye accustomed to woodland scenery: yet there is an effect in its lofty mountains, which seem to rise abruptly almost from the ocean, that charms one for a time. Just before sunrise is generally the most favourable moment for enjoying an unclouded view of the Andes in all their towering grandeur: for scarcely have his beams shot between their highest pinnacles into the westward vallies, when clouds of vapour rise from every quarter, and during the rest of the day, with few exceptions, obscure the distant heights.

It has been long supposed that the Andes are higher about the equator than near or beyond the tropic; but the Beagle’s measurements of Aconcagua[1] and Villarica,[2] prove that there is still much to be ascertained on this subject. Few results, depending upon angular measurement, are more difficult to obtain with accuracy than the heights of distant mountains. With respect to Aconcagua, though a variety of measurements, taken by different officers at various times, agreed together so closely as to give from 23,200 to 23,400 feet for the vertical elevation of that volcano above the level of the sea, I would not claim to be much nearer the truth than within 500 feet.

The Blonde touched at Cobija, Arica, and Islay--hapless arid dwelling-places for either man or beast, as I have ever seen. Of these and other ports along the coasts of Northern Chile and Peru, nautical information will be found in the Appendix. I will only delay the general reader with one or two observations.

From near Iquique to Arica the precipitous coast is so lofty, and approaches so much to the character of enormous cliffs, about a thousand feet high, that it is really sublime. Near Islay, the land is in several places covered with a whitish powder, or dust, which lies many inches thick in hollows or sheltered places, but is not found abundantly in localities exposed to wind. Much difference of opinion has arisen about this powder. People who live there say it was thrown out of a volcano near Arequipa a great many years ago: other persons assert that it is not a volcanic production, and appertains to, or had its origin, where it is found. My own idea was, before I heard any thing of the controversy, that there could be no doubt of its having fallen upon the ground within some hundred years, for it was drifted like snow, and where any quantity lay together, had become consolidated about as much as flour which has got damp in a damaged barrel.

In one of the old voyages there is a passage which seems to throw some light upon this subject: “As they (of Van Noort’s ship) sailed near Arequipa, they had a dry fog, or rather the air was obscured by a white sandy dust, with which their clothes and the ship’s rigging became entirely covered. These fogs the Spaniards called ‘arenales.’”--Voyage of Van Noort, in 1660, from Burney, vol. ii. p. 223.

On the 9th of August, the Blonde anchored in Callao Bay, and I enjoyed the satisfaction of finding all well on board the Beagle. She had touched at Copiapó and Iquique, for Mr. Darwin, in her way to Callao, where she arrived on the 19th of July. Lieutenant Sulivan brought his little vessel safely to an anchor near the Beagle on the 30th, having accomplished his survey in a very satisfactory manner. So well did he speak of the Constitucion, as a handy craft and good sea boat, and so correctly did his own work in her appear to have been executed, that after some days’ consideration I decided to buy her, and at once set on foot an examination of the coast of Peru, similar to that which Mr. Sulivan had completed of the coast of Chile. Don Francisco Vascuñan had authorized the sale of his vessel at Callao: she was purchased by me for £400, and immediately fitted out afresh.

I could not spare Lieutenant Sulivan to remain on the coast of Peru, while the Beagle would be crossing the Pacific, on her return to England by way of the Cape of Good Hope; but there was Mr. Usborne, able and willing to undertake the task, who, from his station, could be spared without prejudice to the duties yet remaining to be executed on board the Beagle, and a better man for the purpose I could not have desired. With him Mr. Forsyth volunteered to go, and Commodore Mason was prevailed upon to allow Mr. E. Davis, a master’s assistant of the Blonde, to join the little expedition; who, with seven good seamen, and a boy, volunteers from the Beagle, completed Mr. Usborne’s party.

A stranger might well smile at the idea of such a boat affair being started to survey, in eight or at most ten months, the whole coast of Peru, from Paposo, near Atacama, to the River Guayaquil; but the task was completed; the charts are now engraved; and very soon seamen will be able to test their accuracy.

Most people are aware that the coast of Peru is free from storms; that the wind blows moderately along the land or from it; and that there is little or no rain. Consequently, as the sea is seldom much disturbed (except by a south-west swell), and there are neither ‘races’ nor dangerous streams of tide, an open boat might undertake such a task, if safety alone were to be considered, provided that she did not try to land in a surf. The real impediments to surveying that coast are--the surf caused on those steep rocky shores by an occasional heavy swell, almost amounting to rollers, from the south-westward; the delays and doubts created by prevalent fogs; and the loss of positions, as well as time, consequent upon being drifted by currents during a calm. Mr. Usborne had also to prepare for, and provide against, as much as possible, difficulties of a very different nature--those arising out of the disturbed state of that country--the anarchical internal dissensions which are the bane of all South America, but especially of Peru. In this respect there were so many prospective dangers, as well as difficulties, that I should not have ventured to let him encounter them, had we not had such a man as Belford Hinton Wilson[3] to rely upon for foresight, advice, influence, and as hearty unflinching assistance, as any one public servant could afford to another. Mr. Wilson’s exertions were unceasing, until he procured every passport and document that could by any possibility be required for Mr. Usborne. He introduced him as well as myself, to the hydrographer (Don Eduardo Carrasco) who assisted us in many ways most materially; and after I left the coast he showed every possible attention and kindness to all the Constitucion’s party; winding up by advancing a large sum of money out of his own purse, to forward the service in which they were engaged, and increase their comfort during a long passage to England round Cape Horn.

Captain Carrasco, formerly in the Spanish navy, and now Director of the Nautical School at Lima, gave me, and afterwards Mr. Usborne, every particle of information which he and I thought might be useful--both verbally and in writing--besides which he ransacked the archives for manuscripts, charts, and books, from which he allowed extracts to be taken or copies made, in the most truly liberal manner; and I long to see the results of our voyage, whatever they may be, laid before him and his friends, as an acknowledgment--however slight--of their free assistance and co-operation.

On the 6th of September Mr. Usborne sailed.[4] He was to commence near Paposo; work along the coast thence to Guayaquil, and afterwards return to Callao.

The following day the Beagle left Callao, and steered direct towards the Galāpagos Islands, of which, as they are novel ground, I shall be rather minute in my description.

15th. Uncertain of the strength, and even of the direction of the currents--though aware that at times the former is very considerable--we were anxiously looking out for land, when what appeared to be an islet was seen from the mast-head. This seeming islet turned out to be the summit of Mount Pitt, a remarkable hill at the north-east end of Chatham Island. (Charles Island of Cowley, 1684). As the breeze and current carried us onwards, the tops of other hills successively appeared, and for a short time looked very like a cluster of islets.

Gradually rising above the horizon, the greater part of Chatham Island became distinctly visible: in this neighbourhood it is not often that the air near the water is clear enough to allow of very distant high land being thus gradually raised above the horizon of an eye at the mast-head; for, in general, clouds hang about these islands, and the atmosphere itself is hazy. Towards evening the higher parts of the land were clouded over, but we were near enough to see that the island was very rugged--in some places quite barren--in others covered with a stunted and sun-dried brushwood--and that the heights, on which the clouds hung, were thickly clothed with green wood. The shores seemed to be bold, and easy to approach, though not to land upon, because of a continual high surf.

A number of little craters (as they appeared to be) and huge irregular-shaped masses of lava rock, gave a strangely misleading appearance to the lower parts of the island; and when first seen through that indistinct glimmer which is usually noticed over land on which a hot sun is shining, were supposed to be large trees and thick wood.[5] Hood Island, small and rather low, was seen before dusk, when we tacked and stretched to seaward for a few hours.

16th. Assisted by a current running to the westward, we worked up to Hood Island during the night, and at daylight lowered a boat down and prepared her for Mr. Chaffers, who, with Mr. Mellersh, was to examine this island and the anchorages about it. Under the land we saw two whalers at anchor, which showed North American colours. The island is small--neither high nor low--rugged, covered with small sun-burnt brushwood, and bounded by a bold, rocky shore. Some small beaches of white sand are visible here and there.

As soon as Mr. Chaffers had set out, the Beagle steered towards Chatham Island, with a moderate breeze, which allowed us to prepare the yawl for another party, under Lieutenant Sulivan. At noon, Barrington Island was visible from the deck, and appeared to be distant about twenty miles; when with Messrs. Stewart and Johnson, and ten chosen seamen in the yawl, Mr. Sulivan left us to examine the central islands of the archipelago.

In continuing our course, we passed through several ripplings, apparently caused by the meeting of streams of current which set along the shores of Chatham Island, from the east towards the west. If not so caused, they must be the effects of currents passing over very uneven ground, but we got no bottom, with fifty fathoms of line. When such appearances are created by shoals, it should be remembered that the shallowest place is generally under the smoothest part, close to the ripple. Favoured by smooth water and fine weather, we passed close to the low south-west extreme, and anchored directly that point was found to defend us from the swell.

This part of the island is low, and very rugged. We landed upon black, dismal-looking heaps of broken lava, forming a shore fit for Pandemonium. Innumerable crabs and hideous iguanas started in every direction as we scrambled from rock to rock. Few animals are uglier than these iguanas; they are lizard-shaped, about three feet in length; of a dirty black colour; with a great mouth, and a pouch hanging under it; a kind of horny mane upon the neck and back; and long claws and tail. These reptiles swim with ease and swiftness--but use their tails only at that time. At a few yards from the water we found vegetation abundant, though the only soil seen was a little loose dusty earth, scattered upon and between the broken lava. Walking is extremely difficult. A hand-barrow was lying at the landing-place, which showed that terrapin were to be got near us, though we did not then see any. The men from whalers and sealing vessels carry the large terrapin, or land-tortoises, on these barrows.

Ascending a little hill, we were surprised to find much brush or underwood, and trees of considerable size, as large in the trunk as one man could clasp. These were prickly pears, and a kind of gum-tree: how their roots are able to penetrate, or derive nourishment from the hard lava, it is hard to say; for earth there is scarcely any. Wild cotton shrubs are numerous. This first excursion had no tendency to raise our ideas of the Galāpagos Islands.

17th. Weighed and stood along-shore, sounding. There was good anchorage, until near the south-west point of Stephens Bay, off which the water is shoal, and the bottom uneven. We anchored in Stephens Bay, and found an American whaler lying there. This bay is large, and the anchoring ground generally good; but the landing is bad at low water. There is no fresh water: and it is frequently difficult to enter, as well as to leave, because usually becalmed by high land, it seldom feels the true wind. Enderby Cove is only fit for a boat; at low water it is full of rocks. The Kicker Rock is a curious mass of stone, rising almost perpendicularly from the bottom of the sea, where it is thirty fathoms deep; and in the offing is another (called the Dalrymple, by Colnett), which looks exactly like a ship becalmed, with all sail set. Seeing a remarkable hill at the north-east side of the bay, which had not an appearance like other parts of the island, I went to it in a boat, hoping to find water near the foot, and to have a good view from the summit. Disappointed in both ways, the hill being composed of a crumbling sand-stone, and almost inaccessible, I returned to the ship early next morning. Several new birds were seen by those who were on shore, and many fish were caught on board, of which the best and most numerous were a kind of rock cod, of large size.

18th. Weighed and stood along-shore until noon, when we anchored close to a low rugged point, near the north-east end of the island: employed two boats in examining the shore, and landed a party to look for terrapin: Mr. Darwin and Mr. Stokes went to the top of a neighbouring hill. Throughout this day it blew so fresh a breeze, that double-reefed topsails were as much as could be carried: but I think this strength of wind only prevailed under the lee of the island, where the wind rushed down in squalls, after having been intercepted and checked by the high land. All the hills appear to have been the craters of volcanoes: some are of sandy mud, others are lava. There is plenty of wood hereabouts, though stunted and dry. On no part of this shore is there a chance of finding water; all is stony, without any soil which could either collect or carry it off.

Our party brought eighteen terrapin on board. In size they were not remarkable, none exceeding eighty pounds. This animal appears to be well defended by nature; but, in truth, it is rather helpless, and easily injured. The shell is slight, and becomes weaker (in proportion to the animal’s size), as the tortoise grows older.

19th. Sailed round the north-east extremity of the island, and worked to the southward against a tide, or rather current, setting strongly to the north-west.

20th. At daylight we were off the south-east part of the island; and continued working to the south-west, during the forenoon, along a shore quite bold, excepting the small rocks above water in ‘Middle’ Bay. At noon, seeing a small cove, I went in a boat to examine it, and look for water. We found no signs of any in that place; but a little farther west, a fine stream was seen falling from a lava cliff, about thirty feet high. Mr. Low had described this waterfall correctly; and his account of the watering place near it was soon verified, by our discovering a cove half a mile to the westward of the cascade. We landed on a stony beach in the cove, and found a fine stream of excellent water: two others were likewise seen, but they were inaccessible. This water runs from the highest parts of the island (which are almost always enveloped in clouds) down a large valley.[6] All this southern side of the island is well wooded; and on the higher ground the wood is very green.

Continuing our course along shore, we arrived at our former anchorage in Stephens Bay soon after dark, when Mr. Chaffers returned on board, having reached the anchorage in the morning.

22d. So generally cloudy is the weather here, that a day such as this proved to be, of hot, vertical sunshine, was much felt by every body; and to show how objectionable our anchorage was in this respect, I may mention that a fresh breeze was blowing all day in the offing; yet in the bay only light variable airs were felt.

Some fine turtle were brought on board, the first we had seen here; they are rather like the green turtle of the West-Indies, but not exactly. Among the shells found about the islands one is common, which reminded me of the purple murex, as the fish emits a strongly dyeing liquid of a similar colour.[7] A kind of mangrove grows near the water, on the sandy beaches of this island; and the shape and colour of that curious tree are some relief to an eye tired of looking at rugged lava or withered bushes.

23d. While becalmed we tried the clamms[8] in fifty fathoms water, and brought up as much sand as would fill a bucket, but nothing curious. Afterwards we had a breeze, and passed Barrington Island pretty closely. It is not high, yet the shores are bold and fronted by cliffs; the more elevated parts appear to be level, and rather woody. This night was spent under sail between Charles and Hood Islands.

24th. While we were endeavouring to reach the anchorage in Post-Office Bay (Charles Island), Mr. Chaffers and Mr. Mellersh went away in a boat to visit the islets that lie near the eastern side of that island: and it was found that they had all been the summits of volcanoes. Charles Island is peculiar in its outline: for a succession of round topped hills, precisely similar in shape, though differing in size, shews on every point of view. This exact similarity is very remarkable. Must not all these volcanoes[9] have been thrown up under the same circumstances, such as similar action of the ocean, or even a strong wind--perhaps at the very same time?[10]

The highest and largest of these hills rises 1,800 feet, the next about 1,700; the rest are of various smaller heights. The northern sides of the island are wooded, but the wood looks as brown as that on the lower parts of Chatham Island. Post-Office Bay is sheltered, easy of access, has excellent anchorage, and only wants fresh-water to make it a most desirable harbour for shipping. Its name is the result of a custom established by the whalers: a box was placed on a post, to receive letters, and homeward-bound ships examined the directions, taking with them all which they might have means of forwarding; but since the island has been peopled the box has been empty, for letters are now left at the settlement.

25th. Mr. Nicholas O. Lawson, acting for the governor of this archipelago,[11] came on board. With him and me a party went to another anchorage called Black Beach Road, landed, and walked up towards the settlement. In 1832, the republic of the ‘Ecuador’ decided to use these islands as a place of banishment, and sent a small colony to Charles Island. ‘La Floriana’ is the name given to this island by the Guayaquilians, though by the Spaniards it was once called ‘Santa Maria de l’Aguada.’ The governor, at the time of our visit, was Don José Villamil. There were then about eighty small houses, or huts, and nearly two hundred souls upon the island, most of whom were convicts.

After walking rather more than a mile along a good path, through the underwood (which as the ground rises becomes very thick), we reached a small spring of water, near which are a few huts, but no cultivated ground. The water from this spring might be conveyed to shipping by means of leaden pipes, without much difficulty, but it is not of very good quality. Having ascended gradually during another half-hour’s walk, we reached the ridge of that height which limited our view from the sea; when surprisingly sudden and agreeable was the change. Heated and tired by a dusty uphill walk, through sun dried trees and over rugged lava stones, our bodies were here refreshed by a cool breeze, while our eyes enjoyed the view of an extensive, fertile and cultivated plain. Surrounded by tropical vegetation, by bananas, sugar canes, Indian corn, and sweet potatoes, all luxuriantly flourishing, it was hard to believe that any extent of sterile and apparently useless country could be close to land so fertile, and yet wear the most opposite appearance. Our eyes having been accustomed to the desert shores of Peru and northern Chile, during many months, were completely dazzled by a sight so new and unforeseen.

It appears that rain falls very frequently on these higher grounds, and is absorbed by rich black mould of a nature sufficiently clayey to enable it to retain moisture. During the wet season this plain becomes quite muddy, while the little rain that falls on the lower ground is so quickly absorbed, or finds its way so soon through the loose lava stones that its effects are not there visible.

Most of the houses are in this fertile space, but it appears that a house on the dry ground, and plantations in the moist valley, would answer better: for at Mr. Lawson’s house salt cannot be kept dry, books and paper become mouldy, and iron rusts very quickly. At his table we found the welcome of a countryman, and a variety of food quite unexpected in the Galāpagos Islands, but fully proving their productiveness. At the foot of a hill we saw water dropping plentifully, and from this spring, called the “Governor’s Dripstone,” the inhabitants obtain a certain supply throughout the year.

