← Letters from Egypt, Ethiopia, and the peninsula of Sinai

Appendix

Part 6 of 6 · Lepsius, Richard · Public domain text

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Contents (81)
  1. Opening about 5 min
  2. I. On board the Oriental Steamer, 5th September, 1842 35 under 1 min
  3. II. Alexandria, 23rd September, 1842 38 under 1 min
  4. III. Cairo, 16th October, 1842 41 under 1 min
  5. IV. At the foot of the largest Pyramid, 2nd January, 1843 51 under 1 min
  6. V. Pyramids of Gizeh, 17th January, 1843 56 under 1 min
  7. VI. Pyramids of Gizeh, 28th January, 1843 59 under 1 min
  8. VII. Saqâra, 18th March, 1843 64 under 1 min
  9. VIII. Saqâra, 13th April, 1843 69 under 1 min
  10. IX. Cairo, 22nd April, 1843 79 under 1 min
  11. X. Ruins of the Labyrinth, 31st May, 1843 81 under 1 min
  12. XI. The Labyrinth, 25th June, 1843 89 under 1 min
  13. XII. The Labyrinth, 18th July, 1843 94 under 1 min
  14. XIII. Cairo, 14th August, 1843 98 under 1 min
  15. XIV. Thebes, 13th October, 1843 100 under 1 min
  16. XV. Korusko, 20th November, 1843 105 under 1 min
  17. XVI. Korusko, 5th January, 1844 130 under 1 min
  18. XVII. E’ Dâmer, 24th January, 1844 133 under 1 min
  19. XVIII. On the Blue River, Province of Sennâr, 13° N. Lat., 2nd March, 1844 148 under 1 min
  20. XIX. Chartûm, 21st March, 1844 190 under 1 min
  21. XX. The Pyramids of Meröe, 22nd April, 1844 193 under 1 min
  22. XXI. Keli, 29th April, 1844 210 under 1 min
  23. XXII. Barkal, 9th May, 1844 213 under 1 min
  24. XXIII. Mount Barkal, 28th May, 1844 222 under 1 min
  25. XXIV. Dongola, 15th June, 1844 225 under 1 min
  26. XXV. Dongola, 23rd June, 1844 233 under 1 min
  27. XXVI. Korusko, 17th August, 1844 235 under 1 min
  28. XXVII. Philæ, 1st September, 1844 241 under 1 min
  29. XXVIII. Thebes—Qurna, 24th November, 1844 243 under 1 min
  30. XXIX. Thebes—Qurna, 8th January, 1845 245 under 1 min
  31. XXX. Thebes, 25th February, 1845 246 under 1 min
  32. XXXI. On the Red Sea, 21st March, 1845 274 under 1 min
  33. XXXII. Convent of Sinai, 24th March, 1845 290 under 1 min
  34. XXXIII. On the Red Sea, 6th April, 1845 293 under 1 min
  35. XXXIV. Thebes—Karnac, 4th May, 1845 321 under 1 min
  36. XXXV. Cairo, 10th July, 1845 322 under 1 min
  37. XXXVI. Cairo, 11th July, 1845 323 under 1 min
  38. XXXVII. Jaffa, 7th October, 1845 332 under 1 min
  39. XXXVIII. Nazareth, 9th November, 1845 333 under 1 min
  40. XXXIX. Smyrna, 7th December, 1845 336 about 33 min
  41. Letter I about 5 min
  42. Letter II about 3 min
  43. Letter III about 14 min
  44. Letter IV about 8 min
  45. Letter V about 4 min
  46. Letter VI about 7 min
  47. Letter VII about 8 min
  48. Letter VIII about 14 min
  49. Letter IX about 3 min
  50. Letter X about 12 min
  51. Letter XI about 7 min
  52. Letter XII about 7 min
  53. Letter XIII about 2 min
  54. Letter XIV about 7 min
  55. Letter XV about 31 min
  56. Letter XVI about 5 min
  57. Letter XVII about 24 min
  58. Letter XVIII about 1 h 4 min
  59. Letter XIX about 4 min
  60. Letter XX about 26 min
  61. Letter XXI about 4 min
  62. Letter XXII about 14 min
  63. Letter XXIII about 4 min
  64. Letter XXIV about 13 min
  65. Letter XXV about 2 min
  66. Letter XXVI about 8 min
  67. Letter XXVII about 3 min
  68. Letter XXVIII about 3 min
  69. Letter XXIX about 2 min
  70. Letter XXX about 40 min
  71. Letter XXXI about 24 min
  72. Letter XXXII about 5 min
  73. Letter XXXIII about 32 min
  74. Letter XXXIV about 1 min
  75. Letter XXXV about 2 min
  76. Letter XXXVI about 11 min
  77. Letter XXXVII about 1 min
  78. Letter XXXVIII about 3 min
  79. Letter XXXIX about 39 min
  80. Introduction about 3 h 3 min
  81. Appendix about 3 h 57 min

Continue:

Appendix

(A, p. 239.)

Observations on the Discovery, by Professor LEPSIUS, of Sculptured Marks on Rocks in the Nile Valley in Nubia; indicating that, within the historical period, the river had flowed at a higher level than has been known in Modern Times. By LEONARD HORNER, Esq., F.R.S.S. L. & E., F.G.S., &c. (This paper is here reprinted[376] at the request of Professor LEPSIUS.)

The recent archaiological researches of Professor Lepsius in Egypt, and the Valley of the Nile, in Nubia, have given a deserved celebrity and authority to his name, among all who take an interest in the early history of that remarkable portion of the Old World. While examining the ruins of a fortress, and of two temples of high antiquity at Semne, in Nubia, he discovered marks cut in the solid rocks, and in the foundation-stones of the fortress, indicating that, at a very remote period in the annals of the country, the Nile must have flowed at a level considerably above the highest point which it has ever reached during the greatest inundations in modern times. This remarkable fact would possess much geological interest with respect to any great river, but it does so especially in the case of the Nile. Its annual inundations, and the uniformity in the periods of its rise and fall, have been recorded with considerable accuracy for many centuries; the solid matter held in suspension in its waters, slowly deposited on the land overflowed, has been productive of changes in the configuration of the country, not only in times long antecedent to history, but throughout all history, down to the present day. Of no other river on the earth’s surface do we possess such or similar records; and, moreover, the Nile, and the changes it has produced on the physical character of Egypt, are intimately associated with the earliest records and traditions of the human race. Everything, therefore, relating to the physical history of the Nile Valley must always be an object of interest; but the discovery of Professor Lepsius is one peculiarly deserving the attention of the geologist; for he does not merely record the facts of the markings of the former high level of the river, but he infers from these marks that since the reign of Mœris, about 2200 years before our era, the entire bed of the Nile, in Lower Nubia, must have been excavated to a depth of about 27 feet; and he further speculates as to the process by which he believes the excavation to have been effected.

It will be convenient, before entering upon the observations I have to offer upon the cause assigned by Professor Lepsius for the former higher levels of the Nile indicated by these marks, that I should give the description of the discovery itself, by translating Dr. Lepsius’s own account of it, in letters which he addressed to his friends, Professors Ehrenberg and Böckh of Berlin, from the island of Philæ, in September, 1844[377].

“You may probably remember, when travelling to Dongola on the Lybian side of the Nile, and in passing through the district of Batn el hagér, that one of the most considerable of the cataracts of the country occurs near Semne, a very old fortress, with a handsome temple, built of sandstone, in a good state of preservation; the track of the caravan passing close to it, partly over the 4000-year-old artificial road. The track on the eastern bank of the river is higher up, being carried through the hills; and you must turn off from it at this point in order to see the cataract. This Nile-pass, the narrowest with which I am acquainted, according to the measurement of Hr. Erbkam, is 380 metres (1247 English feet) broad[378]; and both in itself, and on account of the monuments existing there, is one of the most interesting localities in the country, and we passed twelve days in its examination.

“The river is here confined between steep rocky cliffs on both sides, whose summits are occupied by two fortresses of the most ancient and most massive construction, distinguishable at once from the numerous other forts, which, in the time of the Nubian power in this land of cliffs, were erected on most of the larger islands, and on the hills commanding the river. The cataract (or rapid) derives its name of Semne from that of the higher of the two fortresses on the western bank; that on the opposite bank, as well as a poor village lying somewhat south of it, is called Kumme. In both fortresses the highest and best position is occupied by a temple, built of huge blocks of sandstone, of two kinds, which must have been brought from a great distance through the rapids; for, southward, no sandstone is found nearer than Gebel Abir, in the neighbourhood of Amara and the island of Sai (between 80 and 90 English miles), and northward, there is none nearer than the great division of the district at Wadi Halfa (30 miles distant).

“Both temples were built in the time of Tutmosis III., a king of the 18th dynasty, about 1600 years before Christ; but the fortresses in which they stand are of a more ancient date. The foundations of these are granite blocks of Cyclopian dimensions, resting on the rock, and scarcely inferior to the rock itself in durability. They were erected by the first conqueror of the country, King Sesurtesen III., of the 12th Dynasty, in order to command the river, so easily done in so narrow a gorge. The immediate successor of this king was Amenemha III., the Mœris of the Greeks: he who accomplished the gigantic work of forming the artificial lake of Mœris, in the Fayoum, and from whose time—the most flourishing of the whole of the old Egyptian kingdom—the risings of the Nile in successive years, doubtless by means of regular markings, as indeed Diodorus tells, remained so well known, that, according to Herodotus, they were recorded in distinct numbers from the time of Mœris. It appears that this provident king, occupied with great schemes for the welfare of his country, considered it of great importance that the rising of the Nile on the most southern border of his kingdom should be observed, and the results forthwith communicated widely in other parts of the land, to prepare the people for the inundations. The gorge at Semne offered greater advantages for this object than any other point; because the river was there securely confined by precipitous rocky cliffs on each side. With the same view he had doubtless caused Nilometers to be fixed at Assuan and other suitable places; for without a comparison with these, the observations at Semne could be of little use.

“The highest rise of the Nile in each year at Semne, was registered by a mark, indicating the year of the king’s reign, cut in the granite, either on one of the blocks forming the foundation of the fortress, or on the cliff, and particularly on the east or right bank, as best adapted for the purpose. Of these markings eighteen still remain, thirteen of them having been made in the reign of Mœris, and five in the time of his two next successors. These last kings discontinued the observations; for, in the mean time, the irruption of the Asiatic pastoral tribes into Lower Egypt took place, and well-nigh brought the whole kingdom to ruin. The record is almost always in the same terms, short and simple: Ra en Hapi en renpe ... mouth or gate of the Nile in the year.... And then follows the year of the reign, and the name of the king. It is written in a horizontal row of hieroglyphics, included within two lines—the upper line indicating the particular height of the water, as is often specially stated—

“The earliest date preserved is that of the sixth year of the king’s reign, and he reigned 42 years and some months. The next following dates are, the years 9, 14, 15, 20, 22, 23, 24, 30, 32, 37, 40, 41, and 43; and include, therefore, under this king, a period of 37 years. Of the remaining dates, that only of the 4th year of his two successors is available; all the others, which are on the west or left bank of the river, have been moved from their original place by the rapid floods which have overthrown and carried forward vast masses of rock. One single mark only, that of the 9th year of Amenemha, has been preserved in its original place on one of the building stones, but somewhat below the principal rapid.

“We have now to consider the relation which these—the most ancient of all existing marks of the risings of the Nile—bear to the levels of the river in our own time. We have here presented to us the remarkable facts, that the highest of the records now legible, viz., that of the 30th year of the reign of Amenemha, according to exact measurements which I made, is 8·17 metres (26 feet 8 inches) higher than the highest level to which the Nile rises in years of the greatest floods; and further, that the lowest mark, which is on the east bank, and indicated the 15th year of the same king, is still 4·14 metres (13 feet 6½ inches): and the single mark on the west bank, indicating the 9th year, is 2·77 metres (9 feet) above the same highest level.

“The mean rise of the river, recorded by the marks on the east bank, during the reign of Mœris, is 19·14 metres (62 feet 6 inches) above the lowest level of the water in the present day, which, according to the statements of the most experienced boatmen, does not change from year to year, and therefore represents the actual level of the Nile, independently of its increase by the falls of rain, in the mountains in which its sources are situated. The mean rise above the lowest level, at the present time, is 11·84 metres (38 feet 8 inches); and, therefore, in the time of Mœris, or about 2200 years before Christ, the mean height of the river, at the cataract or rapid of Semne, during the inundation, was 7·30 metres (23 feet 10 inches) above the mean level in the present day.”

Such are the facts recorded by Dr. Lepsius; and then follow, in the same letter, his views as to the cause of the remarkable lowering of the level of the river.

“There is certainly no reason for believing,” he says, “that there has been any diminution in the general volume of water coming from the south. The great change in the level can, therefore, only be accounted for by some changes in the land, and these must also have altered the whole nature of the Nile Valley. There seems to be but one cause for the very considerable lowering of the Nile; namely, the washing out and excavations of the catacombs (Auswaschen und Aushölen der Katakomben[379]); and this is quite possible from the nature of the rocks themselves, which, it is true, are of a quality that could not well be rent asunder, and carried away by the mere force of the water, but might be acted upon directly by the rising of the water-level, and the consequent effects of the sun and air on the places left dry, causing cracks, into which earth and sand would penetrate, which would then give rise to still greater rents, until, at last, the rocks would of themselves fall in, by having been hollowed out, a process that would be hastened in those parts of the hills where softer and earthy beds existed, and which would be more easily washed away. But that, in historical times, within a period of about 4000 years, so great an alteration should take place in the hardest rocks, is a fact of the most remarkable kind—one which may afford ground for many other important considerations.

“The elevation of the water-level at Semne must necessarily have affected all the lands above; and, it is to be presumed, that the level of the province of Dongola was at one time higher, as Semne cannot be the only place in the long tract of cliffs where the bed of rock has been hollowed out. It is to be conceived, therefore, that not only the widely-extended tracts in Dongola, but those of all the higher country in Meröe, and as far up as Fasogle, which, in the present day, are dry and barren on both sides of the river, and are with difficulty irrigated by artificial contrivances, must then have presented a very different aspect, when the Nile overflowed them, and yearly deposited its fertile mud to the limits of the sandy desert.

“Lower Nubia also, between Wadi Halfa and Assuan, is now arid almost throughout its whole extent. The present land of the valley, which is only partly irrigated by water-wheels, is, on an average, from 6 to 12 feet higher than the level to which the Nile now rises; and although the rise at Semne might have no immediate influence upon it, yet what has occurred there makes it more than probable that at Assuan there was formerly a very different level of the river, and that the cataracts there, even in the historical period, have been considerably worn down. The continued impoverishment of Nubia is a proof of this. I have no manner of doubt that the land in this lower part of the valley, which, as already stated, is at present about 10 feet above the highest rise of the Nile, was inundated by it within historical time. Many marks are also met with here, that leave no doubt regarding the condition of the Nile Valley antecedent to history, when the river must have risen much higher; for it has left an alluvial soil in almost all the considerable bays, at an average height of 10 metres (32 feet 9 inches) above the present mean rise of the river. That alluvial soil, since that period, has doubtless been considerably diminished in extent by the action of rain. On the 17th of August Hr. Erbkam and I measured the nearest alluvial hillock in the neighbourhood of Korusko, and found it 6·91 metres (22 feet 7 inches) above the general level of the valley, and 10·26 metres (33 feet 7 inches) above the present mean rise of the river. That rise, which at Semne, on account of the greater confinement of the stream between the rocks, varies as much as 2·40 metres (7 feet 10 inches) in different years, varies at Korusko less than 1 metre (3 feet 3 inches).

“Near Abusimbel, on the west bank, I found the ground of the temple 6·50 metres (21 feet 2 inches) above the highest water-level. This temple, it is well known, was built under Rameses the Great, between 1388 and 1322 years before Christ. Near Ibrîm there are, on the east bank, four grottoes excavated in the vertical rock that bounds the river, which belong partly to the 18th and partly to the 19th Dynasties; the last, under Rameses the Great, is also the lowest, and only 2·50 metres (8 feet 1 inch) above the highest inundation; the next in height is 2·70 metres (8 feet 9½ inches) above the former, and was made 250 years earlier, under Tutmes III. Although I only measured the present level of the valley near Korusko, nevertheless it appears to me that, during the whole of the new kingdom, that is, from about 1700 years before Christ to this time, the Nile has not reached to the full height of the low land of the valley.

“It is, however, conceivable that, at the time when the present low land of the Nubian Valley was formed, the cataracts at Assuan were in a totally different state; one that would, in some degree, justify the overcharged descriptions of the ancients, according to whom they made so great a noise that the dwellers near them became deaf. The damming up of the inundation at Assuan could have no material influence on Egypt, any more than that at Semne, or the land from thence to Assuan.”

It appears, therefore, from the above statements, that at the time mentioned, the Nile, during the inundations, stood 26 feet 8 inches higher than the highest level to which it now rises in years of the greatest floods; and that, to account for this, Professor Lepsius conceives that, between the time of Mœris and the present day, the bed of the Nile, from a considerable distance above Semne to Assuan, must have been worn down to that extent. In the index to the volume of the Berlin Monatsbericht, in which the letters of Professor Lepsius are inserted, there is the following line:—

“NIL, senkung seines Bettes um 25 Fuss seit 4000 Jahren.”

“Nile, sinking of its bed about 25 feet (Paris) within the last 4000 years.”

Rivers are, undoubtedly, among the most active agents of change that are operating on the earth’s surface; the solid matter which renders their waters turbid, and which they unceasingly carry to the sea, afford indisputable proof of this agency. But the power of rivers to abrade and wear down the rocks over which they flow, and to form and deepen their own bed, depends upon a variety of circumstances not always taken into account; and although the great extent of that power, in both respects, is shown in the case of many rivers, to conclude, as some have done, from these instances, that all rivers have excavated the channels in which they flow, is a generalisation that cannot be safely assented to. The excavation of the bed of a river is one of those problems in geological dynamics which can only be rightly solved by each particular case being subjected to the rigorous examination of the mathematician and the physicist. The solid matter which rivers carry forward is in part only the produce of their own abrading power; and the amount of it must be proportional to that power, which is mainly dependent on their velocity; they are the recipients of the waste of the adjoining lands by other combined agencies, and the carriers of it to the lower districts and to the sea. They often afford the strongest evidence of the vast lapse of time that must be included between the beginning and close of a geological period; and, when they flow through countries whose remote political history is known to us, they supply a scale by which we may measure and estimate that lapse of time. This is especially so in the case of the Nile.

When so startling an hypothesis as that now referred to, viz., that the entire bed of so vast a river as the Nile, for more than 250 miles, from Semne to Assuan, has been excavated, within historical time, to a depth of 27 feet, is made by a person whose name carries so much weight in one department of philosophical inquiry, the statement involves such important geological considerations, that it becomes the duty of the geologist to examine, and thoroughly test, the soundness of the explanation, in order that the authority of Professor Lepsius for the accuracy of the facts observed, may not be too readily admitted as conclusive for the correctness of his theory of the cause to which they owe their existence. That there has been such an undoubting admission, appears from the following passage in the work of one of the latest writers on Nubia:

“The translation of the name of this town (Aswán) is ‘the opening;’ and a great opening this once was, before the Nile had changed its character in Ethiopia, and when the more ancient races made this rock (at the first cataract) their watch-tower on the frontier between Egypt and the south. That the Nile has changed its character, south of the first cataract, has been made clear by some recent examinations of the shores and monuments of Nubia. Dr. Lepsius has discovered water-marks so high on the rocks and edifices, and so placed as to compel the conviction that the bed of the Nile has sunk extraordinarily by some great natural process, either of convulsion or wear. The apparent exaggerations of some old writers about the cataracts at Syene may thus be in some measure accounted for. If there really was once a cataract here, instead of the rapids at the present day, there is some excuse for the reports given from hearsay by Cicero and Seneca. Cicero says, that ‘the river throws itself headlong from the loftiest mountains, so that those who live nearest are deprived of the sense of hearing, from the greatness of the noise.’ Seneca’s account is: ‘When some people were stationed there by the Persians, their ears were so stunned with the constant roar, that it was found necessary to remove them to a more quiet place[380].’”

The learned author of an article on Egyptian Chronology and History in the “Prospective Review” for May, 1850, in referring to the contributions of Professor Lepsius to Egyptian history, says: “He has discovered undescribed pyramids, equal in number to those known before; has traced the Labyrinth, and ascertained its founder. He has detected inscriptions on the banks of the Nile, which show that its bed has subsided many feet in historic times.” 9th June, 1850.

In the assumption of an excavation of the bed of the river, we have no small amount of wear to deal with, for the distance from Semne to Assuan, following the course of the river, is not less than 250 miles; and if, as Professor Lepsius supposes, the excavation extended to Meröe, we have a distance, between that place and Assuan, of not less than 600 miles.

Although these records of a former high level of the Nile at Semne had not been noticed by any traveller prior to Professor Lepsius, we may rest fully assured of the accuracy of his statements, from the habitual care and diligence, and the established character for fidelity, of the observer. The silence of other travellers may be readily accounted for by this, that none of them appear to have remained more than a very short time at this spot—not even the diligent Russegger—whereas we have seen that Professor Lepsius passed twelve days in the examination of this gorge in the Nile Valley.

The theory of a lowering of the bed of the river by wearing, involves two main considerations, viz., the power of the stream, and the degree of hardness of the rocks acted upon. The power depends upon the volume and velocity of the river—the velocity on its depth, and the degree of inclination of the bed: the hardness of the rocks we can form a tolerable estimate of when we know their nature. To judge, therefore, of the probability of the hypothesis of Professor Lepsius, we must inquire into the physical and geological features of the Nile Valley, in Nubia.

In the observations I have now to offer, my information has been derived of course entirely from the works of other travellers, particularly those of Burckhardt, Rüppell, and Russegger[381], and especially the latter, who travelled in Nubia in 1837; for he not only enters far more into the details of the natural history of the country, but he is the only traveller in Nubia who appears, from previous acquirements, to have been competent to describe its natural history with any degree of accuracy—I refer more particularly to the physical and geological features of the country. Besides full descriptions in his volumes, he has given a geological map of Nubia, and also several sections, or what may more properly be called vertical sketches—a term that would, perhaps, be a more appropriate designation for all sections that are not drawn to a true scale, or at least when the proportion of height to horizontal distance is not stated.

The Physical Geography of Lower Nubia[382].

Russegger informs us[383], that he believes he was the first traveller who had succeeded in making a series of barometrical measurements along the Nile Valley, from the Mediterranean to Sennaar and Kordofan, and thence to the 10th degree of north latitude. He gives the following altitudes, above the sea:

Paris Feet. English Feet.

The upper part of the Cataract of Assuan 342 = 364·37 Korusko, on the right bank of the Nile, in Nubia 450 = 479·43 Wadi Halfa 490 = 522·00 New Dongola 757 = 806·52 Abu Hammed 963 = 1026·00

I shall now give the length of the Nile along its course from Abu Hammed to the island of Philæ, at the head of the cataract of Assuan. I employ for this purpose the map in the atlas which accompanies the work of Russegger, which bears the date of 1846, and which, doubtless, was constructed on the best authorities. He mentions a map of General von Prokesch with great praise[384]. It flows:

German M. English M.

From NE. to SW., from Abu Hammed to Meröe, about 31 = 150

It makes a curve between Meröe and Old Dongola, of about 16 = 77

It flows between Old and New Dongola, from SE. to NW., about 16 = 77

Then, with some short windings, nearly due north to the island of Sais, for about 30 = 145

And from Sais to the island of Philæ, from SW. to NE., about 68 = 327 --- --- Making the whole length of the course, from Abu Hammed to Philæ, about 161 = 776

Ascending the river, we have, between Philæ and Korusko, a distance of 24 German, or 115½ English miles, and without any rapid, except one near Kalabsche. Korusko being 115 feet above the head of the cataract of Assuan, at Philæ, we have an average fall of the river between these two places of a foot in a mile.

Between Korusko and Wadi Halfa there is no rapid. The distance being 20 German, or 96⅓ English miles, and the difference of altitude being 42½ feet, we have an average fall throughout that part of the river’s course of not more than 5·3 inches in a mile.

This very inconsiderable fall need not surprise us; for the average fall of the Nile in Lower Egypt, at the lowest water, is little more than one-third of that now stated. At the time of the highest water the surface of the Nile, at Boulak, near Cairo—that is, about 116 miles in a direct line from the coast—is only 43·437 English feet above the level of the Mediterranean, and at the time of the lowest water, only 17·33 feet. Thus, in the first case, there is an average fall of about 5·00 inches; in the second, of not more than 1·80 inches in a mile[385].

Between Wadi Halfa and Dale, a distance of about 94 miles, six cataracts, or schellals, as they are called in the language of the country, are marked in Russegger’s map. And here, it may be as well to notice, that there are no cataracts, in the ordinary sense of the term, on the Nile; no fall of the river over a precipice; all the so-called cataracts are rapids, where the river rushes through rocks in its bed; the rapids varying in their length and degrees of inclination. We have no measurements of their lengths or of their falls, except as regards the first and second cataracts. The former, according to Russegger, has a fall of about 85 English feet in a distance of about 8 miles; and he describes the latter as extending from 5 to 6 stunden; that is, from 12 to 14½ miles, but he does not give the height. Speaking of the schellals above Semne, Russegger says, that all may be passed in boats without difficulty for about six weeks, or two months in the year. This is the case also at the cataract or rapid of Assuan. But between Wadi Halfa and Dale, with some inconsiderable spaces of free navigable water, in the ordinary state of the river, there is an almost uninterrupted series of rapids. We have no measurement of the height of Dale above Wadi Halfa, near to which the second great cataract of the Nile occurs; but this is the part of the river’s course where the fall is greatest, and from Semne to Dale there are about 45 miles of this more rapid fall.

From Dale to New Dongola, a distance of 35 German, or about 168 English miles, only three rapids are marked on Russegger’s map—the highest being at Hannek, about 26 English miles below New Dongola. New Dongola being 806 English feet above the sea, and the distance from that place to the rapid of Hannek being 26 miles only, we may with probability estimate the surface of the river at the rapid of Hannek at 780 feet above the sea. Now, Wadi Halfa being 522 feet, we have a difference of height, between these two last-named places, of 258 feet; and the length of the river’s course between them being 236 miles, we have an average fall of 13·12 inches in a mile; that is, in the part of the river’s course where nine rapids occur, in the provinces of Batn-el-Hadjar, Sukkôt, and Dar-el-Mahass, where the river flows over granite and other plutonic rocks; gneiss, mica-schist, and other hard rocks, which Russegger considers to be metamorphic. But between Semne and the head of the second cataract at Wadi Halfa, there is not a continuous rapid stream; for Hoskins says, that about two miles above that cataract, the river has a width of a third of a mile, and, when he passed it, the water was scarcely ruffled[386].

From the rapid of Hannek to Abu Hammed the distance is 329 English miles, and the difference of altitude is 246 English feet. We have thus an average fall in that distance of 9·00 inches in a mile.

Thus, in the 776 miles between Abu Hammed and Philæ, we have an average fall of the Nile

Of 9·00 inches in a mile, for a distance of 329 miles. Of 13·12 ” ” 236 ” Of 5·30 ” ” 96 ” Of 12·00 ” ” 115 ”

Of the Breadth, Depth, and Velocity of the Nile, in Nubia.

Our information is very scanty respecting the breadth and depth of the river, either at the time of lowest water or during the inundations. About two miles above Philæ, it is stated by Jomard[387] to be 3000 metres, or nearly two English miles wide. At the second cataract, or rapid of Wadi Halfa, it spreads over a rocky bed of nearly two miles and a quarter in width (2000 klafter)[388], but contracts above the rapid to a third of a mile. Russegger also states, that the Nile, near Boulak, in Lower Egypt, is 2000 toises, nearly two-and-a-half English miles in breadth, and yet that it is considerably wider in some parts of Southern Nubia; but Burckhardt says that the bed of the Nile in Nubia is, in general, much narrower than in any part of Egypt. Near Kalabsche, about 30 miles above Philæ, the river runs through a gorge not more than 300 paces wide, and its bed is full of granite blocks. It shortly afterwards again widens for some distance; but near Sialla, 78 miles above Philæ, it is contracted by the sandstone hills on both sides coming so near each other, that the river’s bed is again not more than from 250 to 300 paces wide. It is about 600 yards broad about two miles above the second cataract near Wadi Halfa, but is again very much contracted in the rocky region of Batn-el-Hadjar. At Aulike it is only 200 paces broad[389].

I have not met with any measurements of the depth of the river in any part of its course in Nubia; but Hoskins describes it as being so shallow at the island of Sais, 327 miles above Philæ, on the 9th of June, which would be before the commencement of the inundation, as only to reach the knees of the camels[390]. Near Derr, about 86 miles below the Cataract of Wadi Halfa, Norden, in January, found the river so shallow that loaded camels waded through it, and his boat frequently struck the ground. In May, Burckhardt found the river fordable at Kostamne, 53 miles above Philæ; and Parthey states, that between Philæ and the island of Bageh, to the west of it, the river is so shallow before the commencement of the inundation, that it may be waded through[391]. Burckhardt says, that from March to June the Nile-water, in Nubia, is quite limpid[392]. Miss Martineau, who visited Nubia in December and January, speaking of the river above Philæ, says, that it “was divided into streamlets and ponds by the black islets. Where it was overshadowed it was dark-grey or deep blue, but when the light caught it rushing between a wooded island and the shore, it was of the clearest green[393].” At the second cataract she describes the river as “dashing and driving among its thousand islets, and then gathering its thousand currents into one, proceeds calmly in its course[394].”

Although we have no accurate measurements of the velocity of the Nile in Nubia, we may arrive at an approximate estimate of it by comparing its fall with that of a river well known to us.

I have stated the fall of the Nile in different parts of its course to be 5·30, 9·00, 12·00, and 13·12 inches in a mile. The fall of the Thames from Wallingford to Teddington Lock, where the influence of the tide ends, is as follows:

+-----------------------------------+---------+----------+----------+ | | Length | | Fall in | | | of | Fall. | Inches | | | Course. | | per Mile.| | +---------+----------+----------+ | |Miles. F.| Feet. in.| | | | | | | |From Wallingford to Reading Bridge | 18·0 | 24·1 | 15·72 | |From Reading to Henley Bridge | 9·0 | 19·3 | 25·68 | |From Henley to Marlow Bridge | 9·0 | 12·2 | 16·20 | |From Marlow to Maidenhead Bridge | 8·0 | 15·1 | 22·32 | |From Maidenhead to Windsor Bridge | 7·0 | 13·6 | 23·16 | |From Windsor to Staines Bridge | 8·0 | 15·8 | 23·52 | |From Staines to Chertsey Bridge | 4·6 | 6·6 | 17·28 | |From Chertsey to Teddington Lock | 13·6 | 19·8 | 17·40 | | +---------+----------+----------+ | | 77·4 | 125·11 | | +-----------------------------------+---------+----------+----------+

“In general, the velocity may be estimated at from half a mile to two miles and three-quarters per hour; but the mean velocity may be reckoned at two miles per hour. In the year 1794, the late Mr. Rennie found the velocity of the Thames at Windsor two miles and a half per hour[395].”

It will thus be seen that the velocity of the Nile is probably greatly inferior to that of the Thames; for it appears that, except during the inundation, for more than half the year the depth is inconsiderable. The average fall when greatest, that is, including the province of Batn-el-Hadjar, where the rapids chiefly occur, is considerably less than that of any part of the above course of the Thames; so that there must be long intervals between the rapids where the fall must be far less than 13 inches in a mile. The breadth of the Nile is vastly greater; but supposing the depth of the water to be the same as that of the Thames, on account of the friction of the bed, the greater breadth would add very little to the velocity. If we assume the average depth of the Thames in the above distance to be 5 feet, and that it flows with an average velocity of 2 miles in an hour, and if we assume the average depth of the Nile in that part of its course where the fall is 13·12 inches to be 10 feet, when not swollen by the rise, the velocity would be 2⅘ miles nearly in an hour[396], if the fall were equal to that of the Thames. We shall probably come near the truth, by assuming the velocity of the Nile on this part at 2 miles in an hour. That it must be considerably less in the other divisions of the course I have named, and especially in that part immediately below the second cataract, where the average fall is only 5·30 inches for a distance of 96 miles, is quite evident.

The power of a river to abrade the soil over which it flows, so far as water is by itself capable of doing so, must depend upon its volume and velocity, and the degree of hardness of the material acted upon. The power is increased when the water has force enough to transport hard substances. But even transported gravel has little action on the rocks with which it comes in contact, when it is free to move in running water, unless the fall be considerable, and, consequently, the velocity and force of the stream great. When stones are firmly set in moving ice, they then acquire a great erosive power, cutting and wearing down the rocks they are forcibly rubbed against; but this condition never obtains in Lower Nubia, as ice is unknown there.

Geological Structure of Lower Nubia.

One kind only of regularly stratified rock occurs in the 776 miles from Abu Hammed to Philæ; viz., a silicious sandstone, similar to that which occurs to a great extent on both sides of the Nile in Upper Egypt, and which Russegger, after a very careful examination of it there, considers to be an equivalent of the greensand of the cretaceous rocks of Europe. The tertiary nummulite limestone, so abundant in Egypt, has not hitherto been met with in Nubia.