Although most of the settlers were sent here against their wish, there are many who do not desire to return to the continent. Some are married and have children on the island. In a small cave near the “governor’s dripstone,” an old sailor lived during several years: he had been unfortunate, and was tired of the world. Terrapin and potatoes were his food, till a former friend, the master of a whaler, recognised him, and carried him away by force. So strongly was the old man attached to his cave, that he shed tears when taken away.

There are goats and hogs upon this island, but they are scarce and wild, not having yet had time to increase much; they are hunted with dogs, though it would be wiser to let them alone for a few years. The settlers have abundance of vegetables, and depend chiefly upon terrapin for their meat. Many of these animals being large and heavy, the people who go in search of them kill and open them on the spot, then take out the fleshy pieces and put them in a bag. Thus one man can carry away the useful parts of more terrapins than several men could lift.

The quantity of tortoise shells lying about the ground, shows what havock has been made among these helpless animals. On the lower ground, near the spring, I saw an apology for a garden, in which the large terrapin shells were used to cover young plants, instead of flower pots. In a place one has not seen before, some marked peculiarity occasionally reminds one, more forcibly than the ordinary novelties of scenery, that all around is strange and new. The palm-trees and arid appearance of St. Jago, the sedan chairs of Bahia, the boats of Rio de Janeiro, the beef carts of Monte Video, the travelling waggons of Buenos Ayres, the ‘toldo’ of the Patagonian, the wigwam of the Fuegian, the wooden houses and clogs of San Carlos de Chilóe, the stockades of Valdivia, the effects of earthquake at Concepcion, the concentrated bustle of Valparaiso, the quiet and uniform serenity of Coquimbo, women riding astride and troops of ill-used donkeys at Lima, are a few instances among the multitude of such local peculiarities.

Small birds are numerous on this island, and so remarkably tame that they may be knocked down with a stick. Lizards are also numerous; and there are a few small snakes, but those we caught were not venomous. Among the useful vegetables we noticed the plantain, pumpkin, yuca, Quito orange, castor oil plant and melon, besides those before mentioned.

Returning on board we met Mr. Stokes on his way from the southern parts of the island: he described the lava thereabouts as having such a form and rugged surface as the sea would present if suddenly congealed, while ruffled by a very strong wind.

26th. After completing the necessary observations in Post-Office Bay, we weighed and worked round to an anchorage off Black Beach: and at nine in the evening Mr. Chaffers returned, having been round the south side of this island after visiting the small eastern islets. He found much difficulty in landing on them, but succeeded, and from the top of Gardner Islet saw a dangerous breaker about a mile to the south-eastward.

27th. Being Sunday, many of the officers and ship’s company were on shore in the afternoon, and some of the officers went to the top of the highest hill, which has a crater, as have all the hills we examined about these islands; and these craters are all similarly broken down on the side towards the south.

28th. Having taken on board live pigs and a quantity of vegetables, we weighed and stood towards Albemarle Island. Four small islets, the remains of volcanoes, lie near the low south-east extreme of this island, and together with Brattle Islet, are extremely useful in warning vessels of their approach to a very dangerous piece of coast. So low are the south-eastern extremities of Albemarle Island that they are not discernible until you see the surf on the shore. A heavy swell setting towards the land, and generally light winds, add to the danger of getting near this coast; but there is anchorage in case of necessity.

Albemarle Island is a singular mass of volcanic ejections. Six volcanoes have there raised their summits from two to four thousand feet above the ocean, and from them immense quantities of lava have from time to time flowed towards the sea; so that this island, large as it is, may be literally described by saying that it consists of six huge craters, whose bases are united by their own overflowed lava. The southern side, which is exposed to the trade wind, and completely intercepts it, with all the clouds it brings, is thickly wooded, very green, and doubtless has fresh water; but how is that water to be obtained where such a swell rolls upon the shore? The weather side of Chatham Island is partially protected from the great south-west swell of the Pacific by Hood Island, yet even there it is difficult to land.

We passed this night under easy sail, off the south-west extreme of Albemarle Island; and on the 29th we found a small cove, in which we anchored; but such a wild-looking place--with such quantities of hideous iguanas as were quite startling! Hence I despatched Mr. Mellersh and Mr. King, to examine the depth of Elizabeth Bay, and rejoin us beyond Narborough Island; we then weighed, and continued our examination of this unearthly shore. Passing a low projecting point, our eyes and imagination were engrossed by the strange wildness of the view; for in such a place Vulcan might have worked. Amidst the most confusedly heaped masses of lava, black and barren, as if hardly yet cooled, innumerable craters (or fumeroles) showed their very regular, even artificial looking heaps. It was like immense iron works, on a Cyclopian scale!

When this lava flowed from the heights it must have been stopped rather suddenly (cooled) by the water; for the lava cliffs are in some places twenty, and in others forty feet high, while close to them there is water so deep that a ship could not anchor there, even in a calm while the sea is quite smooth. Until we rounded this point the wind was very strong, eddying round the high south-west cape; but here we were becalmed, and passed some anxious hours, till at length light variable airs carried us off-shore.

30th. This morning we passed a remarkably fine American whaler, the Science, carrying nine whale-boats! On the south-eastern height of Albemarle, smoke was seen issuing from several places near the summit, but no flame. Profiting by every breeze, we hastened towards Tagus (or Banks) Cove.

Narborough Island is exactly like a part of Albemarle--a great volcano, whose base is surrounded by an extensive field of lava: it is utterly barren and desolate. A few mangroves, on the sandy beaches near Albemarle Island, are not seen in the distance; neither are there enough of them even to diminish the dismal appearance of the island.

We entered the passage in the afternoon, and anchored in the little cove first described by Capt. Pipon, who then commanded H.M.S. Tagus. This cove is the crater of an extinct volcano, and its sides are so steep as to be almost inaccessible.[12]

1st October. Our first object was to find water: none could be got in the cove, but at a short distance from it a few holes were found, out of which a bottle might be filled in an hour. Around this scanty spring draining continually through the rock, all the little birds of the island appeared to be collected, a pretty clear indication of there being then no other fresh-water within their reach: yet during the rainy season there must be considerable streams, judging by gullies which are worn in the rock. All the heights hereabouts, and the sides of the craters, are composed of sandstone that looks like fine sandy mud half baked; but the low grounds are lava. The crater in which we anchored gave me the idea of its having been a mud volcano. The climate is very different from that of the Windward Islands; for wind clouds and rain appear to be obstructed in their northward passage, by the heights on the southern part of this island. The heat is here far greater than in other parts of the archipelago, and the land is more sterile. Numbers of another sort of iguana were seen for the first time, and many were killed and eaten. In size and shape they resemble the black kind, but their colour is a dirty orange red, inclining to reddish brown above and yellow beneath. These reptiles burrow in the earth like rabbits, and are not bad eating. Of the black kind a vast number run about the rocks near the sea, living either upon fish or sea-weed. As we went afterwards in a boat along the ragged irregular shore, we saw numbers of turtle. There are small sandy beaches here and there, to which these animals approach in the evenings: when, as it gets dark, they land and usually lie on the beach during the night, even if it is not the season in which they seek a place for their eggs.

From a height near Tagus Cove dismal indeed was the view, yet deeply interesting. To see such an extent of country overwhelmed by lava, to think of the possible effects of the seven dormant volcanoes then in sight, and to reflect that at some one period all was activity and dreadful combustion where we then witnessed only silent desolation, was very impressive.

2d October. We passed this day and the following night in Banks Bay. On the 3d, Mr. Mellersh returned, having examined Elizabeth Bay and the western shore of Narborough Island. We then went round the north-west end of Albemarle Island, and passed the night under sail off the north extreme. At daybreak, on the 4th, we made all sail towards Abingdon Island, which is small, rather high, and tolerably covered with stunted wood; we did not maintain a position even near where I wished to pass the night, but were carried about forty miles away, dead to leeward, during only a few hours of light wind. The current hereabouts runs between one and four knots an hour to the north-westward, yet the depth of the water is unfathomable by ordinary means: excepting for which it is like a vast river in the sea.

5th. While working to windward, endeavouring to regain our lost ground, we saw Bindloes Island: and passed through many ripplings, some of them dangerous for a boat; these were northward, and rather eastward of Abingdon. During the 6th, other indications of a strong current were noticed, besides ripplings such as these, which, in very deep water, and in the open sea, are difficult to explain: sometimes at night, while all around was smooth and tranquil--a short, deep plunge suddenly startled every one: but in a minute afterwards the ship was again quiet. We continued to work to the southward in order to reach James Island, and meet Lieutenant Sulivan.

7th. While working to windward we saw Towers Island, which is different in appearance from all the other islands of this archipelago, being low and flat. We passed it about noon, and Bindloes at sunset. The latter has an irregular hilly surface, partially wooded, but like the rest is a mass of lava, and indurated sandy mud.[13]

8th. The Beagle was close to James Island, a high, large, and well-wooded tract of ground, or rather lava. We anchored at the northern end, and a boat came alongside loaded with fish, for there was a party of settlers here, detached from Charles Island, whose employment was salting fish and extracting oil from terrapin.[14] This oil is of a light colour, and exceedingly good quality, being very like pure olive oil. Lieutenant Sulivan returned with his party, and I then detached Mr. Chaffers in the yawl, accompanied by Mr. Johnson and six men, to examine Bindloes, Abingdon, and Towers Islands. As Mr. Darwin anxiously desired to see as much as possible of the productions of this central and large island, he was landed, accompanied by Mr. Bynoe, besides his servant and H. Fuller, to remain until the Beagle’s return. Although there is abundance of water on the higher parts of this island, so broken and dry are the lower grounds that it does not arrive at the shore: at two places only can enough water for even a boat’s crew be procured, in the dry season; and for a ship there is scarcely hope of a sufficiency. The poor fellows who brought us the fish had been living so long upon terrapin, and the produce of their lines, without any thing else, that half a bag of biscuit (50 lbs.) which we gave them, appeared to be an inestimable treasure, for which they could not sufficiently thank us. We sailed in the evening, but made very little progress towards our destination (Chatham Island) this day (9th). The winds appear to be much lighter and more variable, to leeward of the archipelago, while the current is considerably stronger.[15] We got pretty close to Chatham Island at dusk, worked to windward during the night, and on the following morning stood along the weather shore towards the watering place.

11th. How remarkably different is the climate of the windward and leeward islands of this group! Here we were enveloped by clouds and drizzling fog, and wore cloth clothes. At Tagus Cove and James Island, a hot sun, nearly vertical, overpowered us;--while the south side of Albemarle, Charles, and Chatham Islands, were almost always overshadowed by clouds, and had frequent showers of rain. We anchored close to the watering place: but it appeared strange to remain at anchor in such a spot, only three cables’ lengths from a surf breaking high upon a steep cliffy shore, with nothing but the ocean between us and the antarctic; and such was our position; yet it was a safe one, because the great south-west swell of the Pacific is interrupted by Hood Island, and the southerly trade, or perennial wind is so moderate, that it has neither power to raise a sea nor to harm a vessel lying at anchor, if her ground tackle is not defective.

The 12th was spent in filling water, washing, cutting some wood, and bringing thirty large terrapin on board. These animals abound hereabouts; and some are very large, deserving the name of elephant-tortoises. Two of our party tried to reach the higher and thickly wooded part of the island, but found their task impracticable, in so short a time as they could spare, for the wood grows impenetrably thick, though none is straight or of a large size. The upper grounds have a rich loamy soil, lying upon rock, in which the terrapin wallow like hogs, and may be found by dozens. This was a very hard day’s work for so few men as were then on board our small vessel. (13th) We had some difficulty in ‘casting,’ so as to clear the land, but got out of the scrape and were working towards Hood Island when the man looking out aloft reported a breaker, which proved to be on a rock at the west end of MacGowen shoal. When first seen it was on the horizon, and hardly differed from the topping of a sea;--once only in about ten minutes it showed distinctly. We steered for it, lowered two boats, and employed the rest of the day in examining this very dangerous shoal, and fixing its position. One rock at the west end is just a-wash, but there is another under water, except in the hollow of a swell, about half-a-mile to the eastward, which is exceedingly treacherous. We had two narrow escapes this day; while weighing from Chatham Island, baffling winds sent us a great deal too close to the cliffs before our anchor was up, or the ship under command; and while sounding along the edge of MacGowen shoal we were drifted so close to the second rock, mentioned above, that I was not sure on which side of us it lay.

14th. Anchored and examined Hood Harbour, having heard there was a sunken rock in it which our boat had not discovered, but we found nothing dangerous for a ship. Shoal water and large blocks of lava lie near the shore in the harbour; but a vessel must have stood too close in if she touches thereabouts. Left Hood Island at noon, and steered for the southern part of Charles Island. Having a fine breeze we rounded Saddle Point at eight, and anchored at nine off Black Beach.

15th. I went to Post-Office Bay and near the best landing place, found some excellent salt, which though but small in quantity gives a hint that more may be got elsewhere.

16th. Weighed in the afternoon, having obtained the necessary observations, and went to Black Beach Road to take in wood, potatoes, and pigs. We there found a small schooner at anchor, just arrived from Guayaquil, and having, among other things, a bag of letters from England, for the Beagle. That very evening we were to leave Charles Island; not to return! In the schooner were some emigrants; who brought cattle, and information that the governor, Villamil, might be expected to arrive in a few days, with a vessel laden with animals, and supplies for the settlement. We stood across, during the night, to the four islands near Point Woodford; and at daylight next morning (17th) resumed our usual occupations, while sailing along the east side of Albemarle Island. At noon we steered for Albany Islet, to embark Mr. Darwin and Mr. Bynoe; and after our party were on board, we returned towards the shore of Albemarle Island, and there passed the night under sail, in order to start early from a particular position. Our landsmen had enjoyed their stay and profited by it, though the heat was oppressive, and the sky nearly cloudless by night and by day: how different was this from the weather we had had on board! The higher grounds of James Island are extensive, and would be adapted to cultivation if the wood, which now grows thickly, were cleared. There is a fine salt spring, or lake, in an old crater; the salt is excellent, in colour and quality: and the men employed by Mr. Lawson were using it daily for curing their fish and terrapin.

When at some height upon the island, among the thick wood, it is extremely difficult to find the way: men have been lost thereabouts, and it is said that some of the bodies never were found. The day we re-embarked Mr. Darwin there was a man missing, belonging to an American whale ship, and his shipmates were seeking for him. The master of this whaler was very obliging to our party, supplying them with water, and offering his hearty assistance in any way which lay in his power. The earnest wishes to be of use, and the attentions of North Americans to us on all occasions, have been often and gratefully remarked by many on board the Beagle.

18th. Continued our examination of Albemarle Island. When off the northern volcano, the black streams of lava, which have flowed in every direction down the sides of the mountain, looked like immense streams of ink. Thence we steered for Abingdon Island to meet Mr. Chaffers. I thought the current less strong, and setting more to the west, than when I was here on a former day.

On the 19th we were close to Abingdon Island, where there is a fine bold-looking cliff, at the west side, considerably higher than any I had seen in the Galapagos. Mr. Chaffers soon came alongside after we closed the land; when, his orders being all executed, the boat was hoisted in, and we made sail to the north-west in search of Wenman and Culpepper Islets.

Next day (20th) we saw and steered for Wenman Islet, another crater of an extinct volcano. It is high, small, and quite barren: correctly speaking, there are three islets and a large rock, near each other, which, at a distance, appear as one island, but they are fragments of the same crater. We afterwards passed Culpepper Islet, which is a similar rocky, high, and barren little island. At sunset we made all sail and steered to get well into the south-east trade wind, so as to expedite our passage towards the dangerous archipelago of the Low Islands, and thence to Otaheite (or Tahiti). While sailing away from the Galapagos, impelled westward over a smooth sea, not only by favouring easterly breezes but by a current that set more than sixty miles to the west during the first twenty-four hours after our losing sight of Culpepper Islet, and from forty to ten miles each subsequent day until the 1st of November,[16] I will look back at those strange islands, and make a few more remarks on them.

There are six principal ones, nine smaller, and many islets scarcely deserving to be distinguished from mere rocks. The largest island is sixty miles in length, and about fifteen broad; the highest part being four thousand feet above the sea. All are of volcanic origin, and the lava, of which they are chiefly composed, is excessively hard. Old Dampier says,[17] “The Spaniards, when they first discovered these islands, found multitudes of ‘guanoes’ and land-turtle, or tortoise, and named them the Galapagos[18] Islands.” Again, “the air of these islands is temperate enough, considering the clime. Here is constantly a fresh sea-breeze all day, and cooling refreshing winds in the night; therefore the heat is not so violent here as in most places near the equator. The time of the year for the rains is in November, December, and January: then there is oftentimes excessive dark tempestuous weather, mixed with much thunder and lightning. Sometimes before and after these months there are moderate refreshing showers; but in May, June, July, and August, the weather is always very fair.”[19] I can add nothing to this excellent description, except that heavy rollers occasionally break upon the northern shores of the Galapagos during the rainy season above-mentioned--though no wind of any consequence accompanies them. They are caused by the ‘Northers,’ or ‘Papagayos,’ which are so well known on the coast between Panama and Acapulco. Colnett also gives a good description of these islands:--in his voyage, p. 58, he says, “I consider it as one of the most delightful climates under heaven, although situated within a few miles of the equator.” The buccaneers often resorted to them for refreshments, and as a place where they might refit their vessels, share out plunder, or plan new schemes of rapine, without any risk of being molested.