The Nile flows over this sandstone for nearly 426 miles of the entire distance, but not continuously. At Abu Hammed, it flows over granitic rocks, and these continue from that place for about 120 miles. There is then about 215 miles of the sandstone, which is succeeded by igneous and metamorphic rocks, that continue for 195 miles without any interruption, except a narrow stripe of sandstone of about 15 miles near Amara. It is in this region of hard igneous rocks that nearly all the rapids occur, between that of Hannek and the great or second cataract at Wadi Halfa. From the latter place there is sandstone throughout a distance of about 196 miles, and then commences the granitic region of the Cataract of Assuan, through which the Nile flows about 35 miles. Thus we have about 350 miles of igneous and metamorphic rocks, and about 426 of sandstone.

The general hard nature of the igneous and metamorphic rocks, over which the Nile flows for about 155 miles above Semne, and for about 40 immediately below it, will be recognised by my naming some of the varieties described by Russegger, viz., granites of various kinds, often penetrated by greenstone dykes; sienite, diorite, and felspar porphyries; gneiss, and clay slate, penetrated by numerous quartz veins.

The siliceous sandstone is very uniform in its character; and in Nubia, as in Egypt, the only organic bodies which it has as yet been found to contain, are silicified stems of wood. Occasionally, as in the neighbourhood of Korusko, interstratified beds of marly clay are met with[397].

When, therefore, we take into account the hard nature of the siliceous sandstone, the durability of which is shown by the very ancient monuments of Egypt and Nubia, that are formed of it, and the still greater hardness of the granites and other crystalline rocks, it is manifest that the wearing action of a river flowing over so gentle a fall, can scarcely be appreciable. If the occasional beds of marly clay occur in the bank of the river, they may be washed out, and blocks of the superincumbent sandstones may fall down; but such an operation would have a tendency to raise rather than deepen the bed of the river at those places; unless the transporting power of the stream were far greater than can exist with so moderate a fall, especially in that part of the river below Semne, where, for 96 miles, it is not more than 5·3 inches, and for 115 miles below that, not more than 12 inches in a mile. Even if we suppose the river to have power to tear up its bed for some distance above Semne and below it, as far as the rapid of Wadi Halfa, it is evident that the materials brought down would be deposited, except the finest particles, in that tranquil run of 96 miles, which may be almost compared to a canal. The drains in Lincolnshire are inclined 5 inches to a mile[398]. When the annual inundations commence, the water of the Nile comes down the rapid at Assuan of a reddish colour loaded with sand and mud only; whatever detrital matter of a larger and heavier kind the Nile may have brought with it, is deposited before it reaches that point.

From all these considerations, therefore, I come to the conclusion, that the bed of the Nile cannot have been excavated, as Professor Lepsius supposes, since the date of the sculptured marks on the rock at Semne. He says, “Es lässt sich kaum eine andere Ursache für das bedeutende Fallen des Nils denken, als ein Auswaschen und Aushölen der Katakomben.” By the word Katakomben[399] he can only mean natural caverns in the rock; but such caverns are rarely, if ever, met with in sandstones, and only occasionally in limestones. If the course of the Nile were over limestone instead of sandstone, we could not for a moment entertain the idea of a succession of caverns for 200 miles beneath its bed, sometimes two miles in width, the roofs of which were to fall in; and where the igneous rocks prevail, this explanation is wholly inapplicable.

But besides the objections arising from the nature of the rocks, and the inconsiderable fall of the river, there is still another difficulty to overcome. It is to be borne in mind, that this lowering of the bed of the Nile, from Semne to Assuan, is supposed to have taken place within the last 4000 years. Between the first cataract at Assuan and the second at Wadi Halfa there are numerous remains of temples on both banks of the Nile, some of very great antiquity. “From Wadi Halfa to Philæ,” says Parthey, “there is a vast number of Egyptian monuments, almost all on the left bank of the river, and so near the water that most of them are in immediate contact with it[400].” We may rest assured that the builders of these would place them out of the reach of the highest inundations then known. Although we have many accurate descriptions of these monuments, the heights of their foundations above the surface of the river are not often given; they are, however, mentioned in some instances. I shall describe the situations of some of these buildings relatively to the present state of the river’s levels, and shall begin with those on the island of Philæ.

This island, according to the measurements of General von Prokesch, is 1200 Paris feet (1278 English) in length, and 420 (447) in breadth, and is composed of granite. Lancret informs us, that, “à l’époque des hautes eaux, l’île de Philæ est peu élevée au-dessus de leur surface: mais, lorsqu’elles sont abaissées, elle les surpasse de huit mètres.” It was formerly surrounded by a quay of masonry, portions of which may be traced at intervals, and in some places they are still in good preservation. The south-west part of the island is occupied by temples. According to Wilkinson, the principal building is a temple of Isis commenced by Ptolemy Philadelphus, who reigned from 283 to 247 years before Christ; and he adds, that it is evident an ancient building formerly stood on the site of the present great temple. Lancret, in referring to this more ancient building, says:—“Il y a des preuves certaines d’une antiquité bien plus reculée encore, puisque des pierres qui entrent dans la construction de ce même grand temple, sont des débris de quelque construction antérieure.” Rosellini considers that it was built by Nectanebus. The first king of Egypt, of the Sebennite Dynasty of that name, ascended the throne 374 years B.C., the second and last ceased to reign about 350 years B.C.[401]

Rosellini[402] informs us, that on the island of Bageh, opposite to Philæ, there are the remains of a temple of the time of Amenophis II., and a sitting statue of granite representing him. He was a king in the earlier years of the 18th Dynasty, which, according to the Chevalier Bunsen[403], began in the year 1638, and ended in 1410 B.C.

GAU[404], in describing a temple at Debu, about 12 miles above Philæ, which he visited in January, and consequently during the time of low water, states that he discovered under the sand, at the edge of the river, the remains of a terrace leading towards a temple.

A short distance north of Kalabsche, about 30 miles above Philæ, at Beil-nalli, Rosellini[405] speaks of a small temple in the following terms:—“Among the many memorials that still exist of Ramses II., the most important, in a historical point of view, is a small temple or grotto excavated in the rock!” and Wilkinson mentions it “as a small but interesting temple excavated in the rock, of the time of Ramses II., whom Champollion supposes to be the father of Sesostris or Rameses the Great[406].” He was the first king of the 19th Dynasty, which began in the year 1409 B.C.[407]

Gau[408] thus describes a monument at Gerbé Dandour:—“La chaîne de montagnes qui borde le Nil est, dans cet endroit, si approchée du lit de ce fleuve, qu’il ne reste que très peu d’espace sur la rive. Cet espace est presque entièrement occupé par le monument, et la rivière, dans ses débordemens, arrive jusqu’au pied du mur de la terrasse.”

Parthey informs us that the temple of Sebûa is about 200 feet distant from the river, in which distance there are two rows of sphinxes, and that the road between them, from the temple, ends in wide steps at the water’s edge; and he adds that Champollion refers this temple to the time of Rameses the Great[409].

It thus appears that monuments exist close to the river, some of which were constructed at least 1400 years before our era; so that taking the time of Amenemha III. to be, as Professor Lepsius states, 2200 years B.C., the excavation of the bed of the Nile which he supposes to have taken place, must have been the work, not of 4000 years but of 800. If the erosive power of the river was so active in that time, it cannot be supposed that it then ceased; it would surely have continued to deepen the bed during the following 3000 years.

At all events, the buildings on the island of Philæ demonstrate that the bed of the Nile must have been very much the same as it is now, 2200 years ago; and even a thousand years earlier it must have been the same, if the foundation of the temple on the island of Bageh, opposite to Philæ, be near the limit of the highest rise of the Nile of the present time; so that there could be no barrier at the Cataract of Assuan to dam up the Nile when they were constructed; and thus the deafening sound of the waterfall recorded by Cicero and Seneca must still be held to be an exaggeration.

The existence of alluvial soil, apparently of the same kind as that deposited by the Nile, in situations above the Cataract of Assuan, at a level considerably above the highest point which the inundations of the river have reached in modern times, to which allusion is made by Professor Lepsius, has been noticed by other travellers, and even at still higher levels than those he mentions. Whether that alluvial soil be identical with, or only resembles the Nile deposit, would require to be determined by a close examination, and especially with regard to organic remains, if any can be found in it. There is no evidence to show that it was deposited during the historical period, and it may be an evidence of a depression and subsequent elevation of the land antecedent to that period. It may not be of fresh-water origin, but the clay and sand, or till, left by a drift while the land was under the sea. For remote as is the antiquity of Nubia and Egypt, in relation to the existence of the human race, it appears to be of very modern formation in geological time. The greater part of Lower Egypt, probably all the Delta, is of post-pliocene age, and even late in that age; and the very granite of the Cataract of Assuan, that of which the oldest monuments in Egypt are formed, and which, in the earlier days of geology, was looked upon as the very type of the rock on which the oldest strata of the earth were founded, is said to have burst forth during the later tertiary period. We learn from Russegger, that the low land which lies between the Mediterranean and the range of hills that extends from Cairo to the Red Sea at Suez, and of which hills a nummulite limestone constitutes a great part, is composed of a sandstone which he calls a “Meeresdiluvium,” a marine diluvial formation, and considers to be of an age younger than that of the sub-appennines[410]. This sandstone he found associated with the granite above Assuan, and covering the cretaceous sandstone far into Nubia. It appears, therefore, that, in the later ages of the tertiary period, this north-eastern part of Africa must have been submerged, and that very energetic plutonic action was going forward in the then bed of the sea. The remarkable fact of the granite bursting through this modern sandstone is thus described by Russegger:

“We arrived at a plateau of the Arabian Chain south-east of Assuan. It is about 200 feet above the bed of the Nile, and consists of the lower and upper sandstone, which are penetrated by innumerable granite cones from 20 to 100 feet in height, arranged over the plateau in parallel lines, very much resembling volcanic cones rising from a great cleft. The sandstone is totally altered in texture near the granite, and has all the appearance as if it had been exposed to a great heat. ‘I cannot refrain,’ he says, ‘from supposing that the granite must have burst, like a volcanic product, through long wide rents in the sandstone, and that, in this way, the conical hills were formed[411].’”

An eruption of a true granite during the period of the sub-appennine formations, one possessing the same mineral structure as that we know to have been erupted during the period of the palæozoic rocks, would be a fact of so extraordinary a kind, that its age would require to be established on the clearest evidence, and especially by that of organic remains in the sandstone.

Having thus ventured—I trust without any want of the respect due to so eminent a person—to reject the hypothesis proposed by Professor Lepsius for the high levels of the Nile at Semne, indicated by the sculptured marks he discovered, it may perhaps be expected that I should offer another more probable explanation. If in some narrow gorge of the river below Semne, a place had been described by any traveller, where, from the nature of the banks, a great landslip, or even an artificial dam, could have raised the bed to an adequate height; that is, proportionate to the fall of the river, as it was more distant from Semne, a bar that, in the course of a few centuries, might have been gradually washed away, I might have ventured to suggest such a solution of the problem. But without any information of the existence of such a contraction of the river’s channel, or any exact knowledge of the natural outlets and dams to running water along the 250 miles of the Nile Valley, from Semne to Assuan, it would be idle to offer even a conjecture. These marks are unquestionably very difficult to account for, in the present imperfect state of our knowledge of the structure of that portion of the Nile Valley; and any competent geologist, well versed in the questions of physical structure involved, who may hereafter visit Nubia, would have a very interesting occupation in endeavouring to solve the difficulty.

7th April, 1850.

Translation of a Letter from Dr. Lepsius to Mr. Horner, dated Berlin the 12th of April, 1853.

DEAR SIR,—I observe from a letter of your daughter, that she is desirous of adding to her translation of my Letters a note upon the height of the water of the Nile, with reference to your paper in the “Edinburgh Philosophical Journal.” I wish that you would get reprinted in that note the whole of the small memoir, as it possesses great interest, and abounds in data not easily brought together; for in that case the subject may probably be further discussed.

I will, at all events, avail myself of this opportunity to make some remarks, which you may, if you like, propose to have introduced into the contemplated note.

I must first remark that the word Katakomben was entirely a typographical error for Katarakten, as was unfortunately the case in many other instances in those things which were printed during my absence.

But in respect of the explanation of the observed facts, my views are perhaps less different from yours than you imagine. You imagine a natural or artificial barrier which has broken down, but this appears to me of insufficient magnitude; I too imagine barriers to have existed, and natural ones, but that there must have been several of them. I do not, moreover, regard it as impossible, that at certain periods, when the country was in its most flourishing condition, artificial dams may have been constructed in order to obtain a higher rise of the water within a particular space, such as was necessary for an overflowing. But if we imagine an entire dam thrown across the river, this, if I am not mistaken, could only hold back the current for a very short way, namely, where there is a greater general fall. If, for example, we imagine a barrier at Assuan, it would require to be several hundred feet high to have any effect on the height of the water at Semneh, and then the whole valley from Philæ to Wadi Halfa would be a great lake, as it may indeed have been in geological time.

If we imagine a succession of barriers which would be especially formed where veins existed in the primitive rock, then the present entire physiognomy of the Nile valley seems to be more easily explained. The river-bed, amidst granitic or other upheaved rock, is not level, like a chalk or sandstone channel, but forms sometimes lakes, sometimes barriers. The force of the swollen current at these last, of which there is one at Semneh itself, does not act in the mean proportion of a space of considerable extent, but with immense effects, exceeding all calculation, especially when, in addition, there is a contraction of the sides, as at Semneh. Immediately below this barrier the bed again spreads out, and the rocks disappear in the current. The colossal rock-fragments on that bank, whose inscriptions sometimes show that above 4000 years ago they were still not broken loose, display the Titan force of a current thus hemmed in, and allow us to conceive how at that spot it gradually washed out its bed, sometimes to a great depth, but sometimes also to a greater breadth, which has the same effect, and how all that is broken away, or that during the time of low water splits to a considerable depth in the bed of the river from the summer heat, rolls away, until arrested by falling into hollows. But if these single barriers are only washed away in the course of thousands of years, then the whole river must receive an equable fall, and it will never rise in the very rocky districts, but can only continue to be still more excavated, and will only again deposit the heavier portions it bears along with it, below the cataracts, where every obstruction disappears. The monuments can hardly be cited in opposition to the view of a gradual sinking of the bed of the river in the higher districts. All of them lie tolerably far above the region of the rise of the Nile—for example, the temple on the island of Bigeh, to which there is a considerable ascent. Philæ has only been built upon since the time of Nectanebus, and there is nothing to indicate buildings of an earlier date. The sinking of the surface of the water even at Philæ and Assuan must also have been far less than at Semneh. Nevertheless, special researches with respect to the relative condition of the ancient temple and rock-inscriptions to the present surface of the water would certainly be of the greatest utility.

Herr von Humboldt, after reading some observations on the same subject by Wilkinson in the Nouv. Ann. des Voyages, i., without recollecting my views, wrote to me as follows:

“Breaches in dams, I imagine, cause only temporary rises of water, unless in earlier times (for which I see no reason) there was a greater accumulation of water in the valley of the river, from meteorological causes. Primeval conditions, where broad valleys were filled with waters, are not applicable to periods when there were inscriptions. Does it not seem to you more probable, that the height of the water was at one time at a greater elevation, on account of the bed of the river not having been so much furrowed out, because at an earlier period the bottom of the river was not at c d, but at e f.

“There are rivers whose beds are elevated and rendered more shallow by deposition, others which furrow out their bed qui creusent un lit plus profond.”

With sincere respect, your faithful,

R. LEPSIUS.

APPENDIX B. (P. 303 and 318.)—The tradition of Gebel Mûsa being the Mount of the Law, became gradually more decided and exclusive for this view after the time of Procopius in the sixth century; mainly, no doubt, on account of the church founded at that spot in the reign of Justinian. I am not aware that there are any modern travellers and savants who have thrown doubts on the correctness of this assumption. Not even Burckhardt, although from the numerous inscriptions on Serbâl he was led to infer that that mountain might have been at one time incorrectly regarded by the pilgrims as Sinai. The words of this distinguished traveller are as follows: (Trav. in Syr. p. 609.) “It will be recollected that no inscriptions are found either on the Mountain of Moses, or on Mount St. Catherine; and that those which are found in the Ledja valley at the foot of Djebel Catherine, are not to be traced above the rock from which the water is said to have issued, and appear only to be the work of pilgrims who visited that rock. From these circumstances I am persuaded that Mount Serbâl was at one period the chief place of pilgrimage in the Peninsula; and that it was then considered the mountain where Moses received the tables of the law; though I am equally convinced, from a perusal of the Scriptures, that the Israelites encamped in the Upper Sinai, and that either Djebel Mousa, or Mount St. Catherine, is the real Horeb. It is not at all impossible that the proximity of Serbâl to Egypt, may at one period have caused that mountain to be the Horeb of the pilgrims, and that the establishment of the convent in its present situation, which was probably chosen from motives of security, may have led to the transferring of that honour to Djebel Mousa. At present neither the monks of Mount Sinai nor those of Cairo consider Mount Serbâl as the scene of any of the events of sacred history; nor have the Bedouins any tradition among them respecting it, but it is possible, that if the Byzantine writers were thoroughly examined, some mention might be found of this mountain, which I believe was never before visited by any European traveller.”

More recently the remarkable book of travels by E. ROBINSON form a marked epoch in our knowledge of the Peninsula as well as of Palestine. With reference to the position of Sinai, he for the first time especially urges the favourable vicinity of the great plain of RÂHA, to the north of Gebel Mûsa, in which there was ample space for the encampment of the people of Israel. (Palestine, vol. i., p. 144, &c.) In his determination, however, of the actual Mount of the Law, he deviates from the previous tradition, since he endeavours to prove that Moses did not ascend Gebel Mûsa, but the mountain ridge jutting out from the south, above the plain, which is now called HOREB by the monks, and whose highest point is named Sefsâf. (Vol. i. p. 176.) Unfortunately he did not visit Wadi Firân and the adjoining Serbâl. In a more recent treatise (Bibl. sacra. vol. iv. No. xxii. May, 1849, p. 381, &c.) the learned author returns to the question with reference to my view of it, with which he had become acquainted, and in opposition he especially mentions the arguments which he had formerly maintained in favour of Gebel Sefsâf. He comprehends these under the three following heads, which he extracts from the Mosaic narrative, as being eminently striking, and which must therefore also now be pointed out: “1st. A mountain summit overlooking the place where the people stood. 2nd. Space sufficient adjacent to the mountain for so large a multitude to stand and behold the phenomena on the summit. 3rd. The relation between this space where the people stood and the base of the mountain must be such that they could approach and stand at ‘the nether part of the mount,’ that they could also touch it; and that further bounds could appropriately be set around the mount, lest they should go up into it, or touch the border of it.” Of these three heads, the first would speak against Gebel Mûsa, and not against Serbâl. This last, says Robinson, is excluded by the second and third head. Now with respect to the second, I must only call to mind that the encampment of the people at Sinai is not related in a different manner from all the previous stations. If, therefore, we take such a circumscribed view of the encampment as to believe that we must provide for sufficient space for the settlement of such a great people, we should then have to indicate a plain of Râha at all the previous stations, especially in Raphidîm (which by almost unanimous opinion was situated at the foot of the Serbâl), because here manifestly they remained for a considerable time, Moses was visited by Jethro, by his advice divided the whole people into tens, and organised them according to a form of law, from which we should be compelled to conclude that there, for the first time, existed a distinct locality for each individual. He who imagines a multitude of two millions of men, about as many as the inhabitants of London, or of the whole of Egypt at the present day, placed in an enclosed camp composed of tents, of which they must have had two hundred thousand, if we reckon one for every ten, like a huge, well-arranged military camp, even to him the plain of Râha would appear too small; but he who assumes that a comparatively small number could assemble round the chief quarters of Moses, but that all the others must have sought for shady places, caves in the rock-precipices, and the scanty herbage of the adjacent valleys, can as easily imagine the camp to have been placed in Wadi Firân, or at any other station. Wadi Firân besides, as far down as El Hessue, even if we only take its most fertile portion (more inviting as a settlement than any other spot), would offer, in combination with the broad Wadi Aleyât, just as large, and at all events a far more habitable space, for a combined encampment than the plain of Râha. Indeed, if it be true that we can gain anything from such single facts, such an encampment would render it still more comprehensible why the people were led out of the camp towards God at the foot of the mountain in the upper portion of Wadi Aleyât, in order to have a complete survey of the mountain. To obtain such a view would be impossible at Gebel Mûsa, and unnecessary at Gebel Sefsâf. Finally, the command not to ascend the mountain, which is expressed still more imperatively, that no one “should touch the border of the mountain,” applies to every mountain, which rises simply before the eyes, and whose means of access can be shut out by a fence. Immediately beyond the fence lies the border of the mountain.

With reference to this last point, Robinson appeals to my own map of Serbâl, and the description of Wadi Aleyât, by Bartlett (Forty Days in the Desert, p. 54, 59). It would be difficult, however, to prove from my map that the people could not have spread themselves out at the foot of the mountain, and Bartlett seems to me rather to share my opinion. As this traveller is so well known by his descriptions of countries, which are both beautifully illustrated and clearly and graphically described, and as he is just one of the few who have examined the localities with his own eyes in reference to the question started by me without holding any previous views on the subject, it may not be inappropriate to insert here those words relating to it, from a book cited by Robinson in favour of his own view; so much the rather, as I could not possibly have placed the chief heads of the question in a more convincing point of view.

He says, p. 55[412]: “If we endeavour to reconcile ourselves to the received but questionable system which seeks to accommodate the miraculous with the natural, it is impossible, I think, not to close with the reasoning advanced in favour of the Serbâl. There can be no doubt that Moses was personally well acquainted with the Peninsula, and had even probably dwelt in the vicinity of Wadi Feirân during his banishment from Egypt; but even common report as to the present day, would point to this favoured locality AS THE ONLY FIT SPOT in the whole range of the desert for the supply, either with water or such provisions as the country afforded, of the Israelitish host: on this ground alone, then, he would be led irresistibly to fix upon it, when meditating a long sojourn for the purpose of compiling the law. This consideration derives additional force when we consider the supply of wood and other articles requisite for the construction of the tabernacles, and which can only be found readily at Wadi Feirân, and of its being also, in all probability, from early times a place visited by trading caravans. But if Moses were even unacquainted previously with the resources of the place, he must have passed it on his way from the sea-coast through the interior of the mountains, and it is inconceivable that he should have refused to avail himself of its singular advantages for his purpose, or that the host would have consented, without a murmur, to quit, after so much privation, this fertile and well-watered oasis for new perils in the barren desert, or that he should, humanly speaking, have been able either to compel them to do so, or afterwards to fix them in the inhospitable, unsheltered position of the monkish Mount Sinai, with the fertile Feirân but one day’s long march in their rear. Supplies of wood, and perhaps of water, must, in that case, have been brought of necessity from the very spot they had but just abandoned. We must suppose that the Amalekites would oppose the onward march of the Israelites, where they alone had a fertile territory worthy of being disputed, and from which Moses must, of necessity, have sought to expel them. If it be so, then in this vicinity, and no other, we must look for Raphidîm, from whence the Mount of God was at a very short distance. We seem thus to have a combination of circumstances, which are met with nowhere else, to certify that it was here that Moses halted for the great work he had in view, and that the scene of the law-giving is here before our eyes in its wild and lonely majesty. The principal objection to this is on the following ground, that there is no open space in the immediate neighbourhood of the Serbâl suitable for the encampment of the vast multitude, and from which they could ALL OF THEM AT ONCE have had a view of the mountain, as is the case at the plain Er Rahah at Mount Sinai, where Robinson supposes, principally for that reason, the law to have been given. But is this objection conclusive? We read, indeed, that Israel ‘camped BEFORE THE MOUNT,’ and that ‘the Lord came down in sight of all the people;’ moreover, that bounds were set to prevent the people from breaking through and violating even the precincts of the holy solitude. Although THESE conditions are more LITERALLY fulfilled at Er Rahah, yet, if we understand them as couched in general terms, they apply perhaps well enough to the vicinity of the Serbâl. A glance at the view, and a reference to this small rough map[413], will show the reader that the main encampment of the host must have been in Wadi Feirân itself, from which the summit of the Serbâl is only here and there visible, and that it is by the lateral Wadi Aleyât that the base of the mountain itself, by a walk of about an hour, is to be reached. It certainly struck me, in passing up this valley, as a very unfit, if not impracticable spot for the encampment of any great number of people, if they were all in tents; though well supplied with pure water, the ground is rugged and rocky—towards the base of the mountain awfully so; but still it is quite possible that a certain number might have established themselves there, as the Arabs do at present, while, as on other occasions, the principal masses were distributed in the surrounding valleys. I do not know that there is any adequate ground for believing, as Robinson does, that because the people were warned not to invade the seclusion of the mount, and a guard was placed to prevent them from doing so, that THEREFORE THE ENCAMPMENT ITSELF pressed closely on its borders. Curiosity might possibly enough lead many to attempt this even from a distance, to say nothing of those already supposed to be located in the Wadi Aleyât, near the base of the mountain, to whom the injunction would more especially apply. Those, however, who press closely the literal sense of one or two passages, should bear in mind all the difficulties previously cited, and the absolute destitution of verdure, cultivation, running streams, and even of abundant springs, which characterise the fearfully barren vicinity of the monkish Sinai, where there is indeed room and verge enough for encampment, BUT NO RESOURCES WHATEVER. If we take up the ground of a CONTINUAL AND MIRACULOUS PROVISION for all the wants of two millions of people, doubtless they may have been subsisted there as well as in any other place; otherwise it seems incredible that Moses should ever have abandoned a spot, offering such unique advantages as Feirân, to select instead the most dreary and sterile spot in its neighbourhood.”

This was the distinct impression, and one frankly offered, after comparing those localities with the Biblical narration, by a man who nevertheless finally remains doubtful whether, in spite of all the reasons cited, it would not be more advisable to follow “the other system,” in accordance with which we must assume it to be an uninterrupted miracle from the beginning to the end, even though this is not expressed in the Bible (see p. 19 of the work cited), whereby, assuredly, all considerations about the most probable human course of that great historical event become worthless. The author then passes to some individual points, which he himself only calls attention to as such; in which he deviates from my mode of comprehension, since, for instance, he feels himself obliged to place the attack of the Amalekites somewhat farther down the valley towards El Hessue. The various possibilities in the explanation of the shorter marches oblige us always to point out again, that it is only by taking a view of the most essential points of the question, as a whole, that we can arrive at a positive conviction; this would necessarily drive those objections into the background, which might arise from regarding it only from any individual point.

Shortly after Robinson, in the year 1843, Dr. John Wilson travelled through Palestine and the Peninsula of Arabia Petræa; he published his extensive travels (The Lands of the Bible, 2 vols. Edinburgh, 1847), but did not by any means attain the high standing point held by his learned predecessor. Nevertheless, I cannot but accord with some of the objections which (vol. i. p. 222, &c.) he makes to Robinson’s assumption that Sefsâf is the Mount of the Law. He coincides with the tradition in recognising the Mount of the Law in Gebel Mûsa. In Serbâl, on the contrary, he believes that he recognises the Mount Paran of the Bible (p. 199), which we could only suppose, if we admit Mount Paran to be another expression for Sinai, and if we identify the last with Serbâl. At the close of the second volume (p. 764, &c.) the author adds a note in the Appendix, in which he guards himself against my different view as to the position of Sinai. He does not, however, here touch upon the most essential arguments which I have everywhere placed in the foreground, but only speaks of individual points, some of which can be easily overcome, and of others which have no influence on the chief question. He places DAPHKA, which is not once mentioned in the principal account, and therefore assuredly must have been a subordinate spot, in Wadi Firân, and Raphidîm, “the places for rest,” in the barren sandy Wadi e’ Scheikh, because there was no water there. But, that I may use his own weapons, what has become of the spring of Moses? “Few in the kingdom of Great Britain at least,” says the author, “will be disposed to substitute the Wadi Feirân, with clear running water, for Rephidim, where there was no water for the people to drink.” I think he wrongs his countrymen in making them deviate so universally from the almost unanimous tradition, and reject as a rationalistic explanation what is admitted even by the learned Fathers of the Church, who place Raphidîm in Firân, and consequently regard the spring there as belonging to Moses; besides, independently of H. BARTLETT, many others of his countrymen have distinctly declared themselves in favour of my view, which includes this point, among whom I may mention Mr. HOGG (see below, concerning his pamphlet about this particular point), the Rev. Dr. CROLY, and the author of the Pictorial Bible. If he is of opinion that I had overlooked the fact that the Wilderness of Sin and the Wilderness of Sinai had different meanings, I refer him to my pamphlet, p. 47, where precisely the opposite occurs; I have not either left unnoticed the words “out of the Wilderness of Sin” (p. 39), which has not either been done by Eusebius nor St. Jerome, who equally make the Wilderness of Sin extend as far as the Wilderness of Sinai. The fight with Amalek, as it is related in Exodus, presupposes a universal, obstinate, and probably a prepared contest; that the principal attack of the front was immediately supported by an attack of the rear-guard is not excepted, as it is added besides in Deuteron. xxv. 18; the double attack besides appeared distinctly indicated in the words ‎‏קָרְךָ בַּדֶּרֶךְ וַיְזַנֵּב‏‎ ἀντέστη σοι ἐν τῇ ὁδῷ, καὶ ἔκοψέ σου τὴν οὐραγίαν. At Elim, certainly, twelve springs ‎‏עֵינֹת‏‎ not wells are mentioned; but this does not alter the case, as nevertheless we cannot imagine twelve rushing springs like those in the Wadi Firân, but as the author (vol. i. p. 175) himself observes, only standing water underground, which must be specially dug for—therefore, in fact, wells. Their great number alone remains worthy of consideration, from which we may conclude that it was an important place. I knew the Sheikh Abu Zelîmeh very well; but that would not prevent the existence of a connection between the name and the locality, although I do not lay the slightest weight on such accordance of names.

The author omits some other reasons, which he believes he can prove in opposition to my views; these might perhaps have referred precisely to the chief points of the whole question, which had hitherto remained uncontested. The author now perhaps feels himself obliged to repeat his arguments, with reference to the separate remarks of one of his countrymen, Mr. John Hogg, who handled the subject in a very complete manner, and worked it out still further, first in the Gentleman’s Magazine, March, 1847, and afterwards in the Transact. of the R. Soc. of Literature, 2 Ser. vol. iii. p. 183-236 (read May, 1847, Jan. 1848), under the title: Remarks and Additional Views on Dr. Lepsius’s Proofs that Mount Serbâl is the true Mount Sinai; on the Wilderness of Sin; on the Manna of the Israelites; and on the Sinaitic Inscriptions. This learned author combines the earliest testimonies about the tradition, and from them endeavours to prove, that before the time of Justinian it was in favour of Serbâl, and not of Gebel Mûsa. He seems, in fact, to have succeeded in proving this, but we shall return, to this question below.

Since then the comprehensive work of my respected friend CARL RITTER has appeared, which is executed with his usual mastery of the subject: Vergleichende Erdkunde der Sinai-Halbinsel, von Palästina und Syrien, erster Band, Berlin, 1848. Although he has employed and worked out all imaginable authorities, from the most ancient to those of modern date, and has formed a complete picture of the Peninsula as a whole and in details, with a clear perception and steady hand, both in its geographical bearing and in the historical relations of its population, he has nevertheless not neglected the question now under consideration, in which geography and history are more intimately connected than in any other. Sinai is to the Peninsula of Sinai what Jerusalem is to Palestine, and as it is certain that the erection of the church on Gebel Mûsa in the sixth century, from a belief that it was founded on the spot of the law-giving, caused the historical centre of the Peninsula, which previously coincided indisputably with the town of Pharan and its forest of palms (the natural geographical centre), to be sundered for the first time, and gradually, since the tenth century, from this, and to be removed several days’ journey farther to the south,—so it is equally certain that the decision of the question, whether this was a first or second separation between the historical and geographical centre, must bear most essentially on the comprehension and delineation of the earliest history of the Peninsula, and might even exercise an influence not only on the future form of Sinaitic literature, but even on many relative conditions of the Peninsula itself, which are in no small degree regulated by the objects aimed at by the constantly increasing number of travellers. Ritter’s representation was compelled at the very outset to decide for one of these two views. At the same time, the new view, proffered at the latest termination of the preliminary works of merit, and in opposition to what had been held with implicit faith for the last thousand years, and maintained without exception by all recent writers of travels, now first appeared in the form of an occasional and necessarily imperfect traveller’s account, and might very naturally lay even less claim to a favourable hearing, not having hitherto received critical examination from any quarter, nor been noticed by later travellers. For this reason I so much the more value the careful and impartial examination of the grounds in favour of Serbâl being Mount Sinai, for which Ritter has granted a place in his work.