Striking instances of the manner in which high land deprives air of its moisture may be seen at the Galapagos. Situated in a wind nearly perennial, those sides only which are exposed to it (the southern) are covered with verdure, and have water: all else is dry and barren, excepting such high ground as the passing clouds hang upon indolently as they move northward. In a similar manner may we not conclude that western Peru is deprived of rain--since the easterly trade wind which carries moisture, and consequent fertility, to eastern Peru, is drained, or dried, as it crosses the Andes? And may we not extend this reasoning to other countries similarly situated, such as Patagonia, perhaps Arabia, and even Africa, upon whose arid deserts no moist wind blows? Currents of air, moving from ocean to land, convey vapour; but as these currents pass over high land, or even a considerable extent of low country, much if not the whole of their aqueous contents is discharged, and until such a body of air has again acquired moisture, it is found to be dry, parching, and unfavourable to vegetation.

All the small birds that live on these lava-covered islands have short beaks, very thick at the base, like that of a bullfinch. This appears to be one of those admirable provisions of Infinite Wisdom by which each created thing is adapted to the place for which it was intended. In picking up insects, or seeds which lie on hard iron-like lava, the superiority of such beaks over delicate ones, cannot, I think, be doubted; but there is, perhaps, another object in their being so strong and wide. Colnett says, p. 59, “they observed an old bird in the act of supplying three young ones with drink, by squeezing the berry of a tree into their mouths. It was about the size of a pea, and contained a watery juice, of an acid, but not unpleasant taste.” “The leaves of these trees absorb the copious dews which fall during the night; the birds then pierce them with their bills for the moisture they retain, and which, I believe, they also procure from the various plants and evergreens.” “The torch thistle contains a liquid in its heart, which the birds drank, when it was cut down. They sometimes even extracted it from the young trees by piercing the trunks with their bills.” For thus squeezing berries, and piercing woody fibre, or even only stout leaves, a slight thin beak would be scarcely available. Colnett[20] observes, that some of the birds which he saw resembled a few that he had seen at New Zealand, but as he also remarks that all the dead shells which he found upon the beach were familiar to him, I think one may suspect the accuracy of his eye, if not his memory, in those instances.

Mr. Stokes made some notes about the tortoises (terrapin), while with me, and as he and I are satisfied as to the facts, I will add them. Fresh water was first discovered on Charles and on James Islands, by following the terrapin paths. These animals visit the low, warm ground to seek for food and deposit their eggs; but it must be a toilsome journey indeed for them to ascend and descend the rugged heights. Some that Mr. Stokes saw in wet, muddy places, on high ground, seemed to enjoy themselves very much, snuffling and waddling about in the soft clayey soil near a spring. Their manner of drinking is not unlike that of a fowl: and so fond do they appear to be of water, that it is strange they can exist for a length of time without it; yet people living at the Galapagos say that these animals can go more than six months without drinking. A very small one lived upwards of two months on board the Beagle without either eating or drinking: and whale-ships have often had them on board alive for a much longer period. Some few of the terrapin are so large as to weigh between two and three hundred weight; and, when standing up on their four elephantine legs, are able to reach the breast of a middle-sized man with their snake-like head.[21] The settlers at Charles Island do not know any way of ascertaining the age of a terrapin, all they say is, that the male has a longer neck than the female.[22] On board the Beagle a small one grew three-eighths of an inch, in length, in three months; and another grew two inches in length in one year. Several were brought alive to England. The largest we killed was three feet in length from one end of the shell to the other: but the large ones are not so good to eat as those of about fifty pounds weight--which are excellent, and extremely wholesome food. From a large one upwards of a gallon of very fine oil may be extracted. It is rather curious, and a striking instance of the short-sightedness of some men, who think themselves keener in discrimination than most others, that these tortoises should have excited such remarks as--“well, these reptiles never could have migrated far, that is quite clear,” when, in simple truth, there is no other animal in the whole creation so easily caught, so portable, requiring so little food for a long period, and at the same time so likely to have been carried, for food, by the aborigines who probably visited the Galapagos Islands on their balsas,[23] or in large double canoes, long before Columbus saw that twinkling light, which, to his mind, was as the keystone to an arch. Honest Dampier immediately reverted to the tortoises of the West Indies, and of Madagascar,[24] when he saw those of the Galapagos. He had observed too many varieties caused by climate, soil, food, and habits, to entertain a doubt of their being other than a variety of the tortoise kind. As to the ‘guanoes’ they were, to his eye, familiar objects.

The currents about these islands are very remarkable, for in addition to their velocity, which is from two to five miles an hour, and usually towards the north-west,[25] there is such a surprising difference in the temperature of bodies of water moving within a few miles of each other, that this subject must be reserved for further discussion. On one side of an island (Albemarle Island) we found the temperature of the sea, a foot below the surface, 80°. Faht.; but at the other side it was less than 60°. In brief, those striking differences may be owing to the cool current which comes from the southward along the coasts of Peru and Chile, and at the Galapagos encounters a far warmer body of water moving from the bay of Panama, a sort of ‘gulf stream.’ The retentive manner in which such ocean rivers preserve their temperature has been frequently remarked: and must have a great effect upon the climates of countries near whose shores they flow.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Lat. 32°. 39′. S.: height, 23,000 feet above the sea level.

[2] Lat. 39°. 10′. S.: height, 16,000 feet above the sea level.

[3] Then consul-general, now chargé d’affaires of H.B.M. in Peru.

[4] Orders in Appendix.

[5] This glimmering haziness is at times a great impediment to making accurate measurements of an object, when both it and the observer’s eye are near the ground. Raising either some few feet higher, remedies this inconvenience, which is much felt when using a micrometer for measuring a base.

[6] There is no other place in the Galāpagos where ships can water at all times of the year.

[7] Found also on the coast of Peru (Ulloa).

[8] An indifferent contrivance of mine, made and put together by our own armourer.

[9] For volcanoes they certainly have been.

[10] See page 493.

[11] An officer of the republic of the Equator.

[12] In 1825 H.M.S. Blonde, commanded by Lord Byron, anchored here. In her voyage (pp. 92, 93, 94) the black and the red (or brown) iguanas are described, and it is stated that a specimen of the black kind was brought to England from Mexico. Lord Byron saw a volcano burning on Narborough Island.

[13] Of course much of the information given in these pages was collected by the officers.

[14] They also salt the terrapin; or tortoise.

[15] It appears that the Norfolk Island of Colnett, is the north-east extreme of Indefatigable Island.

[16] Lat. 10°. 14′. S. long. 120°. 35′. W.

[17] Dampier’s Voyage round the World, 1681-1691. (At the Galapagos in 1684).

[18] Galāpăgo being Spanish for tortoise.

[19] During the rainy season, or from November to March (which is not, however, at all to be compared to a continental rainy season) there are calms, variable breezes, and sometimes westerly winds: though the latter are neither of long duration, nor frequent.

[20] Colnett’s Voyage to the South Seas, pages 52, 55, 57.

[21] When their long necks and small heads are seen above low bushes they look just like those of snakes.

[22] Their eggs were found in great numbers in cracks of a hard kind of clayey sand; but so small were the cracks that many of the eggs could not be got out without being broken. The egg is nearly round, of a whitish colour, and measures two inches and a half in diameter--which is about the size of a young one when first hatched.

[23] I have heard that driftwood, not the growth of these islands, is frequently found on the south-east shores. On this subject Colnett says (p. 58), “on several parts of the shore there was driftwood, of a larger size than any of the trees that grow on the island: also bamboos and wild sugar canes, with a few small cocoa-nuts at full growth, though not larger than a pigeon’s egg.”

[24] Dampier, vol. i. p. 102.

[25] In the twenty-four hours immediately previous to first making these islands, the Beagle was set fifty miles to the west north-west.

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Chapter XXII

Dangerous Archipelago of the Low Islands--Krusenstern--Squalls --Discoveries--Otaheite--Matavai--Natives--Houses--Point Venus --Theft--Singing--Pomare--Sugar--Papiete--Church--Mr. Pritchard --Thierry--Shells--Mr. Nott--Bible--Paamuto Natives--Falkner--‘Ua’ --Papawa--Relics--Divine Service--Hitote--Henry--Audience--Queen --Missionaries--Roman Catholics--Forming head--Meeting at Papiete --Dress--Behaviour--Eloquence of natives--Honourable feelings --Interesting discussion--Venilia.

After sailing before the wind twelve days, our approach to land was indicated by a black tern which flew past the ship.[1] Tropic birds were seen on the previous day (2d), but they roam farther than tern. On the 9th we saw Honden Island, one of the low coral formations, only a few feet above water, yet thickly covered with cocoa-nut trees.[2] Our observations corroborated the position assigned to it by Admiral Krusenstern,[3] in his excellent chart and memoir, the only documents of any use to us while traversing the archipelago of the Low Islands. This archipelago is indeed extremely deserving of its appellation, ‘Dangerous;’ for numerous coral islets, all low, and some extensive, obstruct the navigation, while unknown currents and strong squalls, and a total want of soundings, add to the risk of sailing there at night. Singular interruptions to the trade-wind are caused by these low lagoon[4] islands; not only does the easterly wind often fail among them, but heavy squalls come from the opposite direction, and more frequently by night than by day. This is especially the case from November to March.

I have before remarked (pp. 65, 66), that extensive shallows, such as the Abrolhos and Bermudas, are liable to heavy squalls; and so far as I have heard or observed, it is usually the case that on land, a wide tract of flat country, without hills, or at sea, a considerable space of partly-covered ground, nowhere rising much above high-water, is subject to more frequent and violent blasts of wind than mountainous or even hilly regions, whether continental or island.

Clouds are certainly attracted, even if their formation be not hastened, by land; especially when it is covered by trees: and as low islands (such as those of the Dangerous Archipelago, between 14° and 20° south) have no hill or height of any kind, about which clouds attracted by the archipelago (taken together) can gather and discharge a portion of their contents, electrical as well as fluid, it may, I think, be inferred, that the want of such a conductor as would be furnished by a mountain five or six thousand feet high, is the reason why clouds in various electrical conditions unite or oppose one another, as the case may be; and, in consequence, cause rapid changes in the atmosphere around them; of which the effects are seen in squalls (sometimes with heavy rain, sometimes without), and even in whirlwinds. Where high land acts as a conductor between the earth and certain portions of our atmosphere, there may be a continual, though unperceived, electrical action. In connection with this subject I would, if I were able, consider the effects of rapidly varying temperature over land, and comparatively uniform temperature over ocean during twenty-four hours; which latter fact I might suspect to be one reason why the great Humboldt could not discover any particular electrical action, as indicated by his electrometers, while sailing from Europe to Brazil: although those same instruments were far from inactive after he landed. But I feel myself out of my depth, and will leave such speculations to those who are qualified to indulge in them.[5]

On the 13th, after having passed some anxious nights in very squally weather,[6] we were gratified by seeing an islet whose existence we had not suspected. Tairo is the name by which it is known to the islanders of the archipelago. A few hours afterwards we ranged along the shore of another and much larger island, or rather group of islets, till then not laid down in any chart, the native name of which is Cavahi. We saw a number of islets covered with cocoa-nut trees, surrounding a lagoon; but could not delay to examine the south side, because we had been so unexpectedly detained by contrary winds, and I was very anxious about the chronometer measurement, the interval being already considerable.

Hastening on, therefore, we passed between the Elizabeth and Wittgenstein (or Faarava) groups, which are similar to Cavahi in appearance, and carried a press of sail to reach the Society Islands. It was singular that directly we were clear of the Low Islands, we got into a steady trade-wind, such as we had enjoyed before seeing Honden Island; and were no more troubled by westerly wind, or squalls, till long after we had left Otaheite[7] and were approaching near New Zealand.

15th. Early this morning we saw Otaheite; but clouds hanging over the high land and a haziness about the horizon, at first disappointed our expectations. As the sun rose higher, the clouds shrunk away, vanishing as they rolled along the grandly formed mountains: high, sharp, irregular peaks, and huge masses of rock appeared between the mists, and again were hidden--deep vallies or glens showed darkly, and while the shadows passed, seemed to be denied the light of day. Strikingly different in appearance were the lower hills and dales, and the richly wooded land at the sea-side. There the bright sunshine heightened the vivid and ever-varying tints of a rich verdure. The beautiful alternation of light and shade, each moment changing as the flitting shadows passed over every kind of green; the groves of graceful palm-trees; the dazzling white foam of the breakers on the coral reefs, contrasted by the deep blue of the sea, combined to form a most enchanting view. At a distance in the west, Eimeo (Moorea) showed a picturesque outline, and added to the beauty of a scene which surpassed our ideas, even heightened as they had been by the descriptions of former voyagers.

Passing Point Venus, and avoiding the Dolphin Shoal, we worked up to an anchorage in Matavai Bay. No pilot appeared, but had we waited in the offing, a very good one[8] would have offered his services. With a fresh breeze, we gained the anchorage so quickly that few natives had time to hasten on board, as is their usual custom: only one long canoe came alongside while we sailed in: it was made of half a tree, hollowed out, with a narrow rough plank laced to each side, and an outrigger, consisting of two crooked branches, secured to the canoe and to a long piece of light wood which floated in the water parallel to it. This outrigger extended eight or ten feet from the ticklish conveyance, and enabled four men to sit at their ease in the narrow trunk of a tree that had never exceeded a foot in diameter.

The personal appearance of these men was to me most remarkable: tall and athletic, with very well-formed heads and a good expression of countenance, they at once made a favourable impression, which their quiet good-humour and tractable disposition afterwards heightened very much. To my eye they differed from the aborigines of southern South America in the form of their heads; in the width or height of the cheek-bones; in their eyebrows; in their colour; and most essentially in the expression of their countenances. High foreheads; defined and prominent eyebrows; with a rich, bronze colour, give an Asiatic expression to the upper part of their faces; but the flat noses (carefully flattened in infancy), and thick lips, are like those of the South Americans.

By the time the vessel was secured, a number of canoes had assembled, each containing from two to ten persons. A few, indeed, were so small that they could only hold one man each. The outriggers hindered their approach, as much as hoops impeded the motions of our maternal ancestors; but those who could not get near looked equally happy at a distance. All were cheerful, tractable, and patient, though eager to see the ‘manuâ’ (their corruption of man-of-war), and dispose of their merchandize (shells and fruit) to the new-comers.

The work necessary for securing the ship being completed, permission was given to admit the natives; and on board they swarmed like bees. In a minute, our deck became a crowded and noisy bazaar. ‘One dălă’ (dollar), and ‘my ty’ (‘maitai,’ meaning ‘good, fine, agreed,’ &c.) sounded in all tones, except those of women, none of whom appeared afloat. The current price of every article was ‘one dala’: a pig, a shell, a whole basket of shells, a roll of cloth, a heap of fruit, or a single fish-hook, of the worst description, were offered as equivalents for the coveted dollar. Old clothes, if of cloth, they would not take, unless as a gift; but linen was acceptable. Every man had a light linen or cotton garment, or the remains of one, of some kind; the more respectable wore shirts, and loose wrappers for trowsers; a few had jackets and trowsers. Many had straw hats; some had a wreath of leaves, some flowers in their hair: only a few of the youngest boys were nearly naked.

Mr. Darwin and I went to Point Venus, and landed among a mob of inquisitive, laughing, and chattering natives, most of whom were women and children. Mr. Wilson, the respected missionary, so long resident at Matavai, met us on the beach; and with him we went, attended by the younger part of the mob, to his house. Ten minutes’ walk along level land, every where, except at the sea-side, covered or shaded by thick underwood, tall palms, and the rich foliage of the bread-fruit tree, brought us to the quiet dwelling. The free, cheerful manners of the natives who gathered about the door, and unceremoniously took possession of vacant seats, on chairs, or the floor, showed that they were at home with their benefactors; and that any seclusion or offensive intimation of superiority had not existed in the conduct of Mr. or Mrs. Wilson. Two chiefs, of inferior rank, made acquaintance with us; they walked into the room, shook hands, sat down at their ease, and conversed with Mr. Wilson in exactly the manner of respectable English farmers. They were large, but inactive-looking men, and round-shouldered--suitably clothed, above the knees, in clean white jackets, shirts, and wrapper trowsers, with their closely-cut hair hidden by a large straw-hat--their appearance was very respectable. ‘Ia-orana,’ pronounced ‘yoronha,’ was a salutation we soon learned; but one of my younger shipmates was a little perplexed during his first excursion, “Why does every one call me ‘Your honour,’” said he. Most of our officers and many of the men passed the evening on shore, and Mr. Darwin and myself rambled about until darkness summoned all on board.

Often as the native houses have been described, I found them different from the idea I had formed. Perhaps they are now rather slighter, and not constructed exactly like those of other times. Upon slight posts, placed in the ground in a long ellipse, a very light and elegant frame-work of ‘purau’[9] is supported. This frame-work forms the low, but extensive roof; and upon it a thatch of pandanus leaves,--simply doubled upon twigs or reeds placed crosswise on the purau-wood rafters, which have their ends outwards,--forms a light covering, impervious to water, regular, indeed pretty to the eye, impenetrable by heat, and easily replaced once in eight or ten years. The middle of the roof forms an obtuse angle, as a common low roof does elsewhere; but the ends are rounded. The purau rafters are placed at equal distances around the circumference, converging as radii to the centres and central line of the ellipse. All of them are of equal length and size, and their ends are generally ornamented with a neat matting, made of a mosaic[10] pattern. Each line of twigs, holding the leaves, is straight and equi-distant from the next; and as, in the house, only about three inches of the smooth surface of each leaf is seen between the lines of twigs, the flat under surface, of an uniform appearance and light straw colour, aids the smooth, round purau in agreeably surprising the eye of a stranger by a new kind of architecture, as admirable as it is simple. Around the house, instead of a wall, are strong canes, regularly placed between the supporting posts, at distances (one or two inches) equal to the diameter of the canes; they are driven into the ground, and secured to the roof; one opening only is left for a door. Within are some screens of native cloth, or framed bed-places, or simply mats spread upon dry grass. There are a few low stools, some baskets, joints of bamboo holding cocoa-nut oil, and calabashes with water, besides a variety of smaller things, which I had not time to examine. What house in a tropical climate could be more agreeable than one of these elegant wicker-work cottages, shaded round by large trees, and profiting by the fresh air of every breeze?

Pretty shades for the face (they cannot be called hats, as they encircle and project from, without covering the head) are made with the palm leaves. When fresh, adorned by white, or deep red flowers, and tastefully placed, this head-dress is unique and pleasing.

Perhaps my eyes were prejudiced in favour of features and complexion; for the shambling gait and flat noses of the native women had no charms for me. I saw no beauty among them; and either they are not as handsome as they were said to be, or my ideas are fastidious. The men, on the other hand, exceed every idea formed from the old descriptions.

On this day, with us the 16th, but to agree with the reckoning of Otaheite and those who came from the west, changed to the 17th, I was fully occupied in making observations upon the spot where once stood Cook’s observatory, a classical, and to us, important place. Upon the situation of this celebrated point, Venus, depend most of the geographical positions of islands in the South Sea; and its locality upon our globe has been deemed well known. Messrs. Wales, Green, and Bayley are particularly entitled to the greatest share of credit for having by their observations attained to so great a degree of accuracy.

While we were engaged with the instruments on shore, a crowd of natives were eagerly displaying their merchandise along side or on board the ship. From the dawn of day, until they were admitted at breakfast time, canoes had been approaching from every direction. Their occupants had heard of the dollars, and every canoe within reach had been loaded. This sort of competition could not last; so I thought it better to give them as much opportunity to dispose of their wares as our small deck allowed; and desired Lieut. Wickham to let the market be held till trade grew dull. Some wanted to build us a house; many asked to be allowed to wash our clothes. There appeared to be no want of will to work, if dollars were to be gained.

On shore it was difficult to make the required observations, among a crowd of curious observers of ourselves and our instruments; for though they readily drew back as far as we wished, it was quite impossible to keep them from running about and shaking the ground. While employed with the dipping needle under a tent, I thought myself fortified: but they besieged the small opening so closely, in their eagerness to see the sight, that the heat caused by a vertical sun was soon increased to that of an oven, from their thus blocking up the only air-hole.

At my return to the ship in the evening, I found that the fair had not lasted above an hour after breakfast. All the natives had behaved well excepting two; one of whom absconded with the top of a brass stanchion. The other tried to carry off an axe; but was detected, and pointed out to the more respectable of his countrymen, who said he should be tried, and that his sentence would probably be a fine of ten hogs.[11]

This evening some of our party were much pleased by hearing the pretty plaintive songs of the children, as they sat in groups upon the shore. Their voices accord in the most perfect manner; and, although the tunes are rather monotonous, they detained us, sitting upon the sandy beach, till we could stop no longer.

18th. Mr. Wilson went with me in a boat to Papiete, the most frequented harbour of Otaheite. We passed inside the reefs, by narrow twisting passages among the coral rocks. Seeing two marks set up on an extensive rocky flat, partially covered by the water, I concluded they were placed as beacons; but was told they were tabu (taboo) marks to keep people from fishing or picking up shells upon the queen’s ‘preserve.’ We passed the royal burying-ground, which is adorned by that peculiar tree, the aito, whose wood is so hard that it is called iron-wood. This tree looks like the English yew. It is purposely planted by the natives near their burying-grounds, and used to be considered sacred. Another remarkable tree, resembling (although larger and finer than) the ilex, also casts a solemn shade over the tomb of Pomare.[12]

The point of land on which the tombs and one of the royal houses stand, is one of the most agreeable places on the island, in point of position; and was a favourite residence of old Pomare. A portion of their superstition hangs about the natives yet: I could not persuade them to approach the tomb of their king, although they told me to go and look at it. The tomb is a plain mass of masonry, sheltered by a roof of wood.

At Toanoa, between this place (called Papawa) and Papiete, we saw Mr. Bicknell’s sugar-mill. The sugar made there from native cane is of a very good quality, and cheap. Mr. Bicknell told me that the natives brought their canes to him; and that latterly he had given up growing and attending to them himself. Noticing a large deficiency in some lead-work, he remarked: “That lead was stolen in the last civil war; our books were then in high request, not to be read, but to make cartridges.” That such a sad misapplication of numbers of books sent out by missionary societies, has also occurred in New Zealand, as well as among the eastern Indian nations, I have heard from many quarters.

Papiete is a pretty and secure little bay. Around it is low land, ornamented with trees and European as well as native houses: but immediately behind the level part, hills rise to a height of two or three thousand feet. Lying to leeward of the island it enjoys less sea-breeze, and is therefore hotter than other harbours. In the middle of the bay is a little island belonging to the queen, where the colours of Otaheite (red, white, red, horizontal) are displayed.

Several neat-looking white cottages showed that European ideas had extended their influence hither: but I was sorry to see the new church, a large wooden structure capable of holding six hundred people, covered by a partly Otaheitan roof, in lieu of one formed completely in their own style. Instead of the circular end, an ugly gable terminates a high box-shaped house, resembling a factory.

Mr. Pritchard[13] arrived from Eimeo as we landed. Leaving him for a short time, I went to see a person who styled himself Baron de Thierry, King of Nuhahiva[14] and sovereign chief of New Zealand. About the house in which resides this self-called philanthropist,--said to be maturing arrangements for civilizing Nuhahiva and New Zealand--as well as for cutting a canal across the Isthmus of Darien,--were a motley group of tattowed New Zealanders, half-clothed natives of Otaheite, and some ill-looking American seamen. I was received in affected state by this grandee, who abruptly began to question me with--“Well, Captain! what news from Panama? Have the Congress settled the manner in which they are to carry my ideas into effect?” I tried to be decently civil to him, as well as to the ‘baroness’; but could not diminish my suspicions, and soon cut short our conference.

In his house was a pile of muskets, whose fixed and very long bayonets had not a philanthropic aspect. He had been there three months, and was said to be waiting for his ships to arrive and carry him to his sovereignty. Born in England, of French emigrant parents; his own account of himself was that he was secretary of legation to the Marquis of Marialva, at the congress of Vienna; and that in 1815 he belonged to the 23d Light Dragoons (English). In 1816 he was attaché to the French ambassador in London. In 1819 he was studying divinity at Oxford. In 1820-21, he was a student of laws at Cambridge. Afterwards he travelled on the continent: and lately had been sojourning in the United States. He visited and brought letters from the Governor of St. Thomas, in the West Indies. He showed papers to prove these assertions: had a wife and four children with him; and he had succeeded in duping a great many people.

Mr. Pritchard had seen the queen (by courtesy called Pomare, after her father, though her name was Aimatta) at Eimeo, the day before he arrived at Otaheite; and as she had not intimated an intention of coming thence, I agreed to go with him in a few days to pay my respects to her, and to make a formal application upon the subject of the Truro, a merchant vessel plundered and destroyed by the Low Islanders in 1830-31.[15] I returned to Matavai in the evening, and, after landing Mr. Wilson, remained nearly two hours listening to the natives singing. I asked them to dance; but they said it was forbidden, and that the watchman would take them to the governor of the district, who would fine them heavily. Singing, except hymns, is also forbidden to the grown people, but they seemed to like listening to the children.

This evening, before dark, there was a sight upon the Beagle’s deck, which delighted us who wished to collect shells but had not time to look for them. An Englishman[16] had spread out a large collection which he had just brought from the Low Islands, and soon found eager purchasers.

19th. We weighed anchor, and went into the little cove of Papawa, for the sake of watering quickly, without exposing the men and boats to a heavy surf. It is easy to avoid the numerous rocky patches, while there is a breeze, and the sun shining on either side, or astern; but if the sun is a-head, it is almost impossible to distinguish the reefs, by the colour, or relative smoothness of the water. Walking to the house of Mr. Nott, I saw an elderly native writing in a cottage, and apparently very intent upon his employment. He showed me what had engaged his attention, an Otaheitan version of the book of Jeremiah, in Mr. Nott’s writing, which he was copying in a very distinct, good hand.

Mr. Nott, the senior missionary upon the island, had then almost completed a great work, the translation of the Bible.[17] When we consider the judgment and persevering industry required to translate the Bible from one written language into another, it becomes easier to obtain a fair conception of the labour necessary to fix, and make proper use of an unwritten, and very peculiar language, in order to effect such a work,--a work worthy of the fathers of our church. I paid my respects to the author of this immense undertaking, and asked his advice and opinion respecting the affairs in which I was instructed to take a part, while on the island.

In the course of another visit to Papiete, I again met the titular king of Nuhahiva, and told him my suspicions, so plainly, that he said he should appeal to the governor of New South Wales, to the Admiralty, and to the king of England himself, against the unjust suspicions and improper conduct of the captain of the Beagle!

Since the 17th the weather had been too cloudy, by night and by day, to admit of astronomical observations. Instead of fine clear weather, there was a thickly overcast sky, and only light and variable wind. From the latter end of December to the beginning of March cloudy weather (with much rain, and westerly winds) is usual at Otaheite. Singular interruptions to the regularity of the trade-wind occur among all the tropical islands of this ocean. One instance has already been given of the uncertain and changeable state of the weather among the Low Islands, and many more may be found in the narratives of voyages in the Pacific between the tropics.

20th. While conversing with Middleton about those Low Islands (where he had passed much time), I was very much struck by the unpleasant personal feeling shewn by him when alluding to the missionaries, and their regulations, as contrasted with the strong terms in which he mentioned the good effects of their intercourse with the Low Islanders; and how much more missionaries were required. His own words, as I find them in a paper of remarks he gave me, are, “the inhabitants (of the Low Islands) are familiarized to Europeans; and are partly civilized, owing to the Gospel having been preached to them by the missionaries.” In another place he says, “there are inhabitants enough to require the constant residence of one or two missionaries. They have some books of the Gospel in their hands, but are yet too ignorant to profit by their contents.” His own antipathy to the missionaries had arisen, I found, in consequence of their restraints upon his conduct, while at Otaheite.--Among other information he said that the natives of Chain Island told him frequently, that the first ship they ever saw was manned with black people; but the captain, whom the natives styled the ‘King of the Spirits,’ was a white man. They were much alarmed when they saw the vessel come close to their island, and their old men deemed it an omen of impending disasters. Soon after this event, the island was inundated by the sea, and many people perished. They were then cannibals, and always at war with the natives of the neighbouring islands: since that time, which was ‘long ago’ (how long he could not ascertain), the Chain Islanders have invaded and successively conquered the other Low Islands, invariably killing and eating the greater proportion of their captives. (The Low Islands are called Paamuto.)

Middleton arrived at Otaheite from Chain Island, only two days before this conversation took place. He came in his own open whale boat, with a crew of five natives; two being Chain Islanders, one a native of the Gambier Islands, one from the Marquesas, and one from the ferocious set who live upon an island called Aura.[18] Knowing their habits, and understanding their language, radically the same though differing in dialect, had assisted his daring and enterprising disposition in a series of wanderings about all the islands which lie in this quarter of the Pacific. He sold me a chart, made by himself, in which, he said, every one of the Low Islands was marked, though not correctly.[19] From him I obtained their native names also, with the proper pronunciation. He says the natives are great talkers, and have very good memories: for hours at a time he has often listened, with the deepest interest, to their traditions, and to the terrible tales of their inhuman warfare. About the year 1800, as near as he could ascertain, a ship was cast away upon the low island Arutua:[20] her crew were Europeans (meaning white men). The people of Arutua offered no violence, but the blood-thirsty natives of Aura hearing of the wreck, repaired to the place in a body, and massacred every man.

In the year 1831, the master and mate of the unfortunate Truro, passing by Aura in a small boat, were invited ashore by many friendly signs. They suspected no danger, landed together, without arms, were instantly speared by the treacherous natives, and fell, embracing each other.[21] Those islands are supposed, by Middleton, to have received their earlier inhabitants from the Marquesas; and a few, latterly, from Otaheite.

By frequent intercourse, by presents, and by some slight knowledge of medicine, Middleton thought he had established himself among the low islanders so securely that he scrupled not to visit any of their islands, Aura alone excepted. How necessary it must be for a missionary to have a knowledge of medicine and surgery. The Jesuit, Falkner, wandered alone in safety among the tribes of South American Indians, owing, in a great measure, to his knowledge of the healing art.[22]

21st. I went to see ‘Ua,’ an old man, who remembered ‘Toote’ (Cook); yet was still strong and active: he told me that in those days he was a little boy. There were many more people then in Otaheite; ten to one, as compared with the present numbers: but sickness had destroyed a great many, he thought. The island was not so healthy as in former times; and they had caught diseases, in those days unknown. Asking who brought this or that disease, he imputed the worst to the ships which came after Cook’s first visit, and left men upon the island until their return the following year.[23] Curvature of the spine, or a hump-back, never appeared until after Cook’s visits; and as he had a hump-backed man in his ship, they attribute that deformity to him. ‘Ua’ told me that I need not yet have any anxiety about a westerly wind, or bad weather. “The wind would be light and variable during that day, but on the morrow would draw round to the eastward, and two days afterwards the sky would be nearly free from clouds.” Thanking the old man with some presents, I returned on board; and the Beagle then got under weigh, ‘swept’ out of the harbour, and, by the sails and sweeps, alternately employed, regained her former anchorage in Matavai Bay. In the course of a walk among the cottages between Papawa and Matavai, I found numerous tokens of industry, such as I had not expected in a South Sea island. In an enervating climate, where abundance of food is easily procured, one ought not to expect the contented natives to distress their minds or bodies, with anxious and industrious endeavours to supply wants which they do not feel, in any degree like the inhabitants of cold or temperate climates; yet the men of Otaheite undergo great fatigue, and carry heavy burthens up and down most difficult tracks in the mountains, in a manner astonishing, if not impossible, to Europeans. Mr. Darwin, who made a three days’ excursion among the wildest parts of the mountains, was quite enthusiastic in his account of the strength, activity, and above all, the excellent disposition and good conduct of the two natives who were his companions and guides.

At the door of one house I saw the owner reading a book attentively. It was the New Testament translated into his native language. His wife was rolling up some of the large green leaves which they use as substitutes for plates; and two merry little children had been running after me, singing, in hopes of a present of some trifle. The superior expression of that man’s countenance, and his unaffected employment (for I came upon him suddenly, and unperceived till the children spoke), made an impression upon my mind, which, I hope, will not be forgotten.

In my way back, passing some tall palm trees, I asked a native to get me some cocoa-nuts. Putting a strip of bark between his feet, he threw off his shirt, and jumped ‘at’ the tree, catching the trunk with his feet and hands at the same moment; then moving his hands alternately, and his feet by short jumps, the band of bark assisting their hold on the slender trunk, in a few seconds he was at the top of a tree seventy feet in height, quite straight and perpendicular, and tapering in size from a foot to six inches in diameter.

Some curious relics of former times were found for me, which had long remained in dusty quiet; among them were tortoise-shell masks, and head pieces surmounted by feathers of the tropic bird; also an apron, ingeniously, or rather laboriously made of small pieces of mother of pearl. So long was it since they had been used, that a native about thirty years of age did not know what they were for: but from the signs and expressions of the old man to whom they belonged, I think they formed part of the dress of a priest, used when sacrificing a (perhaps human) victim.[24] Two English sixpences also found their way to me, bearing the date 1787; memorials of the ill-fated Bounty.

News arrived that the queen intended to return to her head-quarters at Papiete, and that she had ordered a present of fruit and pigs to be prepared.

22d. Sunday. Early this morning a party went with me to Papiete, and others went to Mr. Nott’s church, while those who could not go far from the ship attended Mr. Wilson, to hear as well as see the natives at divine service. At Mr. Pritchard’s church we found an orderly, attentive, and decently dressed congregation. I saw nothing “grotesque,” nothing “ludicrous,” nor anything which had a tendency to “depress the spirits,” or “disappoint one’s expectations.”[25]

The church was quite full and many were sitting outside; I suppose six hundred people were present besides children, who, like others of their happy age, required an occasional touch with the white wand of a most stern looking old beadle, to prevent their chattering to one another about the strangers, and their ‘money.’[26]

Mr. Pritchard’s fluent delivery in the native language surprised and pleased us much. The greater part of the natives were very attentive. Two were making notes upon paper, of the subject of his discourse. A few were careless, but only a very few; and their eye-wanderings were caused chiefly by the strangers in uniform. Where is the English congregation of five or six hundred persons, in which a captious observer could not occasionally detect inattention to the clergyman? Hymns were sung with much propriety, and a very pleasing musical effect. The language is so soft and so full of vowels, that the good voices and very correct ears of the natives succeed admirably in hymns. After the service in the native language had ended, we repaired to the English chapel with Mr. Pritchard, who performed divine service in the manner of the Independents. Occasional visitors from ships at the island, and the few European residents who are within reach, frequent this chapel.

It was certainly better to suppress altogether, rather than only to restrain and alter their former licentious amusements, but it seemed to me that some kind of innocent recreation was much wanted by these light-hearted islanders. There is a void in the mind where a naturally thoughtless and volatile disposition exists, which it is extremely difficult to fill with serious thoughts of any duration. To such minds “a quiet reflecting day,” (as my respected and much lamented messmate in the Thetis, the Rev. Henry Hall, used to term Sunday), is, in a great measure, a vacant time of leisure, which if not occupied by innocent thoughts which interest without doing harm, is certain to be seized upon by evil imaginations and bad passions.

During the time we passed in the churches it was sufficiently plain that there was no harshness usually shewn towards the children: for they clustered round their minister so closely when he moved about, that he was obliged to push them away, good naturedly, several times. From the manner of elderly, as well as young natives, I should conclude that “Pritate,”[27] as they called Mr. Pritchard, was a favourite.