He does this at p. 736, &c. He here rejects the opinion that the tradition of the convent on Gebel Mûsa, known only since the sixth century, could have any weight in forming a decision; “the tradition of the still older convent of Serbâl, and of the town of Serbâl in Wadi Firân, might be said to have existed just as truly, but has only been lost to us.” Other reasons, therefore, derived from nature and history, must speak in its favour. He then cites the view adopted by Robinson, who places Raphidîm in the upper part of the Wadi e’ Scheikh; but with justice he places in opposition to this, that it then encroaches upon the farther march, and would be mentioned; and shortly afterwards he says, in as convincing a manner, that we cannot then conceive how the people could have murmured for want of water, already one day’s journey beyond the Firân, which was so richly supplied with water, while this can be easily explained on the long way from Elim, as far as the neighbourhood of Firân. Ritter therefore agrees with me and the old tradition in regarding the wonderful brook of Firân as the spring of Moses. He only thinks, if Moses struck the spring out of the rock, it must then have been at the beginning, and not at the termination of the present brook, and he therefore transfers Raphidîm into the uppermost portion of Wadi Firân, whose fertility did not exist before the appearance of the spring. With respect to the position of the Mount of the Law, he evades positive decision for the time. “Already,” he says, “in both the almost contemporaneous narrators, Jerome (Procopius?) and Cosmas, we see the division of the views entertained about these localities, neither of which, even in the most recent double view, it appears by decisive and sufficient grounds, can be preferred, by us at least, alone before the others. Since each of these two modes of explanation of a text so indeterminate in topographical respects, and of a locality still known so imperfectly, can only serve as hypothetical probabilities in a more exact interpretation, allow me to point out cursorily our hypothetical view of this affair, which will perhaps never be placed in a perfectly clear light.”

It amounts finally to this, that the “Mount of God,” where Moses was encamped when he was visited by Jethro in Raphidîm, could have in no case meant the convent mountain of Sinai (i. e. Gebel Mûsa), although this, on a later occasion, is even thus called, as that of the true God, but from which they at that time under every supposition were far removed, though probably it might have been a designation for the overtowering and far nearer Serbâl when they were still in the camp at “Raphidîm.” He afterwards acknowledges that before the 19th chapter there was an interruption of the connection with the preceding chapters, but seeks a reason for this in a gap in the text, while I would rather assume that there was a short interpolation. Let the progress of the people from the Feirân valley into the upper valley of the Scheikh, and to Gebel Mûsa, the true Sinai, be thrown into this gap. This at first is only called “the Mount” (Exodus xix. 2), and becomes a “Mount of God” for the first time after the law-giving (which, however, the following verse, xix. 3, contradicts), while Serbâl might have been called “the Mount of God” from a heathen deity there worshipped. “Both mounts, the Mount of God (Serbâl) in Raphidîm, and the mount in the Wilderness of Sinai, are therefore just as different by name as they appear removed from each other by the last day’s marches between both places of encampment.” He regards the general natural conditions of the country about Gebel Mûsa on account of the greater security and coolness, and from the pasture-land bearing a greater resemblance to the Alps, as more adapted for a longer sojourn of the people. The name of HOREB only, which is already mentioned in Raphidîm, might serve as an objection, yet he sees no sufficient ground not to extend this name to some of the lower mountains attached to Serbâl itself, for already ROBINSON, HENGSTENBERG, and others, comprehend it as a general designation.

So far as I know, this is the first time that it has been attempted to prove that there were two Mounts of God, Serbâl and Gebel Mûsa. This, however, certainly is the necessary result, though not yet expressed by others, which all must arrive at who place Raphidîm in Firân. In this, it appears to me, lies a main proof with reference to the criticism of the text, that both Mounts of God are to be recognised in Serbâl. We must not lay too much stress on the greater security of the plain of Râha for a “harnessed” (Exodus xiii. 18) army of 600,000 men, after it had set firm footing in the land, besides Serbâl must have at all times offered an admirable place of reserve. The cold in the high mountain range, which, according to RÜPPELL and ROBINSON, freezes the water into ice in the convent (5000 feet above the sea) even as late as February (Ritter, p. 445, 630), would have alone rendered an open encampment on the plain of Râha during the winter impossible, for a population lately accustomed to the Egyptian climate. But with respect to the vegetation in those districts, which has indeed been differently described by different travellers, the idea that not the slightest doubt existed as to this having been at one time the sojourn of the Israelites, may have partly caused many to presuppose the existence of more herbs in the neighbourhood than they momentarily saw; partly, no doubt, the season of the year occasions some variations. I therefore only observe that I visited the Peninsula about the same time of the year in which, according to the Mosaic narration, the Israelites also went thither.

Ritter, finally, has expressed his views on the Sinai question on another occasion in a popular essay, “The Peninsula of Sinai, and the Path of the Children of Israel to Sinai,” in the “Evangelical Calendar,” Almanack for 1852, published by F. Piper, p. 31, &c. Here also he places Raphidîm in Firân, and traces the Mount of God at Raphidîm in Serbâl. But in opposition to the identity of Serbâl and Sinai, he here adduces principally the two following reasons. As it has been now proved that the so-called Sinaitic inscriptions have a Pagan origin, and that they indicate that Serbâl, to which they principally refer, was the “centre of an ancient worship,” then this remarkable mount, if already a holy mount of the idolater, could not have been at the same time a “Mount of Jehovah” (p. 51), and further (p. 52), “Israel’s holy Mount of God was not situated in the territory of Amalek, like Serbâl, but in the eastern and southern territory of Midian, for it is said expressly (Exodus iv. 19), that the Lord commanded Moses in Midian to go to Egypt, and to lead the people to sacrifice to him upon this Mount Horeb and Sinai in Midian” (Exodus iii. 1-12). With respect to these two points however, the first, namely that Serbâl was also a holy mount for the Semitic people ruling over the Peninsula at a later period, seems to me a reason of great weight in favour of Serbâl-Sinai, as indeed also already, before the law-giving, it was not called “Idol Mount,” but Mount of God (Exodus iii. 1, iv. 27, xviii. 5), just as much as after the law-giving (Exodus xxiv. 13, 1 Kings xix. 8), and a heathen readoption at a later period of the worship of this mount must certainly be less surprising. But that Moses dwelt with Jethro in MIDIAN, when the Lord spoke to him, offers no ground to place the Mount of the Law in Midian, for that is nowhere said. We only know that Raphidîm, where Moses was visited by Jethro out of Midian, was situated in the territory of the Amalekites, as these here made the attack. Eusebius, who (s. v. Ῥαφιδίμ, see note, p. 313) expressly places Raphidîm and Choreb in Pharan, says (s. v. Χωρήβ) that this Mount of God lay in MADIAN. In the Itinerar. Antonini, c. 40, also, Pharan is placed in MADIAN.

I trust these remarks, in which I think I have touched upon all the essential objections of the respected author, may prove to him how high a value I place on each of his arguments, as being those of one who is more competent to judge in this field than any other person. Ritter’s long proved acuteness for tracing the correct view of such questions, would have excited more consideration in me against my own view of the subject, than all the reasons he has adduced, which, taken singly at least, seem to me refutable, had I not in this case, at any rate, had the advantage of a personal view of the localities, without any preconceived influence; this might render my judgment of earlier narrators more independent than could be the case with him.

APPENDIX C. (P. 306.)—Robinson gives the distances from Ayûn Mûsa to the point where Wadi Schebêkeh and Wadi Tâibeh meet, vol. iii. Div. ii. p. 804; these accord with BURCKHARDT, p. 624, 625, who also records the more remote points as far as Wadi Firân; these last are confirmed by mine, if we calculate his circuitous route by Dhafari. Robinson’s calculation, p. 196, does not, however, take into consideration the circuitous route, from four to five hours longer from the Convent, through Wadi e’ Scheikh, for Burckhardt passed over the Nakb el Haui in eleven hours to Firân, while we occupied sixteen, without including the short way round through the Kteffe valley. After this the distances stand thus: From Ayûn Mûsa to Ain Hawâreh 18 hours 35 minutes; then to Wadi Gharandel, 2 hours 30 minutes (not from one hour and a half to two hours from Robinson’s place of encampment as it is calculated above, p. 307); to the outlet of the valley near Abu Zelîmeh, 7 hours 12 minutes; to the sea, 1 hour; to Wadi Schellâl, 4 hours 15 minutes; to Firân, 13 hours 45 minutes; to the Convent, 16 hours. Robinson cannot remove the encampment in the Wilderness of SIN to a more southern point than the outlet of WADI SCHELLÂL, because the people here, according to him, stept forth out of the Wilderness of Sin. For the same reason he is compelled to place ALUS in FIRÂN. On the other hand, in my opinion, not alone is the encampment at the sea not different from that at the outlet of the valley at Abu Zelîmeh, but the Wilderness of Sin mentioned in the Book of Exodus, which extended as far as Sinai, and ended with Raphidîm, is also the same as the two stations mentioned in the Book of Numbers, Daphka and Alus, and therefore in the last passage should as little have been mentioned as peculiar places of encampment, as the Red Sea. The Wilderness of Sin accordingly, like the Wilderness of Sûr, embraced three days’ journey. The stations, and their remoteness from each other, stand therefore as follows:

According to ROBINSON.

HOURS. MIN.

I. 6 12 } three Stations from Ayûn Mûsa to Ain II. 6 12 } Hawâreh = MARAH. III. 6 12 }

IV. 2 30 to Wadi Gharandel = ELIM.

V. 8 12 to the Sea.

VI. 4 15 to Wadi Schellâl = Wilderness of SIN.

VII. 7 } two Stations to Firân = DAPHKA and ALUS. VIII. 7 }

IX. 8 } two Stations to the Plain of Râha = Raphidîm X. 8 } and SINAI.

According to my assumption.

I. 7 } three Stations to Wadi Gharandel = MARAH. II. 7 } III. 7 }

IV. 7 12 to the Outlet of the Valley near Abu Zelîmeh = ELIM.

V. 6 } three Stations to Firân, i. e. by DAPHKA and VI. 6 } ALUS to Raphidîm at SINAI. VII. 6 }

It is easy to imagine why the latter stations are somewhat shorter than the first, on account of the greater difficulty of the road. According to Robinson, the fourth station would be scarcely explicable. Why did the people murmur so near the twelve springs of Elim? How would precisely that strikingly long journey of more than eight hours, from Elim to the sea, not have been mentioned at all? And how was it possible that the days’ marches should have constantly increased in length amidst the lofty mountains and difficult ground?

APPENDIX D. (P. 314 and 318.)—The expounders of this passage take the words: ‎‏בַּחֹדֶשׁ הַשְׁלִישִׁ֔י‏‎ “In the third month,” as if it were written, “On the first day of the third month,” and therefore refer the following “the same day,” equally to the first day of the month. See GESENIUS, Thesaur. p. 404, b: “tertiis calendis post exitum,” and p. 449, b: tertio novilunio, i. e. calendis mensis tertii. Ewald, Gesch. des V. Isr. ii. p. 189. “The Day (?) of the third month (i. e. however of the new moon, therefore the first day.”) But the Seventy at all events have not understood it in this manner, as they translate: Τοῦ δὲ μηνὸς τοῦ τρίτου τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ταύτῃ. It also appears that the Jewish tradition have not comprehended it thus, as the LAW-GIVING, which according to Exod. xix. 11, 15, occurred on the third day after their arrival, is even now solemnised by the Jews on the fifth or sixth day of the third month, simultaneously with the appointed harvest-feast, on the fiftieth day after the Exodus (Leviticus xxiii. 15, 16); in accordance with this, the arrival at Sinai must have happened on the third day of the third month. We cannot, however, but perceive, how ‎‏חֹדֶשׁ‏‎ without addition, might here be employed for new moon’s day, although in all other passages of customary speech it had lost this etymological signification, and only meant month; even in passages where the new moon’s day itself was spoken of, as in Exod. xl. 2, 17; Numb. i. 1; xxxiii. 38, where everywhere ‎‏בְּאֶחָד לַחֹדֶשׁ‏‎ is especially added to it, “on the first (day) of the month,” whereas passages like Numb. ix. 1, and xx. 1, cannot naturally be cited, because here, there lies as little reason as in Exod. xix. 1, to understand first of the month, and the Seventy also do not translate, ἐν ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ, or νουμηνίᾳ as in the former passages, but only in the simple sense of the words ἐν τῷ μηνὶ τῷ πρώτῳ. Our passage, Exod. xix. 1, therefore, would alone remain, from which it would be possible to conclude that there was such a double and equivocal employment of ‎‏חֹדֶשׁ‏‎, because here certainly the following words, “the same day,” indicate a particular single day, which particular day, nevertheless, cannot be guessed from our present text. But in my opinion this is exactly an additional and not unimportant reason, to assume either a transposition or a later insertion of these two verses. The last is also assumed by EWALD, in so far as he, indeed (Gesch. des V. Isr. p. 75), ascribes the account, xix. 3-24, but not the two first verses, to the oldest sources. I have already mentioned above (p. 316) that JOSEPHUS (Ant. iii. 2, 5), who also does not understand the words from the first day of the month, transposes the passage, and indeed to that very place whither I, ignorant of this, had already placed it in my earlier printed account, p. 48, namely, immediately after the battle of the Amalekites, to which “the same day” most naturally refers. If this is correct, then the original text ran thus: that the Israelites at Raphidîm, in Wadi Firân, where they fought the battle, were not only near Horeb, but also near Sinai, that is to say, that both Mounts of God are one; and that, in fact, Moses first at Sinai received the visit of Jethro, and, as appears most natural, first at Sinai organised his people; but at the same time it must be allowed that Sinai, or Horeb, was no other mountain than SERBÂL.

Supposing that, in this manner, we have correctly understood the original connection, it did not first of all require any statement of the month; this would probably be only added upon the isolation of the following section referring to the law-giving. In this case, only three exact dates for the journey could exist. The people pass out from Ramses in the first year, the first month, on the fifteenth day; they proceed from Elim, which is half-way, just one month after, in the first year, second month, on the fifteenth day. The days of rest at the stations are unknown, but if we assume that the people proceeded without sojourning, then they came to Raphidîm on the third day from Elim; received the water, and were attacked by Amalek on the fourth, fought on the fifth till after sunset to the commencement of the sixth day, and on the same sixth day (for the Hebrew day began in the evening) encamped at Sinai. This would have been in the first year, in the second month, on the twentieth day. Now as the retreat from Sinai followed in the second year, in the second month, the twentieth day, then the sojourn at Sinai would have lasted exactly one year. This coincidence was perhaps originally as little the result of accident as the duration of just one month between the first departure from RAMSES and the second from ELIM.

APPENDIX E. (P. 319.)—Two inscriptions in marble, referring to the foundation of the convent, still exist, which are let into the external wall facing the convent-garden, one in Greek, the other in Arabic. BURCKHARDT (Trav. p. 545) says: “An Arabic inscription over the gate, in modern characters, says that Justinian built the convent in the thirtieth year of his reign, as a memorial of himself and his wife Theodora. It is curious to find a passage of the Koran introduced into this inscription: it was probably done by a Moslem sculptor, without the knowledge of the monks.” The Arabic inscription is certainly over the small door leading into the garden. But if Burckhardt saw it here, it is inconceivable that he did not see the Greek inscription beside it, let into the wall with a similar border and shelter. ROBINSON saw neither of them (i. p. 205); RICCI caused the Greek inscription to be copied, and from his copy this has been communicated and translated by LETRONNE in the Journ. des Sav. 1836, p. 538, with some slight deviations. But as early as 1823, another copy, which escaped Letronne, was published by Sir Fr. Henniker (Notes during a Visit to Egypt, &c. p. 235, 236), which, however, is very inaccurate, although it endeavours to render the written characters themselves. The Arabic inscription, as far as I am aware, is still quite unknown. I have taken an impression of both on paper, and offer a faithful representation of them here. The Greek runs thus:

Ἐκ βάθρων ἀνηγέρθη τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦτο μοναστήριον τοῦ Σιναίου ὄρους, ἔνθα ἐλάλησεν ὁ θεὸς τῷ Μωυσῇ παρὰ τοῦ ταπεινοῦ βασιλέως Ῥωμαίων Ἰουστινιανοῦ πρὸς ἀΐδιον μνημόσυνον αὐτοῦ καὶ τῆς συζύγου τοῦ Θεοδώρας· ἔλαβε τέλος μετὰ τὸ τριακοστὸν ἔτος τῆς βασιλείας τοῦ, καὶ κατέστησεν ἐν αὐτῷ ἡγούμενον ὀνόματι Δουλᾶ ἐν ἔτει ἀπὸ μὲν Ἀδὰμ ͵ϛκαʹ ἀπὸ δὲ Χριστοῦ φκζʹ.

“This holy convent of Mount Sinai, where God spoke to Moses, was built from the foundation by Justinian, the lowly king of the Romans, in eternal remembrance of the same, and of his consort Theodora; it was completed in the thirtieth year of his reign, and he placed a chief in the same, one of the name of Dulas, in the year 6021 since Adam, 527 since Christ.”

LETRONNE read in the second line ἐν ᾧ πρῶτον in place of ἔνθα, and in the seventh line κατέστησε τὸν in place of κατέστησεν. The written characters indicate about the twelfth or thirteenth century. As the Emperor Justinian reigned from 527-565, it is assumed by the writer that the determination to found the convent, and at the same time the appointment of his abbot Dulas, occurred in the first year of the reign of the emperor, although the completion of the edifice is not placed before the thirtieth year of the same, i. e. 556 after Christ. The year 6021 from the creation of the world corresponds to the year 527 after Christ, according to the Alexandrine era of PANODORUS and ANIANUS.

The Arabic inscription is this:

‎‏انثا دير طور سينا و كنيسة جبل المناجاة افقير لله الراجي‏‎ ‎‏عفو مولاه الملك المهذب الرومي المذهب يوستيانس تذكارا لى‏‎ ‎‏ولزوجته ثاوضوره علي سرور الزسان حني برث اللّه الارض ومن‏‎ ‎‏عليها وهو خير الوارثين وتم بناوه بعد ثلاثين سنة من ملكة‏‎ ‎‏ونصب له ريسا اسبه ذولاس جري ذلك سنا ٦٠٢١ لادم الوافق‏‎ ‎‏لتاريخ السيد المسيح سنة ٥٢٧‏‎

“The convent of TÔR (Mount) Sina, and the Church of the Mount of the Interview, was built by the dependent on God, and hoping in the promise of his Lord, the pious King of the Greek Confession, Justianus (for Justinian), in remembrance of himself and his consort Theodora to last for all times, in order that God might inherit the earth, and who upon it: for he is the best of the heirs. And the building was completed after thirty years of his reign. And he appointed it a chief, with the name of Dhulas. And this happened after Adam 6021, which corresponds with the year 527 of the era of the Lord Christ.”

The written characters of the inscription, according to the learned judgment of the consul, Dr. WETZSTEIN, who has also most kindly taken upon himself the re-writing and translation of the inscription here communicated, indicate that it did not exist before the year 550 of the Mohammedan era, which thus refers to the period when the Greek inscription was also composed. The passage in the Koran which BURCKHARDT already mentions, is to be found, Sûr. 21, v. 18.

Another large stone is immured in the same wall, but much higher up, over a far larger gate, now built up, at a spot behind which the kitchen is at present situated, the ornamental part of which [Illustration] might lead us to infer that another still older inscription might still exist here. Unfortunately I was unable to bring a ladder to the spot to examine the stone more accurately. It is to be hoped some future traveller may accomplish this.

APPENDIX F. (P. 319.)—The history of the Palm-wood of Pharan forms the central point of the history of the whole Peninsula. The accounts of it given by the Greeks and Romans furnish a new proof for this, although their geographical determinations in great measure have not hitherto been correctly comprehended. Thus the POSEIDION of Artemidorus, Diodorus, and Strabo, is generally placed at the extremity of the Peninsula, which is now called RÂS MOHAMMED; also by Gosselin, Letronne, and Grosskurd, who nevertheless had already recognised the manifestly incorrect comment of the Strabonic manuscripts (p. 776: τοῦ [Ἐλανίτου] μυχοῦ). As Poseidion was situated within (ἐνδοτέρω) the Gulf of Suez, and here the west coast of the Peninsula was to be described, this altar of Poseidion therefore of necessity was situated either at RAS ABU ZELÎMEH, the harbour of Faran, or at RAS GEHAN, whence there was a more southern and shorter communication with Wadi Firân through Wadi Dhaghadeh. That the palm-grove (Φοινικών) of those authors is not to be sought at TÔR, but in the Wadi Firân, has been already justly acknowledged by Tuch (Sinait. Inschr. p. 35), although he still places Poseidion at Râs Mohammed (p. 37). It was the SERB BAL, the palm-grove of Baal, from which the mountain first received its name. It appears, in earlier times, while the grove itself was still called by the inhabitants SERB BAL, that the name of Faran was especially employed for the harbour at Abu Zelîmeh, and for a Pharanitic settlement on the site of ancient ELIM, near the present Gebel Hammâm Faraûn, still always called FARAN by the Arabic authors. (See note, p. 307.) Here also, probably, was the spot where ARISTON landed under Ptolemy Philadelphus, and founded POSEIDION.

Artemidorus (in Strabo, p. 776) and Diodorus (3, 42) mention Μαρανῖται, in place of which Gosselin, Ritter, Tuch, and others, read Φαρανῖται. As the MARANITES, however, inhabited the eastern coast of the Peninsula, and are said to have been totally destroyed by the Garindæes, I cannot see any support for this supposition. The ravine of PHARA, mentioned by JOSEPHUS (Bell. Jud. 4, 9, 4), in Judæa, does not belong hither.

The name of the PHARANITES on the western coast of the Peninsula first appears in Pliny (H. N. 37, 40), for there is no reason to regard the Pharanitis gens, whom he places in Arabia Petræa, as differing from the Pharanitai of Ptolemy. That the northern station PHARA (circa ten hours west of Aila) has nothing to do on the tablet of Peutinger with the Pharanitic palm-grove, is placed beyond a doubt by Ritter (p. 147, &c.).

Ptolemy, in the third century, is the first who mentions a place called PHARAN (κώμη Φαράν); but on account of the detailed comparison not agreeing, the basis and the connection of his statements deviating widely from the true conditions, they have for that very reason hitherto remained in obscurity. His construction of the Peninsula becomes clear at once, when we take into account that he has evidently taken the blunt angle of the coast at RAS GEHAN (whither by his latitude he removes Cape Pharan, instead of to Hammâm Faraûn) to be the most southern point of the Peninsula, from which the more remote coast runs up again towards the north-east. Thereby the Peninsula, according to him, becomes about 50′ too short, although the longitude of his point corresponds with the true one. The real extremity (Râs Mohammed) now corresponds with the point whither he places the bend of the Elanitic Gulf (ἐπιστροφὴ τοῦ Ἐλανίτου κόλπου). The whole of the Elanitic Gulf (Gulf of Akaba) contracts with him into a small angle (μυχός) of 15′, because all is pushed too far to the north. The coast from the “bend” as far as Ὄννη in reality corresponds with that from RAS FURTAK (the άκρωτήριον τῆς ἠπείρου of Diodorus and Artemidorus, in front of which was situated the island of Phokes) to ʾAIN UNEH, and his Elanitic Gulf, the north part of which (ἐπιστροφή) he places 66° lon., 29° lat., now assumes the form of the gulf whose innermost point is now marked by ʾAIN UNEH. He imagines the Bay of Pharan (μυχὸς κατὰ Φαράν) to be from Cape Faran (ἀκρωτήριον Φαράν) to the inland town of the same name, as the angle of Elana, and the innermost angle of Heroonpolis north of Arsinoë. From this same construction of the Peninsula it followed that the RAITHENES, who were situated below the Pharanites, on the same coast near Tôr (even now called Ῥαιθοῦ), are now placed on the coast facing Arabia (παρὰ τὴν ὀρεινὴν τῆς Εὐδαίμονος Ἀραβίας), therefore on the eastern, in place of the western coast of the Peninsula; and finally, as the natural result of this, he makes the primitive chain of mountains extending from Faran to Râs Mohammed (ὄρη μέλανα) run towards Judæa, therefore up towards the north-east, in place of down towards the south-east.

From all this, it is evident, that the place PHARAN of Ptolemy is identical with the well-known Pharan in the Wadi Firân, and the Phœnikon of Artemidorus and Strabo. Still less can we doubt that the PHARAN of Eusebius also (s. v. Ῥαφιδίμ), and of Jerome, which is expressly (s. v. Φαράν) called a town (πόλις, oppidum), and situated (certainly somewhat too near) three days’ journey from Aila, was the town in Wadi Firân, although by a confusion with the Biblical wilderness of Paran, it is added that the Israelites on their way back from Sinai went past this Pharan. (Compare Ritter, p. 740.)

According to the manuscript of the monk AMMONIUS (Illustr. Chr. Martyr lecti. triumphi ed. Combefis. Paris, 1660), the town of Pharan was converted to Christianity in the middle of the fourth century by a monk Moses, born in Pharan itself, but his narration, which is evidently an invention, and belongs to about 370, must by no means be employed as an historical authority for that period, and seems to rest chiefly on some passages of a romance of Nilus, which was written for an edifying object, and his seems to have been composed with a similar intention. In NILUS, who is placed about 390, but over whose period and writings much uncertainty still hangs, a Christian counsellor (βουλή) of the town of Pharan is mentioned (Nili opp. quædam, 1539. 4ᵒ). Soon after this, since the first half of the fifth century, Le Quien, from authorities of very unequal value indeed (Oriens, Christ. vol. iii. p. 751), cites a list of bishops of PHARAN, who can be followed down to the middle of the twelfth century. (See Reland, Palæst. vol. ii. p. 220.) All the monks of the entire mountain range were subordinate to these bishops.

With reference to the foundation of the present convent on Gebel Mûsa, it is indeed ascribed to the Emperor JUSTINIAN by SAÏD BEN BATRIK (Eutychius), who wrote about 932-953 (D’Herbelot, s. v.), as well as in the convent inscriptions of the twelfth or thirteenth centuries, which have been communicated above; but this is most decidedly contradicted by the far more reliable testimony, peculiarly valuable here, of PROCOPIUS, who was the cotemporary of Justinian. He says, in his special treatise about the buildings founded by Justinian (Proc. ed. Dind. vol. iii. de ædif. Just. p. 326), that the emperor built a church to the mother of God, “not upon the summit of the mountain, but a considerable way below it” (παρὰ πολὺ ἔνερθεν, in accordance with the locality, which can only mean on the intermediate space of ground half-way up the mountain, where the chapel to Elijah now stands). Separated from this he had also erected a very strong castle (φρούριον) at the foot of the mountain (ἐς τοῦ ὄρους πρόποδα), and provided it with a good military guard to check the incursions of the Saracens into Palestine. As Procopius directly before and afterwards, as well as throughout the whole paper, distinguishes very exactly between the convents and the churches, and the military guard-houses, it is evident that, according to him, Justinian did not found the present convent together with his church. The military castle was, however, probably at a later period employed, and rebuilt into a convent. Besides, the church founded by Justinian higher up the hill was not dedicated, like the present convent church, to St. KATHARINE (see Le Quien, vol. iii. p. 1306), but to MARY. What is said by Eutychius (who ROBINSON first cited, though he placed him somewhat too early, still in the tenth century), both about the building of the convent, and in still more direct contradiction with Procopius, about a church built upon the summit of the mountain, deserves therefore no more credit than the conversation between the emperor and the architect, which is communicated. As little must we ascribe to Justinian, on the statement of Ben Batrik, the foundation of the convents of RAYEH (at Tôr) and of KOLZUM (a bishop of Clysma, by name Poemes, is inserted at the Constantinopolitan Council as early as 460; see Acta Concil. ed. Harduin, ii. 696, 786), as in this case he would undoubtedly have been mentioned by Procopius. PHARAN is not mentioned by Procopius. On the contrary, he narrates (de bell. Pers. i. 19, 164; de ædif. 5, 8) the important fact, that the Saracen Prince Abocharagos, reigning there, had presented the Emperor Justinian with a large palm-grove (φοινικῶνα), situated in the centre of the land (ἐν τῇ μεσογαίᾳ). On closer consideration of this account, scarcely a doubt can remain that the palm-grove of PHARAN is here understood, not the place on the coast Φοινίκων κώμη, mentioned by Ptolemy (vi. 7, 3), or a palm-grove totally unknown to us, also situated in the midst of a solitary wilderness, wholly unprovided with water. According to Ammonius and Nilus all the inhabitants of Pharan had then become Christian, and a church at all events existed there; thereby it is easier to understand the gift made by Abocharagos, which Justinian himself presented to the Phylarch of the Palestinian Saracens. No doubt the foundation of the castle in the higher mountains, for watching over those Saracens, was in connection with this.

Next to Procopius, COSMAS INDICOPLEUSTES is by far the most authentic authority of that period. He was not only both a cotemporary of Justinian, but likewise describes (about 540) what he himself saw upon the Peninsula. His work is the only one containing detailed geography belonging to that period, and his unassuming narration bears everywhere the marks of unvarnished truth. It is so much the more remarkable that he neither mentions a convent edifice, nor indeed the localities at Gebel Mûsa, but only PHARAN, although he had the path of the Israelites especially in view. (See below more of this.) That on the other hand ANTONINUS PLACENTINUS, who is held by others to be the b. Antoninus Martyr, nevertheless in his ITINERARIUM (Acta Sanctor. May, vol. ii. p. x-xviii), which is placed by Ritter about 600, should again speak of a convent at the thorn-bush (Procopius does not yet make mention of the thorn-bush), between Horeb and Sinai, therefore on the site of the present convent, appears rather to lead us back to the opinion so decidedly expressed by PAPEBROCH, who first published the Itinerary, that this narrative, which has excited such various considerations, though so learnedly defended, does not belong to an earlier period than the eleventh or twelfth centuries. At all events, it would be very desirable if the writings of Ammonius, Nilus, and Antoninus, that have been cited, and so many others attributed to the first Christian centuries, were submitted to a more searching and connected criticism than has hitherto been the case.

The earliest bishop of Mount Sinai to whom we can refer, is not to be found before the eleventh century, Bishop Jorius, who dies 1033 (Le Quien, iii. 754). The name in the second Constantinopolitan Council (a. 553), signed Phronimus episc. Synnaii (Acta Concil. ed. Harduin, vol. iii. p. 53), or SYNAITANORUM (p. 206), and in the fourth council (a. 870), the one named Constantinus ep. SYNAI (Harduin, vol. v. p. 927), have been incorrectly brought hither (Ritter, Abhandl. der Berl. Akad. 1824, p. 216. Halbinsel Sinai, p. 96), as they belong to SYNAUS, or SYNNAUS, in Phrygia.

APPENDIX G. (P. 320.)—It must be most absolutely denied that an interrupted and distinct tradition about the position of Sinai in the Peninsula was preserved as late as the Christian times. The name Choreb, or Sinai, appears even at a very early period to have been understood for the whole of the lofty range in the Peninsula, which was constantly regarded from a distance as one single mountain. No one before the time of the Christian hermits attached any interest in connecting a fixed geographical notion with the name that had been transmitted. We only read of ELIJAH that he fled to the “Mount of God Choreb,” and there (1 Kings xix. 9) went into the same cave (for it is presupposed that it is known) in which the Lord had already appeared to Moses on Mount Sinai (2 Exodus xxxiii. 22). The native Arab tribes by degrees became so much changed, that not one of the Old Testament names remained in its original position. The Greeks and Romans only knew one spot on the whole Peninsula, the Palm-wood of Pharan, because this spot only, and the harbour leading to it, was of any importance since the mines of that wilderness had been exhausted. Firân must of necessity have been the earliest central point for the Christian hermits also; that mountainous wilderness, affording necessary means of sustenance, in the greatest retirement, must have appeared better adapted for them than any other district, since here we also find the most ancient church of the Peninsula. When gradually the individual Biblical localities began to be more accurately investigated, people had no other means for forming their determinations than we possess now, and besides understood far less to employ these means, since all acute criticism of the Biblical passages, which could alone give them information, at that time lay far removed. They understood the name SINAI as an indeterminate appellation for the whole range; but when they searched for Sinai in a single mountain, SERBÂL then must have immediately presented itself. Thither also points all that we read about the matter in authentic writings during the first centuries, but to these the writing of the monk Ammonius certainly does not belong in the opinion of those who examine accurately, and hardly the edifying romance of Nilus. What JOSEPHUS (Ant. iii. 5) says of Sinai (τὸ Σιναῖον) may very well refer to Serbâl, at all events not to Gebel Mûsa, as has been already shown by HOGG (in several passages, p. 207). According to EUSEBIUS, Choreb and Raphidîm were situated at PHARAN (ἐγγὺς Φαράν, see note, p. 313), and Sinai near Choreb (παράκειται τῷ ὄρει Σινᾶ, see above). JEROME (s. v. Choreb) regards both mounts as one, which he likewise places at PHARAN, and consequently recognises in SERBÂL. The account by NILUS also, about the Saracenic attack at Sinai, either does not belong to the time in which it is placed (c. 400), or refers to SERBÂL, for here a church (ἐκκλησία) is frequently (p. 38, 46) mentioned, which at that time did not exist at Gebel Mûsa, and Nilus, that very same night in which the scattered slain had been buried, goes down to Pharan, which would have been impossible from Gebel Mûsa. Finally, COSMAS INDICOPLEUSTES, who traversed the Peninsula about the year 535, probably immediately before the building of the Justinian church, passes through Raithu, i. e. Tôr, which he regards as Elim, although he only found a few palm-trees there (the present considerable plantations are, therefore, of more recent date), and across the present Wadi Hebrân to Raphidîm, which is now called PHARAN. Here he was at the termination of his Sinai journey. From this spot Moses went with the elders “upon the Mount Choreb, i. e. Sinai, which is about 6000 paces (one mile and a half) distant from Pharan,” and struck the water out of the rock; here also the tabernacle of the congregation was built, and the law was given; thereby the Israelites besides received the Scripture, and had leisure to learn it for their application; thence we may date the numerous rock-inscriptions which are still to be found in that wilderness (especially at Serbâl). (Εἶτα πάλιν παρενέβαλον εἰς Ῥαφιδίν, εἰς τὴν νῦν καλουμένην Φαράν· καὶ διψευσάντων αὐτῶν, πορεύεται κατὰ πρόσταξιν θεοῦ ὁ Μωϋσῆς μετὰ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων καὶ ἡ ῥάβδὸς ἐν τῇ χειρὶ αὐτοῦ, εἰς Χωρὴβ τὸ ὄρος, τουτέστιν ἐν τῷ Σιναΐῳ, ἐγγὺς ὄντι τῆς Φαρὰν ὡς ἀπό μιλίων ἕξ· (Burckhardt, Trav. in Syr. p. 611, when he descended Serbâl, occupied two hours and a half, from its base to Wadi Firân) καὶ ἐκεῖ πατάξαντος τὴν πέτραν, ἐῤῥύησεν ὕδατα πολλὰ καὶ ἔπιεν ὁ λαός.—Λοιπὸν κατεληλυθότος αὐτοῦ ἐκ τοῦ ὄρους προστάττεται ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ ποιεῖν τὴν σκηνήν), etc. (Topograph. christ. lib. v. in the Coll. nova patr. ed. B. de Montfaucon, tom. ii. p. 195, seq.)