23d. With Mr. Henry (the son of the missionary) a well known chief, ‘Hitote,’ came on board to share our breakfast. Captain Beechey has introduced him in his work and described his character. Mr. Henry was born upon the island, and had never visited England, yet a more English countenance, or more genuine English ideas, I have seldom met with in any part of the world. From him I received some information, to me very interesting, and to those for whom it was my duty to collect nautical intelligence, I hope useful.[28] Afterwards I hastened to Papiete to pay my respects to Queen Pomare. I was in time to see her arrive from Eimeo, sitting on the gunwale of a whale-boat, loosely dressed in a dark kind of gown, without anything upon her head, hands, or feet, and without any kind of girdle or sash to confine her gown, which was fastened only at the throat. There was no reception at landing: no attendance, no kind of outward ceremony showed that the ‘Queen of the Isles’ had arrived at her home.

Some time afterwards, when I heard that she was inclined to give an audience, I went to the royal cottage with Mr. Pritchard. A parcel of half-dressed merry looking damsels eyed us with an amusing mixture of shyness and curiosity. These, I concluded, were a part of the ‘Queen’s mob,’ as our interpreter had ignorantly or democratically called the royal attendants. Only a few men were about the house, one of whom was the queen’s foster-father (‘feeding father’ in the Otaheitan language) and another her husband.

Entering a small room, ‘Ia-orana Pomare,’ with a shake of the hand, was the salutation given by Mr. Pritchard, and by myself, following his example. On the only three chairs in the room we sat down, but the queen looked very uncomfortable, and certainly not at all dignified. I could not help pitying her, for it was evident she was expecting a lecture on the subject of the Truro, and felt her utter helplessness: I was therefore glad, after a few words of compliment, to see her mother, husband, and foster-father enter the room, though they sat down upon chests or the floor.

I delivered a letter from Commodore Mason, which she asked Mr. Pritchard to interpret, and sent out to her secretary. A meeting of the chiefs, herself presiding, was proposed and decided to be held on the following day. Some conversation then passed on other subjects, and we took our leave by shaking each individual by the hand. This is certainly preferable to pressing noses, but I was sorry to see that the missionaries had attended but little to the outward demeanour, to the manners, to the attendance, and to the dwelling of the sovereign of a people whose happiness and improvement would certainly be increased by raising the character, and improving the condition of their ruler. While called a queen, Pomare ought to be supported by some of those ceremonious distinctions, which have, in all ages and nations, accompanied the chief authority. That the missionaries should interfere harshly or sweepingly, would doubtless irritate; but a beneficial influence, almost unnoticed except in its effects, might be exerted in these temporal, and seemingly trifling affairs, which might assist hereafter in a day of need.

I have been told that the natives have been very ungrateful to the missionaries. Perhaps they are not all aware what a debt of gratitude they owe. Certainly, the better informed and the older inhabitants understand and appreciate the kindness and the labours of their devoted teachers; but whether the younger or the lightly-disposed have, generally speaking, a kindly feeling towards them I doubt. More temporal enjoyments, and more visible or tangible benefits are asked for by the younger inhabitants, who are daily becoming more aware of the manners and habits of civilized nations. Surely the queen, a young and lively woman, is likely to compare her own habits and personal comforts, and the degrees of attention or deference shown to her, with those of foreigners, either resident in or visiting Otaheite.

Dispensing temporal benefits, with an evident desire to better their condition in every way, excites the gratitude of ignorant minds, and often paves the way towards teaching them to acquire abstract ideas, and to wage war against many of those things which they would rather do than leave undone. There is a Roman Catholic mission at the Gambier Islands, amply provided with presents and property fit for the natives, and it is said that they are succeeding well. At Otaheite the missionaries were afraid that the doctrines of the Roman church would obtain a greater influence, and agree better with the disposition of the natives than the strict discipline in which they have hitherto been held. Unless preventive measures are taken in Europe, religious strife and internal warfare may again be caused in these islands, even by those whose aim is peace. Already there is a remarkable bitterness of feeling on the subject, which is unlikely to diminish if the success of the Roman Catholic mission increases.

But I have wandered away from Pomare--her small ill-furnished room and her awkwardly-contrived house, neither English nor Otaheitan. Before she became sovereign, she was known by the name of Aimatta, which signifies ‘eye-eater’;[29] but Pomare has since been adopted as the royal name. In affixing her signature, ‘Vahine’ is added, which means ‘female’--thus ‘Pomare Vahine.’ Her husband is a young, intelligent man; but he has no share in the government, being only king-consort. This man was the only native of the island, that I saw, whose nose was sharp and projecting. It is amusing to think that they call a man ‘long nose,’ in this country, when they wish to wound his feelings deeply.

During the first few days after a child is born, the mother or her attendants keep pressing the back of the infant’s head with one hand, and the forehead and nose with the other, to make the head high and the nose and brow flat. Children of the higher ranks undergo more compression, because they are more carefully attended.[30] How the queen’s husband escaped, or could be chosen by her with such a nose, I am at a loss to discover.

24th. With all the officers who could be spared from the duty of the ship, Mr. Darwin and I repaired early to Papiete. Mr. Wilson, Mr. Henry, and Hitote, were of the party. Arrived at the hospitable abode of Mr. Pritchard, we waited until a messenger informed us of the queen’s arrival at the appointed place of meeting--the English chapel. From our position we had just seen the royal escort--a very inferior assemblage. It appeared that the chiefs and elderly people had walked to the chapel when our boats arrived, leaving only the younger branches of the community to accompany Pomare. The English chapel is a small, wooden structure, with a high, angular roof; it is about fifty feet in length and thirty feet wide; near the eastern end is a pulpit, and at each corner a small pew. The rest of the building is occupied by strong benches, extending nearly from side to side; latticed windows admit light and air; the roof is thatched in a partly Otaheitan manner; none of the woodwork is painted, neither is there any decoration. Entering the chapel with my companions, I turned towards the principal pews, expecting to see Pomare there; but no, she was sitting almost alone, at the other end of the building, looking very disconsolate. Natives sitting promiscuously on the benches saluted us as we entered:--order, or any kind of form, there was none.

The only visible difference between Pomare and her subjects was her wearing a gay silk gown, tied however round the throat, though entirely loose elsewhere; being made and worn like a loose smock-frock, its uncouth appearance excited more notice from our eyes than the rich material. In her figure, her countenance, or her manner, there was nothing prepossessing, or at all calculated to command the respect of foreigners. I thought of Oberea,[31] and wished that it had been possible to retain a modified dress of the former kind. A light under-garment added to the dress of Oberea might have suited the climate, satisfied decency, and pleased the eye, even of a painter.

Disposed at first to criticise rather ill-naturedly--how soon our feelings altered, as we remarked the superior appearance and indications of intellectual ability shown by the chieftains, and by very many of the natives of a lower class. Their manner, and animated though quiet tone of speaking, assisted the good sense and apparent honesty of the principal men in elevating our ideas of their talents, and of their wish to act correctly.

Every reader of voyages knows that the chiefs of Otaheite are large, fine-looking men. Their manner is easy, respectful, and to a certain degree dignified; indeed on the whole surprisingly good. They speak with apparent ease, very much to the purpose in few words, and in the most orderly, regular way. Not one individual interrupted another; no one attempted to give his opinions, or introduce a new subject, without asking permission; yet did the matters under discussion affect them all in a very serious manner. Might not these half-enlightened Otaheitans set an example to numbers whose habits and education have been, or ought to have been, so superior?

It had become customary to shake hands with the queen, as well as with the chiefs. This compliment we were expected to pay; but it seemed difficult to manage, since Pomare occupied a large share of the space between two benches nearest to the wall, and the next space was filled by natives. However, squeezing past her, one after another, shaking hands at the most awkward moment, we countermarched into vacant places on the benches next in front of her. The principal chiefs, Utaame, Taati, Hitote, and others, sat near the queen, whose advisers and speakers appeared to be Taati and her foster-father. It was left for me to break the silence and enter upon the business for which we had assembled. Desirous of explaining the motives of our visit, by means of an interpreter in whom the natives would place confidence, I told Mitchell the pilot to request that Queen Pomare would choose a person to act in that character. She named Mr. Pritchard. I remarked, that his sacred office ought to raise him above the unpleasant disputes in which he might become involved as interpreter. The missionaries had approached, and were living in Otaheite, with the sole object of doing good to their fellow-men, but I was sent in a very different capacity. As an officer in the service of my king, I was either to do good or harm, as I might be ordered; and it was necessary to distinguish between those who were, and ought to be always their friends, and men whose duty might be unfriendly, if events should unfortunately disappoint the hopes of those interested in the welfare of Otaheite. These expressions appeared to perplex the queen, and cause serious discussions among the chiefs. Before any reply was made, I continued: “But if Mr. Pritchard will undertake an office which may prove disagreeable, for the sake of giving your majesty satisfaction, by forwarding the business for which this assembly was convened, it will not become me to object; on the contrary, I shall esteem his able assistance as of the most material consequence.”

The queen immediately replied, through the chieftain at her right hand, Taati, that she wished Mr. Pritchard to interpret.

Removing to a position nearer the queen and chiefs (he had been sitting at a distance), Mr. Pritchard expressed his entire readiness to exert himself on any question which might affect the good understanding and harmony that hitherto had existed between the natives of Otaheite and the British; and he trusted that those persons present who understood both languages, (Messrs. Wilson, Bicknell, Henry, and others,) would assist and correct his interpretations as often as they thought it necessary.

Commodore Mason’s letter to me, authorizing my proceedings, was then read--in English, by myself--and translated by Mr. Pritchard. Next was read an agreement or bond, by which Queen Pomare had engaged to pay 2,853 dollars, or an equivalent, on or before the 1st day of September 1835, as an indemnification for the capture and robbery of the Truro at the Low Islands.

The queen was asked whether her promise had been fulfilled?

Taati answered, “Neither the money nor an equivalent has yet been given.”

“Why is this?” I asked. “Has any unforeseen accident hindered your acting up to your intentions; or is it not to be paid?”

Utaame and Hitote spoke to Taati, who replied, “We did not understand distinctly how and to whom payment was to be made. It is our intention to pay; and we now wish to remove all doubts, as to the manner of payment.”

I observed, that a clear and explicit agreement had been entered into with Capt. Seymour; if a doubt had arisen it might have been removed by reference to the parties concerned, or to disinterested persons; but no reference of any kind had been made, and Mr. Bicknell, the person appointed to receive the money, or an equivalent, had applied to the queen, yet had not obtained an answer.

I then reminded Pomare of the solemn nature of her agreement; of the loss which her character, and that of her chiefs, would sustain; and of the means England eventually might adopt to recover the property so nefariously taken away from British subjects. I said that I was on my way to England, where her conduct would become known; and if harsh measures should, in consequence, be adopted, she must herself expect to bear the blame.

These words seemed to produce a serious effect. Much argumentative discussion occupied the more respectable natives as well as the chiefs; while the queen sat in silence.

I must here remark, in explanation of the assuming or even harsh tone of my conduct towards Pomare, at this meeting, that there was too much reason for believing that she had abetted, if not in a great measure instigated, the piracy of the Paamuto people (or Low Islanders). For such conduct, however, her advisers were the most to blame. She was then very young; and during those years in which mischief occurred, must have been guided less by her own will than by the desires of her relations.

I had been told that excuses would be made; and that unless something like harshness and threatening were employed, ill effects, instead of a beneficial result, would be caused by the meeting: for the natives, seeing that the case was not taken up in a serious manner, and that the captain of the ship of war did not insist, would trouble themselves no farther after she had sailed away; and would laugh at those by whom the property was to be received.

The ‘Paamuto,’ or Low Islands, where the piracies have occurred, in which she and her relations were supposed to have been concerned, were, and are still considered (though nominally given up by her), as under her authority and particular influence. Her father was a good friend to all the natives of those islands; and the respect and esteem excited by his unusual conduct have continued to the present time, and shown themselves in attachment to his daughter. So much hostility has in general influenced the natives of different islands, that to be well treated by a powerful chief, into whose hands a gale of wind, or warfare throws them, is a rare occurrence.

The Paamuto Isles are rich in pearl oysters. Pomare, or her relations, desired to monopolize the trade. Unjustifiable steps were taken, actuated, it is said, by her or by these relations; and hence this affair.

They soon decided to pay the debt at once. Thirty-six tons of pearl oyster-shells, belonging to Pomare, and then lying at Papiete, were to form part of the equivalent; the remainder was to be collected among the queen’s friends. Taati left his place near her, went into the midst of the assembly, and harangued the people in a forcible though humorous manner, in order to stimulate them to subscribe for the queen. After he had done speaking, I requested Mr. Pritchard to state strongly that the innocent natives of Otaheite ought not to suffer for the misdeeds of the Low Islanders. The shells which had come from those ill-conducted people, might well be given as part of the payment; but the queen ought to procure the rest from them, and not from her innocent and deserving subjects. A document, expressing her intention to pay the remaining sum within a stated time, signed by herself and by two chiefs, with a certainty that the property would be obtained from the Low Islanders, would be more satisfactory than immediate payment, if effected by distressing her Otaheitan subjects, who were in no way to blame.

Taati replied, “The honour of the queen is our honour. We will share her difficulties. Her friends prefer assisting her in clearing off this debt, to leaving her conduct exposed to censure. We have determined to unite in her cause, and endeavour to pay all before the departure of the man-of-war.”

It was easy to see that the other principal chiefs had no doubt of the propriety of the demand; and that they thought the queen and her relations ought to bear the consequences of their own conduct. Taati, who is related to her, exerted himself far more than Utaame, Hitote, or any of the others. This part of the business was then settled by their agreeing to give the shells already collected, such sums of money as her friends should choose to contribute, and a document signed by two principal chiefs, expressing the sum already collected and paid; and their intention of forthwith collecting the remainder, and paying it before a stipulated time. Difficulties about the present, as compared with the former value of the shells, were quickly ended by arbitration; and their value estimated at fifty dollars per ton: the ready way in which this question about the value of the shells was settled, gave me a high idea of the natives’ wish to do right, rather than take advantage of a doubtful point of law.

I next had to remark, that the queen had given up the murderers of the master and mate of the Truro in a merely nominal manner, and not in effect; and that she must expect to receive a communication upon that subject by the next man-of-war.

She asked me--whether I really thought they would be required from her by the next man-of-war?

I replied: “Those men were tried and condemned by the laws of Otaheite. Your majesty, as sovereign, exercised your right of pardoning them. I think that the British Government will respect your right as queen of these islands; and that his Britannic Majesty will not insist upon those men being punished, or again tried for the same offence; but the propriety of your own conduct in pardoning such notorious offenders, is a very different affair. It will not tend to diminish the effect of a report injurious to your character, which you are aware has been circulated.”

After a pause, I said, “I was desired to enquire into the complaints of British subjects and demand redress where necessary. No complaints had been made to me; therefore I begged to congratulate her majesty on the regularity and good conduct which had prevailed; and thanked her, in the name of my countrymen, for the kindness with which they had been treated.”

I then reminded Pomare of the deep interest generally felt for those highly deserving and devoted missionaries, whose exertions, hazardous and difficult as they had been, and still were, had raised the natives of Otaheite to their present enlightened and improved condition; and that every reason united to demand for them the steady co-operation of both her and her chiefs. Finding that they listened attentively to Mr. Pritchard’s interpretation, which I was told was as good as it appeared to me fluent and effective, I requested permission to say a few words more to the queen--to the effect that I had heard much of her associating chiefly with the young and inexperienced, almost to the exclusion of the older and trustworthy counsellors whom she had around her at this assembly. To be respected, either at home or abroad, it was indispensably necessary for her to avoid the society of inferior minds and dispositions; and to be very guarded in her own personal conduct. She ought to avoid taking advice from foreigners, whom she knew not, and whose station was not such as might be a guarantee for their upright dealings: and she ought to guard carefully against the specious appearances of adventurers whose intentions, or real character, it was not possible for her to discover readily. Such men could hardly fail to misinform her on most subjects; but especially on such as interested themselves; or about which they might entertain the prejudices and illiberal ideas which are so prevalent among ignorant or ill-disposed people. I tried to say these things kindly, as the advice of a friend: Pomare thanked me, acknowledged the truth of my remarks, and said she would bear them in mind.

Turning to the chiefs, a few words passed, previous to Taati asking me, in her name, “Whether they were right in allowing a foreigner to enlist Otaheitans to serve him as soldiers; and in permitting them and other men to be trained, for warlike purposes, upon their island?”[32] My reply was, “If Otaheitan subjects, so trained, almost under the queen’s eye, act hostilely against the natives of any other island, will not those natives deem her culpable? To my limited view of the present case, it appears impolitic, and decidedly improper to do so.” After a few words with Utaame and Hitote, Taati rose and gave notice that no Otaheitan should enlist or be trained to serve as a soldier, in a foreign cause. By this decree de Thierry lost his enlisted troops, except a few New Zealanders, and whaling seamen.

One of the seven judges, an intelligent, and, for an Otaheitan, a very well educated man, named ‘Mare,’ asked to speak to me. “You mentioned, in the third place,” said Mare, “that you were desired to enquire into the complaints of British subjects, and demand redress, if necessary. You have stated that no complaint has been made, and you have given us credit for our conduct: allow me now to complain of the behaviour of one of your countrymen, for which we have failed in obtaining redress.” Here Mare detailed the following case of the ‘Venilia,’ and said that no reply to their letter to the British government, had yet been received. Mare then added, in a temperate though feeling manner, “does it not appear hard to require our queen to pay so large a sum as 2,853 dollars out of her small income; while that which is due to her, 390 dollars, a mere trifle to Great Britain, has not obtained even an acknowledgment from the British government?”