This testimony of an unprejudiced traveller is expressed with as much distinctness, as it is worthy of confidence and without suspicion. At the commencement of the sixth century, therefore, according to this eye-witness, it was believed that the law had been given on SERBÂL. Cosmas has so little doubt about the matter, that he does not even mention the southern range. Nevertheless, we must admit that the monkish population had already spread over the whole of the mountain range, especially among the districts in a sheltered situation about Gebel Mûsa; and we need not be surprised that a different view was formed among the monks there situated, according to which Moses turned to the south, instead of towards the north, coming from the height of Wadi Hebrân (for the idea that Elim was Raithu was a fixed conviction already cherished by the convent, prematurely founded there). Such changes are of frequent occurrence in Christian topography. But however closely Horeb and Sinai, Raphidîm and the Mount of the Law, appear in the representation, it follows again from this, that associated with Sinai, the rock from which the water flowed was moved farther south. The monks were not deterred by the verses at the commencement of the 19th chapter from transferring the rock of Raphidîm, and consequently Raphidîm itself, as well as the thorn-bush of Horeb, also to Gebel Mûsa, their new Sinai; there in Wadi Leg´a (Robinson, i. p. 184) it is still shown for the admiration of travellers. Thus the unlettered apprehension of the monks that Raphidîm was situated at Sinai, approached nearer to the truth on this head than the more recent verbal criticism.

The legate of Justinian now found it appropriate to found his castle in that secure position, and to build a church at that very spot for the hermits who were dwelling around it. It is quite conceivable that this alone would have contributed to attract many new hermits thither, and to originate a new view about the position of the Mount of the Law, if this had not previously existed. But how both views accommodated themselves to each other during the centuries immediately succeeding, we have absolutely no distinct proofs. At all events, while Mount SINAI is frequently mentioned after the foundation of the bishopric of Pharan, we must be guarded not to understand it to be Gebel Mûsa, unless something further is said. Ordinarily, the lofty range of the Peninsula seems in general to be understood by it. When, for example, as early as the year 536, therefore probably before the erection of the church, at the Concilium sub Mena at Constantinople, one Theonas, presbyter et legatus S. Montis Sinai et deserti Raithu et S. ecclesiæ Pharan (Θεωνᾶς ἐλεῷ θεοῦ πρεσβύτερος καὶ ἀποκρισιάριος τοῦ ἁγίου ὄρούς Σινᾶ καὶ τῆς ἐρήμου Ῥαιθοῦ καὶ τῆς κατὰ Φαρὰν ἁγίας ἐκκλησίας. Harduin, vol. ii. p. 1281) is named, the church of Pharan, at that time the still undoubted, most important central point and bishopric would have been first mentioned, if the monks scattered over the whole range and the plain of Raithu had not been regarded more comprehensive, and on that account placed first. LE QUIEN (iii. p. 753) mentions the Episcopi Pharan sivi Montis Sinai in succession, and, as the earliest with the last designation, the above-mentioned Bishop Jorius († 1033). Since then, and even since Eutychius (c. 940), the designation of the single Gebel Mûsa, as Sinai, is indeed beyond all doubt.

FOOTNOTES

[1] Chronologie der Ægypter. Vol. i. Berlin, 1849.

[2] On the sudden death of Bishop Alexander, which happened shortly after our departure from Palestine, Gobat, as is known, was selected by H. M. the King of Prussia to be Bishop of the Evangelical Bishopric of Jerusalem, which he has administered, by the blessing of God, efficaciously ever since 1846.

[3] Previous to my departure from Alexandria, the firman of the Viceroy was presented to me, with unlimited permission to make all the excavations which I might think desirable, and with instructions to the local authorities to render me assistance. All the workmen and aid necessary for forming and transporting our collection of antiquities, were demanded in return for money, through virtue of our firman, from the Sheikhs of the neighbouring villages, or the Mudhirs of the provinces, by the Kawass, who had been given us by the government, and they were never refused. The monuments from the southern regions were transported from Mount Barkal to Alexandria on government boats, and three sepulchral chambers near the great Pyramids of Gizeh were also added, which were carefully taken to pieces by the aid of four workmen, sent expressly for the purpose from Berlin, and were put on board a vessel opposite Old Cairo. I also received, before my departure from Egypt, a written permit for the exportation of the collection; and the objects themselves were presented from the Viceroy to H. M. the King of Prussia.

These peculiar favours, at a time when all private travellers, antiquarian speculators, and even diplomatic persons, were expressly forbidden by the Egyptian Government to make any collection, or to export antiquities, have caused many unfavourable judgments to be passed on our expedition. We have been chiefly accused of a thirst for destruction, which, under the given circumstances, would presuppose a peculiarly barbarous feeling to have existed in our party; for as we did not, like many of our rivals, excavate and transport the monuments, the greater part of which had previously been invisible, hurriedly and by night, and with bribed assistance, but leisurely, and with open aid from the authorities, and before the eyes of numerous travellers, all disregard in our treatment of the remaining monuments, of which perhaps they formed a part, would certainly have been so much the more blameable, since it was so easy to avoid it. We might, however, trust to a more correct judgment than what is usually possessed by the greater proportion of ordinary travellers or collectors, with regard to the value of the individual monuments; besides, we were not, after all, in danger of being deceived in this matter by personal self-interest, as we made our selection of the monuments not for ourselves, but commissioned by our government, for the Royal Museum in Berlin, therefore for the benefit of science, and a public eager after knowledge.

The collection, which chiefly on account of its historical value, may be placed on an equal footing with the most important European museums, was incorporated immediately on its arrival with the Royal collections, without my remaining myself officially connected with it; and it is already arranged and exhibited to the public. A more accurate examination is best fitted to place the inconsiderate accusations of more recent, and even German tourists, in their proper light, some of whom have gone so far, for example, very recently, Herr Julius Braun, in the Algemeiner Augsburg Gazette, as to charge us with the mutilation of the gods, which happened more than 3000 years ago, in the temple of El Kab. Besides, it would prove an entire ignorance of Egyptian affairs at the present time, or of that which chiefly lends the monuments of antiquity their real interest to us, if all were not desirous to preserve in the public museums of Europe, as many as possible of the treasures of those countries, which are really as valuable, as they are undervalued in their own home, and numbers of which are still daily destroyed.

[4] The journal of this expedition up the Nile has been since published under the title Expedition zur Entdeckung der Quellen des Weissen Nil, 1840-1841. By Ferd. Werne. With a Preface by Karl Ritter. A map and a table of figures. Berlin: G. Reimer 1848. 8vo.

[5] Abbas Pascha has been Viceroy of Egypt since the death of Ibrahim Pascha in 1848.

[6] This paper—An account of the river Goschop, and of the countries of Enarea, Caffa, and Doko, given by a native of Enarea (with a map)—has been translated by Ritter, and was communicated to the Geographical Society at Berlin on the 7th January, 1843, and was printed in the monthly reports of this society in the latter part of the year. P. 172-188.

[7] On our departure for Upper Egypt, we had minutely examined 130 private tombs, and had discovered the remains of 67 Pyramids.

[8] See my essay, Sûr l’ordre des colonnes piliers en Egypte et ses rapports avec le second ordre Egyptien et la colonne Grecque (avec deux planches), in the ninth volume of the Annales de l’Institut. de Corresp. Archéol. Rome, 1838.

[9] See p. 118.

[10] Proskynemata. “Sometimes travellers who happened to pass by a temple inscribed a votive sentence on the walls, to indicate their respect for the deity, and solicit his protection during their journey, the complete formula of which contained the adoration (proskunéma) of the writer, with the assurance that he had been mindful of his wife, his family, and friends; and the reader of the inscription was sometimes included in a share of the blessings it solicited. The date of the king’s reign, and the day of the month, were also added, with the profession and parentage of the writer.”—Wilkinson’s Ancient Egypt, vol. iii., p. 395.—TR.

[11] “Every Pharaoh was the Sun of Egypt, and over his name bore ‘Son of the Sun;’ and as the sun was Phra, so each king was called Phra. Each monarch by law inherited his father’s throne in lineal succession, so that the incumbent was Phra son of Phra.”—Gliddon’s Ancient Egypt, p. 32.—TR.

[12] The colours have now, alas! almost entirely disappeared. Owing to the unequal grain of the stone all the representations were prepared with a thin layer of lime for the groundwork, before they were painted; this lime has peeled off in the transport and by the action of the damp sea air, so that the rough sculpture alone remains. In the Work on the Monuments of the Prussian Expedition (Div. II., sheet 19-22), the colours have been given faithfully, as they were preserved in their original freshness when covered by the sand.

[13] After our return from the south, two entire sepulchral chambers, besides the one here mentioned, were taken to pieces and brought to Europe. All three are now reconstructed, with the other monuments, in the New Museum at Berlin. See Letter XXXV.

[14] A separate essay, Ueber den Bau der Pyramiden, was sent by me to the Royal Academy of Sciences in 1843, and it was printed in consequence of a resolution of the 3rd of August of that year. See the Monthly Report (Monats Bericht) of the Academy, 1843, p. 177-203, with three Plates.

[15] I have spoken more at length on this in my Chronology of the Egyptians, vol. i., p. 294.

[16] We have been told on good authority that this statue is not composed of granite, but of limestone from the neighbouring hills.—TR.

[17] Compare my essay, Ueber die ausgedehnte Anwendung des Spitzbogens in Deutschland im 10 und 11 Jahrhundert, as an Introduction to H. Gally Knight’s Entwickelung der Architectur vom 10 bis 14 Jahrhundert unter den Normannen, translated from the English; Leipzig, 1841, at G. Wigand’s; and my father’s treatise, Der Dom zu Naumburg, by C. P. Lepsius; Leipzig, 1840 (in Puttrich’s Denkm. der Bauk., ii., Lief. 3, 4)

[18] He among them blushes, who cannot show many strokes upon his body, for non-payment of tribute.—TR.

[19] Kaftan, an open tunic.—TR.

[20] Tarbusch, red cap.—TR.

[21] The Germans generally calculate distance by the hour, which corresponds to about three English miles, as this distance can be traversed at a foot pace within that space of time.—TR.

[22] About twopence-halfpenny English money.

[23] Compare my Chronology of the Egyptians, i., p. 262, &c.

[24] According to Linant, the difference amounts to 22 metres, that is, 70 feet Rheinland (72 English). In June, 1843, an engineer of the Viceroy, Nascimbeni, who was engaged in making a new map, and levelling the Faiûm, visited us in our camp, at the Pyramid of Mœris. He had only found a descent of 2 metres (6 feet 6 inches English) from Illahûn to Medînet, but from thence to Birqet-el-Qorn, 75 metres (246 feet English). I am not aware that anything has been published about this considerable difference of measurements. Sir G. Wilkinson, in his Mod. Eg. and Thebes, vol. ii., 346, states the surface of the water to be about 125 English feet below the bank of the Nile at Beni-suef.

[25] Mémoire sur le lac Mœris, presenté et lu à la Société Egyptienne le 5 Juillet, 1842, par Linant de Bellefonds, inspecteur-général des ponts, et chaussées, publié par la Société Egyptienne. Alexandrie, 1843. 4to. Compare my Chronology, vol. i., p. 262 &c.

[26] The same Domenico Lorda again travelled that year to Abyssinia, and sent six other Abyssinian manuscripts to Herr Lieder from thence, who showed them to me on my return to Cairo. These, also, on my suggestion, were afterwards obtained for the Royal Library. By M. Lorda’s account they contain:

A. ABUSCHER—Almanacco perpetuo Civile-Ecclesiastico-Storico.

B. SETTA NEGHEST—Codice dell’ Imperadore Eeschias.

C. JUSEPH—Storia Civile, ed Ecclesiastica. (?)

D. BERAAN—Storia Civile, ed Ecclesiastica.

E. PHILKISIUS E MARISAK—Due Opere, in un volume, che trattano della Storia Civile.

F. SINODUS—Dritto Canonico.

[27] Sont, or Acacia, Mimosa Nilotica.—Sir G. Wilkinson.—TR.

[28] This letter, addressed to Alexander von Humboldt, has been already printed in the Prussian Gazette, Berlin, 9th Feb., 1844.

[29] “Dedicated to King Ptolemy and Cleopatra, his sister, benevolent deities.”—TR.

[30] The emendation, ἀδελφῆς, in this inscription, which dates from the thirty-fifth year of Euergetes (B.C. 136), is of importance in certain chronological determinations of that period. Letronne (Rec. des Inscr., vol. i., p. 33-56) assumed that Cleopatra III., the niece and second wife of Euergetes II., was here meant. Hence alone he concluded that this king, in the official documents written before his expulsion, in the year 132 B.C., only joined the name of his wife, Cleopatra III., to his own, and therefore he fixed the date of all the inscriptions, in which both the Cleopatras, the sister, and the (second) wife are named after the king, in the period after the return of Euergetes (127-117), e. g. the inscriptions on the obelisk of Philæ (Rec., vol. 1., p. 333). In this determination of the time, he is followed by Franz (Corp. Inscr., vol. iii., p. 285), who, for the same reason, fixes the date of the inscriptions (c. i., no. 4841, 4860, 4895, 4896) between B.C. 127 and 117, although he was already aware of my correction of the inscription of Pselchis (c. i., no. 5073).

It is indeed singular that only one Cleopatra is mentioned in the inscription of Pselchis; but as it is Cleopatra II., the first wife of the king, who he always distinguishes from his second wife by the appellation of sister; it cannot thence be concluded that from the very commencement of his second marriage he expressly excluded all mention of the latter in the documents. This also is confirmed in the most distinct manner by two Demotic Papyri belonging to the royal museum, in which both Cleopatras are mentioned, although the one papyrus is as early as the year B.C. 141, the other, a duplicate, is from the year B.C. 136. All inscriptions which, according to Letronne (Rec. des Inscr., tome i., no. 7, 26, 27, 30, 31) and Franz (Corp. Inscr., vol. iii., no. 4841, 4860, 4895, 4896), from the reasons stated, date between the years B.C. 127 and 117, may, therefore, still be placed, with equal probability, in the years 145 to 132.

[31] Compare Letronne, Recueil des Inscriptions Grecques de l’Egypte, tome i., p. 365, &c. Ptolemy EUPATOR is not mentioned by authors. He was introduced for the first time among the predecessors of Soter II., who were worshipped as divinities, in a Greek papyrus [in Leyden[A]], which was composed in the reign of Soter II., in the year B.C. 105, and he was inserted between Philometor and Euergetes. Böckh, who published the Papyrus (1821), referred the surname of Euergetes to Soter II. and his wife, and considered EUPATOR to be a surname of the deified EUERGETES II. In the same year, Champollion Figeac also wrote about this papyrus, and endeavoured to prove that Eupator was the son of Philometor, who was killed by Euergetes II., on his ascent to the throne. This view was assented to at a later period by St. Martin, Böckh, and Letronne (Rech. pour ser à l’Hist. de l’Eg., p. 124). Meanwhile, the name of EUPATOR was discovered in a second papyrus from the reign of Soter II., as well as in the letter of Numenius on the Philensic obelisk of H. Bankes, from the time of Euergetes II. In both inscriptions the name of Eupator was mentioned; it did not, however, follow, but preceded Philometor, and therefore could not signify his son. Letronne now conjectured (Recueil des Inscr., vol. i., p. 365) that EUPATOR was another surname of Philometor. But then it would not have been καὶ θεοῦ Εὐπάτορος καὶ θεοῦ Φιλομήτορος, but καὶ θεοῦ Εὐπάτορος τοῦ καὶ Φιλομήτορος. In a letter to Letronne, of the 1st Dec., 1844, from Thebes, which is printed in the Révue Archéol., vol. i., p. 678, &c., I communicated to him that I had also found the name of EUPATOR in several hieroglyphic inscriptions, and indeed always before Philometor. The same reason which I had employed against Letronne’s explanation of the Greek name (the passage is not printed along with it in the Révue), namely, the simple repetition of the θεοῦ, did not even permit us in the hieroglyphic list to consider EUPATOR another surname of Philopator. He must have been a Ptolemy who, for a short time at least, was acknowledged as king, but who is not mentioned by authors; and, indeed, according to Franz (Corp. Inscr., vol. iii., p. 285), and also by the acknowledgment of Letronne (Rec., vol. ii., p. 536), he must have been an elder brother of Philometor, who died in a few months, and therefore was omitted in the Ptolemaic canon.

But the son of Philometor, and of his sister, Cleopatra II., mentioned by Justinus and Josephus, who was formerly believed to have been re-discovered in the Eupator of the [Leyden] papyrus, is particularly mentioned in the hieroglyphic inscriptions among the other Ptolemies, in his place between Philometor and Euergetes, and we thence become acquainted with his name, which had not been added by the authors. He is sometimes named PHILOPATOR, sometimes NEOS PHILOPATOR, and he must therefore also be placed in future as PHILOPATOR II. in the series of the reigning Ptolemies. Among fourteen hieroglyphic lists of the Ptolemies, which come down at least as far as the second Euergetes, seven of their number give PHILOPATOR II.; in four other lists, in which his name might appear, he is passed over, and these all seem to belong to the first years of Euergetes II., his murderer, when the omission is easily explained. It is natural that he does not appear in the canon, because neither he nor Eupator lived to witness a change of the Egyptian year during his reign; on the other hand, as was to be expected, he is also named in the protocol of the Demotic Papyrus, in which the Ptolemies who are worshipped as divinities are exhibited, and in which Young had also already correctly acknowledged EUPATOR. In fact, he is here cited in all the lists with which I am acquainted (five in Berlin, from the years 114, 103, 99, 89, one in Turin from the year 89), which are of more recent date than Euergetes II., as well as in a Berlin papyrus from the fifty-second year of Euergetes himself (B.C. 118). A comparison also of the demotic lists shows finally that the transposition of the names EUPATOR and PHILOMETOR in the Greek papyrus from the year B.C. 105 (not 106, as Franz writes—Corp. Inscr., p. 285) is not alone an error of the copyist in writing, as this, and other transpositions also, are not unfrequent in the Demotic Papyrus. The different object of the hieroglyphic and the demotic lists makes it conceivable that such deviations were not admissible in the former, as in the latter lists.

[A] Note.—Leyden in place of Berlin, both here and below, is a correction by the author, April, 1853.—TR.

[32] Wilkinson (Mod. Eg. and Th., vol. ii., p. 275) considers this CLEOPATRA TRYPHÆNA to be the celebrated Cleopatra, the daughter of Neos Dionysos; Champollion (Lettres d’Eg., p. 110) thinks she is the wife of Philometor; but the Shields connected with her name belong neither to Ptolemy XIV., the elder son of Neos Dionysos, nor to Ptolemy VI. Philometor, but to Ptolemy XIII. Neos Dionysos, or Auletes, who is always called on the monuments Philopator Philadelphus. CLEOPATRA TRYPHÆNA was, consequently, the wife of PTOLEMY AULETES.

[33] The inscription alluded to is to be found in the rock-grotto of ECHMIM, and was undoubtedly first engraved before the reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus. He is also named with double shields and the usual royal titles, but without the surname of Soter upon a stele in Vienna, which was erected in the reign of Philopator. Here, however, he bears a different Throne-shield from that in Echmim, and certainly, strange to say, it is the same which even before his time was borne by Philip Aridæus, and Alexander II., under whom Ptolemy, son of Lagus, was governor of Egypt. He is also mentioned upon a statue of the king in the ruins of Memphis, on which the Horus name of the king also appears, and which probably might have been engraved during his reign. Finally, the SOTERS are also frequently mentioned by their surnames alone at the head of the worshipped ancestors of later kings; as in the Rosetta inscription, and in the bilingual decrees of Philæ (see below, p. 121), 𔌗𓊹𔌗𓊹, while SOTER II. is always written 𓊪𓊹𓏌𓐱𓏏𓐰𓏭𓈖𓐰𓈞𓐰𓂡 p. nuter enti nehem, which would correspond to the Coptic ⲡ.ⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲉⲧ-ⲛⲉϩⲙ, deus servator. In the demotic inscriptions, the first Soters are also designated by nehem, and in the singular by the Greek word, p. suter.

Although, therefore, it cannot be doubted that the SOTERS who, according to the Demotic Papyrus, were especially worshipped along with the other Ptolemies, not only in ALEXANDRIA and PTOLEMAIS, but also in THEBES, were regarded as the head of the Ptolemaic Dynasty, it is nevertheless so much the more remarkable, that hitherto not a single structure can be pointed out which was erected under Ptolemy Soter when king, although he ruled twenty years in this capacity. In addition to this, the above-mentioned hieroglyphic lists of the Ptolemies commence the series without exception, not with the Soters, but with the Adelphes; and, as was mentioned before, his shields in Echmim bear no royal title; and in Karnak under Euergetes II., in one and the same representation, Philadelphus is designated as king, and the Soter, corresponding to him in space, as no king. In the demotic series of kings, also, of the Papyrus, the Alexandrine series was wont to omit the Soters, till the reign of Philometor, and to make the Adelphes immediately succeed Alexander the Great. The earliest period that I have met with the Soters is in a Papyrus, from the 17th year of Philopator (B.C. 210), the oldest of the Berlin collection; the Theban worship of the Ptolemies seems to have wholly excluded the Soters. Although the commencement of the royal government is therefore fixed in the year B.C. 305, as is specified in the canon, and most undeniably confirmed by the above-mentioned hieroglyphic stele in Vienna, which has been already cited for that purpose by my friend, M. Pinder (Beitr. zur Aelterem Münzkunde, vol. i., p. 201) in his instructive essay, On the Era of Philip upon Coins, it appears, however, to have offered another legitimate opinion, by which not Ptolemy Lagus, but Philadelphus, the first son of the king (if not Porphyrogenitus), was considered the head of the Ptolemies. It may thence be also explained why we find an astronomical Era employed in the reign of Euergetes, that of the otherwise unknown Dionysius, which began from the year 285, the first year of the reign of Philadelphus, while the coins of Philadelphus do not reckon as the commencement of a new era from the beginning of his own reign, nor from the year 305, but from the year of the death of Alexander the Great, or the commencement of the governorship of Ptolemy. (See Pinder, p. 205.)

[34] See Denkmäler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien, Abth. II., Bl. 123-133.

[35] See Denkmäl. Abth. II., Bl. 134.

[36] Panegyrics: public religious assemblies which were periodically held in Egypt.—Kenrick’s Ancient Egypt.—TR.

[37] See Denkmäl. Abth. IV., Bl. 38, 39.—A special essay on these inscriptions is prepared.

[38] The first news of the discovery of these important inscriptions, which had not been noticed by the French-Tuscan expedition, excited some surprise. Simultaneously with the more exact description of them in the Prussian Gazette, a short English notice of them appeared, in which the discovery of a second copy of the Rosetta inscription was mentioned, and, indeed, in Meröe. More recently, when M. Ampère had brought an impression of the inscription to Paris, the learned academician, M. de Saulcy, denied that the decree had anything to do with the Rosetta inscription, and felt himself obliged to ascribe it to Ptolemy Philometor. I therefore took an opportunity to point out more accurately, in two letters to H. Letronne (Rev. Archéol., vol. iv., p. i., &c., and p. 240, &c.), as well as in an essay, in the Papers of the German Oriental Society (vol. i., p. 264, &c.), that the document in question had been drawn up in the 21st year of Ptolemy Epiphanes, and that it contained a repetition of the actual decree of the Rosetta inscription, which referred to Cleopatra, who had meanwhile been elevated to the throne.

[39] The name Cleopatra, instead of Arsinoë, in the hieroglyphic inscription, appears solely to rest on an error of the writer, which was avoided in the demotic inscription, for here Arsinoë stands correctly. The hieroglyphic text of the inscription of Rosetta is also less correct than the demotic.

[40] Such designations appear even at an earlier period. Thus, in Thebes, an “Ammon of Tuthmosis (III.)” is mentioned. It thereby appears that one of the kings named was designated for the newly-established worship of these gods. Ramses II. dedicated three great rock-temples in Lower Nubia, at Derr, Gerf Hussên, and Sebûa, to the three greatest gods of Egypt, Ra, Phtha, and Ammon (See my Memoir on the earliest Cycle of the Egyptian Gods, in the papers of the Academy of Berlin, 1851), and named the places founded there simultaneously after the same gods, accordingly in Greek HELIOPOLIS, HEPHAISTOPOLIS, and DIOSPOLIS. The same Ramses founded a fourth powerful and fortified position, Abusimbel, and called it after himself RAMESSOPOLIS, or the FORTRESS OF RAMESSOPOLIS, as he also founded two towns in the Delta, and called them after his own name. Now it is, undoubtedly, with reference to these new worships, that the gods there adored were named Ammon of Ramses, and Phtha of Ramses. The king himself was worshipped along with those gods, in these particular rock-temples, especially in that of Abusimbel.

[41] Compare passages in Letters XXIV., XXVI., XXVII. A grammar and vocabulary of the Nuba language, as well as a translation of the Gospel of St. Mark into the Nubian tongue, is ready for publication.

[42] Dhorra. Holcus sorghum. Kenrick, Anc. Eg.—TR.

[43] I have since then received intelligence of the death of Herr Bauer, which happened only the following year.

[44] Russegger (Reise, 2 Bd., 2 Thl., S. 125) found one specimen of this tree, 95 feet in circumference. He is mistaken when he calls it GANGLES; the tree is called HÓMARA, and the fruit GUNGULES.

[45] Wakil, or deputy.—TR.

[46] The poems contain many unusual grammatical forms and expressions, and are composed in a very free, and, as it appears, in some measure, incorrect style.

[47] About six English miles.—TR.

[48] These monuments are now placed in the Egyptian Museum (Berlin). See the ram and sparrow-hawk in the Denkmäler aus Egypt. und Ethiop., Abth. III., Blatt 90.

[49] By the pods and their kernels, which we brought away with us, Dr. Klotsch has recognised the Moringa Arabica Persoon (Hyperanthera peregrina Forskål). It seems that this tree has hitherto only been known in Arabia, and is indigenous there. The individual trees found near Barkal, which are not mentioned by previous travellers, might perhaps have been introduced from Arabia. This is the more probable, as the immigration of those tribes of the Schaiqîeh Arabs from Heg’âz is still testified in writing.

[50] The expression is, that he has built the Temple 𓂙𓈖𓐰𓏏𓐰𓆑𓋹𓁶𓐰𓇾𓐰𓈅𓐱𓏤𓇳𓐰𓎟𓁧 “to his living image on earth RA-NEB-MA.” The word chent no longer exists in the Coptic language, but is always translated in the Rosetta inscription by εἰκών. The temple, and the locality belonging to it, was also named after the king, but after his Horus name, “The Dwelling of Scha-em-ma.” From this we may trace the origin of the Ram of Barkal and the Lion in the British Museum.

[51] This theory of Dr. Lepsius, of the bed of the Nile having been excavated to a depth of 25 feet in 4000 years, has been examined by Leonard Horner, Esq., F.R.S., in a paper published in the Edinburgh Philosophical Journal for July, 1850. Dr. Lepsius having in a letter, dated 12th April, 1853, addressed to Mr. Horner, expressed a wish that that paper should be reprinted in the present volume, it will be found accordingly in the Appendix.—TR.

[52] King of the Noubadœ and the Ethiopians.—TR.

[53] Denkmäl., Abth. II., Bl. 245, 246.

[54] They are called Salamât, “the Salutations,” by earlier travellers. My attention was called to the correct pronunciation of this word by our old intelligent guide, ʾAuad. The alteration is very great to the Arabs, because ‎‏سَلَامٌ‏‎ salàm, salus, is pronounced with the dental sin, ‎‏صَنَمٌ‏‎ sʾanam, idolum, with the lingual sʾâd. The plural, which usually is expressed by ‎‏أصْنامٌ‏‎ asʾnâm, here assumes the feminine form ‎‏صَنَمَاتٌ‏‎ sʾanamât. It is impossible now to see by the mutilated heads whether they were masculine figures. The stone of which the statues are composed is a particularly hard quartzose friable sandstone conglomerate, which looks as if it was glazed, and had innumerable cracks. The frequent crackling of small particles of stone at sunrise, when the change of temperature is greatest, in my opinion produced the tones of Memnon, far-famed in song, which were compared to the breaking of a musical string.

[55] See note, p. 239.

[56] This King AI was previously a private individual, and afterwards assumed the priest’s title into his Royal Shield. He not unfrequently appears with his wife in the tombs of Amarna, as a distinguished and peculiarly highly venerated officer of King Amenophis IV., that puritanical worshipper of the Sun, who changed his name into that of BECH-EN-ATEN.

[57] The dimensions here stated have been taken from Wilkinson, Mod. Eg. and Thebes, vol. ii., p. 220.

[58] Apuleii Asclepius sive dialogus Hermetis Trismegisti, c. 24.—(“Oh Egypt! Egypt! fables alone of thy religion will survive, equally incomprehensible to thy descendants; and words cut into stone will alone remain telling of thy pious deeds, and the Scythian, or one from the Indus, or some such neighbouring barbarian, will inhabit Egypt.”)—TR.

[59] I did not imagine, when I wrote this down, that this crime of blood would so speedily be avenged. See Letter XXXIV.

[60] I have since been informed (Rév. Arch., vol. iv. p. 82) that M. Ampère had been expressly sent to Egypt by the Paris Academy, for the purpose of copying the bilingual inscription at Philæ, which I have noticed in my letters. See above, p. 121. The exceedingly abridged representation of the Demotic text, which was communicated by M. de Saulcy in the Révue Archéologique, is borrowed from the copy which was taken back to Paris, in which, however, the commencement of the Demotic lines, and along with them the date of the decree, are wanting.

[61] Rhamnus nabeca, Wilkinson, Mod. Eg. and Thebes.—TR.

[62] These places were described for the first time accurately, and in an instructive manner, by Wilkinson. Journ. of the R. Geogr. Soc., vol. ii., p. 28, &c.

[63] “Medicine for the soul.”—TR.

[64] These are the exact words of my journal, and as they were understood by Ritter, p. 578. In the printed report, p. 8, it might appear as if Robinson had relinquished the ascent of the whole of this part of the mountain; in the memoir of the Bibliotheca Sacra, this is mentioned as a mistake. But I was only speaking of the actual brow of the mountain which projects into the plain, contrasted with the loftier point, though situated on one side, which was ascended by Robinson.

[65] This account, which I addressed to H.M. the King of Prussia, was printed while I was still absent in 1846, under the title of “Reise des Prof. Lepsius von Theben nach der Halbinsel des Sinai, vom 4 März bis zum 14 April, 1845,” Berlin, with two maps—a general map of the Peninsula, and a special map of Serbâl and Wadi Firân, which was drawn by G. Erbkam, from my notes, or statements. This printed pamphlet has not been published, but only distributed to a few persons. Its contents, however, have become better known, by a translation into English by Ch. H. Cottrell (“A Tour from Thebes to the Peninsula of Sinai,” &c. London, 1846), and into French by F. Pergameni (“Voyage dans la Presq’ile du Sinai, etc., lu à la Société de Géographie, séances du 21 Avril et du 21 Mai. Extrait du Bulletin de la Soc. Géogr., Juin, 1847.” Paris).

[66] The Nakb el Haui, “the Saddle of Wind,” is an extremely wild and narrow mountain ravine, the depths of which are impassable, on account of its steep precipices. The road must have been constructed with great skill along the western mountain precipice, and is in many places hewn out of the rock; in others, the crumbling ground has been paved with great flat stones. There can be no doubt that this daring path was only made after the erection of the convent, to maintain closer connection with the town of Pharan, which, till that time, could only be reached by the long circuitous route through the Wadi e’ Scheikh.

[67] The Tamarix Gallica mannifera of Ehrenberg. See Wilkinson, Mod. Eg. and Thebes, ii., 401.—TR.