I ventured to assure Mare that some oversight, or mistake, must have occurred, and promised to try to procure an answer for them, which, I felt assured, would be satisfactory.

The letter on the subject of the Venilia, very literally translated, is as follows: it is, for many reasons, a curious document.

“Our friend, the king of Britain, and all persons in office in your government, may you all be saved by the true God!

“The following is the petition of Pomare, of the governors, and of the chiefs of Tahiti.

“A whale-ship belonging to London, has been at Tahiti: ‘Venilia’ is the name of the ship, ‘Miner’ is the name of the captain. This ship has disturbed the peace of the government of Queen Pomare the first. We consider this ship a disturber of the peace, because the captain has turned on shore thirteen of his men, against the will of the governor of this place, and other persons in office. The governor of this district made known the law clearly. The captain of the ship objected to the law, and said that he would not regard the law. We then became more resolute: the governor said to the chiefs, ‘Friends, chiefs of the land, we must have a meeting.’ The chiefs assembled on the twenty-second day of December 1831. The governor ordered a man to go for the captain of the ship. When he had arrived on shore, the governor appointed a man to be speaker for him. The speaker said to the captain of the ship, ‘Friend, here are your men, take them, and put them on board of your ship; it is not agreeable to us that they should remain upon our land.’ The captain said, ‘I will not by any means receive them again: no, not on any account whatever!’ The governor again told his speaker to say, ‘Take your men, and put them on board your ship, we shall enforce our laws.’ The captain strongly objected to this, saying, ‘I will not, on any account, again receive these bad men, these mutineers.’ We then said, ‘It is by no means agreeable to us for these men to live on shore: if they are disturbers of the peace on board the ship, they will disturb the peace on shore.’ Captain Hill, who has long been a captain belonging to Britain, spoke to the captain of the ship: this is what he said to him: ‘It is not at all agreeable to the laws of Britain that you should discharge, or in any manner turn away your men in a foreign land.’ This is another thing Captain Hill said, ‘you should write a document, stating clearly the crime for which these men have been turned on shore; that the governor and chiefs may know how to act towards them, and that they may render you any assistance.’ But this was not agreeable to the captain; he would not write a document. The governor then said to the captain, ‘If you will not take your men on board again, give us the money, as expressed in the law.’ The captain said, ‘I will not give the money, neither will I again take the men: no, not on any terms whatever; and if you attempt to put them on board the ship, I will resist, even unto death.’ The governor then said, ‘We shall continue to be firm; if you will not give the money, according to the law, we shall put your men on board the ship, and should you die, your death will be deserved.’ When the captain perceived that we were determined to enforce the law, he said, ‘It is agreed; I will give you the money, three hundred and ninety dollars.’

“On the 24th of December the governor sent a person for the money. The captain of the ship said, ‘He had no money.’ We then held a meeting: the governor’s speaker said to the captain, ‘Pay the money according to the agreement of the 22d day of this month.’ The captain said, ‘I have no money.’ The governor told him, ‘If you will not pay the money we will put your men on board the ship.’

“One Lawler said, ‘Friends, is it agreeable to you that I should assist him? I will pay the money to you, three hundred and ninety dollars! I will give property into your hands: this is the kind of property; such as may remain a long time by the sea-side and not be perishable. In five months, should not the money be paid, this property shall become your own.’

“Mr. Pritchard said that this was the custom among foreigners. We agreed to the proposal.

“On the 26th of December we went to Lawler’s house to look at the property, and see if it was suitable for the sum of money; and also to make some writings about this property. While there, Lawler made known to us something new, which was, that we should sign our names to a paper, written by the captain, for him to show his owners. We did not agree to this proposal, because we did not know the crime for which these men were turned on shore. We saw clearly that these two persons were deceiving us, and that they would not pay the money; also that the captain would not again take his men; but we did not attempt to put his men on board the ship, because another English whaler had come to anchor. We told the captain that we should write a letter to the British government, that they might order this business to be investigated, and might afford us their assistance.

“This is the substance of what we have to say:--We entreat you, the British Government, to help us in our troubles. Punish this Captain Miner, and command the owners of the Venilia to pay us three hundred and ninety dollars for thirteen of their men having been left on our land; and also to send the wages of a native man who was employed to supply the whole crew with bread-fruit while at anchor here. Let them send a good musket for this man, because the captain has not given him a good musket according to the agreement at the beginning. Captain Miner also gave much trouble to the pilot. He took his ship out himself: the pilot went after the ship to get his money, and also the money for Pomare, for anchorage. He would not give the pilot his share. After some time he gave the pilot some cloth for his share.

“In asking this, we believe that our wish will be complied with. We have agreed to the wish of the British government in receiving the Pitcairn’s people, and in giving them land. We wish to live in peace, and behave well to the British flag, which we consider our real friend, and special protection. We also wish that you would put in office a man like Captain Hill, and send him to Tahiti, as a representative of the king of Great Britain, that he may assist us. If this should not be agreeable to you, we pray you to give authority to the reverend George Pritchard, the missionary at this station.

“This is the conclusion of what we have to say. Peace be with you. May you be in a flourishing condition, and may the reign of the beloved king of Britain be long! Written at Tahiti on the sixth day of January, one thousand eight hundred and thirty-two.

“On behalf of POMARE, the queen.

“Signed by APAAPA, chief secretary. ARUPAEA, district governor. TEPAU, district governor. TEHORO, one of the seven supreme judges. MARE, a district judge, (since raised to be a supreme judge).”

“Addition:--This man, Lawler,[33] is an Irishman: he has been living at Tahiti about three months: he came from the Sandwich Islands. Of his previous conduct we can say nothing. We much wish that a British ship of war would come frequently to Tahiti to take to their own lands these bad foreigners that trouble us. It is useless for us to depend upon the consul at the Sandwich Islands. We have long known that we can obtain no assistance from him.[34]

“We wish to do our duty towards you Britons. You are powerful and rich--but we are like weak children.

“On behalf of POMARE, the queen. APAAPA, chief secretary.”

“Paofai (close to Papiete), Tahiti, 7th January 1832.”

This interesting letter needs no apology for its insertion at full length. Besides explaining Mare’s application, it helps to give an idea of the state of Otaheite; and it appeals to our better feelings in a persuasive manner.

* * * * *

Note (a) referred to in page 507.

That the electric agent (whether fire or fluid) goes upward from the earth to the atmosphere, as well as in the contrary direction, showing that a mutual action takes place between air and land, many facts might be brought to prove: I will only mention two.

“On October 25th we had a very remarkable storm: the sky was all in flames. I employed part of the night in observing it, and had the pleasure of seeing three ascending thunderbolts! They rose from the sea like an arrow; two of them in a perpendicular direction, and the third at an angle of about 75 degrees.”--(De Lamanon, in the Voyage of La Pérouse, vol. iii. pp. 431-2).

While H.M. corvette Hind, was lying at anchor off Zante, in 1823, in twelve fathoms water, an electric shock came in through her hawse, along the chain-cable, by which she was riding. Two men, who were sitting on the cable, before the bitts, were knocked down--felt the effects of the shock about half an hour--but were not seriously hurt. A noise like that of a gun startled every one on board; yet there was neither smell, nor smoke, nor any other visible effect. The sky was heavily clouded over; small rain was falling; and there was distant thunder occasionally, but no visible lightning. The cable was hanging slack, almost ‘up and down.’ I witnessed this myself.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] 3d November, lat. 11°.45′ S., long. 126° W.

[2] About 110 feet from the water level to the top of the trees.

[3] Admiral Krusenstern had the kindness to send me a copy of his Atlas of the Pacific Ocean, accompanied by an elaborate memoir.

[4] Most of them are little better than dry reefs encircling a shallow lake or lagoon.

[5] See note (a) at the end of this chapter.

[6] All the squalls were from the westward.

[7] Some diversity of opinion has arisen respecting the spelling of this name. No person now doubts that Tahiti is the native word, and therefore the most correct to be used when talking to Polynesian islanders, or writing for them; but as our immortal countryman, Cook, wrote Otaheite, and it is difficult to hear or see the word without thinking of him, I shall beg to be allowed the same privilege that Frenchmen claim when writing ‘Londres,’ or Englishmen when they write ‘Sicily;’ and for the future use only the word Otaheite.

[8] Called James Mitchell, though an aboriginal Otaheitan.

[9] The ‘purau’ is something like bamboo.

[10] Or arabesque.

[11] The man who tried to steal the axe was fined eight hogs and a large piece of cloth. Five of the pigs went to the queen, and three were sent on board the Beagle. The cloth was given to the man who caught the thief.

[12] The late king.

[13] Now Her Majesty’s Consul.

[14] One of the Marquesas.

[15] This I was requested to do by Commodore Mason.

[16] John Middleton.

[17] This noble work is completed. I have now lying by me a copy of the entire Bible, in the language of Otaheite, translated and compiled by Mr. Nott, who has just sailed from England on his return to Otaheite, carrying with him an ample number of copies of the Book of Books. I felt deeply gratified by that good man’s kindness in giving me one of the first copies which were printed.

[18] Excepting the savages of Aura the natives of Chain Island have conquered, successively, all the other islanders in their neighbourhood. On Chain Island there are more hogs and fruits than on any other low island.

[19] Some of these data were used in adding to Admiral Krusenstern’s chart.

[20] I do not know its position.

[21] I remarked that the heads of the Otaheitans and those few of the Chain Islanders whom I saw, were strikingly different, but truly conformable to their respective characters.

[22] “Mr. Thomas Falkner was the son of a surgeon of eminence at Manchester, and was brought up in his father’s profession, for which he always manifested the most promising disposition. To complete his professional studies, he was sent to London to attend St. Thomas’s Hospital; and, happening to lodge in Tooley-street, on the Surrey bank of the Thames, he made an acquaintance with the master of a ship, employed in the Guinea trade, who persuaded the young surgeon to accompany him in his next voyage in his professional capacity. On his return to England, he engaged to go in the same situation on board a merchant ship to Cadiz, from which he continued his voyage to Buenos Ayres, a Spanish settlement on the River La Plata. Here he fell sick, and was in so dangerous a state when his ship was ready to depart, as not to be in a condition to be carried on board; so she sailed without him. The Jesuits, of which there was a college at Buenos Ayres, nursed him during his illness with the greatest care and kindest assiduity; and perceiving the very great advantage which they would derive, in their missions, from possessing a brother who was so well skilled in medicine and surgery, spared no pains to win his affection and secure his confidence. In short, they so worked upon his mind, as to persuade him to enter into their college, and finally to become one of their order. He now entered upon his ministry among the Indians who inhabit the vast track of country between the River La Plata and the Straits of Magellan. His skill in the cure of diseases, and in performing chirurgical operations, together with his knowledge of mechanics, rendered his mission successful beyond example. In this country he remained near forty years, and was among the persons appointed by the Spanish government to make a survey of the coasts between the Brazils and the Tierra del Fuego, Falkland Island, &c. When the society of Jesuits was dissolved, he was sent back to Spain, and after an absence of near forty years, arrived in his native country. Soon after his return to England he became domestic chaplain to Robert Berkeley, esquire, of Spetchley, near Worcester, a Roman Catholic gentleman of distinguished knowledge, most respectable character, and large fortune. There he wrote the account of Patagonia, which has been quoted in this volume, and was afterwards published, with a map corrected from that of D’Anville, according to his own observations. Mr. Falkner possessed a very acute mind, a general knowledge, and most retentive memory. Of his medical experience and practice, I have heard physicians of eminence speak in the highest terms of commendation. His manners, as may be supposed from the tenor of his life, were at once singular and inoffensive: and he retained somewhat of his Indian habits to the last. He died, as I have been informed, about the year 1781.”--Colnett’s Voyage, page 25, note.

[23] Spanish ships, from Lima, in 1774-6.

[24] A whole dress may be seen at the British Museum, brought to England by Cook in 1771.

[25] I had read Kotzebue’s voyage a few days previously.

[26] All gold or silver is by them called ‘money;’ the gold lace on a coat, an epaulette, a gold coin, or a dollar, is ‘money.’

[27] Having so few consonants in their language, obliges them to change most of our names.

[28] Mr. Henry’s data were also used in adding to Krusenstern’s chart.

[29] I need not remark upon the offering made to the king in the time of human sacrifice.

[30] Mitchell, the native pilot, described this process to me minutely.

[31] Queen of Otaheite in 1767. “Both men and women are not only decently, but gracefully clothed, in a kind of white cloth, that is made of the bark of a shrub, and very much resembles coarse China paper. Their dress consists of two pieces of this cloth: one of them, a hole having been made in the middle to put the head through, hangs down from the shoulders to the mid leg before and behind; another piece, which is between four and five yards long, and about one yard broad, they wrap round the body in a very easy manner.”--Wallis’s Voyage Round the World, 1767.

[32] With reference to the so-called Baron de Thierry.

[33] This Lawler was so remarkably good-looking a man, that the natives used to say (literally translated) that “he was as beautiful as a glass tumbler.” (Many years ago, when Wallis discovered the Society Islands, a drinking-glass excited so much notice, that ever since it has been referred to as one of the most beautiful of objects.)

[34] The British government has since appointed Mr. Pritchard to act as Consul for the Society and Friendly Islands.

Spotted a typo or a problem in this chapter? Tell us

Chapter XXIII

Continuation of the Meeting at Papiete--Questions--Explanation --Meeting ends--Pilotage--Mr. Wilson--Queen’s Visit--Fireworks --School--Intelligence--Letters--Inhabitants--Dress--Conduct --Abolition of Spirits--Defect in Character--Domestic Scene--Aura Island--Newton at Bow Island--Pearl Oyster Shells--Divers --Steering--Queen’s Letter--Collection--Sail from Otaheite --Whylootacke--Flight of Birds--Navigators--Friendly--Feejee Islands--English Chief--Precautions--La Pérouse.

Reverting to the meeting at Papiete:--The queen’s secretary next asked to speak, and said that a law had been established in the island, prohibiting the keeping, as well as the use or importation of any kind of spirits. In consequence of that law, the persons appointed to carry it into effect had desired to destroy the contents of various casks and bottles of spirits; but the foreigners who owned the spirits objected, denying the right to interfere with private property. The Otaheitan authorities did not persist, as they were told that the first man-of-war which might arrive would certainly take vengeance upon them if they meddled with private property. He wished to ask whether the Otaheitans ought to have persisted in enforcing their own laws; and what I should have done, had the law been enforced with a British subject, and had he made application to me.

My answer was, “Had the Otaheitans enforced their law, I could in no way have objected. In England a contraband article is seized by the proper officers, and is not treated as private property while forbidden by the law.”

Much satisfaction was evidently caused by this declaration: also, at a former part of the discussions, when a remonstrance was made against Otaheitans paying the Truro debt, the greater part of the assembly seemed to be much pleased.

A respectable old man then stood up, and expressed his gratification at finding that another of King William’s men-of-war had been sent--not to frighten them, or to force them to do as they were told, without considering or inquiring into their own opinions or inclinations, but to make useful enquiries. They feared the noisy guns which those ships carried, and had often expected to see their island taken from them, and themselves driven off, or obliged in their old age to learn new ways of living.

I said, “Rest assured that the ships of Great Britain never will molest Otaheitans so long as they conduct themselves towards British subjects as they wish to be treated by Britons. Great Britain has an extent of territory, far greater than is sufficient for her wishes. Conquest is not her object. Those ships, armed and full of men, which from time to time visit your island, are but a very few out of a great many which are employed in visiting all parts of the world to which British commerce has extended. Their object is to protect and defend the subjects of Great Britain, and also take care that their conduct is proper--not to do harm to, or in any way molest those who treat the British as they themselves would wish to be treated in return.”

I was much struck by the sensation which these opinions caused amongst the elderly and the more respectable part of the assemblage. They seemed surprised, and so truly gratified, that I conclude their ideas of the intentions of foreigners towards them must have been very vague or entirely erroneous.

The business for which we had assembled being over, I requested Mr. Pritchard to remind the queen, that I had a long voyage to perform; and ought to depart from her territories directly she confided to me the promised document, relating to the affair of the Truro; and I then asked the queen and principal chiefs to honour our little vessel by a visit on the following evening, to see a few fireworks: to which they willingly consented: some trifling conversation then passed; and the meeting ended.

Much more was said, during the time, than I have here detailed: my companions were as much astonished as myself at witnessing such order, so much sensible reasoning, and so good a delivery of their ideas! I shall long remember that meeting at Otaheite, and consider it one of the most interesting sights I ever witnessed. To me it was a beautiful miniature view of a nation emerging from heathen ignorance, and modestly setting forth their claims to be considered civilized and Christian.

We afterwards dined with Mr. Pritchard, his family, and the two chiefs, Utaame and Taati. The behaviour of these worthies was extremely good; and it was very gratifying to hear so much said in their favour by those whose long residence on the island had enabled them to form a correct judgment. What we heard and saw showed us that mutual feelings of esteem existed between those respectable and influential old chieftains and the missionary families.

It was quite dark when we left Papiete to return, by many miles among coral reefs, to the Beagle; but our cat-eyed pilot undertook to guide our three boats safely through intricate passages among the reefs, between which I could hardly find my way in broad daylight, even after having passed them several times. The distance to the ship was about four miles; and the night so dark, that the boats were obliged almost to touch each other to ensure safety; yet they arrived on board unhurt, contrary to my expectation; for my eyes could not detect any reason for altering our course every few minutes, neither could those of any other person, except the pilot, James Mitchell. Had he made a mistake of even a few yards, among so many intricate windings, our boats must have suffered (because the coral rocks are very sharp and soon split a plank), though in such smooth and shallow water, a wrong turning could have caused inconvenience only to ourselves, for there was little or no danger of more than a wetting.

The observations at Matavai being completed, I was enabled to leave the place, and invited Hitote and Mr. Henry (who had returned with us) to pay another visit to Papiete in the Beagle, and meet the royal party.

25th. At daylight this morning, while the Beagle’s crew were unmooring and hoisting in the boats, I went to Mr. Wilson’s school-house, then used also as a chapel--the old chapel having been blown down by a violent gale of wind. Divine service (a hymn, a long extempore prayer, and another hymn) was performed. This is the established custom at all the missionary stations at Otaheite on Wednesday mornings: on other mornings one or two hours after daylight are employed in the schools. The congregation was numerous, and very attentive. I noticed that all the principal men of the district, besides Hitote who came from a distant part of the island, were present.

Mr. Wilson’s manner pleased me much; it was the sincere, and naturally impressive manner of a kind-hearted, honest man, earnestly performing a sacred and paramount duty. I went to see the new chapel after the morning-service was ended; but only the floor-timbers and the posts for the roof were then fixed in their places. The natives were irregular in their work, sometimes doing much, at others little, just as they felt disposed. Being a voluntary work, they took their time about it.

Mr. Darwin and I breakfasted with Mr. Wilson at his house: it happened that Mr. and Mrs. Henry were about to make a journey to some distance; that a favourite son was undertaking a new and difficult mission at the Navigator’s Islands, and that we were both about to take leave of the pious teacher of the heathen: and for each he asked a blessing, in an extempore prayer of some length, the result of unaffected, genuine piety. A kinder, or less exceptionable prayer, so far as I could pretend to judge, than that unprepared one by Mr. Wilson, I could not have wished to hear. That it was unprepared I feel certain, because he had not expected us to be present, and the manner in which our prospects were intermingled with those of the others he mentioned, showed that there was no premeditation. There was no affected expression, or unusual tone: it was the sincere devout manner of a pious plain-spoken man.

When under sail we tried to approach the entrance of Papiete Harbour, but baffling winds prevented our anchoring until three in the afternoon; and then, anticipating the royal visit, we tried to make such preparations as our little vessel could accomplish. Dressing the ship with flags, and preparing to man yards, was all we were able to do: salute we could not, on account of the chronometers.

We were told that the queen had walked to Papawa, distant about two miles, to inspect a quantity of fruit, cocoa-nuts, pine-apples, &c. (which she had ordered to be collected as a present to the man-of-war): and, with our glasses, we saw the royal party hastening along the beach, and in the midst of a number of women, children, and men, the queen was observed advancing at a quick walk. Soon afterwards, when it was supposed she had rested and dressed, we sent the boats. The chiefs were already on board. Mr. Pritchard undertook the troublesome offices of interpreter and master of the ceremonies, and by his assistance we saw the whole party collected on the Beagle’s upper deck, while the seamen manned yards, and we all gave the queen three cheers.

A bad dinner, accepted after the four mile walk, in a manner it did not deserve,--was succeeded by a few rockets, blue lights, and false fires,--the only fireworks we possessed. Luckily the rockets were good and gave high satisfaction. Lying in the middle of a bay, whose radius, supposing it semi-circular, may be half-a-mile, our ears were startled by a thrilling outcry of delight echoing around the beach, as each successive rocket rushed into the sky and burst. This outcry from the natives on shore, who were taken by surprise (the night being very dark) showed how much they enjoyed the sight. Our visitors on board, being told what would happen, only repeated ‘maitai,’ ‘maitai,’[1] with earnestness. I much wished then to have had a few good fireworks of a more artificial character. To any one about to visit distant, especially half-civilized or savage nations, let me repeat a piece of advice given to me, but which from inadvertence I neglected to follow: “take a large stock of fireworks.”

Some presents to each of our guests helped to amuse them and keep up their cheerfulness. After tea I proposed hearing a few of the seamen’s songs,--as some of our crew were very good singers,--not at the time thinking of their prejudices against any singing except hymns. Mr. Pritchard had no word to interpret ‘song’ but ‘himene;’ and Rule Britannia, with one or two other grave performances, passed off very well, but, to the perplexing of Mr. Pritchard and surprise of the Otaheitans, a merry comic song was struck up, which obliged Mr. Pritchard to answer the queen’s inquiries plainly, by saying, “No, that was not a hymn,” it was “sea singing.” ‘God save the King’ sounded more gravely, and suited better.

We landed the party almost at their own doors, and if they were half as well pleased as we were, our little preparations had not been a waste of time and trouble. Their behaviour on board was extremely correct: their habits and manners perfectly inoffensive. No doubt they are improving yearly, and the example of the missionary families has an influence over them, exceeding that of very differently disposed people by whom they are too frequently visited.

26th. At daylight this morning some of us visited the school. As I had heard of ‘compulsion’ and other absurdities, I went early to get there before Mr. Pritchard arrived, without having hinted at such an intention.

About the large chapel or church, groups of elderly and old people were sitting by threes and fours in a place, helping each other to read the New Testament. While one read the others listened, and, if able, corrected him. One man not less than fifty years of age, was learning to read, with spectacles. Some came in, others went out, just as they chose, for there was not any one even to watch them till Mr. Pritchard came: and during about an hour after sunrise, every day, those people, both women and men, thus instructed one another, previous to beginning their daily out-of-door labours.

In the school-house I found a number of children, waiting for their teacher, who soon arrived and gave them their tasks. The greater part of them wrote sentences on slates from his dictation, with ease and correctness. One sentence he gave them was, ‘the captain wishes you happiness,’ which they wrote instantly, and some of their own accord added, ‘and we wish happiness to the captain.’ The hand-writing of many, indeed most of the elder girls and boys, was very good: and to verbal questions they replied readily. They seemed to be in good discipline, and yet a merrier or more cheerful looking set of children I never saw. A hymn excellently, or, I ought perhaps to say, prettily sung, ended their attendance.

Returning by way of the church, I saw Hitote, his brother, and other chiefs, engaged in eager discussion. Mr. Pritchard and I went in: “You are just come in time,” said they, “we are disputing about the lightning conductors on board the Beagle, and cannot determine whether they end in the ship’s hold, or whether they go through her bottom, into the water.” Mr. Pritchard explained: a momentary pause ensued--each seemed trying to understand the puzzling subject; when a shrewd old man, hitherto a quiet listener, remarked--“you white men are wonderfully clever, you know and do most things, I wish some of you (passing his hand over his chin in a drolly rueful manner) I wish some of you would tell us how to rid our faces of these troublesome beards!” (He had just been shaved).

The rapidity with which intelligence is communicated among savage, or partially civilised nations, has often been remarked: but I do not remember meeting with an explanation, till Mr. Nott told me it was passed verbally--from one to another--each man calling to his neighbour. No method could be speedier, where a population is numerous; as at Otaheite or New Zealand, when Cook was there.

In the course of the morning I waited upon the queen to inform her that the Beagle was then going out of the port; and that I waited only for her commands, and the letter she had promised: upon which she sent for her secretary and the chiefs; when we left her for a time. Two of the persons who had been on board our vessel the previous evening, sent me letters this morning, which are so peculiar and interesting, in many points of view, that I here insert them.

Translation of a letter from ‘Mare,’ one of the seven supreme judges of Otaheite; written in a round distinct hand, in his own language, and directed to me.

“Tahiti, Nov. 26, 1835.

“To you the officer of King William!

“May the peace of God be with you. This is what I have to say to you, my dear friend. I praise you with grateful feelings in my heart for your kindness to me, an insignificant man, in giving to me a box and some other things besides. I and my wife will feel grateful to you when we look at these things. This is another thing with which I feel pleased; your having shown me the many good things on board your ship; and your men; they have great excellence, and a good character.

“That you may be saved is the wish of your servant, “MARE.”

A letter from Paofai, the brother of Hitote, directed to ‘Fitirai,’ is similar.

“Tahiti, Nov. 26, 1835. “Dear Friend,

“Peace be unto you and your family, in the name of God. These are my words to you. I feel very much gratified by your great kindness in giving me a trunk, and several other things. For this cause I thank you with grateful feelings. My wife and family will also feel grateful to you. Dear friends may the peace of the Messiah, who is the King of Peace, be with you. Amen.

“PAOFAI.”[2]

Among the natives of Otaheite let us not overlook the sons and daughters of the earlier missionaries. Those whom we had the pleasure of seeing did credit to the country of their parents; to Otaheite; and to those excellent persons who must have taken such pains with their education. I presume not to speak from what I have seen only, but from the corresponding accounts of others, added to what I witnessed myself.

I will now make a few general remarks, previous to quitting the island. It did not appear to me that the men of Otaheite are separated visibly into two classes, as some accounts had led us to expect. All of the higher class, whom we saw, or about whom we could learn anything, certainly were large, but rather unwieldy: yet among the lower class there were numerous stout tall men, as tall as the chiefs, and more actively made. A few were of a middle size, and a very few, low in stature: but all well-proportioned and muscular; though their muscles are not hard and knotty, like those of a hard-working white man; they are rounded, and smooth. They stride along in an imposing manner, occasionally recalling ideas of the giants of history. Although, generally speaking, they are taller than the Patagonians, they do not, to the eye, appear so large. This ocular deception must arise from the better proportion of the Otaheitans. The native of Patagonia has a large, coarse looking head, with high cheek-bones, and a ‘mane-like’ head of hair: his shoulders are high and square; his chest very wide; while to heighten the effect of these traits, each of which gives one an idea of size, a great rough mantle, made of the woolly skin of the guanaco, thrown loosely round his shoulders, hangs almost to his feet. But the Otaheitan head is singularly well formed; and, if phrenology is not altogether a delusion, few men are more capable of receiving instruction, or doing credit to their teachers, than these islanders, so often described, yet by no means enough known. Their hands, and more especially their feet, have been said to be of the Papua form; but the shape of the latter is owing, it appears to me, to their always going bare-footed: and I observed their hands particularly without being able to distinguish any peculiarity whatever in the form.

The young men frequently wear a wreath of leaves, or flowers, round the head, which, though becoming, has rather a Bacchanalian appearance. Some cut their hair short, others shave the greater part of their head, but solely from caprice: not one could give me any reason beyond that which is implied in “it is the fashion.”

It is seldom that one meets a native entirely naked; I mean naked excepting the girdle which is always worn: generally they have a garment, or a piece of one, obtained from a white man. These remnants, often tattered, and, among the lower classes, always dirty, disfigure them much. Those whom I saw, with only a native girdle, but whose bodies were tattowed in the old fashion, appeared to my eye much less naked than the young men, not tattowed, and only half-clothed. I shall not forget the very unpleasant impression made upon my mind, at first landing, by seeing a number of females, and children, with a few men, half dressed in the scanty, dirty, and tattered scraps of clothing, which they unfortunately prefer to their native dress. A woman, who has around her waist a substantial native garment, which falls as low as the calf of the leg; and over her shoulders, folding in front across the bosom, a mantle, or cloak, of similar material--appears to the eye of a stranger much more decently dressed than the hasty lover of novelty; who seems proud of a dirty cotton gown, tied only at the neck, and fluttering in the wind. Their Sunday dresses, however, are clean and decent, though those of other days are certainly much the contrary. An under-garment alone need be added to the women’s former dress of native manufacture, to make it answer every purpose. Why should not home ingenuity, and domestic industry be encouraged?

The moral conduct and character of these islanders have undergone so much discussion; so various have been the decisions, and so varying are the opinions of voyagers and residents, that I, for one, am satisfied by the conclusion, that the good and the bad are mixed in Otaheite, much as they are in other parts of the world exposed to the contamination of unprincipled people. That the missionaries have done so much, in checking and restraining depravity, is to me matter of serious reflection. But let us also remember, that the testimony of very trustworthy witnesses shews that there, even in earlier days, iniquity did not search after those who sought not her abode![3]

The Beagle’s stay was too short to enable us to form any just conclusions. I witnessed no improprieties, neither did I see any thing that would not have inclined me to suppose (had I read or heard nothing of them), that their habits are, in most ways, better than those of many civilized nations. The missionaries have succeeded in carrying attention to religion, and general morality, to a high pitch: may they continue to succeed, in future years, and become an example to larger, older, and nominally wiser nations.

Is it not a striking fact, that the people of a whole country have solemnly refrained from drinking spirits: does not this act alone entitle them to respect, and high consideration? So sincere are they on this subject, that, a short time since, when they heard that a small vessel, lying in their harbour, had on board a cask of rum, which the master intended to sell to some of the residents, they went off to the vessel, and destroyed the obnoxious liquor.

Upon enforcing their first law on this subject, every part of each house was searched. They were very minute in their scrutiny, but overlooked a bottle of brandy, which Mr. Pritchard had kept in the house for medical purposes. After their search, when leaving him, he called them back and showed the bottle, saying for what purpose it had been kept. Some said, ‘keep it for that purpose;’ others said ‘no, it is ‘ava,’[4] destroy it! let us make no distinction, let us utterly discard the use of so baneful a liquor! have we not other medicines, about whose use there can be no doubt?’ However, the milder party prevailed, and the brandy bottle would have preserved its contents had not Mr. Pritchard poured them on the ground before their eyes.[5]

One horrible defect in the former character of the Otaheitans has hardly been mentioned in the earlier writers. They were unkind, and utterly inattentive to the old and infirm:--they were yet worse: they scrupled not to destroy their aged or sick, yes, even their parents, if disabled by age or by sickness.[6]

Mr. Wilson assured me that in former times, when a person had lingered in sickness, they would carry him to the water-side, under pretence of bathing him, dig a hole, and bury him alive! Thus they ended the life of a young man who had been servant to Mr. Wilson, until he sickened, and, by the natives, was supposed to be dying. Mr. Wilson tried all he could do, in the way of medical assistance, and had hopes of his recovery, when he suddenly disappeared: and not until a long time afterwards could he ascertain the horrid cruelty of which the natives had been guilty!

That they do not even now pay that attention to infirm old age which, in our estimation, is a sacred duty, may be inferred from the following anecdote. Mr. Stokes rambled into a secluded spot near Matavai, where, surrounded by old trees, stood a small and tottering hut. On a filthy worn-out mat, lay a venerable looking old man, hardly covered by a ragged cloth. His only friend, an aged hobbling dog, limped to his side as if hoping that his example would excite some one to show compassion to the old man, his master.

The helpless state of this poor sufferer, whose legs were swollen by elephantiasis to an unwieldy bulk, and his utter destitution, induced Mr. Stokes to make immediate inquiries, and endeavour to get him relieved from some of his misery. It was ascertained that a daughter and son-in-law were usually living with him, but the new ‘manuâ’ had engrossed their attention, and the poor father had been left to the care of his faithful though helpless dog!

At Matavai the memory of the captain of H.M.S. ‘Racoon,’ known as the ‘long captain,’ also as ‘Tapane matapo,’ or ‘Captain blind eye,’ is still cherished. The conduct of both him and the officers of the Racoon, seems to have highly delighted all classes. How pleasant it is to hear a countryman, especially of one’s own cloth, spoken of in such terms of friendship and respect, and how much that pleasure is increased when one reflects, that many years have elapsed since the conduct took place which caused these sensations.

Mr. Stokes passed some nights in Otaheitan cottages. He told me that the natives, both men and women, are extremely fond of their children, and are very kind to them. Not content with nursing and amusing them, they cram them as managers of poultry cause turkeys to be crammed, not exactly with pepper corns, or walnuts,[7] but with bananas and other nutritive food. At each end of the houses he visited there was a small fire, one being for the elder, the other for the younger folks; this was in the evening, at their last meal time.

Bread-fruit, which had been previously roasted, and wild plantains brought from the mountains, were put to the fire to be warmed. Meanwhile cocoa-nuts were opened, their milk was poured into cups, made of empty nutshells, and handed about with the nuts. Each person had a nut and a cup of the milk, or juice.[8] Taro-root roasted was then served, together with the bread-fruit and plantain, on leaves freshly gathered; there was also a piece of brownish yellow wood, like the rotten root of a tree, hanging up in the hut, which the people sometimes eat; it is called Ti.[9] Grace was said (a duty never omitted), and a clean, comfortable meal enjoyed by the whole party. Afterwards the fires were put out, and a queer little wooden pipe passed round. The strongest tobacco is thought the best, and they like to swallow the smoke. Sometimes, instead of tobacco, they use an indigenous herb.

Before sleeping the oldest man said prayers: one of the young men read a short portion of the New Testament, and then a hymn was sung by the whole family. A lamp was kept burning all night. A curious snuff was observed by Mr. Stokes, and from the method of using or taking it, I am inclined to think it an old custom, not imported by the white men. A substance, not unlike rhubarb in its appearance, but of a very pleasant fragrance, was rubbed on a piece of shark’s skin, stretched on wood; and much it appeared to please an old man, who valued this snuff-stick so highly, that he would not part with it.

The Otaheitans are fond of going to sea, and take great interest in seeing new countries. Mr. Henry said there was no difficulty in getting a crew of natives, for boats or small vessels, provided that a promise was made to bring them back to their own island. From four to six yards of ordinary linen, or cotton cloth, with good provisions, was accounted enough remuneration for the zealous services of an able-bodied active man, during one month.

While we stayed at Otaheite we were supplied with excellent beef, and passably good vegetables; the latter however happened to be scarce. Most of the cattle belonged to the missionaries, who were trying to persuade the natives to rear them, and were beginning to succeed, though the people are fonder of their horses, of which there are a good many on the island, but ill kept and little understood.