[68] The Moringa aptera. See Wilkinson’s Mod. Eg. and Thebes, ii., 404.—TR.

[69] It seems that this convent has not been visited by any very recent travellers. Even Burckhardt, who calls it Sigillye, did not descend to it, but heard that it was well built, spacious, and also provided with a well, plentifully supplied with water. (Trav. in Syria, p. 610.) It is much to be desired that more exact accounts could be obtained of this convent, situated in the middle of the basin of Serbâl, as it probably is one of the oldest, at any rate one of the most important in the Peninsula, as is proved by the rock-road to it from Pharan, constructed with much skill and difficulty.

[70] Denkmäl., Abth. II., Bl. 2, 116, 137, 140, 152; III., 28.

[71] See Appendix B.

[72] I find all whose judgment is of any weight holding this same opinion. Robinson, especially, has the merit of having cleared away many old prejudices of this nature. But even Burckhardt so little allowed his judgment to be guided by the authority of tradition, that he did not scruple to place his reason for transposing the convent of Sinai to Gebel Mûsa, rather on stratagetical considerations. (Trav. in Syria, p. 609.)

[73] 1 Kings xix. 8.—TR.

[74] The name of FIRÂN, formerly PHARAN, is, indeed, evidently the same as PARAN in the Bible; but it is equally certain that this name has altered its meaning with reference to the locality. All other comparisons of names cannot be in the least depended on.

[75] The smaller of the two wells dates as far back as the time of the foundation of the convent. The principal deep well, which supplies the largest amount and the best water, is said to have been first dug by an English nobleman in 1760. (Ritter, p. 610.)

[76] Burckhardt also (Trav., p. 554) observes distinctly that there were no good pasture grounds near the convent, where nevertheless the somewhat numerous small springs, might have led us to expect the ground to have been in a moister condition. With respect to the impression made on Bartlett: see Appendix B.

[77] I was assured of this unanimously by the Arabs. (Compare also Burckhardt, p. 625, and Ritter, p. 769.) Lord Lindsay found “a small wood of Tarfa-trees here, in which blackbirds were singing, and also some plantations of Palm-trees.” It was at the entrance of the same valley “where Seetzen had the pleasure of gathering for himself, and eating for the first time, a great deal of manna from the bushes of Tarfa; he found the ripe produce of the wild Caper shrub growing here in profusion, which was as palatable to the taste as table-fruit.”

[78] Numbers xxxiii. 10.—TR.

[79] Exodus xv. 27.—TR.

[80] See Appendix C.

[81] Exodus xvi. 1.—TR.

[82] These hot springs do not seem to have been originally named HAMMÂM FARAÛN, of PHARAOH, but FARAN, from PHARAN. For EDRISI names those places on the coast FARAN AHRUN, and ISTACHRI TARAN, which no doubt ought to be called FARAN. (See Ritter, Asien, vol. viii., p. 170, &c.) MACRIZI also calls the same spot BIRKET FARAN. (Ritter, Sinai-halbins, p. 64.) The harbour district of Pharan was probably called after the town itself, though distant, and the tradition of Pharaoh’s destruction, so inapplicable to this spot, was perhaps only connected with the alteration of the name of Faran into Faraûn. It remains a striking fact that the Arabian chroniclers, among whom Macrizi himself visited the spot, speak of the town of Faran as of a town on the coast.

[83] That portion of the sandy sea-shore which Robinson regards as the Wilderness of Sin, produces no TARFA shrubs, much less manna. Compare Ritter, p. 665, &c., with respect to the tracts of country where manna is found. It has been already mentioned that EUSEBIUS maintains that the Wilderness of Sin extended as far as Sinai. (Σίν, ἔρημος ἡ μεταξὺ παρατείνουσα τῆς Ἐρυθρᾶς θαλάσσης καὶ τῆς ἐρήμου Σινά.)

[84] Robinson, i., p. 173-196. In opposition to what Wilson adduces with respect to the wide prospect from Gebel Mûsa, we must consider that necessarily a great many places may be seen from a point so little elevated above the immediately surrounding country; from which points, however, the mountain cannot be traced independently and distinctly by the eye.

[85] See Robinson, i., p. 118-196.

[86] Ewald—Gesch. des Volkes Israel, ii., p. 86—also assumes that Sinai was held sacred “even before the time of Moses, as a place of oracles, and the seat of the gods.” Ritter (see Appendix B) considered this to be incompatible.

[87] Exodus iii. 1.—TR.

[88] Exodus iv. 27.—TR.

[89] This is even proved to exist now by Rüppell, who holds Gebel Katherîn to be Sinai. On his journey to Abyssinia (vol. i., p. 127) he relates, in the account of his ascent of Serbâl in the year 1831, as follows:—“On the summit of Serbâl the Bedouins have collected small stones, and placed them in the form of a circular enclosure, and other stones are placed outside on the shelving rock-precipice, like steps, to facilitate the ascent. When we arrived at the stony circle my guide drew off his sandals, and approached it with religious veneration; he then recited a prayer within it, and told me afterwards that he had already slaughtered two sheep here as a thank-offering, one of them on the occasion of the birth of a son, the other on regaining his health after an illness. From a belief that Mount SERBÂL is connected with such things, it is said to have been held in great reverence by the Arabs of the surrounding districts since time immemorial; and it must also at one time have been regarded as holy in certain respects by the Christians, as, in the valley on the south-western side, there are the ruins of a great convent, and of a great many small hermit’s cells. At all events, the wild jagged masses of rock in Serbâl, and the isolated position of the mountain, is far more striking, and in a certain degree more imposing, than any other mountain group in Arabia Petræa, and for that reason was peculiarly calculated to be the object of religious pilgrimages. The highest point of the mountain, or the second pinnacle of rock, proceeding from the west, on which the Arabs are in the habit of sacrificing, by my barometrical measurements is 6342 French feet above the level of the sea.”

[90] With reference to this, compare particularly the admirable pamphlet by Tuch: Ein und Zwanzig Sinaitische Inschriften. Leipzig, 1849. This scholar endeavours to prove from the names of the pilgrims that have been deciphered, that the authors of the inscriptions were native heathen Arabs, who wandered to Serbâl to some religious festivals. And he is of opinion that pilgrimages ceased in the course of the third century at latest. We may also mention that the name itself of Serbâl, which Rödiger (in Wellsted’s Travels in Arabia, vol. ii., last page) derives, no doubt correctly from the Arabic ‎‏سرب‏‎ serb, palmarum copia, and Baal, “the Palm-grove (Φοινικών) of Baal,” refers to its heathen worship.

[91] Vol. i., p. 198. See Appendix B.

[92] I thought I might have been able to deduce this indirectly from his narrative, Antiqu., iii., 2. Now it seems to me that there is nothing that we can extract about his views from this; for which reason the above name should be effaced. Abstractedly considered, it is very probable that he entertained the same views as Eusebius and Jerome. Compare note, p. 316, and Appendix G.

[93] Eusebius, Περὶ τῶν τοπικῶν ὀνομ., etc., s. v. Ῥαφιδίμ, τόπος τῆς ἐρήμου παρὰ τὸ Χωρὴβ ὄρος, ἐν ᾧ ἐκ τῆς πέτρας ἐρρύησε τὰ ὕδατα καὶ ἐκλήθη ὁ τόπος πειρασμός. ἔνθα καὶ πολεμεῖ Ἰησοῦς τὸν Ἀμαλὴκ ἐγγὺς Φαράν.

[94] Hieronymus, de situ et nomin., etc., s. v. Raphidîm, locus in deserto juxta montem Choreb, in quo de petra fluxere aquæ, cognominatusque est tentatio, ubi et Jesus adversus Amalec dimicat prope Pharan.

[95] Among the older authors, Cosmas Indicopleustes must be especially named here (about A.D. 535). (Topogr. Christ., lib. v., in the Coll. nov. patr. ed. Montfaucon, tom. ii., fol. 195.) Εἶτα πάλιν παρενέβαλον εἰς Ῥαφιδὶν εἰς τὴν νῦν λεγομένην Φαράν. Antoninus Placentinus, who is placed about the year 600 (while the learned Papebroch, who published his Itinerarium in the Acta SS., month of May, vol. ii., p. x.-xviii., does not place him earlier than the eleventh or twelfth century), came, as he says, in civitatem (which can only be Pharan) in qua pugnavit Moyses cum Amalech: ubi est altare positum super lapides illos quos posuerunt Moyse orante. That the town was enclosed by a brick wall and valde sterilis, instead of which Tuch (Sinait. Inschr., p. 38) proposes to read fertilis. If Pharan is called an Amalekitish town by Macrizi (Gesch. der Kopten, uebers. v. Wüstenfeld, p. 116), then this can only indicate the same view that Moses was attacked near PHARAN by the Amalekites, to whom this district belonged. Among more recent scholars we must especially mention Ritter, as is mentioned in Appendix B.

[96] Exodus xviii. 5.—TR.

[97] Exodus xvii. 6.—TR.

[98] See below, the complete passage by Cosmas. See Appendix G.

[99] Even the name itself, Raphidîm, i. e. the places of repose, indicate that the place was adapted for rest of some duration.

[100] See Appendix D.

[101] For that reason Robinson and others, who do not allow that any positions of the encampments were omitted, place Raphidîm beyond FIRÂN; and although they make the march through the latter place, they leave it either totally unmentioned, or place ALUS there. We have already mentioned above the objections to this opinion, which have been partly proved by Ritter. On the other hand, Ritter, to remove the difficulty, distinctly admits of an omission in our present text. (P. 742.)

[102] Numbers xxxiii. 10-14.—TR.

[103] Ritter (see Appendix B) is consequently compelled to draw this conclusion; which, in fact, seems to me the most doubtful of all. The present tradition differs from this in holding Horeb and Sinai to be two mounts, situated immediately beside each other but yet apart.

[104] The three possible ways of removing this difficulty have been tried by ROBINSON, RITTER, and JOSEPHUS. The first, places Raphidîm near Gebel Mûsa; the second, assumes there is an omission between Raphidîm and Sinai, and retains two Mounts of God; the third, transposes the separating passage, and does not mention Horeb at all, only Sinai.

[105] See the manner in which Robinson combines, and weighs both views, i., p. 197, &c. All those passages where precisely the same is said concerning Horeb, as about Sinai, are opposed to the more recent opinion that HOREB was the general designation for the mountain range, or for the district, and that SINAI was the individual Mount, while not a single passage requires us to think of a large extent of ground. No mention is ever made of a “WILDERNESS OF HOREB,” as of the WILDERNESSES OF SÛR, SIN, PARAN, and others. We might also cite in favour of the opposite opinion Acts vii. 30 compared with Exodus iii. 1.

[106] This view is found already in the above-mentioned (note, p. 313) ITINERARIUM OF ANTONINUS, who places the convent between Sinai and Horeb. The monks’ tradition of the present day, that the rock projecting into the plain of Râha was Horeb, is well known. The arbitrary character of such assumptions is evident; nevertheless, the latter opinion is maintained by Gesenius (Thesaur, p. 517, Wiener, and others).

[107] St. Jerome expressly says the same thing, since he adds to the words of Eusebius s. v. Choreb: Mihi autem videtur quod duplici nomine idem mons nunc Sina, nunc Choreb vocetur. Even Josephus evidently considered both mountains to be one, for wherever CHOREB is mentioned in the Bible, he placed Sinai instead; the same is done by the author of the Acts of the Apostles (vii. 30), and also by Syncellus (Chron., p. 190), who says of Elijah, ἐπορεύετο ἐν Χωρὴβ τῷ ὄρει ἤτοι Σιναίῳ. (The following passage within brackets added by the author, April, 1853.—TR.) [There has been an attempt to prove, from the Greek termination Σιναίῳ, that Choreb is only meant to designate here part of the range of Sinai. However, the word cannot be understood thus in the sense of an adjective, as there was no other but the Sinaitic Choreb. Τὸ ὄρος Σιναῖον (Syncell., p. 122; Cosmas, p. 195; ἀνὰ μέσον Ἐλεὶμ καὶ τοῦ Σιναίου ὄρους. Joseph. Ant. Jud. 3, 5: ἄνεισι (Μωυσῆς) πρὸς τὸ Σιναῖον; compare the inscription on the convent, Appendix E) is used just as much as Τὸ ὄρος Σινᾶ. But if, which is not the case, Choreb especially was only called Τὸ Σιναῖον, not Τὸ Σινᾶ ὄρος, we could only infer the reverse, namely, that Sinai must have meant a part of the range of Choreb.] Ewald, especially among modern scholars, brings forward the same opinion of the similarity of the two mounts. He says (Gesch. des. V. Isr., ii., p. 84) the two names, SINAI and HOREB, do not change because they designated points in the same range, situated beside each other; but the name of Sinai is clearly the most ancient, for it was used also by Deborah, Judges v. 5, whereas the name of Horeb cannot be pointed out before the period of the fourth narrator (compare Exodus iii. 1; xvii. 6; xxxiii. 6); but it then becomes very prevalent, as is proved in Deuteronomy, and in the passages of 1 Kings viii. 9; xix. 8; Mal. iv. 4; Psalms cvi. 19, while it says nothing against this view when very late authors reintroduce the name of Sinai, merely from their learned acquaintance with the old books.

[108] If we omit the two verses, Exodus xix. 1, 2, the account, xix. 3, follows most naturally after xviii. 27. “And Moses let his father-in-law depart, and he went away into his own land. And Moses went up unto God; and the Lord called unto him out of the mountain.”

[109] See Appendix D.

[110] See Appendix B.

[111] See Appendix E.

[112] See Appendix F.

[113] See Appendix G.

[114] Ritter (p. 31), when he mentions that Sinai was almost simultaneously regarded by the Egyptian, COSMAS, to be Serbâl; and by the Byzantine, PROCOPIUS to be Gebel Mûsa; adds another supposition, which I will mention here. “Might there not,” he says, “have, perhaps, existed a different tradition or party-view on this matter in convents, and among the monks at CONSTANTINOPLE and ALEXANDRIA, which might proceed from a jealous feeling to vindicate the superior sanctity of one or the other locality? It is remarkable that such different views of the matter should be held simultaneously by the most learned theologians of their day.”

[115] This letter, which I have had printed here verbatim, was addressed to the General Director of the Royal Prussian Museum, Privy Counsellor of Legation von OLFERS. This communication may perhaps serve to spread a correct estimation of the fundamental principles which has guided the arrangement and decoration of the Egyptian Museum, one of the grandest and latest works that have been executed in Berlin, and which has just been rendered accessible to the public.

[116] Burckhardt must have been mistaken when (Trav. in Syr., p. 5) he states that the tomb of Noah was only 10 feet long, although the same statement is repeated by Schubert (Reise in das Morgenland, vol. iii., p. 340). It is well known how frequently the number 40 is found employed by the Hebrews as an indeterminate multiple. The same custom seems to have been peculiar to all Semetic nations; it may at least be pointed out frequently, and at all periods, among the Phœnicians and Arabians; even the numerical words for 4 and 40 in these languages indicate the universal idea of multitude. See my Sprachvergleichenden Abhandlungen, Berlin, 1836, p. 104, 139, and the Chronologie der Ægypter, vol. i, p. 15.

[117] See V. Hammer, Geschichte des Osmanischen Reichs, Div. ii., p. 482.

[118] Compare Krafft, Topographie Jerusalems. Bonn, 1846. P. 269, and Plate II., No. 33.

[119] The king here represented is explained by Rawlinson to be the son of the builder of Khorsabad, Bel-Adonimscha. (A Commentary on the Cuneiform Inscr. of Babylonia and Assyria. London, 1850, p. 70.) According to Layard, the same king is found on the buildings of Kuyung´ik, Nebbi Yûnas, and Mossul (Nineveh, Lond., 1849, p. 142-144); who (p. 400) supposes that the cypress monument now to be seen in Berlin belongs to him. (Compare Bonomi, Nineveh and its Palaces. London, 1852, p. 127.)

[120] Ægyptens Stelle in der Weltgeschichte. (Egypt’s Place in Universal History. Trans. by C. H. Cottrell.)

[121] The great Book of the Dead, at Turin, is upon a single Roll, 57′ 3″ Rhineland feet in length.

[122] Ritschl. The Alexandrian Libraries. 1838. P. 32, &c.

[123] De Myster. viii. 1. According to Böckh, Manetho, p. 117. J. Firmicus also speaks somewhere of 20,000 books of Hermes. Compare Fabr. Bib. gr. ed. Harl. t. i. p. 85.

[124] 1 Kings iv. 30; Acts vii. 22.

[125] Herod. ii. 160.

[126] See the general accounts in Diodor. Sic. i. 69, 96-98; Plut. de Is. et Osir. c. x.; Clem. Alex. Strom. p. 131; Sylb. Cedren. Hist. comp. p. 94 B.

[127] Herod. ii. 91; vii. 94, &c. [Diod. i. 28.]

[128] Diod. i. 29.

[129] Diod. i. 69, 96; iv. 25. [Justin. Mart. ad Græc. c. xiv.]

[130] Diod. i. 96. [Clem. Protr. p. 12; Uireph. Synes, p. 421.]

[131] Ibid.

[132] Diod. i. 29.

[133] Diod. i. 69, 96. Heliodor. Aeth. iii. 14; Clem. Div. i. p. 130. [Justin. Mart. c. xiv. 17.]

[134] Diod. i. 96.

[135] Diod. i. 98.

[136] Ibid.

[137] Diod. i. 96; Plut. de Is. et Osir. c. x. [Plut. Lyc. i. p. 41; F. Isocr. Laud. Busir. p. 329.]

[138] Plato. Tim. p. 21; Diod. i. 69, 96; Plut. de Is. c. x.; Vita Solon, c. xxvi. [Justin. Mart. c. xiv.; Cyrill. c. Julian. i. p. 15.]

[139] ii. 177.

[140] Diog. Laert. i. 89.

[141] Strab. xvii. p. 806, 807; Cic. de fin. v. 29; Diod. Sic. i. 96; Plut. de Is. c. x.; de genio Socr. p. 578; Clem. Al. Strom. i. p. 131; Diog. Laert. iii. 6.

[142] Strab. ii. p. 119; xvii. p. 807.

[143] Plut. de Is. c. x.; de placit. philos. i. 3; Clem. i. p. 130; Diog. Laert. i. 27. [Theod. Melit. Proem. in Astr. c. xii.; Cyrill. c. Jul. i. p. 15.]

[144] Diog. Laert. i. 27; Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 17.

[145] Diod. v. 37.

[146] Cic. de fin. v. 29; Diod. i. 96; Strab. vii. p. 297; xiv. p. 638; Plut. de Is. c. x.; Diog. Laert. viii. 3, 11; Clem. l. 1. [Justin. Mart. c. xiv. 19; Isocr. Busir. p. 227.]

[147] Herod. ii. 81; Diog. Laert. viii. 24, 33, 34; Diog. Laert. viii. 4.

[148] Herod. ii. 123; Diog. Laert. viii. 14; Cic. Tusc. i. 16.

[149] Clem. Alex. i. p. 129; Cedren. p. 94, B. [Theod. Melit. Pr. in Astr. c. 12.]

[150] See preface to the Todtenbuche der Ægypter, p. 13, &c.

[151] Cedren. p. 94, B.

[152] Diod. i. 96; Diog. L. IX. 35.

[153] Diog. L. VII. 177.

[154] Diod. i. 96.

[155] Diog. L. VII. 186; viii. 87.

[156] Strab. I. ii. p. 37.

[157] Diog. L. III. 6.

[158] Herod. ii. 143.

[159] Diod. i. 44.

[160] Diod. i. 69.

[161] Plut. de Is. c. x.; de genio Socr. p. 578, F; Clem. Al. Str. i. p. 131.

[162] Diod. xvi. 51.

[163] Sync. p. 271, D.

[164] xvii. p. 806.

[165] See respecting this, Letronne. Translation of the 17th Book of Strabo. (Géographie de Strabon. t. i. Paris, 1819. p. 390.) Compare the passage in Herodot. ii. 123, where, though not by name, he accuses Pythagoras and Pherecydes of having ascribed to themselves what they had borrowed from the Egyptians. The same was related by some of Eudoxus. Diog. Laert. viii. 89.

[166] Strom. vi. p. 260, ed. Sylb. See also Bunsen Ægyptens Stelle in der Weltgesch., Bd. i. p. 34, &c. (Egypt’s Place in Universal History, book i. p. 9.)

[167] Aelian. Hist. var. xiv. 34, says, that the Egyptians in ancient times had priests as their judges.

[168] Clem. Strom. i. p. 131.

[169] [Sacred Scribe.]

[170] The Pastophori do not appear in the train of the priests, and are expressly separated from the priests (ἱερεῖς) by Porphyrius. They were, as their name implies, the bearers of the small sacred chapels of the gods which formed the principal furniture of the temple. That is probably the reason why they appear in the great processions, where the images of the gods were carried about, not as priests, but as under-officers of the temple; and they are, therefore, rightly placed by Porphyrius along with the νεωκόροι, the sweepers of the temple, and the other servants of the temple (ὑπουργοί). As bearers of the sacred shrines they were also their watchmen, and, therefore, especially the overseers of the temple, the watchmen of the temple; therefore their hieroglyphical sign, according to Horapollo, i. 41, is a house watchman, φύλαξ οἴκου, because the temple is guarded by him, διὰ τὸ ὑπὸ τούτου φυλάττεσθαι τὸ ἱερόν. But what could the temple watchmen have had to do with medicine? There is nowhere even the most distant relation indicated between the pastophori and the physicians; indeed, their occupations appear necessarily to exclude them. I therefore believe that there is either some fundamental error, or a false reading, in the passage of Clemens, which cannot yet be solved. The pastophori were the principal under-officers, and therefore were united by their rank with the chanter, the lowest class of the priests. Was this possibly the reason why the books of medicine, which succeeded those of the chanter in this canon, were ascribed to them? There were many more than forty-two sacred books, and they must have all been lodged among the archives of the temple, without, however, being assigned to any particular class of priests.

[171] [Diod. i. 70, 73, 96.]

[172] I speak here of the first section of the Papyrus of Sallier, No. 2, which is communicated in the Select Papyri in the hieratic character, from the collection of the British Museum. London. 1844. Pl. x.-xii.

[173] I procured in Thebes a number of such hymns for the Royal Museum at Berlin. Several of them were composed in the reign of King Ramses IX., in the 20th Dynasty. There was a hymn to Amen-Ra, upon a roll of eleven pages, in the Egyptian collection of Mr. Sams in London, 1839.

[174] Upon a wooden tablet covered with fine white chalk, in the British Museum.

[175] In the Book of the Dead, c. 128, 134, 139, &c. [Plut. de Is. c. 52.]

[176] Porphyr. de abst. iv. 8.

[177] Bunsen, Bd. i. p. 55. (Eg.’s Pl. in Un. Hist. bk. i. p. 28.)

[178] See my introduction to the Todtenbuche der Ægypter. Leipzig, 1842, p. 17.

[179] Bd. i. p. 47. (Eg.’s Pl. in Un. Hist. bk. i. p. 20.)

[180] i. 94, 95.

[181] [Tatian. or. ad Græc. c. 1.]

[182] Annal. ii. 60.

[183] Champollion, Lettres écrites d’Egypte et de Nubie, p. 21, 426. After the death of Champollion, Salvolini made use of the privately withheld papers of his master for a particular treatise: Campagne de Ramsès-le-Grand (Sésostris) contre les Schéta et leurs alliés. Manuscrit hiératique appartenant à M. Sallier à Aix en Provence. Notice sur ce MS. Paris, 1835, 8.

[184] I am indebted for this valuable present to an English lady, Miss Westcar, who had deposited it a long time ago in the Bodleian Library, Oxford. It contains nine sides, of which, unhappily, the first four are very much destroyed. The remainder, also, is very hastily written, and is therefore difficult to decipher. It appears to be poetical, and to be addressed to a king, whose name unfortunately is lost; the example “of his ancestors,” Chufu, Snefru Ser, &c. is held up to him.

[185] 1 Kings vi. 1.

[186] Exodus xii. 40.

[187] Ant. viii. 3, 1: 592; c. Ap. ii. 2: 612 years.

[188] Gen. xv. 13; compare Ap. Hist. 7, 6.

[189] Gal. iii. 17.

[190] Ant. ii. 15, 2; viii. 3, 1. Compare c. Ap. i. 33, where he calculates 170 years from Joseph to Moses.

[191] Isaac was 40 years old when he married Rebecca; Moses is 40 years old when he goes to Midian; at 80 years of age he leads the people out of Egypt, and dies at the age of 120.

[192] Contra. Ap. i. 26.

[193] Manetho had only related that the Hyksos were expelled in the reign of Tuthmosis. It is the opinion of Josephus alone that they were the Jews.

[194] Compare Exodus xxxiv. 12, 13.

[195] Gen. xvi. 3; xxi. 21.

[196] Gen. xli. 45.

[197] Numb. xii. 1.

[198] Exodus xii. 38. Compare Numbers xi. 4.

[199] p. 760, 824.

[200] C. Ap. ii. 3. Compare Tacit. Hist. v. 2. Aethiopum prolem.

[201] Gen. xlvi. 34.

[202] Numbers xii. 10.

[203] Exodus iv. 6.

[204] Exodus ix. 3, 9.

[205] The Persians also knew no other way of protecting themselves against this infectious disease of the λέπρη ἢ λεύκη than by driving those who were attacked by it out of the town, and if they were strangers, out of the country. Herod. i. 138.

[206] Plut. de Is. c. xxxiii.

[207] Champollion, Panthéon, pl. xxxviii.

[208] 1 Kings xii. 2, 28, 30, 32; 2 Kings x. 29.

[209] Exod. i. 11.

[210] Similar perhaps to the command of Pharaoh to drown the Hebrew boys.

[211] Exod. i. 10.

[212] This number, which differs from the one in the original, was inserted by the Author, April, 1853.—TR.

[213] Bunsen. Ægypten. Bd. i. p. 227. (Tr. vol. i. p. 184.) But compare Bd. iii. p. 109, where this opinion appears to be already modified.

[214] Tatian. Paraen ad Græc. p. 129 (Oxon). Clemens Alex. Strom. i 21, p. 138. Justin Martyr ad Græc. p. 10, E.

[215] Justin Martyr. Africanus in Eusebius. Præp. Evang. x. 10. Clemens Alex.

[216] Compare the passages of Justin and Africanus.

[217] Contra. Ap. i. 15.

[218] p. 63, B; 123, D.

[219] Euseb. Armen. Canon, vol. ii. p. 105. Aucher.

[220] According to Gen. xii. 4.

[221] Hist. v. 2.

[222] Manetho, p. 192, 325.

[223] Gesch. Isr. ii. p. 69.

[224] Ægypten, i. p. 127, 234. (Tr. vol. i. p. 91.)

[225] Anecd. græca, Paris, ed. Cramer, vol. ii. p. 174.

[226] They are cited by Gesenius. Thesaur. ling. hebr. p. 1297.

[227] De la géographie comparée et de l’ancien état des côtes de la mer rouge, in the Description de l’Eg. ed. Panckoucke, vol. vi. p. 316.

[228] Mémoires sur l’Eg. p. 126.

[229] Gesch. d. V. Isr. ii. p. 53.

[230] C. Apion. i. 14, 26.

[231] Joseph, c. Ap. i. 14.

[232] Euseb. Chron. in Aucher. vol. i. p. 224.

[233] Africanus in Syncellus, p. 61, B, &c.

[234] p. 804.

[235] iv. 5. 53.

[236] ii. 107.

[237] Jos. c. Ap. i. 15.

[238] i. 57.

[239] Diodor. i. 57.

[240] Herod. ii. 141.

[241] Herod. ii. 154. Compare Diod. i. 67.

[242] Herod. iii. 10, 11.

[243] Diod. xvii. 48. Arrian. iii. 1.

[244] Strab. p. 756, 760, 781.

[245] p. 803.

[246] Gesch. des Volkes Isr. i. p. 451.—‎‏עַבָרִים‏‎, Abarim, is also a Palestinian name. Numb. xxvii. 12; Deut. xxxii. 47, 49, &c.

[247] The supposition of Larcher in Herd. t. viii. p. 62; Champollion, L’Eg. sous les Phar. ii. p. 91; and Gesenius, thes. l. hebr. p. 1297, that Αὔαρις is connected by its sound with Ἡρώ (see below on Heroonpolis) has not even a semblance in itself, even if it were geographically admissible.

[248] Bd. i. p. 328.

[249] Gesch. Isr. Bd. i. p. 290, 291.

[250] Mém. sur l’Eg. p. 124.

[251] Hérod. t. viii. p. 62, 429.

[252] L’Eg. sous les Phar. t. ii. p. 90.

[253] Thes. l. hebr. p. 1297.

[254] In his map of the Delta.

[255] Joseph. c. Ap. i. 26.

[256] Apollodor. i. 6, 3.

[257] Herod. iii. 5.

[258] Apollon. Rhod. ii. 1215.

[259] [This reading is now adopted also by the last eminent editor of Stephanus, Meineke (tom. i. p. 559).]

[260] 𓊃𓐰𓏏𓁣, Set, is the common hieroglyphical name of Typhon.

[261] Joseph. c. Ap. i. c. 32.

[262] Gen. xlvi. 28.

[263] xvii. p. 804.

[264] Rozière, in the Descr. de l’Eg. vol. vi. p. 257, &c.

[265] Ptolem. V. 17. 1. Plin. H. N. V. 11, § 65.

[266] iv. 5. According to other manuscripts, 29° 50′.

[267] Wilkinson, Modern Egypt and Thebes, vol. i. p. 311, there only heard the name of E’ Saqieh, “the Water-wheel;” but my friend and fellow-traveller, H. Abeken, who was also on the spot, confirmed me in the name which Robinson gives in his map (Abu Keischeib). The French scholars, on the contrary, write Abou Keycheyd.

[268] Mém. sur l’Eg. i. p. 166.

[269] L’Eg. sous les Phar. ii. p. 89.

[270] Descr. de l’Eg. xi. p. 378.

[271] Antiq. Jud. ii. 7, 8.

[272] p. 75, ed. Parthey and Pinder (p. 170, Wess).

[273] Mém. sur l’Eg. t. i. p. 151, &c.

[274] Herod. ii. 158.

[275] Plin. H. N. V. ix. 9.

[276] S. Wilkinson, Eg. and Thebes, vol. i. p. 311.

[277] In his Mémoire sur les anciennes limites de la mer rouge, in the Descr. de l’Eg. t. xi. (Panck.) p. 371, &c.; and in the Notice sur le séjour des Hébreux en Egypte, t. viii. p. 112, &c.

[278] p. 768.

[279] p. 767.

[280] Strabo, ii. p. 85, 86, &c.

[281] The first imperfect copy is in the Descr. de l’Eg. Antiq. vol. v. pl. 29, No. 6-8. The best is given by Wilkinson in his Materia Hieroglyphica, Append. No. 4.

[282] King Ramses was therefore just as much the local god of the town Ramses, as the god Hero of the town Hero.

[283] ii. 158. Compare iv. 42.

[284] Meteorolog. i. 14, p. 352, b (Bekk).

[285] i. 33.

[286] p. 38, p. 804. Compare p. 780.

[287] Hist. Nat. vi. 29, § 165-167.

[288] iv. 5.

[289] L’Isthme de Suez, in the Révue des Deux Mondes, livr. du 15 Juill. 1841.

[290] Herod. ii. 102.

[291] The height of the Red Sea was discovered to be 30 feet 6 inches above the level of the Mediterranean Sea. [By the very latest investigations the difference of 30 feet, which was formerly accepted, has been reduced to 3 feet.]

[292] Descr. de l’Eg. Atlas, pl. 23, 31.

[293] ii. 158, iv. 42.

[294] Herod. ii. 159.

[295] Descr. de l’Eg. (Panck.) Ant. vol. viii. p. 27, &c. Compare vol. v. p. 451, and Jomard, carte de la basse Egypte. A copy of the fragment is given in a copper-plate, Ant. vol. v. pl. 29.

[296] [The spot has now been re-discovered, and marked upon the map of the Société d’Etudes de l’Isthme de Suez. Travaux de la Brigade Française. Rapport de l’Ingénieur. 1847.]

[297] Descr. de l’Eg. Atlas, pl. 23, 31.

[298] Letronne was probably led to this opinion because, as above mentioned, he thought that Heroonpolis was on the sea.