Mr. Stokes obtained another account of the murder of the master and mate of the Truro, which says: “The master and mate of the Truro had left the northern end of Aura Island, intending to go to Otaheite; the chief of the northern district having treated them very kindly, and told them to avoid the south end of the island, because bad men lived there.

“The wind would not allow them to keep a sufficient offing; and a small canoe, with only two men, approached their boat with the apparent design of offering fruit for sale; but when near the boat they threw spears with such effect, that the white men were both killed.” I place more confidence in the former account.

The seizure of a ship at Bow Island (barque Newton, of Valparaiso, under Chilian colours, though owned by British subjects), has by some persons been supposed to have been excited by Queen Pomare: but the following statement, from Mr. Middleton, who was pilot on board the ship at the time, gives a very different idea.

The master of that vessel (named Clarke) had employed some natives of Bow Island to dive for pearl oyster-shells on his account; he had agreed to pay them a certain quantity of cloth, and to give them so much provision per month. Repeated ill-treatment, and a miserable supply of provisions (at one time only one cocoa-nut each day, without any thing else), induced the natives to think of deserting him; yet they were unwilling to lose the reward of their labours, which had been very severe. One morning he had agreed to the pilot’s earnest request that the natives should have more food, and had ordered a biscuit a-piece for them! Soon after the pilot, who was charged with the care of the natives, had delivered the biscuits, the master came on deck, affected to deny his orders, snatched the biscuits away from each of them, and threw them overboard! Sullen and fierce looks were exchanged; and the pilot warned Mr. Clarke that the natives would attack him, and take the vessel, if he did not alter his harsh conduct: to which he replied, by defying half a hundred of them!

A few words from the pilot, in their own language, appeased their resentment at the moment, and the brooding storm passed over; but in the course of that day, while Middleton was away getting shells, the master beat a chief. This was an unpardonable affront; they took possession of the vessel; bound all the white people; and carried them on shore.

What extraordinary mildness among savages!

When the pilot returned with his cargo of shells, he saw none of the crew; and at first hesitated to approach. But the natives seeing this, hailed him, saying, that they did not intend to hurt any one; that they were his friends; and had touched none of his things. This he found true. His own cabin was shut up--untouched; though every other place in the ship had been ransacked, and the furniture of the hull torn to pieces. They afterwards allowed the pilot to take the vessel to Otaheite, where she was sold by auction for the benefit of those who had insured her.

Obtaining the pearl oyster-shell is well known to be a difficult and dangerous employment: though the divers at the Paamuto Islands seldom go down deeper than four or five fathoms, they remain at the bottom from one to three minutes, sometimes bringing ten shells at one time to the surface; and during four or five hours they continue this extreme labour. After a long dive, blood gushes from the ears and nose; and the poor diver is quite blind during ten or twenty minutes. He may then be seen squatting on the reef, his head between his knees, and his hands spread over his face--a pitiable object: yet for the small monthly pay of ten or twelve yards of calico, or coarse linen, do those hard-working natives endure such straining exertions!

At some of the islands, a good hatchet or axe will purchase as many shells as would fill a small canoe.

In making their voyages from one island to another, the natives steer by the stars, by the direction of the wind, and the flight of birds; but their ideas of distance are extremely vague. Those who have seen a compass used in a boat esteem it highly. Middleton, who had made many voyages among the Low Islands, in whale-boats manned solely by natives, said that they always expressed astonishment at his predicting the time at which they would arrive at their destination. Sometimes they asked if he could see the land in the compass; more than once they exclaimed, “Ah, you white men! you know every thing! What simpletons we are, notwithstanding all our canoes!” The canoe occupies so much time and labour in constructing, and is so essential to their every purpose, that a fine one is to the natives of any of these islands what a three-decker is to us.

The queen’s letter being finished, and sent to me by her messenger, I will give the translation made for me on the spot by Mr. Pritchard.

“Tahiti, November 26, 1835. “To the Captain of the ship of war:

“This is what I have to say to you, before you leave us, respecting the debt. We have 2,338 dollars, which we are now taking to the person who is to receive this property, who is Mr. Bicknell. We are now collecting the remainder.

“Peace be with you, “And with your king, William, “(Signed) POMARE VAHINE. “(Witnessed by) HITOTE and TAATI.”

Taking leave of the queen was our next engagement. At the door of her house was a table, on which the loyal and kind-hearted natives were depositing their dollars, and fractions of dollars: to enable her to pay the debt. To me it was an affecting and an unpleasing sight,--not the proofs of loyalty and affection--Heaven forbid!--but the reflection that those individuals had in no way done wrong, and that their dollars had been hardly earned and were highly prized. To show how little a metallic currency was then understood, I may mention that many individuals wished to subscribe fractions, who could not afford a whole dollar; but they were prevented, at first, because the collector knew not how to reckon a fraction of a dollar. Mr. Pritchard easily explained this, and then the smaller coins, (rials, and two rial pieces,) were soon numerous upon the table. Frequently, while walking about the island, men had asked me to give them a dollar in exchange for its value in small coin, which, to their surprise, I was always glad to do, when I had dollars with me.

About Pomare was rather a large assemblage of maids of honour, but their postures and appearance, as they sat about upon the floor, were not the most elegant. The contrast between our own neatly dressed, and well-mannered countrywomen, whom we had just left in the house of Mr. Pritchard, was rather striking as compared with these brown and oily Otaheitans: but our visit was not long, and we tried to make it agreeable. Returning by the beach, we talked for some time with Taati, Utaame, and others. Old Ua was there also, to thank me for some trifles sent to him by one of the queen’s maidens, who had attended her when on board the Beagle; and I was glad to hear that the damsel had executed her commission in a most punctual manner.[10]

They expressed great anxiety about the arrival of another man-of-war, with, perhaps, harsher orders: and were very desirous to know when I should arrive in England, and when they would hear from me. I endeavoured to satisfy them on these points, before Mr. Darwin and I wished them farewell (in the most earnest meaning of the word) and, after taking leave of Mr. Pritchard’s family, embarked. Mare and Mr. Pritchard accompanied us to the vessel, then under sail outside the reefs,--wished us a great deal more happiness than most of us will probably enjoy, and returned with Mr. Henry and the pilot in their own boats. We made all sail, and soon lost sight of this beautiful island.

Easterly winds swept us along a smooth sea for many days, after leaving Otaheite.[11] At daylight on the 3d of December we saw Whylootacke (or Wailutaki) a small group of islets encircled by a coral reef, from four to eight miles in diameter. The principal one is 360 feet high, and nearly four miles long. There was a native missionary upon it, educated at Otaheite. On the 11th a few white tern were seen near the ship, (in lat. 28°. S. and long. 180°.) and as she was about 120 miles from any land then known, this notice may help to show within what limits the sight of those birds may be considered to indicate the vicinity of land. I am not at all surprised that the early voyagers should have taken so much notice of the appearance and flight of birds, when out of sight of land; since in my very short experience I have profited much by observing them, and I am thence led to conclude that land, especially small islands or reefs, has often been discovered in consequence of watching particular kinds of birds, and noticing the direction in which they fly, of an evening, about sunset. Short winged birds, such as shags or boobies, seldom go a hundred miles from land, and generally return to their accustomed roosting place at night; and even those with longer wings which fly farther, do not habitually remain on the wing at night, though they are known to do so sometimes, especially if attracted by a ship, on which, doubtless, they would perch if she were to remain motionless, and her crew were to be quiet for a short time. Mistakes may occur in consequence of floating carcases, trunks of trees, wrecks of vessels, or drifting sea-weed, all which attract birds and afford them rest at night; but, generally speaking, if there is land within fifty miles of a vessel, its existence will be indicated, and the direction in which to look will be pointed out by birds. Decided oceanic fowl, such as albatrosses and all the petrel family, sleep upon the surface of their favourite element; therefore the flight of that description of bird can be no guide whatever, except in the breeding season, when they frequent the vicinity of land.

Until I became aware of these facts, the discovery of the almost innumerable islands in the great ocean of Magalhaens, (erroneously, though now probably for ever called Pacific,) caused great perplexity in my mind. That Easter Island, for instance, such a speck in the expanse, and so far from other land, should have been--not only discovered--but repeatedly visited and successively peopled, by different parties of the human family, seemed extraordinary, but now, connecting the numerous accounts related by voyagers of canoes driven hundreds of miles away from their desired place, with these facts respecting birds, much of the mystery seems unravelled.

Every one is well aware that uncivilized man is more attentive to signs of weather, habits of animals, flight of the feathered tribe, and other visible objects, important to his very existence, than his educated brother,--who often diminishes the perceptive faculties of the mind, while he strengthens the power of reflection and combination.

Before arriving at New Zealand I will add a very brief remark or two about the Navigators, the Friendly, and the Feejee Islands. At the first mentioned, where De Langle and Lamanon were massacred, there is now a prosperous mission established by the exertions of the London Missionary Society, and I hear that a large proportion of the islanders are no longer blood-thirsty savages. At the Friendly Isles much opposition had been encountered, chiefly in consequence of former hostilities brought on by a run-away convict, who excited the natives to murder the first missionaries who went there: and the prejudices then caused are scarcely yet removed. Mariner’s account of the Tonga, or Friendly Islands, is considered by English residents at Otaheite, to be a very accurate one,[12] and is full of interesting information. I obtained a few notices of the Feejee group from the owner of a schooner that was lost there; and as they are comparatively little known, my mite may as well be contributed in this place to the general fund.

The whole group of islands called Feejee, or Fidji, by Europeans, but of which the native name is, I believe, Navihi--is of very dangerous navigation: not only on account of coral reefs, scarcely hidden by a few feet of water, but because the natives are ferocious and treacherous cannibals. My informant[13] said, that the master of his schooner[14] (who was long detained a prisoner among them, his life being spared in hopes of obtaining a large ransom), was an unwilling participator in a cannibal feast on some prisoners of war, taken in an attack on a neighbouring island. That they have an idea of the superiority of white men may be inferred from a message sent previous to this battle, saying, “We shall kill and eat you all--we have seven white men to fight for us!” Although many unfortunate seamen have fallen victims to the thoroughly savage Feejee Islanders, a few whites have not only escaped death, but have established themselves in some authority among the natives. A man known by the name of Charles, was more respected than almost any of their own chieftains, on account of his extraordinary valour: and so highly was he considered by all of them, that he was allowed to have a hundred wives.[15]

No small vessel ought to venture near any of the Feejee islands without being armed, and prepared to act defensively. Boarding nettings, if she has them, should be triced up; and no professions, or appearance of friendship, ought ever to put strangers off their guard. In case of an unavoidable rupture, a chief, the highest in rank that can be secured, should, if possible, be made prisoner--by force if fair means fail; and he should be made to understand that his life depended upon the conduct of his countrymen. Of course no right-minded man would act otherwise than to avoid or prevent any hostilities with ignorant savages, so long as he could do so without risking the lives of his own countrymen; but he must remember that, in hand to hand fighting, a band of fierce savages, armed with a variety of weapons, are more than a match for seamen unused, perhaps, to muskets, and equally awkward with pistols or swords: however brave and determined they may be, if dispersed, as usually happens, they are sure to be by far the greatest sufferers. I here allude to those savages who are really warriors. At some islands, and other places, they are comparatively timid, though seldom less treacherous.

Remarking on the criticisms of such as have animadverted on officers who found themselves obliged to take harsh measures in self-defence--La Pérouse, whose humanity and good sense not one individual among the nations who regret his untimely loss, ever questioned, says, “I am, however, a thousand times more angry with the philosophers who extol the savages, than with the savages themselves. The unfortunate Lamanon, whom they massacred, told me the very evening before his death, that the Indians (meaning the natives of the Navigator Islands) were worthier people than ourselves!

“Observing rigidly the orders I have received, I have always treated them with the greatest mildness; but I confess to you, that if I were to undertake another voyage of the same kind, I would demand different orders.

“A navigator, on quitting Europe, ought to consider the savages as enemies, very weak indeed, and whom it would be ungenerous to attack and barbarous to destroy, but whose assaults he has a right to prevent when authorised to do so by well-grounded suspicions.”--Voyage of La Pérouse, vol. iii. p. 413.

When a vessel approaches the Feejee Islands, numberless canoes put off, and soon surround her so closely, that unless the wind is pretty fresh, she is placed in no slight jeopardy. At such a time the principal chief ought to be invited on board; and presents should be given to him, while he is made to understand that it is necessary he should order the canoes to keep off. His commands will be implicitly obeyed; and while he is on board, and well treated, there will be less risk; but he must not be relied on implicitly.

Some of the canoes are very long, from sixty to eighty feet in length: and when two such are fastened together, with a light structure erected upon them, the men who stand on their raised deck are above the level of a small vessel’s bulwark.[16]

At the time that Mr. Clark was a prisoner among them, a musket was considered to be a fair ransom for a white man; and (perhaps fortunately for him) they had then an idea that the flesh of white men was not wholesome.

They have many articles of trade, such as shells, tortoise-shell, coral, spermaceti, whales’ teeth, ‘bicho de mar,’ mats of exquisite workmanship, fruit, and provisions: among the latter are pigs and ‘iguanas.’ Excepting a great alligator, the Feejee men never saw an animal on their island larger than a dog or a pig. The monster just mentioned made its appearance on the island Pau, the largest of the group, some years ago, to the extreme consternation of the natives, who thought it was a sea-god. After destroying nine people, at different times, the ‘enormous lizard,’ as they called it, was caught by a strong noose passed over the bough of a large tree, the other end of the rope being held at a distance by fourteen men, who lay concealed, while a daring old man offered himself as a bait to entice the brute to run into the snare.[17]

Mr. Mariner supposed that this alligator, or crocodile, had made its way from the East Indies; a curious instance of the manner in which occasional migrations take place. On an island in that neighbourhood, called Lotooma, Mariner heard of two enormous bones, not at all like any human bones, nor resembling those of a whale. The natives of the island have a tradition that they belonged to a giant, who was killed in former ages by the united attack of all the population.[18]

On the 16th of December indications of a westerly wind appeared; and for the next three days we were buffeted by a hard gale from south-west to south-east. This was the more annoying on account of the chronometer measurement, because it was accompanied by a sudden change of temperature, which I thought would alter their rates. During the twenty-four hours previous to this southerly gale commencing, we found the current setting northward, about a mile an hour; but after the hardest part of the gale was over, it set to the south-west, at about the same rate.

Both before and during these three days, I was struck by the precise similarity of the clouds, sky, peculiarities of wind, and weather, to what we had been accustomed to meet with off the coast of Patagonia: and I may here remark that, throughout the southern hemisphere, the weather, and the turn or succession of winds, as well as their nature and prognostications, are remarkably uniform.

On the 19th we made the northern hills of New Zealand; but tantalized still by adverse winds, all the next day was spent in beating to windward, and not till the 21st could we succeed in obtaining access to the Bay of Islands.

We were all a good deal disappointed by the view. After Otaheite, the northern part of New Zealand had, to our eyes, a very ordinary appearance.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Very good--beautiful.

[2] The original letters, in the hand-writing of Mare and Paofai, are in my possession.

[3] Cook says--“Great injustice has been done the women of Otaheite, and the Society Isles. The favours of married women, and also the unmarried of the better sort are as difficult to be obtained here, as in any other country whatever. I must, however, allow, that they are all completely versed in the art of coquetry, and that very few of them fix any bounds to their conversation. It is therefore no wonder that they have obtained the character of libertines.”

In the excellent descriptions of Turnbull, we read:--“Much has been said as to the licentiousness and loose conduct of the women. It is but justice to say, that I saw nothing of this. Their ideas of decency are doubtless very different from ours; they must be judged therefore by a very different standard.”

[4] Or cava, their word for intoxicating liquor of any kind.

[5] I was surprised, when I first arrived at Otaheite, by finding that none of the natives who came on board would touch spirits; and that they would drink but very little wine. Afterwards, however, one chief was noticed who seemed differently disposed.

[6] From enquiries made among the missionaries and natives, I convinced myself of this startling fact.

[7] The very best things for fattening turkeys.

[8] Cocoa-nut milk makes an indelible black stain, and is sometimes used for dyeing.

[9] The root of the Ti plant is sweet, like sugar cane of indifferent quality. Molasses has been made from it.

[10] She was his grand-daughter.

[11] We sailed with the land breeze, which at Otaheite is so regular that a ship might sail round the island (in successive nights) with the wind always a-beam, and off the land!

[12] Among a variety of very curious facts mentioned by Mariner, one may be noticed here, because I shall have to refer to it in a future page. I mean the rat shooting practised by the chiefs as an amusement.

[13] Mr. Green, of Valparaiso.

[14] ‘The Terrible;’ Clark, master.

[15] Only chieftains of note are able to maintain many wives: very few had so large a number as that man: scarcely any had more.

[16] Heaps of stones form not only ballast but ammunition for these formidable canoes. Indeed, among all savage nations, a stone held in the hand, or thrown, perhaps from a sling, is a common, and by no means despicable weapon. These easily collected missiles, and the manner of using them, recal to mind the victory gained by the English fleet over that of France, off Sluys, on the 22d of June 1340; in which “though the battle was fought on the sea, it could scarcely be called maritime; for little depended on the accidents of winds and waves, or on the skill of a commander in availing himself of them. Piles of stones on the deck formed a part of the magazines. The archers of both nations used their crossbows as if they had been on land. They employed grappling irons for boarding, and came to such close quarters as to exhibit a succession of single combats.”--Mackintosh, vol. i. p. 294.

[17] A feat hardly surpassed by Mr. Waterton.--Mariner’s Tonga Islands, vol. i. pp. 268, 269, 270, in Constable’s Miscellany, vol. xiii.

[18] Ibid. vol. i. p. 262.

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