[299] Letronne, in this treatise mentioned, has further attempted to show that the connecting canal between the Nile and the Red Sea continued till about the third century after Christ, but was then interrupted until it was re-opened by the Caliph ʾOmar in the year 639. Since that time it continued till the year 762 or 767, when the canal was designedly filled up by the Caliph El Mansur. The ingenious combinations by which Letronne assumes that the canal was filled up with sand, about the time of Septim. Severus, because at that time the Porphyry quarries of Gebel Dochân appear to have been neglected, is not, however, a sufficient reason for this conclusion. The canal might easily have been deepened again, as in the time of ʾOmar, and many other reasons might be given for the neglect of the stone-quarries in the Red Sea. But there is a positive proof against it in Ibn el Maqrizi (Notices et Extr. des MSS. tom. vi. p. 337, 366), where it is said, according to Langlès: Hadrien dirigea ensuite sa marche vers l’Egypte, où il fit recreuser le canal qui allait du Nil à la mer de Qolzoum; les vaisseaux y passaient encore à l’apparition de l’islamisme: c’est le même que ʾAmrou ben el-ʾAss fit nettoyer; and farther on (p. 340), where Amru says: Je sais qu’avant l’islamisme, des vaisseaux amenaient chez nous des marchandises de l’Egypte. Depuis que nous avons fait la conquête de ce pays, cette communication est interrompue; le canal est encombré et les marchands en ont abandonné la navigation. It is evident from this, that the canal during the rising of the Arabs, shortly before the Egyptian conquest, had been designedly filled up by the Egyptians as an inimical and prudential measure, for the same reason that it was afterwards again filled up by the Caliph El Mansur, when Mohammet ben ʾAbdallah rose against him at Medina, in the year 762 (according to others 767). The year also of its restoration appears to me still doubtful. Maqrizi, indeed, says (p. 334): Lorsque le Très-Haut accorda l’islamisme aux hommes, et que ʾAmrou ben el-ʾAss fit la conquête de l’Egypte, ce général, d’après l’ordre de ʾOmar ben âl-Khaththâb, prince des fidèles, s’occupa de faire recreuser de canal dans l’année de la mortalité. This famine year was certainly the year 18 after the flight of the prophet—i. e. A.D. 639. But in the same year Egypt was also conquered, and it is not very probable that cutting the canal, which would occupy six months, was the first and immediate undertaking of the conqueror, although it was undoubtedly soon called for by the famine in Arabia, which made it necessary to import provisions from Egypt. From the words of Amru also, quoted above, there appears to have been a longer period between the conquest and the cleaning out the canal. I, therefore, think that we ought rather to follow the defined statement of El-Kendi, who is cited by Maqrizi himself (p. 343), and who wrote about 880. He places the restoration of the canal five years later—namely, in the year 23; i. e. 644, the last year of Amru. For the history of the canal, compare, besides the treatises of Letronne which we have cited, what the same scholar said at a former time in his edition of the Dicuil. 1814, 8vo, p. 10, &c., and in his translation of the 17th book of Strabo, p. 382; also Mannert, Geogr. von Africa, Abth. i. p. 503, &c., and Weil, Gesch. der Chalifen, Bd. i. p. 119, &c.; the last of whom likewise places the restoration of the canal after 641.

The result we have arrived at with regard to the whole history of this remarkable connecting canal is, therefore, briefly, the following:

c. 1350 B.C. Ramses II. (Sesostris) digs the canal from Bubastis to Heroonpolis (Mukfâr, near Seba-Biar), and with the assistance of the Israelites builds near it the towns Pithom and Ramses.

c. 600 B.C. Nekô appears to have conducted the canal as far as the Bitter lakes.

c. 500 B.C. Darius, for the first time, makes the whole connection, since he cuts through the elevation between the Bitter lakes and the sea.

c. 350 B.C. In the time of Aristotle the canal appears to have fallen into disuse.

c. 250 B.C. Ptolemæus Philadelphus digs a wide canal, amnis Ptolemæus, from the sea to the Bitter lakes, constructs an artificial sluice, and builds Arsinoë on the sea.

c. 100 A.D. Trajan opens a new canal, amnis Traianus, from Babylon to Heroonpolis.

643 (644) A.D. ʾOmar re-opens the interrupted connection.

762 (767) A.D. Mohammet ben ʾAbdallah fills up the canal.

[300] Jomard, carte de la basse Egypte. Wilkinson, Mod. Eg. and Thebes, i. p. 187.

[301] It is a great mistake if Champollion—L’Eg. sous les Phar. ii. p. 244—considers these the ruins of the town built by the Israelites.

[302] Wilkinson (Mod. Eg. p. 319) misunderstands the passage when he supposes that Patumos was situated at the other end of the canal, on the Red Sea. He appears here to have followed Jomard, who, in his map of the Delta, also places it at the head of the bay, although he places Pithom in the right position.

[303] Compare Steph. Byz.

[304] Πά-τουμος, Pi-thom, ⲡⲓ-ⲑⲟⲙ, means “the (namely the Temple, the Dwelling-place) of the Tum” of the well-known Egyptian god 𓏏𓐰𓍃𓅓𓅱𓀭, who was much honoured exactly in this part of Egypt. He is frequently found upon the Flaminian obelisks, which come from Heliopolis, as well as upon the monuments of Ramses at Abu-Keshêb.

[305] iv. 5, 53.

[306] Compare Böckh, Manetho, p. 293 and p. 229.

[307] Exod. ii. 23.

[308] Ramses III., also, whose reign happened soon after the Exodus of the Israelites, waged war with the northern nations, and therefore undoubtedly passed through Syria and Palestine. But it is not probable that his marches were ever of any considerable duration, or were connected with long periods of possession, so that we may venture to believe that these transitory marches against the powerful nations of this country, to whom the Jews did not at that time belong, could have as yet little effect upon them, unless, indeed, it happened, perhaps, when they were themselves subjugated by the Mesopotamians or the Moabites. Such a supposition would be still less probable if the Jews had departed as early as the reign of Tuthmosis III., or of Amosis, because in that case that Egyptian occupation of the country would have happened when the Jews had already become quite established, and masters of the land.

[309] Handb. d. Chron. i. p. 569, 578, 580.

[310] Josephus, Ant. Jud. II. xv. 2, calculates 430 years from the entrance of Abraham into Canaan to the Exodus of Moses. Compare VIII. iii. 1.

[311] [Ideler, Handbuch der Chron. i. p. 507, 543.]

[312] Ideler, Handb. d. Chron. i. p. 531.

[313] Abraham ben David (about 1161) says, in his book Sepher hakabbala, col. 33, b (Amsterd.): “The second period begins from the great synagogue of Simeon the Just. The Persian empire was destroyed in his time by Alexander, the King of Greece (Javan). He came to Jerusalem ... in the year 40 after the building of the temple ... and commanded that they should commence the reckoning of their contract from this year, which is the year 1000 since their Exodus from Egypt, and the year 3450 since the Creation.” But he placed the year of the Exodus at 2448; therefore the year 3450 is properly the 1003rd, not the 1000th, since the Exodus. R. Isaac Israëli (about 1250), in the book Jesod Olam. Bl. 84, b, says, “And the Talmud was concluded in the year 3949, according to the calculation of the world, which is the year 500 of the Contract.” We thence obtain for the commencement of the era of the Contract the year 3450 = 312.

[314] Semach David (written about 1592), p. 60-65, in the Latin translation by Vorst (Lugd. Bat. 1644), cites several more authorities for the year 3448; among them also Abraham ben David, but who, as we have seen, expressly writes 3450, in spite of the mention of the 1000-yeared period since the Exodus.

[315] Ant. XI. viii. 5.

[316] Thesaur. tempp. Euseb. 1658, tom. ii. p. 72.

[317] S. Ideler, Handb. i. p. 579.

[318] In the year 318 the determination of Easter, according to the different Christian calendars, was transferred from the Nicene Council to the Alexandrian chronologists. S. du Cange, praef. ad Chron. pasch. This difficult work at once presupposed a careful consideration and investigation of the different eras still in use, but especially of the Jewish computation of time, because the feast of Easter was connected with the solemnisation of the Jewish Paschal feast, which was instituted at the time of the Exodus from Egypt. Therefore in those days, when chronological studies were more especially practised, there was a particular cause for obtaining the true date of the Exodus, which, to Egyptian scholars in particular, could not have been difficult.

[319] Handb. i. p. 581.

[320] It was also called “the Era of Alexander.” Ideler, Chron. i. p. 449.

[321] It would be important to inquire when the year 2448 is first mentioned in Jewish literature as that of the Exodus, and which of the Rabbis first clung to this epoch in the outline of history, which was at first probably only marked in the calendar.

[322] We have already seen above, that neither the Apostle Paul nor Josephus recognised the calculation of the 480 years. Africanus just as little, who reckoned 748 years. (Routh, Reliqu. sacræ, vol. ii. p. 313, ff.) Eusebius (reckons 600, or even 610 years; Præp. Ev. x. 14, compare Routh elsewhere; but in his Canon he calculates 480), Clemens Alexandr. (Strom. p. 386, Pott. 567), Syncellus (p. 175, 659), and others. Among modern scholars, Des Vignoles (Chronol. de l’hist. sainte, t. i. p. 172) has especially treated the question in detail. He finally decides upon the acceptation, that the period consisted of 648 years, but that the number 480 arose from a mistake in the text (p. 184), as others before him had declared. Böckh lastly says, that the number appears to him to have been inserted at a later period. (Manetho, p. 190.) Several other numbers of the Old Testament, especially all indeterminate numbers, as the 40 and its multiplicates, as well as the greater sums, e. g. Exodus xii. 40; Judges xi. 26; 1 Kings vi. 1; and in other places, and the whole uninterrupted chain of numbers, originating in them, appear to me to have been for the first time adopted since that early part of the Old Testament was last combined and revised, at all events for the first time after the exile. The opinion also adopted by Bertheau (Richter, p. 34), that this revision proceeds from Ezra, appears to me to be very probable.

[323] Numb. i. 26.

[324] Ezra ii. 59; Nehemiah vii. 61.

[325] Ezra ii. 62; Neh. vii. 64.

[326] Contra. Ap. i. 7.

[327] Gospel Matth. i. 2, &c.; Luke iii. 23, &c. The great differences between the two genealogies have been considered in a variety of ways, but, as it appears, they have not yet been satisfactorily explained. Therefore, they do not permit of any immediate chronological conclusions.

[328] The removal of some of the difficulties indicated in the following table are obvious, and may, therefore, have been expressed long before me, in the critical-biblical literature already published, although I am unable to point it out. But the aim we have in view requires us to examine this subject somewhat more accurately. I see, besides, that Ewald also, Gesch. Isr. i. p. 31, ii. p. 433, and in other passages, considers the two generations from Levi to Saul and to Heman, as the most complete, and, therefore, all the others as incomplete.

[329] According to the Septuagint. In the Hebrew text, chap. v. & vi.

[330] [Hebrew text, 1 Chron. vii. 20, 21, 24-27.]

[331] It is impossible that the descendants of Ephraim, mentioned in 1 Chron. viii. 20, 21, could have been all killed at the same time by the men of Gath (therefore, in Palestine), since they include eight generations. The march to Gath also, which is mentioned, could not have been from Egypt (Bunsen, Æg. i. p. 220) (Tr. vol. i. p. 178), since they went down. It is equally impossible that Non and Jehoshuah can be rightly placed in v. 27, since the latter ought to stand in the ninth in place of the third degree from Ephraim.

[332] Gesch. Isr. ii. p. 371.

[333] Buch. d. Richt. p. xix. xx.

[334] Heb. Text, 1 Chron. vi. 39, 43.

[335] Unless the name of Jahath, the son of Gershom, is to be withdrawn, and Shimei put into its place, by which means this genealogy also would only have eleven degrees from Moses to Solomon.

[336] See above, p. 402.

[337] De Wette, in his translation, makes no distinction in v. 22.

[338] See Luther’s German Trans. of Bible.—TR.

[339] The names of Levi, Gershom, Jahath, Sima (Zimmah), Adaiah (Iddo), Zerah agree. It only differs in Ethan (Joah), and Ethni (Jeaterai). Shimei and Libni appear to be brothers. But, on that account again, the name of Jahath, as above remarked, ought to be rubbed out of both lists, and perhaps be considered as a common surname of the brothers. For Jahath appears in the 1 Chron. vii. 43 as the father of Shimei, xxiii. 10 as the son of Shimei, vii. 20 as the son of Libni, but, xxiii. 8, not among the sons of Laadan, who nevertheless, xxiii. 7, stands in the place of Libni.

[340] Gesen. Thes. l. Hebr. p. 1011.

[341] The omission may perhaps be explained by Exodus vi. 24, where Assir, Elkanah, and Abiasaph literally appear beside one another as sons of Korah, while it was probably intended that, as his sons, they should succeed one another.

[342] We should, perhaps, also take into consideration the preference which is given in the genealogical tables of the Old Testament to three sons.

[343] The genealogy was certainly originally brought down from father to son; therefore the names carried up from Elkanah to Heman precede those from Kohath to Joel (and Heman), although Kohath is the elder brother. We follow the correct order.

[344] Azariah appears to have been the true father of Joel; Samuel was, perhaps, his father-in-law, or his uncle, for although, 1 Sam. viii. 2, Joel and Abiah are also stated to be sons of Samuel, our fourth genealogy, 1 Chron. vii. 28, calls them Vashni and Abiah.

[345] In the series of Eli, Ἀχίτωβος must stand in place of Ἰοχάβης, for the ancestors of Zadok and Achimelech were both named Ahitub, which might at all events easily produce confusion. The name Ἰοχάβης seems to be founded upon Ichabod, the brother of Ahitub (1 Sam. iv. 21; xiv. 3).

[346] According to Eratosthenes, Apollodor., Diodor. &c.; see Larcher, Hérod. tom. vii. p. 51, 53, 68, 395, 397.

[347] Æg. i. p. 209-214. (Tr. vol. i. p. 166-171.)

[348] Two points may, perhaps, strike the reader in the survey of the different statements of numbers given here from the Book of Judges, upon which I will subjoin what follows in explanation. I have placed the 20 years under the Canaanites to the right, the 20 of Sampson and Saul to the left; not arbitrarily, but from the following reason: In the first section of this epoch, which ends with Gideon, all the numbers are indeterminate except those exactly which relate to the oppressions by other nations. This does not seem to me to be accidental; why should not the times of the oppression have been firmer fixed in the memory than the other divisions of time, the recollection of which is principally connected only with celebrated persons? The number 20 does not belong to the round numbers; it bears in itself, therefore, the probability of being historical. On the other hand, the 20 years of Sampson and Saul are in the third division, in which all the remaining numbers are unhistorical, as the eight preceding are all historical. The person of Sampson is especially so poetically represented, that it is perfectly adapted to its unchronological neighbourhood. It is possible, also, that it belonged entirely to the preceding Philistine time of 40 years, and ought therefore to be quite omitted. But the 20 years of Saul was even received in the Acts of the Apostles, and by Josephus, as a round number, and was therefore exchanged with 40. The period of Saul also was certainly not better known than that of David and Solomon. The second point is, that it might appear remarkable to see the periods of oppression placed generally together with those of the separate Judges, whilst both classes are however quite heterogeneous. I would have separated them, if by that means the result would have been very different. But it is so circumstanced, that the mean number of the historical statements, if we separate the periods of oppression, amounts to 11 years, in place of 12 years; therefore the total sum is 304 years, in place of 318 years. But this is the same result to us; as we cannot look for an exact sum in the calculation, it therefore appeared more suitable, because more prudent, to leave those statements in their historical order.

[349] By the kind permission of Chevalier Bunsen we are enabled to give the following note, which contains the result he has arrived at on this subject:—Chevalier Bunsen agrees with Dr. Lepsius in the conviction that the arrival of the Israelites cannot have taken place under the Hyksos. On the question whether they arrived before or after them, Chevalier Bunsen differs from Dr. Lepsius, since he believes that Jacob’s family came to Egypt at a far earlier period, viz., in the reign of Sesurtesen (Sesostris) the Second (or Third, according to some), in whose reign he thinks the ancient writers place those changes in the tenure of land which the Bible ascribes to Joseph’s advice as prime minister. This Sesurtesen (Sesostris) reigned, according to the tables of Bunsen, about 2650 B.C., and since he agrees with Dr. Lepsius in placing the Exodus in the reign of Menephthes, 1210 B.C., he allows an interval of 1440 years to elapse between Joseph and the Exodus, more than fourteen centuries.—TR.

[350] They are called by Manetho Φοίνικες and Ποιμένες, and from the most ancient times the north-eastern neighbours of the Egyptians were never other than Semitic nations. The unfounded opinion that the Hyksos were the Scythians has been long ago refuted.

[351] Evidently the same name as that of the Heliopolitan priest ‎‏פוטיפרע‏‎, which only, being more complete, has the ‎‏ע‏‎ at the end, and which the Seventy likewise write Πετεφρῆ. In hieroglyphics the name would be 𓊪𓐰𓂞𓁛 or 𓊪𓐰𓂞𓇳𓐰𓏤 Pet-Ra, or with the article, which can also be written in hieroglyphics, Pet-Ph-Ra, i. e. “he who is consecrated to the sun.”

[352] This was especially the dress of the Egyptian priests, as well as of the king himself, whose transparent upper garments, of fine linen, are known by the monuments. Compare Herod. ii. 37; Plin. H. N. xix. 2. The elevation of Joseph into the most distinguished class, that of the priests, is shown by this laying on of fine linen garments.

[353] Precious necklaces and chains were bestowed by the Egyptian kings as particular marks of distinction. Several very illustrative representations of this from Thebes and Tel-el-Amarna will be disclosed in the work of the Prussian Expedition.

[354] At festive processions the chariot of the queen used to follow that of the king, and after it the chariot of the princes. Joseph was thus treated like the son of a king.

[355] For other points of comparison, see Hengstenberg, Die Bücher Moses und Ægypten, p. 21-76.

[356] Jablonski, Voc. Æg. s. v. Psonthomphanech; Gesenius, Thesaur. p. 1181.

[357] xvii. p. 788.

[358] Maqrizi in Quatremère. Mém. ii. 318, 401.

[359] ii. 37.

[360] i. 54.

[361] i. 72, 74. Compare c. 71.

[362] Compare also Strabo, xvii. p. 787, upon the taxes to the king.

[363] Exodus i. 8.

[364] Exodus ii. 23.

[365] Even if we take into account the months also, subtracting 80 years and 8 months from 510 years and 10 months, we shall obtain 430 years and 2 months.

[366] I do not, however, lay more importance upon this agreement than it deserves. The coincidence of this number with the Hebrew periods, originating in a different manner, may certainly have first caused it to be believed that the Hyksos were the Jews. I am the less inclined to reject this opinion, as we shall see below that the Hebrew number may also be explained in a different manner.

[367] Böckh is also of this opinion, Manetho, p. 227.

[368] Ps. xc. 10.

[369] So Ewald, Gesch. d. Volks Israel. Bd. i. p. 30, 339 &c. Bunsen, Ægypten, i. p. 215, 225. (Trans. vol. i. p. 171, 181.)

[370] Ewald, i. p. 31. Compare Bunsen, i. p. 220.

[371] Ewald, i. p. 354, 387, &c.

[372] P. 204, 206. (Trans. by C. H. Cottrell, vol. i. p. 161-163.)

[373] Ægyptens Stelle in der Weltgeschichte. Hamburg, 1845.

[374] Die Chronologie der Ægypter. Berlin, 1849.

[375] These dates were obligingly supplied by Dr. Lepsius himself, in a letter dated Berlin the 5th of July, 1853.

[376] From the Edinburgh Philosophical Journal for July, 1850.

[377] Bericht über die zur Bekanntmachung geeigneten Verhandlungen der Königl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. Aus dem Jahre, 1844.

[378] The breadth of the river itself. See Letter to Hr. Böckh, p. 27.

[379] Dr. Lepsius, after he had seen this paper, informed me that Katakomben was a misprint for Katarakten.—L. H.

[380] Miss Martineau’s Eastern Life, vol. i. p. 99.

[381] Reisen in Europa, Asien und Afrika, in der Jahren 1835, bis 1841. Stuttgart, 1841-1846.

[382] With reference to the object of this paper.

[383] Reisen, Bd. ii. 545.

[384] “Über den Stromlauf und das zunächst liegende Uferland des Nils, von der zweiten Katarakte bis Assuan, besitzen wir eine vortreffliche Karte nämlich:” “Land zwischen der kleinen und grossen Katarakten des Nils. Astronomisch bestimmt und aufgenommen in J. 1827, durch v. Prokesch. Nil Grundrisse der Monumente. Wien, 1831.”—Reisen, Bd. ii. Thl. iii. 86.

[385] Russegger, Reisen, Bd. i. 258.

[386] Travels in Ethiopia, p. 272.

[387] Description de l’Egypte.—Separate Memoir, entitled “Description de Syène et des Cataractes.”

[388] Russegger, Bd. ii. 3 Thl. 85.

[389] Russegger, Bd. ii. 3 Thl. 76.

[390] Travels, p. 257.

[391] Wanderungen durch das Nilthal, von G. Parthey, Berlin, 1840. 378.

[392] Travels, pp. 9 and 11.

[393] Eastern Life, i. 104.

[394] Ib. 144.

[395] Rennie, Report on Hydraulics, in the Fourth Report of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1834, p. 487.

[396] I state this on the authority of my friend, W. Hopkins, Esq., of Cambridge.

[397] Russegger, Bd. ii. 1 Thl. 569 to 584.

[398] Rennie, Report cited above, p. 422.

[399] See note, p. 511.

[400] Parthey, 318.

[401] Russegger, Reisen, Bd. ii. 300 and 320. Lancret, Description de l’Egypte, Mémoire sur l’île de Philæ, 15-58. Rosellini, I Monumenti dell’ Egitto e della Nubia. Monumenti del Culto, 187. Wilkinson’s Thebes and General View of Egypt, 466. Smith’s Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography, Arts. Ptolemy, Ph. and Nectanebus.

[402] p. 187.

[403] Ægyptens Stelle in der Weltgeschichte.—Drittes Buch, 122.

[404] Antiquités de la Nubie, p. 6.

[405] Tome iii. parte ii. p. 6.

[406] Thebes, &c. p. 482.

[407] Bunsen, as above.

[408] p. 9.

[409] Wanderungen, &c. 334.

[410] Reisen, Bd. i. s. 273.

[411] Reisen, Bd. ii. 1 Thl. s. 328.

[412] The italics in the above quotation are thus distinguished by Dr. Lepsius, the CAPITALS by the author himself.

[413] Here follows a sketch of the plan.

INDEX.

A.

Aahmes-nufre-ari, mother of Amenophis I., 246

Ababde Arabs, 140, 154

Abahuda, village of, 240

Abaris, 406, 416, 426, 446

—— situation of, 426-434

—— same as Pelusium, 431-434

Abaton, island of, 123

Abbas Pascha, 45

Abdebab, Nubian Desert, 141

Abd el Qurna, hill of Thebes, 243, 271

Abdîn, or Blue Nile, 174

Abeken, H., 12, 55, 72, 94, 98, 132, 148, 153, 159, 160, 194, 237, 273, 346

Abel’s Tomb, Palestine, 340

Abke, Nubia, 239

Abir, or Qabir Mount, 237

Abocharagos, the Saracen Prince, 557

Abraham, 422, 485

—— ben David, cited, 452

Abu el Abas, village of, 172

—— Dôm, town of, 222, 229

—— Hammed, town of, 17, 141

—— —— arrival at, 143

—— Haras at mouth of Rahad, 148, 167

—— Haschin, province of Berber, 145

—— Keshêb, ruins of, 435, 438

—— Nugara, mountain chain in Nubian Desert, 141

—— Roasch, Pyramids of, 14, 59, 79

—— Schar, coast of Red Sea, 289

—— Senejat, mountain chain in Nubian Desert, 141

—— Sihha, mountain chain in Nubian Desert, 141

—— Simbel, temples of, 20, 240

—— Tlêh, Desert of Gilif, 214

—— Zelîmeh, Gulf of Suez, 22, 302, 365, 547

Abusir, Pyramids of, 13

—— stone inscribed at, 69

—— Sheikh of, 76

Abydos, 17, 23, 101, 116

Acca (Ptolemais), 336

Achencheres, Exodus was placed in reign of, 489

Achmed Pascha, 129, 147, 160, 163, 187, 191, 198

—— Pascha Menekle, 130, 147, 205, 190, 160

Adar Auîb, 141

Adererât, plain of, 141

Adulis, town of, 220

Aennum (Philotera), 22

Africa, certain nations in Central, 45

Africanus, Julius, cited, 419, 423, 487, 488

—— —— lists of, 418

—— —— preserved the works of Manetho, 499

Ag´aïze Arabs, 278

Agamîeh, the Faiûm, 97

Ahmet Pascha, 45

Ai, King, 261

Ain Gulut, Syria, 335

—— el Haramieh, Syria, 334

—— Hawâreh, Peninsula of Sinai, 547, 548

—— Uneh, Peninsula of Sinai, 555

Aithi, Syria, 336

Akaba, gulf of, 554

Akoris, position of town of, 105

Albert, Prince of Prussia, 70

Alabaster quarry, 101, 114

Alabastron, ancient, 115

Alexandria, 13, 41

—— obelisks in, corroded by weather, 42, 369

Alexander of Macedon, 252, 452, 456

Alexandrian library, 382, 496

—— critics, 487

Ali, a Bischâri, 241

Alluvial soil above Cataract of Assuan, 527

Aloa, kingdom of, 163

Altars at Wadi el Kirbegân, 194

Altar, Ethiopian, 223

Alus, Peninsula of Sinai, 547, 548

Amada, near Korusko, 20, 240

Amara, village of, 19, 237

Amarna, valley El, 101, 114, 115, 262, 322

Amasis I., 114

—— —— King, said to be buried in Sphinx, 67

Ambukôl, Nubia, 231

Amen-Ra, 382

—— hymn to, in Egyptian collection of Mr. Sams, London, 392

Amenemha I., 391, 395

—— III., 15, 20, 91, 239, 301, 527

Amenophis, 405, 408, 420, 497

—— I., 246, 248

—— II., 237

—— III., 19, 222, 236, 237, 253, 256, 261, 485

—— IV., 19, 27, 262, 278, 322

Ammon Ra, 126, 223, 248

Amharic language known by Isenberg, 39

Ammonius, the Monk, cited, 556, 557

Amnis Ptolemæus, a canal, 440, 444

Amosis, 424, 486, 488, 497

Ampère, M., cited, 121, 273

Amru entered Egypt with 4000 Arabs, 430

Anianos, 498

Anîbe, village of, 20, 240

Annals of the Monarchy as early as the first Dynasties, 380

Anti-Libanon, 338

Antinoe, ancient, 113

Antiochus Epiphanes, 409

Antoninus Placentinus, 558

Ants, large black, 138

Aphophis, King, 479, 487, 488

Apion, cited, 411, 421, 423

Apis, the, taken by Amenophis to Ethiopia, 407

Apries (Hophre), inscription belonging to Temple of, 43

Arab, Ababde, 140, 154

—— Ag´aïze, 278

—— ʾAuadîeh, 214

—— Schaiqîeh, 214, 229

—— carelessness in cookery, 280

—— discontented with pay for camels, 130

—— explanation of term, 76

—— family, manners of, 276

—— hospitality, 277

—— vengeance, 271, 321

Arabian Gulf, 434, 437, 441, 442

—— races orally transmit register of generations, 458

Arabic characters, 258, 311

—— inscription, 550-552

—— language, 228, 231

—— music, 182

Arbagi, village of, 166

Arch, pointed and round, 73, 74

Archæology of Egypt, 28

Archimedes invented water-screw in Egypt, 384

Architecture in Egypt, 388

Argo, island of, 17, 233

Argonsene, ruins of town at, 235

Ariston, cited, 554

Aristotle, cited, 439, 444

Arnaut soldiers, 198

Arsinoë II., 109

—— town of, 93, 435, 437, 440, 444

Art, canon of proportions in Egyptian, 21, 118, 383

—— Ethiopian more recent than Egyptian, 152

—— in Egypt and Ethiopia, 18

—— history of, in Egypt, 28

Artaxerxes, 279, 386

Artemidorus, 553, 554, 555

Artim Bey, 189

Artists of Greece, educated in Egypt, 383

Asasif, valley of, 254, 264

Asses in Berber, 157

Astronomy of Egyptian priests, 386

—— knowledge of, necessary to chronology, 396, 398

Assuan, 20, 104, 118

—— granite rocks of, 32, 371

Assur, plain of, 150

Astaboras river, 146

Atbara, province of Berber, 146

Atfeh, Nile at, 43

Athanasius in Theban desert, 266

Atrib (Athribis) in Nile Delta, 333

Atschan, range of, 158, 193

Auatêb, valley of, 156

ʾAuad, the guide, 271

ʾAuadîeh Arabs, 214

Axum, Abyssinia, 220

Ayûn Mûsa, Peninsula of Sinai, 547, 548

B.

Baal Zephon, 427

Bab Allah, gate of Damascus, 343

Bab el Meluk, Thebes, 244

Babylon, 437, 440, 445

Babylonian prisoners, 482

Bachît, village of, 230

Bageh, temple of, 526

Bahiuda, desert of, 213

Bahr-bela-mâ, the Faiûm, 95, 136

—— Jussuf, the Faiûm, 15, 92, 96

—— ʾHatab, Nubian desert, 137

—— Scheitan, or mirage, 142

—— Scherkîeh, the Faiûm, 94

—— Wardâni (the Faiûm), 94

Bâlbeck, 346

Ban-tree, 227

Baobab-trees, 166

Bárada river, 339

Barbarus of Scaliger, 453

Barkal, Mount, 18, 220, 222

Bartlett, H., cited, 535

Barquq, Sultan, 94

Batn el Hagér, province of, 237

Basilica in Wadi Gazâl, 218

Bauer, Herr, of Kamlîn, 189, 163

Bech-en-aten (King Amenophis IV.), 114, 262, 278

Bedouin, the, 86

—— explanation of term of, 76

Beg´a language, 31, 242, 244

—— plain of, 348

Begerauîeh, village of, 17, 150, 152, 195, 209, 212

Behbét el Hagér (Iseum), in Nile Delta, 23, 333

Berber, Mudhir of, 131

Bêida, village of, 198

Belbês, Israelites were settled near, 449

Beled Ellâqi, village of, 241

Belled e’ Nuba, village of, 228

Benihassan, tombs of, 16, 101, 110-113

Ben Naga, village of, 153, 154, 194

Beni-Suef, town of, 15, 100, 322

—— Kensi, tribe of, 241

Berscheh, village of, 16, 101, 113, 115

Bertheau, cited, 464

Bet el Ualli, temple of, 124

Berut (Berytos), Syria, 336, 356

Bethin (Bethel), Syria, 334

Bethmann, Dr., 23, 322

Biahmu, monuments of, 96

Bigeh, island of, 20, 120

—— temple of, 531

Bir Ambar, spring of, 277

Birds, collection of, 160

—— on Blue River, 168

Bîreh, village of, 334

Birket e’ temsah, 434

Birqet-el-Qorn, the Faiûm, 15, 92, 93, 95, 97

Biscay, Bay of, 37

Bischarîba people, 244

Bischâris, the, 140

Bischâri language, 241

Bitter lakes, 436, 440, 442, 444

Bischeh, the Faiûm, 97

Blemyes, the, 242

Blue River, 162

—— —— birds, trees, monkeys, &c., 168, 169

Bocchoris, King, 423

Böckh, cited, 107, 242, 424, 494

—— letter to, from Dr. Lepsius, 508

Boghos Bey, confidential minister of Mohammed Ali, 40, 46, 189

Bokty, the Prussian consul, 47

Bonomi, J., travelling companion, 12, 35, 45, 56, 57, 98

Book of the Dead, 381, 392

Braun, Herr Julius, 41

Bricks of Nile mud, 372

Bricks, burnt, of Babylon, 373

Brick-vaulted roofs, 373

Britan, Syria, 340

British Museum, 394

Bscherreh, Syria, reception at, 351

—— Sheikh of, 352

Bubastis, 369, 429, 436, 448, 449

Bubastic arm of Nile, 427, 428

Buêribs, the, 154, 157

Bulaq, harbour of Cairo, 44

Bunsen, Chev., cited, 387, 392, 420, 424, 471, 492, 499, 526

—— —— last friend seen in England, 35

Bujurldis. See Firman

Burckhardt, cited, 338, 532, 551, 561

Burial near Blue River, 176

Burying alive in Fazoql, 202

Byblus (Gebel), 355

C.

Cailliaud, cited, 150, 154, 155, 209

Calippus, cycle of, 454

Cæsar, Augustus, 252, 266

Cairo, 23, 44-46, 80

—— festival in, 70

Cambyses, 251, 279

Camel, explanation of term, 81

—— drivers, imposition of, 216

Camels, want of, 130

Camp, attack on, at Saqâra, 75

—— life in the, 56, 87

—— night in the Egyptian military, 204

Canal between Nile and Red Sea, 441-445

—— Nile, 436

—— Rosetta, 43

Canals in Egypt, 482

Candace, Queen, 196

Canons of proportions, 28, 118, 383

Canopic arm of Nile, 447

Carians, the frontier guard near Pelusium, 429

Carmel, Mount, 336

Castle of Abd el Qurna, 243

—— Abke, 239

—— Hellet el Bib, 226

—— Sêse, 236

Cataract, second, 131

—— country, excursion to, 225

—— of Kalfa, 237

Cataracts in provinces of Schaiqîeh and Monassir, 228

—— 239

Cemetery of Meröe, 212

Cepheus, King, 423

Chafra (Chephyren), Pyramid of, 59

Chairemon, cited, 434

Champion, M., the Austrian consul, 45, 47

Champollion, Figeac, cited, 25, 51, 107, 110, 112, 119, 120, 124, 266, 527

—— —— cited, 381, 394, 431, 435

Chanter, the two books of, 388

Chartûm, 15, 130, 131, 158, 190, 193

Chemmis, 115

Chencheres, King, 422, 489

Cheops, writing on the monuments since the time of, 37

—— (Chufu), Pyramid of, 48, 59, 72, 372

—— —— —— —— —— tablet on, 57

—— King, 110, 114

Chephren. See Schafra

Chôr el Ammer, desert of Gilif, 216

—— Bân, 227

Choreb. See Horeb

—— 559

Chorography of Egypt, 29

Chôsch e’ Gurûf, Nuba village, 228

Christian chronologists on the period of the Exodus, 421

Christianity in Nubia, 231

Christmas at Pyramids, 55

—— —— Thebes, 273

Chronicle, old, 497, 498

Chronology, 396

—— Old Testament, 490, 492

—— Manethonic, 490

Chronological character of Jewish History, 401

Chronologists, Jewish and Christian, 421

Churches and convents, Christian, 230, 267

Church, Coptic, 237

—— of Magal, 231

Churshid Pascha, 163, 195

Civilisation of Egypt during the first Dynasties, 25

Clavis Nilotica, 210

Clemens of Alexandria, 387, 392, 398, 423

Cleobulus, sage of Lindus, 384

Cleopatra, Queen, 444

—— —— inscription referring to, 106

Cleopatra’s Needle, 42

Climate in Peninsula of Sinai, 545

—— 224

—— at Thebes, 103

Clot Bey, M., 32, 246

Clysma Poemes, bishop of, 557

Codex of Syncellus, 489

—— Mediceus, 437

Computation of time, Egyptian, 497

Contracts, era of the, 452

Convent at Gebel Mûsa, 291, 305, 556

—— in Wadi Gazâl, 218

Copper mines in Peninsula, 22, 300, 301

Coptic characters, 27, 94, 109, 117, 123, 158, 277, 394, 426

—— churches, 219, 237, 260

—— —— plan of, 219

—— inscription, 220

—— language encouraged by Lieder’s exertions, 36

—— population near Thebes, 268

—— school, 36

—— settlement, 278

Copts, the, 270

Corinth, Isthmus of, 442

Cosmas Indicopleustes, cited, 313, 320, 558, 560

Costume in Cairo, 80

—— worn by travellers in Thebes, 104

Crocodiles of Blue River, 169

—— eggs, 175

Crocodilopolis, remains of, 15, 97

Croly, Rev. Dr., 540

Cuneiform inscriptions, 443

Customs in southern provinces, 202

Cynocephalus, 172

D.

D’Abadie, cited, 99

Dáhela, village of, 175

Dakkeh (Pselchis), 17, 20, 242

Dal, frontier village, 237

—— Haui, island of, 149

Damascus, 340

—— journey to, 336-340

Damietta, 23

Dams of Lake Mœris, 95

D’Anastasi, M., the Swedish consul-general, 39, 394

Dâmer, village of, 133, 146, 147, 149

Danai, the flight of, 424

Danaus, 383, 408, 421

Danqeleh, village of, 209

D’Anville, cited, 427, 431, 433, 434

Daphka, Peninsula of Sinai, 540, 547, 548

Daphni of Pelusium, 429

Dara-buka kettle-drum, 184

Dar Fûr, 30, 234

—— —— language of, 244

Darius, 439, 440, 442

Darius II., 252, 279

Darmali, village of, 228

Daschûr, Pyramid of, 13, 79, 98

Dedications on Temples, 379

Date of the Exodus, 470-474, 449-457, 490

Debbet e’ Ramleh, plain of, 300

Debôd, 17, 20, 123, 242

Debu, temple at, 526

Decades, or Egyptian weeks, 398

Decius, Emp., 266

Defterdar Bey, 195

Defûfa, tomb of, 234

Delta of the Nile, 369, 483, 486

Dender River, 170

Dendera, temple of, 17, 23, 101, 110, 116, 322

Dendûr, temple of, 17, 20, 124, 242

Der el Ahmar, village in Syria, 348

—— Bachît, convent of, 267

—— Bahri, convent of, 267

—— Medînet, convent of, 267, 381

De Rozière, cited, 443

Derr, temple of, 126, 232, 240, 356

Desert, Nubian, 133, 143

—— journey through, 214

Derut-Scherif, 15

Dhafari, Peninsula of Sinai, 547

Dilêb-Palms, 171

Diméh, in the Faiûm, 15, 97

Dinka tribes, 149

—— language, 161

Diocletian, Emp., inscription in honour of, 42

Diodorus, cited, 123, 202, 260, 381, 383, 391, 408, 421, 429, 439, 480, 483, 553, 554

Diodorus, Exodus according to, 409

Division of time, 398

Doko, country of the, 46

Dongola, province of, 19, 458

—— new, 233

—— old, 232

Dôm-Palms, 137, 218

Doseh, the trampling, 71

Dromedary, explanation of term, 81

—— pace of, 139

Du Bois Aymé, cited, 435, 436

Durra grain, 143, 154

Dynasty, Elephantine, collateral, 60

Dynastic Lists, 497

Dynasties, tables of Egyptian, 499, 506

E.

Echmim, inscription in rock grotto of, 23, 109, 115

Edbai, country of Bischâri tribes, 242

Edfu, temple of, 17, 20, 117

Egypt, archæology of, 29

—— civilisation of, during first Dynasties, 25

—— climatal conditions of, 368, 369

—— famine in, 481

—— geography and chorography of, 29

—— history of, 367

—— history of art in, 27

—— mythology of, 26

—— philology of, 26

—— regarded as a university for philosophy, 384

Egyptian administration under the old kings of the country, 482

—— Museum in Berlin, views respecting its decoration, 324

—— gods, 381, 392

—— annals, King of the Exodus in, 417

—— canon of proportions, 383

—— chronologies not opposed to Hebrew, 457

—— collection of Mr. Sams, 392

—— prophets, 413

Ehden, village of, 353

Ehrenberg, his views respecting luminosity of sea, 37

—— cited, 234, 239, 290

Eileithyia, ancient, 117

El Ain in Libanon, 338

El Akarid, village of, 150

El Ammer, valley of, 216

Elanitic Gulf, 554

El Bosra, alabaster quarries at, 21, 31, 114, 115

El Buêb, hill of, Peninsula of Sinai, 298

El Chôr, province of Berber, 145

El Elâm, in the Faiûm, 95, 96

Elephantine, island of, 20

El Farût, hill of, Nubian Desert, 141

El G´eʾah, plain of, 290, 296

El Gôs, plain of, 215

El Guês, village of, 212

El Hai, well of, 291

El-Harib, tombs of, 16

El Hessue, valley of, 298, 318

El Hibe, monuments of, 23

El Kab, rock tombs of, 20, 117

El Kenissa, castle of, 239

El Orde (New Dongola), 233

El Qorn, mountains of, 277

Elim, 306, 307, 548, 551, 560

Elijah, 559

Eleians, their Olympian games, 383

Em Bey, 289

Emigrants from Semitic countries, 410

Emir Pascha, 131, 146, 159, 186, 189, 192

Enned Mountains, 288

Era of the Greeks adopted by the Jews, 452

—— Grecian, 456

—— of Contracts adopted by the Jews, 452

—— of the Seleucidæ adopted by the Jews, 452

Eratosthenes, cited, 437

Erbkam, G., member of the expedition, 12, 28, 39, 45, 53, 72, 74, 79, 81, 83, 97, 147, 153, 195, 230, 235, 243, 259

Erectheus, King of Athens, 383

Erment (Hermonthis), temple at, 17

E’ Seleha, valley of, 156

Esneh, temple of, 17, 20, 117

—— Mudhir of, 131

E’ Sofra, valley of, 156

E’ Sufr, valley of, 137

E’ Sûr, village of, 209

Ethiopian art more recent than Egyptian, 152

—— civilisation later than Egyptian, 244

—— demotic writing, 207

—— inscriptions, 31

Ethiopians of Meröe, 208

Ethiopia, flight to, 407, 416

Et. Quatremère, cited, 435

E’ Tih, descent of, 300

Eudoxus, 384, 386

Euergetes II., inscription referring to, 105

Eusebian canon, 489

Eusebius, cited, 313, 422, 453, 489, 498, 499, 555, 560

Eutychius. See Saïd ben Batrik

Ewald, cited, 310, 424, 427, 430, 464, 548

Exodus, date of the, 449-457, 470-474

—— according to Diodorus, 409

—— according to Hecataeus, 408

—— according to Manetho, 405-407

—— of the Hyksos, preserved by Manetho, 410

—— of Israelites, 410, 411

—— —— —— same as expulsion of lepers related by Manetho, 404

—— of lepers same as of Israelites, 412-417

Expedition, chief purpose historical, 24

—— French-Tuscan, 24

Ezbe, roads of, 333

Ezbekîeh square, in Cairo, 80

F.

Fadniê village, 154

Fakir in Abu Dôm, 229

—— of Tâiba, 187

—— Daha, his sepulchre, 229

—— Fenti, castle of, 235

Faiûm, the, 14, 92-98

—— journey to, 83

Fall of Nile, 521

—— Thames, 520

Falmouth, scenery about, 36

Famine in Egypt, 481

Faran in Peninsula of Sinai, 31, 554

Fazoql, customs in, 202

Fellah, explanation of term of, 76

—— industrious, 260

Ferhât Pascha, 131

Ferlini, treasure found by, 151, 197

Fidimîn, village of, 97

Finisterre, cape, 37

Firân, in Peninsula of Sinai, 547, 559

Firman of Viceroy, with permit to the Prussian expedition to collect Egyptian monuments, 40, 42

Fishes, Egyptian collection of, 32

Fortress at Bachît, 231

—— of Karat Negil, 230

—— at Tifar, 232

Franke, member of the expedition, 39, 53, 57, 75, 153, 198, 210

Franz, cited, 106

French-Tuscan expedition, 24

French expedition, 436, 438, 443

Frey, J., the painter, 12, 38, 98

Funeral ceremony in Wed Médineh, 183

G.

Ganz, cited, 452

Gabre Máriam, the Abyssinian boy, 181, 187, 275

Gabuschié, village of, 196, 198

Gaqedûl, in Desert of Gilif, 214

Garizim, Mount, 334

Gau, cited, 123, 526

Gauâta, village of, 101, 115

Galba, Emp., 266

Gaza, road into Egypt from, 429

G´eʾah, plain of, 290, 296

Gebel, village of, 209

—— Abrak, 217

—— Abu Gueh, 278

—— —— Schegere, 292

—— —— Senejat, 141

—— —— Sihha, 141

—— Adar Auîb, 141

—— Aschtân, 158

—— Barkal, 18, 220, 222

—— Barqugres, 215

—— Buêrib, 154

—— Dahʿi, 335

—— Dêqa, 231

—— Dochân, 32, 281, 286

—— —— red porphyry of, 288, 372

—— Dosche, 236

—— El Bab, 136

—— Enned, 289

—— Farût, 141

—— Fatireh, 31, 280

—— Graibât, 141

—— Hammâm, hot springs of, 291

—— Katherîn, 292, 293

—— Kongeli, 226

—— Lagâr, 156

—— Maáuad, 277

—— Maqál, 228

—— el Mágeqa, 216

—— Mograd, 141

—— Mûsa, 292, 303, 315, 532, 544, 562

—— —— Mount of the Law, 532

—— —— convent of, 556

—— e’ Naga, 155, 156

—— Nusf, 214

—— Omarda, 214

—— Qermana, 214

—— Qettâr, 292

—— Rauiân, 158

—— Roft, 138

—— Sefsâf, 293

—— Selîn, 115

—— Selseleh, 371

—— Sergen, 214

—— Silsilis, 117

—— e’ Tih, 300

—— e Tur, 335

—— Um Riglin, 292

—— Um Schômar, 292, 297

—— Zeït, 289

Gedîdeh, in Syria, 340

Geez inscription, 208

Geg, province of Berber, 145

Genealogies, registers of, 458, 460

Generations, register of, 458

Genna, village of, 150

Gennin (Egennin), Syria, 335

Geography of Egypt, 29

Geological structure of Lower Nubia, 522

Geometry, the knowledge of, 390

Georgi, O., the painter, 12, 222, 187

Georgius Syncellus, cited, 498

Geraschab, Schellâl of, 158

Gerbé Dandour, monument at, 526

Gerf Hussên, temples of, 20, 124, 126, 242, 356

Gerf e’ Schech, village of, 228

Germanicus, visit to remains of, ancient Thebes, 266, 393

Gertassi, in Ethiopia, 123

Gesch, reed grass, 213

Gesenius, cited, 431, 548

Gezîret-el-Qorn, island of, 97

Ghabîne, village of, 209

Gharaq Lake, 98

Gibba, in Syria, 343

Gibraltar, 38

Gilif, desert of, 213

Gimscheh, or Kebrit, Peninsula of, 289

Girsche, 242

Gism Halfa, 241

Gizeh, Pyramids of, 13, 47, 79

Gôba, in Syria, 344

Gobat, Bishop of Jerusalem, 39

Gods, Egyptian, 381, 392

Gomra, island of, 150

Gorata, near source of Blue Nile, 99

Gôs Basabir, village of, 158

—— Burri, village of, 214

Goshen, land of, 49, 410, 411, 414, 435, 448

Granite of Assuan, 371

Greek inscriptions, 31, 105, 122, 125, 220, 240, 550

—— philosophers, 385

Greeks, era of the, 452, 456

Gulf of Akaba, 554

—— Arabian, 434

Guneh, in Syria, 355

Gungules, fruit of Baobab-tree, 166

H.

Habak herb, 296

Hadrian, Emperor, 113, 288

Hager Mérui, white rock in Province of Robatat, 226

Haipha (Hepha), Syria, 336

Hair, Arab mode of greasing, 144

Halfaï, or Nile, 205

Haluf, Nuba village, 228

Hamâda-trees, 295

Hamdâb, district of, 225

Hamitic languages, 31

Hammâm Faraûn, in Peninsula of Sinai, 554

—— Seidna Solimân, tower of, 237

Hammamât, quarries of, 22, 32, 278, 321

Hammer, von, 341

Hannik, in province of Máhas, 235

Haram el Gizeh, Pyramids of, 47

Hay, cited, 271

Hassan Kaschef, of Derr, 127, 241

—— Pascha, 131, 146, 192, 218, 232, 235

Hathor, temple to, in Dendera, 116

Heathen temples mutilated by Christians, 267

Hebrew Chronologies not opposed to Egyptian, 457

—— commentators, 477

—— numbers, uncertainty of, 402

—— tradition, 401

Hecataeus, of Abdera, Exodus according to, 408

—— —— cited, 260, 408

Heglik-tree, 217

Heliopolis, 46, 369, 384, 406, 408, 413, 414, 448

—— priest of, Joseph marries the daughter of, 411

—— (Bâlbeck), 346

Hellet el Bib, ruins of, 226

—— e’ Solimân, village of, 188, 205

Hengstenberg, cited, 544

Henniker, Sir Fr., 551

Heracleopolis Parva, 429

Hererat, 297

Hermanovich, Dr., 160, 190

Hermes, Book of the Dead ascribed to, 392

—— Trismegistus, citation from, 270

Hermetic books, 382, 387, 391, 397

Hermonthis, ancient (Erment), near Thebes, 117

Hermopolis Parva (Damanhur), 447

Hero, same as Heroonpolis, 435

Herodotus, cited, 119, 383, 384, 429, 432, 439, 442, 447, 480, 481

Heroonpolis, 434, 435, 437, 445, 555

—— situation of, 434, 438

Hierasykaminos, inscriptions of, 125

Hieroglyphical inscriptions on rock, 458

Hieroglyphic writing, 377

Hieroglyphics, 27, 58, 59, 109, 196, 223, 236, 377, 381, 382, 413, 420, 426

Hierogrammatist, the, or Sacred Scribe, 387

Hiersolyma, built by Moses according to Hecataeus, 408

Hieratical, or Priest Books, 387

Hillel, the astronomer, 454

Hippopotamus, 158

—— on Blue River, 170

Historical book literature, 394

—— literature necessary to restoration of true history, 399

—— sense in the Egyptian character, 374

Hobi, island of, 153

Hogg, Mr. John, 540, 560

Hopkins, W., cited, 522

Horeb (Choreb), 293, 304, 314, 533

Horner, L., paper on bed of Nile, Appendix, 507

—— cited, 239

Horoscopi, the, or time-seers, 388

Horus, King, 259, 405, 420

Horus, the god at temple of Edfu, 117

Hospitality, Arabian, 277

Hospital in Wed Médineh, 185

Hoskins, 150, 154, 155

Howara, village of, 84

Humboldt, A. von, 105, 532

Hyksos, the, 395, 406, 421, 476, 479, 486

—— time of, 485

—— Exodus of the, 410

—— banishment of, 417

—— Dynasties of the, 488

—— invasion of the, 427

—— end of rule, 428

Hymn to Amen-Ra, in Egyptian collection of Mr. Sams, London, 392

Hymns to the God, 389, 392

I.

Iamblichus, concerning Hermetic books, 382

Ibrahim Aga (Kawass), 131, 198, 275

Ibrahim Chêr, a Syrian, house of, 160, 191

—— Hassan, death of, in Syria, 346

—— Pascha, 47, 101, 198

Ibrîm (ancient Primis), 20, 125, 240, 241

Ideler, cited, 450, 453

Illahûn, Pyramid of, 83, 93

Indigo factory in Kamlîn, 163

—— —— Tamaniât, 191

Inscription on temple of Begerauîeh, 151

—— on rock grotto of Echmim, 109

—— on obelisk of Heliopolis, 46

—— at Philæ, 120, 243

—— on temple of Pselchis, 105

—— —— of Edfu, 117

—— at Konosso, 120

—— at Naharieh, 43

—— on Pyramids of Gizeh, 52

—— —— of Meröe, 206

—— at Soba, 165

—— of Silco, 242

—— at Talmis, 123

—— Arabic, 232, 550, 552

—— Ethiopian demotic, 223, 237

—— Greek, 240

—— —— in Gertassi, 123

—— —— on Pompey’s pillar, 42

—— —— at Coptic church in Wadi Gazâl, 220

Inscriptions, 30, 245, 379

—— modern hieroglyphics commemorative of Prussian expedition, 57

—— Greek and Coptic, 220

—— Greek and Egyptian, 278

—— hieroglyphic, 114

—— Roman, 345

—— Sinaitic, 291, 294, 299, 311

—— Rock, 239, 560

—— in Untial characters, 267

Ischischi, Island of, 225, 231

Isenberg, missionary, 39, 47

Ishmael had an Egyptian mother, 410

Isis, chapel to, in Mehendi, 126

—— statue of, 223

—— temple to, at Philæ, 120

Ismael Pascha, 161, 195, 205

Israelites, the, 414, 446, 448, 458

—— Exodus of, 410, 411

—— not the only strangers in Egypt, 410

—— journey of the, 305

—— time occupied in journey to Sinai, 548-550

Israelitish people, destiny of the, 459

Isthmus of Suez, geographical conditions, 426

Itinerarium, Antonini, 317, 448, 449

—— situation of Heroonpolis given in, 435

J.

Jacob, meeting between Joseph and, 435

Jaffa, 23

Janni Nicola, 290

Jassur bush, 295

Jericho, 334

Jeroboam I., King, worship of sun-bull introduced into Palestine by, 413

Jerome, St., 313, 317, 555, 560

Jerusalem, 39, 334

Jesreel, plains of, 336

Jewish calendars, 453

—— chronology, 450

—— chronologists, 421

—— generations, 458-470

—— history, chronological character of, 401

—— list, 497

—— temple of Onias, 449

Jews, the account of, by Diodorus, 409

Jomard, 431

Jorius, bishop of Mount Sinai, 558, 562

Joseph, 410, 413, 435, 481, 483

—— in Egypt, 476-484

Josephus, cited, 313, 316, 416, 417, 418, 423, 424, 427, 433, 459, 460, 476, 487, 497, 548, 554, 560

—— lists of, 419

Joshua, book of, 450

Judæa, foreigners in Egypt fled to, 408

Judges, book of, 450

Jussuf, Dragoman, 133, 275

Justinian, convent built by Emperor, 319, 551, 556, 562

Justin Martyr, cited, 423

K.

Kafr el Batran, village of, 76

Kalabscheh, 17, 20, 192, 242, 526

Kalfa, cataract of, 237

Kamlîn, 163, 189

Karabel, rock-picture of, 24

Karat Negil, fortress of, 230

Karnak, 20, 102, 247, 248-253

Kasinqar, village of, 225, 227

Kasiun, Mount, 341

Katârif, village of, 186

Kawass, the, 87

—— Ibrahim, 149, 170

Kebrit, Peninsula of, 289

Keli, funeral ceremony in, 211

Kenes, island of, 120

Kerak, tomb of Noah at, 337

Kermân, village of, 233

Kings of Egypt, succession of, 26

Ki-si-Tuthotep, tomb of, 113

Kisch, or Kischiga, village of, 242

Klotsch, Dr., cited, 227

Klysma, at the head of Arabian Gulf, 435

Koch, Dr., 147, 160

Koï, remains of towns at, 235

Kolzum, convent of, 557

Kôm el Birât, village of, 271, 321

Kongára language, 30, 234

Konosso, island of, 20, 120

Koptos, ancient (Quft), 22

Kordofan, brother of Sultan of, 161

Korte, temple of, 124

Korusko, 17, 105, 127, 130, 240

Kossêr, 22, 279, 321

Kossêr road, hieroglyphical inscription on rock of, 458

Krapf, the missionary, 39, 45, 447

—— on certain nations in Central Africa, 45

Kteffe valley, 547

Kubán (Contra Pselchis), 20, 242

Kûʾeh, territory of, 225

Kûm-Ombo, temple of, 17

Kûm-Ahmar, rock-tombs of, 15

Kummeh, village of, 19, 238

Kumr betá Dáhela, village of, 175

Kungara language, 244

Kurru, Pyramids of, 229

L.

Labyrinth, arrangement of, 90

—— founder of, 15

—— ruins of the, 15, 83

—— payment of people for digging trenches at, 84

Lake of Serbon, 429

Lakes, bitter, 436, 440, 442, 444

Lancret, cited, 525

Language of Taka, 201

Languages, African, 31

Larcher, 431

Leake, 240

Leqêta, village of, 277

Le Quien, 556, 558, 562

Leontes, river, 336

Lepers, expulsion of, 404, 417

—— insurrection under Osarsiph, 416

—— Exodus of, same as of Israelites, 412-417

Leprosy, Egyptian, account of, 412

Letter to Mr. Horner from Dr. Lepsius, 530

Letronne, cited, 105, 107, 121, 123, 387, 440, 442, 444, 445

Levites, generations of, 460

Levi, tribe of, 459

L’Hôte, cited, 105

Libanon, view of, 349

—— war in, 352

Library at Thebes, 381, 397

—— Alexandrian, 382, 496

Lieder, Herr, German missionary, 36, 47, 74

Limestone, nummulitic, mountain range near Memphis composed of, 371

Linant, M., 14, 92, 94, 96

Lions in Berber, 157

Lion, young, 174

Lischt, Pyramid of, 64, 83

Lists, Jewish, 497

—— Dynastic of Manetho, 497

Literature of Egypt, 386, 390

Livy, fragment of a MS. of, 380

Locusts, swarm of, 68

Lorda, Domingo, 99

Loss of road, 282

Luqsor, temple of, 102, 247, 253

Lycopolis, 101

Lycurgus introduced Egyptian customs into Greece, 383

Lycus. See Nahr el Kelb

Lysimachus, on the Exodus, 422, 424

M.

Maccabees, book of, 452

Madian, district of, 546

Magal, church of, 231

Mágeqa, well of, in Gilif mountains, 216

Máhas, province of, 235

—— dialect of, 232

Mahmûd Welled Schauîsch, 188, 205

Mahmudieh canal, 42

Makrizi, cited, 178

Maktaf, or basket, 84

Makrobioten Apappus Pepi, 110

Malta, 38

Mandera, in desert, 130, 162

Manetho, cited, 382, 405, 410, 412, 416, 417, 423, 427, 429, 433, 470, 480, 486, 487, 494, 496, 499

Manethonic chronology, 490, 493, 495

—— Dynastic lists, 498

—— Dynasties, 496

—— history, extent of, 493

—— list of Eusebius, 422

—— numbers, the genuine, 494-496, 498

Manuscripts, Ethiopian, 99

Mara, 307, 548

Maranites, the, 554

Marcellinus, Ammianus, cited, 79

Martineau, Miss, cited, 514, 520

Marûga, village of, 212, 209

Masr, or Cairo, 44

Massaui, island of, 228

Matarîeh, village of, 49

Mechêref, village of, 142, 144

Medamôt, village of, 247

Medik, village of, 125

Medînet el Faiûm, 93, 97

—— Hâbu, 102, 253, 256, 260

—— —— church at, 269

—— Mâdi, ruins of, 98

—— Nimrud, town of, 97

Mediterranean Sea, triremes on, 442

Megdel, in Syria, 336

Meharret. See Hererat

Mehemet Ali, 441

Mehendi, Roman camp of, 125

Meidûm, Pyramid of, 64, 83

Mekseh, village of, 336

Meláh (Arabic for salt work), 194

Melek Idris Adlân, 177, 191

Memnon statue, 257

Memnonia at Thebes, 102, 248, 258

Memphis, 14, 49, 72, 81, 369, 427, 484

—— Pyramids of, 24, 44, 370

Menephthes king during the Exodus, 424, 430, 449, 451, 454, 470, 474, 480, 484

—— rock temple, at Surarieh, dedicated to Hathor by, 100

—— temple in Nubia erected by, 124

Menes, laws of, 392

—— epoch, or first historical year, 495

—— hieroglyphic writings invented in time of, 377

—— year of 3893, B.C., 494

Menkera (Mykerinos), Pyramid of, 59

Menzaleh Lake, 333

Merhet, priest of Chufu, tomb of, 61, 63

Méraui, town of, 194, 223

Meröe, derivation of term, 210

—— district between Nile and Astaboras, 17, 146

—— island of, 225

—— Pyramids of, 206

—— well of, 217

Mesaurât, monuments of, 156

—— el Kirbegân (Ben Naga), 156, 157

—— e’ Naga (Ben Naga), 156

—— e’ Sofra (Ben Naga), 156

Messâid, spring of water, 288

Messelemîeh, town of, 166, 189, 205

Metamme, village of, 154

Meton, the cycle of, 454

Mice in camp, 87

Miglik, in Gilif range, 216

Military band, 186

Minjan schtaroth, epoch of, 455

Mirage, in Nubian Desert, 141

Misphragmuthosis, end of rule of Hyksos, 428, 490

Mitrahinneh, 72

Mneuis, holy bull, 411, 413

Moʾallaqa, Syria, 337

Möris-Amenemha, 481

Mœris Lake, 92, 95

—— dams of lake, 95

Mœris, Pyramid of, 83

Mograd, mountain range of, 141

Mogrân River, 146

Mohammed Ali, 39, 40, 333

—— Saïd, 158

Moie Messâid, spring of, 288

Moleds, or new moons, 453

Molon, cited, 423

Monarchy, Old, 395, 414

Monassir, cataracts in province of, 228

Monkeys on Blue River, 169

Mons Casius, 429

—— Claudianus. See Gebel Fatireh

—— Porphyrites. See Gebel Dochân

Monuments, 368, 375

—— age of Egyptian, 16

—— in Old Monarchy, 414

—— of Biahmu, 96

—— granite, at Mount Barkal, 223

—— Pharaonic, 233

—— at Soba, 18

—— at Thebes, 20

Monumental nation, the Egyptian, 397

—— writing, hieroglyphics become, 379

Moqattam Hills, 47

Mosaic account of Exodus, 425

Mosch, town of, 235

Moses, 310, 408, 411, 449, 484, 486, 491, 546

Mosque at Damascus, 343

—— at Old Dongola, 232

Motmar, 150

Mountains of Nubian Desert, mineral character of, 136

Mud of Nile, bricks made of, 369

Mudhir of Berber, 131

—— Esneh, 131

Mühleisen, a missionary, 39, 47

Mukfâr, ruins of, 435, 436

Mulid e’ Nebbi, festival of, 70

Mummies, durability of, 370

Mundera, plain of, 141

Munfîeh range, 280

Mûsa Bey, 148

Music not considered by the Egyptians an independent art, 388

—— Eastern, 85

—— Arabic, 182

Mustaffa Pascha, 131

Mythology of Egypt, 25

Myos hormos, ruins of, 289

N.

Nablus (Sichem) Syria, 334

Naga in the desert, 17, 153, 156, 210

Naharieh, ruins of town near, 43

Nahr el Kelb (Lykos), 22, 355

Nakb el Egaui, Peninsula of Sinai, 291

—— Haui, Peninsula of Sinai, 291, 294, 547

Names, holy and popular, for towns, 115

Napoleon, Descrip. de l’Egypt, 376

Napata, town of, 18, 223

—— cemetery of, 220

Narrative, Mosaic, contradicts the idea that the Jews were the Hyksos, 421

Nascimbeni, engineer of the Viceroy, 93

Nasr, Sultâna, 176

Natron, crust in desert of, 139

Natural history, collection by Ferd. Werne, bought for Prussia, 42

Nazareth, 335

Nebbi Habîl (tomb of Abel), 340

—— Schît, Syria, 345

Nebek-tree, 277, 298

Nebuchadnezzar, 455

Nechel Delfa, in Gebel Munfîeh, 281

Necropoli, Egyptian, 375

Necropolis of Thebes, 247

Nectanebus, 120, 243, 525, 531

—— II., 494

Negro soldiers, 186

Nehera-si-Numhotep, tomb of, 112

Nekleh, Rosetta arm of Nile, 43

Nekôs begins to cut canal between Nile and Red Sea, 439, 440, 441, 442

Neos Dionysos, Ptolemy XIII., 108

Neslet, village of, 98

Nesnas ape, 164

Neubauer, Herr, apothecary at Chartûm, 160

New Dongola, 233

Nile river, height of, at Semneh, 19, 20

—— gradual levelling of bed, 30

—— at Atfeh, 43

—— waters of, 44

—— crossing the, 211

—— observations on rise of, 239, 259

—— between Thebes and Qeneh, 275

—— narrow district of, 369

—— mud bricks of, 369

—— ease of transport on, 372

—— canal, 436, 448

—— upper districts of, 458

—— rise of, related by Strabo, 481

—— breadth, depth, and velocity in Nubia, 519

—— fall of, 521

Nilometer, 73

Nimr, palace of King, 195

Nilus, cited, 556, 557, 560

Noah’s tomb, 327

Nochol rock, 307

Nofratmu, an ancestor of Ranumhet, chief architect, 458

Nomarchs, who ruled in the Nomes, 482

Nomes, Egypt divided into, 482, 483

Nome, Sethroitic, Abaris situated in, 427, 431

Nuba language, 30, 128, 232, 234

—— dialect, 235

—— villages, 228

Nubia, Lower, phys. geog. of, see Appendix, 516

—— Lower, geological structure of, Appendix, 522

—— breadth, depth, &c., of Nile, Appendix, 519

—— temples in, 124

Nubian language, 171

—— Sheikh, 30

Nubians, character of, 127

Numbers, genuine Manethonic, 494-496, 498

—— Hebrew, uncertainty of, 402

Nummulitic limestone near Memphis, 371

Numt Amen, temple of, 255

Nureddin Effendi, a Coptic Catholic Egyptian, 163, 189

Nuri, Pyramids of, 218, 221

Nus, hieroglyphic name of town, 112

O.

Obelisk at Heliopolis, 46

Obelisks in Alexandria, 369

Ochus, conquest of Egypt by, 494

Okmeh, sulphur-spring at, 237

Old Dongola, 232

Old Testament writings, 459

—— —— chronology, 490, 492

Old chronicle, 497, 498

Olympiad, the seventh, 423

—— calculation, 424

Olympian games, 383

Omar Aga, officer in Turkish army, 198

Omarâb mountains, 209

Ombos, canon of proportions found in, 20, 118

Om Saiale, well of, 218

Om Schebak, valley of, 218

On, same as Heliopolis, 113

Onias, temple of, 449

Osarsiph, priest of Heliopolis, 406, 408, 413, 416

Osiris, tomb of, 122

—— service of, 413

—— statue of, at Kamlîn, 164

Osman Bey, chief in command of army against Taka, 196

Osymandyas, King, 381

—— tomb of, 260

Otho, Emp., 266

P.

Paapis, son of Amenophis, 405

Palms, Dilêb, 171

—— Doum, 137, 218

Pachon, Papyri dated 13th of, 395

Painting on Pyramids, 52

—— Christian, over Heathen representations, 268

Paintings in Thebes, 246

—— on tomb in Benihassan, 111

Panodorus, 498

Panopolis (Chemmis), rock-grotto of, 115

Papyrus rolls, 391, 394, 395

—— of Sallier, 391

—— plant, 373, 380

—— roll on monuments, 374

Paran, 304, 539

Parthey, cited, 520, 525

Papebroch, cited, 558

Pastophori, the watchers of the temples, 389

Patriarchs, the three, 491

Paul, Apostle, on number, 403, 480

Pedigree of architect, 279

Peney, M., French surgeon, 196

Petamenap, tomb of the royal scribe, 265

Pelusaic arm of Nile, 429, 446

Pelusium, town of, 429, 430, 432

Peninsula of Sinai, climate of, 545

Periander, 442

Period from Abraham to Moses, 485-491

Perring, measurement of Pyramids by, 59

—— 13, 79, 114

Petronius, Prefect, 481

Phœnikon, Peninsula of Sinai, 555

Phœnix, period of 1500 years, 398

Phara ravine, 554

Pharan, 297, 304, 313, 546, 555, 557

—— church of, 562

—— palm-grove of, 553, 559

Pharaoh, 413, 480

—— of the Exodus, 421-425

—— the, of Joseph, 477

—— (Sethôsis I.), 484

Pharaonic history, restoration of the, 399

Philæ, island of, 20, 119, 242, 530, 531

—— name of, 120

—— inscriptions at, 107

—— temples on, 525

Philotera, ancient, 289

Philip Aridæus, 252

Philology, Egyptian, 26

Philosophers who visited Egypt, 385

Phokes, island of, 555

Physical Geography of Lower Nubia, Appendix, 516

Pilgrims, German, 302

Pipe, Turkish, pleasure of, 104

Pithom and Ramses, treasure cities, 426

—— situation of, 435, 447

Plague of the leprosy, Egyptian account of, 412

Plato, house he inhabited in Heliopolis, 384

Pliny, cited, 439, 444

—— fable by, of Sphinx, 67

Plutarch, cited, 123, 386

Poems, Arabic, 182

Polemon, cited, 422

Pompey’s Pillar, 42

Porphyry, Gebel Dochân, 372

Poseidion, town of, 553

Potiphar, an Egyptian name, 476

—— of Heliopolis, 411, 413

Priests in Egypt, 385, 386

—— books, the hieratical, 387

—— learned, 412

—— registers of their generations, 459

Primis, ancient, 125, 240

Procopius, cited, 320, 556

Prokesch, Gen. von, cited, 525

Proskynemata, 56, 279

Prophets, Egyptian, 413

—— the, 387

Prudhoe, Lion of Lord, 223, 236

Pruner, Dr., 47, 98

Psalmist, the, on length of life, 491

Psammeticus, 429, 440

—— I., 240, inscription belonging to temple of, at Naharieh, 43

Pselchis, inscription at temple of, 105

Ptah-nefru-be-u, tomb of, 63

Ptolemy Alexander I., temple built by, 117

—— 380, 429, 434, 437, 438

—— Mendesius, cited, 421, 424

—— Eupator, inscription referring to, 107

—— Philadelphus, 382, 439, 440, 444, 525

—— the geographer, 115, 429, 434, 437, 438, 554

Ptolemies, Greek inscription about the, 107

Publius, Prefect, 42

Pyramid of Cheops (Chufu), view from, 48, 49, 59, 72, 372

—— of Daschûr, 79, 98

—— of Gizeh, 47, 56, 79, 323

—— of Howara (Labyrinth), 83

—— of Labyrinth, 90

—— of Mencheres, 372

Pyramids, 47-65

—— age of, 13

—— ascent of, 48

—— view from summit of, 48

—— built of bricks, 372

—— first visit to, 47

—— remains of, 13

—— structure of, 65

—— supposed by Osman Bey to contain treasure, 197

—— of Abu Roasch, 59, 79

—— of Abusir, 69

—— of Beg´erauîeh, 195, 150

—— of Lischt and Meidûm, 64, 83

—— of Illahûn and Mœris, 83

—— of Meröe, 150-152, 206

—— of Memphis, 25, 44, 47-81, 375

—— of Nuri, 221

—— of Rigah, 79

—— of Saqâra, 64, 67

—— of Tanqassi and Kurru, 229

—— of Zauiet el Arrian, 59

—— of Zûma, 230

Pythagoras, cited, 385

Q.

Qala, village of, 209

Qantur, Pyramid of, at Kurru, 229

Qasr Qerûn, town of, 15, 98

—— e’ Saiat, tombs at, 16, 116

Qeneh, village of, 22, 275, 277, 321

Qirre, mountains of, 158, 193

Qirsch, village of, 242

Qsur el Benat, plain of, 278

Quarries, granite, 234

—— porphyry, 288

—— stone, 278

Qubbet e’ Nasr, view from, 340

Qurna, Thebes, 20, 102, 108, 254, 259

Qurnet Murrâi, hill of, 267

Queens preferred in Ethiopia, 178

Quft (Koptos), 277

Qulleh, clay water bottles, 103

—— manufactory of, 276

Qûs, Apollinopolis parva, 277

R.

Ra, figure of the god, 438

Rababa, musical instrument, 182

Rabbis, 453

Rabbinical chronology, 450-455

—— date of Exodus, 470

Rabbi Hillel Hanassi, 453, 450

Races intermingled, 411

Râha, plain of, 293, 545, 548, 553

Rahad river, 148, 167

Rain in Upper Egypt, 119

—— Nubian desert, 137

Raithenes, the, 555

Raithu. See Tôr

Ramadan, Mussulmans’ holy month, 45

Ram of Barkal, 236, 245

Rams, granite, 223

Rauiân, mountains of, 158, 193

Rammius Martialis Eparch, 288

Ramses II. (Miamun), 249, 259, 333, 370, 381, 393, 395, 418, 420, 438, 441, 446, 447, 449, 481, 483, 484

—— his name inscribed on Cleopatra’s Needle, 42

—— statue of, 72

—— temple of, in Thebes, 102, 243, 259

—— temple of, near Kalabscheh, 526

—— bas-reliefs of, 355

—— memorial tablets of, 22

—— III., 250, 260, 450

—— IX., 395

—— town of, 426, 447

Rameseion, 381

Ranumhet, chief architect, 458

Raphia (Refah), 429

Raphidîm, Peninsula of Sinai, 312, 318, 540, 545, 548

Ras Furtak, Peninsula of Sinai, 555

—— Gehan, Peninsula of Sinai, 553, 554

—— Abu Zelîmeh, Peninsula of Sinai, 553

—— Mohammed, Peninsula of Sinai, 553, 554

—— e’ Schekab, in Syria, 355

Rayeh, convent of, at Tôr, 557

Red Sea, 437, 440

—— —— level higher than Mediterranean, 441

Register of generations, 458, 459

Rennie, Mr., cited, 521, 524

Representations at Naga in the desert, 210

Reschraschi, plain of, 278

Rhinokolura (El Arisch), 429

Ricci, cited, 551

Rigah, Pyramid of, 79

Ritter, Carl, 315, 316, 320, 541, 543, 554, 558

—— his views on position of Sinai, 545, 546

Ritschl, 382

Robatat, province of, 226

Robbery at Saqâra, 72, 75

Rock-chambers lined with brick, 373

—— temple at Abu Simbel, 240

—— inscriptions, 560

Robinson, E., measurements of distance in Peninsula of Sinai, 547, 548

—— cited, 308, 309, 315, 316, 533, 545, 551

Roda, island of, 73

Roft, mountain chain of, 138

Româli, village of, 175

Roman camp at Mehendi, 125

—— inscription, 345

Rossafa road, 321

Rosellini, cited, 29, 51, 108, 244, 266, 525

Rosetta canal, 43

—— inscription of, 121

Royal revenues, 482

Rozière, the traveller, 426

Ruins in Wadi el Kirbegân, 194

Rüppell, cited, 290, 310, 545

Russegger, cited, 166, 515, 519, 523, 528, 529

Rustan Effendi, 192

S.

Saba Doleb, village of, 171

Sabagûra, ruins of ancient city, 20, 242

Sacred Books, 391

Sa el Hager, ancient Sais, 43

Sacred Writings, 391

Saffi, island of, 227

Sagadi, village of, 150

Sai, island of, 19, 237

Saïd ben Batrik, cited, 556, 562

Saida (Sidon), 336

Sailors on Red Sea, 289

St. Athanasius in Theban desert, 266

St. George, tomb of, 356

St. Martin, cited, 107

Sais, ancient, 43, 369

Saladin’s tomb, 343

Salamât (Sanamât), 258

Sálame-tree, 217

—— village of, 228

Salatis, King, 486

Salhîeh, Syria, 344

Salmasius, cited, 433

Sallier, Papyrus of, 391, 394

Samanúd (Sebennytos), 23, 333

Sami Bey, 39

Sams’, Mr., Egyptian collection, 392

San (Tanis), 23, 333

Sanab, 221

Sand dunes in plain of El Gôs, 215

Sanherib, 429

Saqâra, 64, 72, 81, 86, 89, 103

—— Pyramids of, 10

—— Sheikhs of, 76

—— trial at, 77

Sarcophagus of white limestone in Thebes, 245

Sarcophagi, 376

Sarbut el Châdem, Egyptian monuments of, 22, 300, 305

Saulcy, M. de, 121, 273

Schabak (So), King of Ethiopia and Egypt, 251

Schaib el Benat, village of, 281

Schaiqîeh Arabs, 214, 229

—— cataracts in province of, 228

—— princes, 227

—— province of, 231

Schataui, village of, 240

Schech-Said, village of, 16

Schendi, town of, 17, 23, 153, 154, 195

Scherif Pascha, the minister, 77, 89

Scheschenk I., 250

Schilluk tribe, 149

Schoa, missionary station of, 39

Schômar. See Gebel Um Schômar

Schôna government store-house, 237

Schafra (Chafra), King, whether represented by Sphinx, 66

—— Pyramid of, 59, 66

Scherif Pascha, 89, 45

Schulz, Dr., 334

Sculptures, Egyptian, 233

Sea, sensations at, 36

—— luminous appearance on, 37

Seba-Biar, valley of, 434, 438, 441, 445

Sebastieh (Samaria), 335

Sebekhoteps, the Kings, 239

Sebekhotep I., 20

Sebûa, temple of, 20, 124, 241, 242, 356, 527

Seder Olam Rabah, the, 456

Sedeïnga, temple of, 19, 237

Sehêl, island of, 20

Seïd Hussên, family of, 275

—— Haschim, 176, 180, 181

Selajîn, village of, 97

Selama, village of, 154

Seleucidæ, era of the, 452, 453, 455

Seleucus, 382

Selîm Pascha, governor of Upper Egypt, 101, 114, 191

Selîm of Assuan, cited, 162

—— guide, 280

Selun (Silo), Syria, 334

Selseleh, sandstone mountains of, 32

Semitic king, 478

—— countries, 410

—— court, 477

—— Hyksos, 476

Semneh, 19, 238, 529, 531

—— Nile at, 30, 239, 529, 531

Senmut, hieroglyphic name for island of Bigeh, 120

Sennâr, capital of the Sudan, 18, 173, 176

Septuagint, 413

Serapiu, 435

Serbâl, Mount, 22, 295, 298, 299, 303, 308, 532

Serha-tree, 217

Sero, on frontier of Sennâr and Fasokl, 148, 175

Sêse, Mount, 236

Sesebi, ruins of, 19, 236

Sesoosis, 482

Sesostris Sesoosis, 480, 483

—— 481, 394, 429, 439

Sesurtesen I., 248, 395

—— on Pyramids of Begerauîeh, 151

—— obelisk erected by, 46

—— Throne-shield of, at Naga, 155

—— II., 112

—— III., 120, 238

Sesurtesens, the, 111

Sethôs, also called Ramesses, 407

—— priest of Ptha, 429

—— I., 15, 48, 236, 249, 259, 394, 449, 481

—— remains of temple erected by, 124

Sethôsis, 418, 481

Sethroitic Nome, 427, 428, 431

Seventy, the, 402, 434, 435, 436, 438, 464, 476

Serbon, lake of, 429

Set-Necht, King, 395

Sheikh Achmed, sheikh of camels, 134

—— Ahmed Welled ʾAuad, in the train of Osman Bey, 196

—— Sandalôba, chief of the Arabian merchants, 173

—— Mohammed Welled Hammed, prisoner of Osman Bey, 201

—— Mûsa el Fakir, prisoner of Osman Bey, 200

—— prisoners, 200

—— Selâm, 280, 286

—— Jusef Hanna Dahir, of Bscherreh, 352

Sheikhs of Saqâra and Abusir, 76

Shields on Pyramids of Gizeh, 58

—— hieroglyphic, 58, 196

—— of the Pharaohs, 438

Sidereal year, 398

Silco, inscription of, 242

Sittere-trees, 295

Sin, wilderness of, 308, 540, 547, 548

Sinai, Mount, true position of, 22, 303-321, 542, 560, 562

—— Ritter’s views respecting, 541-546

—— departure for Peninsula of, 274

—— convent of, 291, 305

—— tradition of, 559

Sinaitic inscriptions, 31, 291, 294, 299, 311, 545

Siut, town of, 16, 101, 114, 115

Slave revolt, 190, 192, 193

Sluice at Arsinoë, 440

Soba, capital of, kingdom of Aloa, 18, 162, 189

Solb (Soleb), temple of, 19, 223, 236

Soldiers, negro, 186

—— under Osman Bey in good discipline, 205

Snefru, King, 396

Sphinx, excavation in front of, 66

Sphinxes at temple in Wadi Lebua, 126

Solimân Pascha, 191

Solon, 383

Solymites, the, 407

Somra-tree, 217

Sont-trees, 101, 213, 217

Sorîba, Sultâna Nasr resident in, 178

Soter I., 108

Sothis, the, a spurious work, 497, 498

—— periods, 398, 494, 495, 496

Statue of a Persian king, 443

Stele between paws of Sphinx, 59

Stephanus of Byzantium, 431, 433

Stolistes, the ten books of the, 387

Stone buildings, 371

Storm near Pyramids, 53

Strabo, cited, 119, 266, 384, 386, 411, 429, 430, 434, 437, 439, 444, 481

Structure of Pyramids, 221

Suez, town of, 434, 435, 436, 443

—— isthmus of, 426

Sugar factory in Kamlîn, 163

Suk el Bárada, village of, in Syria, 344

Sukkôt, province of, 237

Sulphur-spring of Okmeh, 237

Sûr (Tyrus), 336

—— wilderness of, 307, 547

Surarieh, rock temple near village of, 15, 100

Suri, beverage of, 199

Surîe, Abu Ramle, village of, 193

Syenite of Assuan, 371

Syncellus, cited, 489, 490, 494, 499

Syria, 430, 435, 449

T.

Table of Jewish generations, 461, 463

—— —— generations of Levi according to Josephus, 468

—— —— —— —— from Hebrew text, 467

—— —— undeterminate and historical numbers, 472

Tables of Egyptian Dynasties, 499

Tabor, Mount, 335

Tacitus, cited, 266, 393, 423

Tahraka (Tirhakah), King, 18, 222, 251

Tâiba, village inhabited by Fukara (Fakirs), 187

Taka, war in, 186, 199

—— language in, 201

—— tribes of, 201

Talmis (Kalabscheh), 123, 242

Talmud, few chronological dates, 454

Tamaniât, village of, 158, 193

Tamîeh, village of, 95, 98

Tanis (Tan), Nile Delta, 333

Tanqassi, Pyramids of, 229

Tarablus (Tripolis), Syria, 354

Tarfa shrubs, 294, 308

Tehneh, monuments near, 15

Teirieh, ruins near, 44

Tel Emdieh, village of, 338

Tel Jehudeh, 449

Tel-el-Amarna, 23, 27

Temple, building of first, 455

—— dedications, 379

—— at Amara, 237

—— on island of Bageh, 526

—— at Mount Barkal, erected by Ramses II., 222

—— at Bet el Ualli, 124

—— at Debu, 526

—— of Edfu, 117

—— near Kalabscheh, 526

—— at Karnak, 248

—— of Korte, 124

—— of Luqsor, 253

—— near Medînet Hâbu, erected by King Horus, 259

—— of Qurna, 259

—— at Sedeïnga, 237

—— of Sesebi, 236

—— in front of Sphinx, 52

—— at Solb, 236

—— rock at Surarieh, 100

Temples, Ethiopian drawings on, 195

—— erected by the Ptolemies, 266

—— rock at Abu Simbel, 240

—— of Bâlbeck, 346

—— at Ben Naga, 153

—— at Dendera, 116, 322

—— near Gebel Dochân, 287

—— of Gerf Hussên and Sebûa, 124

—— on Philæ, 120, 243, 525

—— at Naga, 154, 155

—— in Nubia, 124

—— at Thebes, 102, 116, 243, 255, 259

—— of Semneh, 238

Testament, Old, 402, 404, 438, 490

Tethmosis, King, 423

Thales instructed by Egyptian priests, 384

Thames, fall of, between Wallingford and Teddington, 520

Thâna, island of, near Gorata, in Ethiopia, 99

Thebes, 14, 102-104, 116, 243-274, 370, 371, 376, 381, 484

—— scenery about, 247

—— origin of name, 248

Theodosius, edict of, 266

Theophilus, Bishop of Antioch, 497

Theon of Alexandria, 453

Theory of excavation of bed of Nile, 530

Thinitic kings, 495

This, town of, 494

Thoum, i. e. Pithom, 435, 448

Thutmosis III., Cleopatra’s needle erected by, 42

Tii, wife of Amenophis III., 237

Tifar, village of, 231

Tiberias, on Lake Genezaret, 335

Tomb of Abel, 340

—— of King Bech-en-Aten, 114

—— of Ki-si-Tuthotep, 113

—— of Saladin, 343

—— of Prince Merhet, 61, 63

—— of Noah, 337

—— of Ramses Miamun, 244

—— of St. George, 356

—— at Saqâra, 72

Tombos, island of, 19, 234

Tombs in Thebes, 245, 254

—— in Zauiet el Meitîn, 110

—— removal of, 323

—— rock, of Amarna, 322

—— of Beni Hassan, 16, 111

—— near El Guês, 212

—— of the kings, 261-263

—— of the princesses, 264

—— of private persons, 264

—— round Pyramids, 13

—— at Saba Doleb, 171

Tondub-tree, 217

Tôd, temple of, 20

Tôr, Peninsula of Sinai, 22, 274, 290, 560

Tower of Hammâm Seidna Solimân, 237

Tosorthros, 2nd Dynasty, 375, 377

Tradition of Gebel Mûsa, 532

—— about position of Mount Sinai, 304, 559

Trajanic river, name of canal cut from Babylon, 437, 445

Transmigration of souls, 385

Travellers, visit from, 273

Trees near Gilif mountains, 217

—— on Blue River, 168

Tripolis (Tarablus), 354

Tuch, cited, 311

Tukele, straw huts, 162, 173

Tura, chalk mountains of, 32

Turin, royal annals of, 395

Turk, character of the, 88

Turkish breakfast, 159

—— soldiers, their uniform, 354

Tuthmosis I., 234, 248, 249

—— II., 19, 238

—— III., 24, 124, 236, 237, 238, 249, 256, 259, 300, 301, 486

—— IV., 66, 156, 259, 485

—— IV., stele of, between paws of Sphinx, 59

Tutmes III., conqueror of the Hyksos, 18th Dynasty, 395

Typhon, the god, 432

Typhonic town, 428

U.

Um Schebak, valley of, in desert of Gilif, 218

Um Schômar. See Gebel

V.

Vase at Soba, 189

Venus, small statue of, in Soba, 190

Vermin, 104

Vicus Judæorum (Tel Jehudeh), 448, 449

Village scene in Ethiopia, 174

Visit from travellers, 273

Vyse, Colonel Howard, 13

W.

Wad Eraue, 189

—— Negudi, 171, 173

Wadi Auatêb, 154, 155, 156

—— Abu Dôm, 213, 218

—— Hammed, 214

—— Harod, 216

—— Aleyât, 297, 298, 318

—— el Arab, 241

—— Bahr ʾHatab, 137

—— Delah, 137

—— el Mehet, 216

—— Dhaghadeh, 553

—— e’ Scheikh, 22, 294, 547

—— e’ Siléha, 156

—— e’ Sofra, 152, 156

—— e’ Sufr, 137, 139

—— el Kirbegân, 154, 156, 157, 194

—— el Uer, 216

—— Ellâqi, 241

—— Firân, 20, 295, 297, 298, 299, 304, &c., 535

—— Gazâl, 218

—— Gaqedûl, 215

—— Gharandel, 306, 547, 548

—— Guah El ʾAlem, 215

—— Halfa, 17, 20, 131, 240, 241

—— Hebrân, 22, 290, 291, 312

—— Ibrîm, 241

—— Kalas, 217

—— Kenûs, 241

—— Leg´a, 561

—— Maghâra, 22, 300, 305

—— Mokatteb, 22, 31, 299

—— Murhad, 139

—— Nasb, 302, 305

—— Nuba, 241

—— Qeneh, 300

—— Rim, 295

—— Schebêkeh, 306, 547

—— Schellâl, 547, 548

—— Sebûa, temple in, 126

—— Selâf, 295, 297

—— Selîn, 16

—— Sich, 300

—— Siʾqelji, 296

—— Sittere, 300

—— Tâibeh, 312, 547

—— Teresib, 154

Wagner, von, the Prussian consul-general, 39

War in Taka, 186

Water, search in Nubian desert for, 137

—— search for, 281

Water-works in Egypt, 481

Wed Médineh, 176, 180

—— —— slave revolt in, 190

Weidenbach, Ernest, member of the expedition, 39, 54, 75, 83, 94, 114, 153

—— Max., 153, 275

—— Ernest and Max., 12, 21

Werne, Ferd., objects of natural history collected by, 42

—— H., 32

Wetzstein, Dr., 552

White River, 161

Wild, J., travelling companion, 12, 35, 56, 57

Wilkinson, Sir G., cited, 29, 93, 108, 112, 244, 266, 271, 282, 435, 448, 525, 532

Wilson, Dr. John, cited, 539

Wind, violent, in Chartûm, 191

Women, ancient Egyptian, painted yellow, 208

Wot Mahemût, 157

Writings, sacred, 391

X.

Xerxes, 279

Z.

Zachleh, town in Libanon, 336

Zahera, village of, 354

Zani, on the Nile, 98

Zauiet-el-Arrian, Pyramids of, 59, 79

—— Meitîn, rock-tombs of, 110

Zebedêni, village in Anti-Libanon, 338

Zeitieh, the naphtha pits, 289

Zerin, in Syria, 335

Zûma, village of, 230.

THE END.

C. WHITING, BEAUFORT HOUSE, STRAND.

AN ALPHABETICAL LIST OF BOOKS CONTAINED IN BOHN’S LIBRARIES.

Detailed Catalogue, arranged according to the various Libraries, will be sent on application.

=ADDISON’S Works.= With the Notes of Bishop Hurd, Portrait, and 8 Plates of Medals and Coins. Edited by H. G. Bohn. 6 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.

=ÆSCHYLUS, The Dramas of.= Translated into English Verse by Anna Swanwick. 4th Edition, revised. 5_s._

=—— The Tragedies of.= Translated into Prose by T. A. Buckley, B.A. 3_s._ 6_d._

=AGASSIZ and GOULD’S Outline of Comparative Physiology.= Enlarged by Dr. Wright. With 390 Woodcuts. 5_s._

=ALFIERI’S Tragedies.= Translated into English Verse by Edgar A. Bowring, C.B. 2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.

=ALLEN’S (Joseph, R.N.) Battles of the British Navy.= Revised Edition, with 57 Steel Engravings. 2 vols. 5_s._ each.

=AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. History of Rome= during the Reigns of Constantius, Julian, Jovianus, Valentinian, and Valens. Translated by Prof. C. D. Yonge, M.A. 7_s._ 6_d._

=ANDERSEN’S Danish Legends and Fairy Tales.= Translated by Caroline Peachey. With 120 Wood Engravings. 5_s._

=ANTONINUS (M. Aurelius), The Thoughts of.= Trans. literally, with Notes and Introduction by George Long, M.A. 3_s._ 6_d._

=APOLLONIUS RHODIUS. ‘The Argonautica.’= Translated by E. P. Coleridge, B.A. 5_s._

=APPIAN’S Roman History.= Translated by Horace White, M.A., LL.D. With Maps and Illustrations. 2 vols. 6_s._ each.

=APULEIUS, The Works.= Comprising the Golden Ass, God of Socrates, Florida, and Discourse of Magic. 5_s._

=ARIOSTO’S Orlando Furioso.= Translated into English Verse by W. S. Rose. With Portrait, and 24 Steel Engravings. 2 vols. 5_s._ each.

=ARISTOPHANES’ Comedies.= Translated by W. J. Hickie. 2 vols. 5_s._ each.

=ARISTOTLE’S Nicomachean Ethics.= Translated, with Introduction and Notes, by the Venerable Archdeacon Browne. 5_s._

=ARISTOTLE’S Politics and Economics.= Translated by E. Walford, M.A., with Introduction by Dr. Gillies. 5_s._

=—— Metaphysics.= Translated by the Rev. John H. M’Mahon, M.A. 5_s._

=—— History of Animals.= Trans. by Richard Cresswell, M.A. 5_s._

=—— Organon=; or, Logical Treatises, and the Introduction of Porphyry. Translated by the Rev. O. F. Owen, M.A. 2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.

=—— Rhetoric and Poetics.= Trans. by T. Buckley, B.A. 5_s._

=ARRIAN’S Anabasis of Alexander=, together with the =Indica=. Translated by E. J. Chinnock, M.A., LL.D. With Maps and Plans. 5_s._

=ATHENÆUS. The Deipnosophists=; or, the Banquet of the Learned. Trans. by Prof. C. D. Yonge, M.A. 3 vols. 5_s._ each.

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=BECKMANN (J.) History of Inventions, Discoveries, and Origins.= 4th edition, revised by W. Francis and J. W. Griffith. 2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.

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=BELL (Sir Charles). The Anatomy and Philosophy of Expression, as connected with the Fine Arts.= By Sir Charles Bell, K.H. 7th edition, revised. 5_s._

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=BLEEK, Introduction to the Old Testament.= By Friedrich Bleek. Edited by Johann Bleek and Adolf Kamphausen. Translated by G. H. Venables, under the supervision of the Rev. Canon Venables. 2 vols. 5_s._ each.

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⁂ This is the copyright edition, containing the author’s latest notes.

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=POUSHKIN’S Prose Tales=: The Captain’s Daughter—Doubrovsky—The Queen of Spades—An Amateur Peasant Girl—The Shot—The Snow Storm—The Post-master—The Coffin Maker—Kirdjali—The Egyptian Nights—Peter the Great’s Negro. Translated by T. Keane. 3_s._ 6_d._

=PROPERTIUS.= Translated by Rev. P. J. F. Gantillon, M.A., and accompanied by Poetical Versions, from various sources. 3_s._ 6_d._

=PROVERBS, Handbook of.= Containing an entire Republication of Ray’s Collection of English Proverbs, with his additions from Foreign Languages and a complete Alphabetical Index; in which are introduced large additions as well of Proverbs as of Sayings, Sentences, Maxims, and Phrases, collected by H. G. Bohn. 5_s._

=PROVERBS, A Polyglot of Foreign.= Comprising French, Italian, German, Dutch, Spanish, Portuguese, and Danish. With English Translations & a General Index by H. G. Bohn. 5_s._

=POTTERY AND PORCELAIN=, and other Objects of Vertu. Comprising an Illustrated Catalogue of the Bernal Collection of Works of Art, with the prices at which they were sold by auction, and names of the possessors. To which are added, an Introductory Lecture on Pottery and Porcelain, and an Engraved List of all the known Marks and Monograms. By Henry G. Bohn. With numerous Wood Engravings, 5_s._; or with Coloured Illustrations, 10_s._ 6_d._

=PROUT’S (Father) Reliques.= Collected and arranged by Rev. F. Mahony. Copyright edition with the Author’s last corrections and additions. New issue, with 21 Etchings by D. Maclise, R.A. Nearly 600 pages. 5_s._

=QUINTILIAN’S Institutes of Oratory=, or Education of an Orator. Translated by the Rev. J. S. Watson, M.A. 2 vols. 5_s._ each.

=RACINE’S (Jean) Dramatic Works.= A metrical English version. By R. Bruce Boswell, M.A. Oxon. 2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.

=RANKE’S History of the Popes=, their Church and State, and especially of their Conflicts with Protestantism in the 16th and 17th centuries. Translated by E. Foster. 3 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.

=—— History of the Latin and Teutonic Nations, 1494-1514.= Trans. by P. A. Ashworth. 3_s._ 6_d._

=—— History of Servia and the Servian Revolution.= With an Account of the Insurrection in Bosnia. Translated by Mrs. Kerr. 3_s._ 6_d._

=REUMONT (Alfred de).= See CARAFAS.

=RECREATIONS in SHOOTING.= By ‘Craven.’ With 62 Engravings on Wood after Harvey, and 9 Engravings on Steel, chiefly after A. Cooper, R.A. 5_s._

=RENNIE’S Insect Architecture.= Revised and enlarged by Rev. J. G. Wood, M.A. With 186 Woodcut Illustrations. 5_s._

=REYNOLD’S (Sir J.) Literary Works.= Edited by H. W. Beechy. 2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.

=RICARDO on the Principles of Political Economy and Taxation.= Edited by E. C. K. Gonner, M.A. 5_s._

=RICHTER (Jean Paul Friedrich). Levana=, a Treatise on Education: together with the Autobiography (a Fragment), and a short Prefatory Memoir. 3_s._ 6_d._

=—— Flower, Fruit, and Thorn Pieces=, or the Wedded Life, Death, and Marriage of Firmian Stanislaus Siebenkaes, Parish Advocate in the Parish of Kuhschnappel. Newly translated by Lt.-Col. Alex. Ewing. 3_s._ 6_d._

=ROGER DE HOVEDEN’S Annals of English History=, comprising the History of England and of other Countries of Europe from A.D. 732 to A.D. 1201. Translated by H. T. Riley, M.A. 2 vols. 5_s._ each.

=ROGER OF WENDOVER’S Flowers of History=, comprising the History of England from the Descent of the Saxons to A.D. 1235, formerly ascribed to Matthew Paris. Translated by J. A. Giles, D.C.L. 2 vols. 5_s._ each.

=ROME in the NINETEENTH CENTURY.= Containing a complete Account of the Ruins of the Ancient City, the Remains of the Middle Ages, and the Monuments of Modern Times. By C. A. Eaton. With 34 Steel Engravings. 2 vols. 5_s._ each.

=——= See BURN and DYER.

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=—— Life of Lorenzo de’ Medici=, called ‘the Magnificent.’ With his poems, letters, &c. 10th Edition, revised, with Memoir of Roscoe by his Son. 3_s._ 6_d._

=RUSSIA. History of=, from the earliest Period, compiled from the most authentic sources by Walter K. Kelly. With Portraits. 2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.

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=SCHILLER’S Works.= Translated by various hands. 7 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each:—

I.—History of the Thirty Years’ War.

II.—History of the Revolt in the Netherlands, the Trials of Counts Egmont and Horn, the Siege of Antwerp, and the Disturbances in France preceding the Reign of Henry IV.

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These Dramas are all translated in metre.

IV.—Robbers (with Schiller’s original Preface), Fiesco, Love and Intrigue, Demetrius, Ghost Seer, Sport of Divinity.

The Dramas in this volume are translated into Prose.

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VII.—Wallenstein’s Camp, Piccolomini and Death of Wallenstein, William Tell.

=SCHILLER and GOETHE. Correspondence between=, from A.D. 1794-1805. Translated by L. Dora Schmitz. 2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.

=SCHLEGEL’S (F.) Lectures on the Philosophy of Life and the Philosophy of Language.= Translated by the Rev. A. J. W. Morrison, M.A. 3_s._ 6_d._

=—— Lectures on the History of Literature=, Ancient and Modern. Translated from the German. 3_s._ 6_d._

=—— Lectures on the Philosophy of History.= Translated by J. B. Robertson. 3_s._ 6_d._

=—— Lectures on Modern History=, together with the Lectures entitled Cæsar and Alexander, and The Beginning of our History. Translated by L. Purcell and R. H. Whitetock. 3_s._ 6_d._

=—— Æsthetic and Miscellaneous Works.= Translated by E. J. Millington. 3_s._ 6_d._

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=SCHOPENHAUER on the Fourfold Root of the Principle of Sufficient Reason=, and =On the Will in Nature=. Translated by Madame Hillebrand. 5_s._

=—— Essays.= Selected and Translated. With a Biographical Introduction and Sketch of his Philosophy, by E. Belfort Bax. 5_s._

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=SCHUMANN (Robert).= His Life and Works, by August Reissmann. Translated by A. L. Alger. 3_s._ 6_d._

=—— Early Letters.= Originally published by his Wife. Translated by May Herbert. With a Preface by Sir George Grove, D.C.L. 3_s._ 6_d._

=SENECA on Benefits.= Newly translated by A. Stewart, M.A. 3_s._ 6_d._

=—— Minor Essays= and =On Clemency=. Translated by A. Stewart, M.A. 5_s._

=SHAKESPEARE’S Dramatic Art.= The History and Character of Shakespeare’s Plays. By Dr. Hermann Ulrici. Translated by L. Dora Schmitz. 2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.

=SHAKESPEARE (William).= A Literary Biography by Karl Elze, Ph.D., LL.D. Translated by L. Dora Schmitz. 5_s._

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=SHERIDAN’S Dramatic Works=, Complete. With Life by G. G. S. 3_s._ 6_d._

=SISMONDI’S History of the Literature of the South of Europe.= Translated by Thomas Roscoe. 2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.

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=SMITH’S (Adam) The Wealth of Nations.= Edited by E. Belfort Bax. 2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.

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=SPINOZA’S Chief Works.= Translated, with Introduction, by R. H. M. Elwes. 2 vols. 5_s._ each.

=STANLEY’S Classified Synopsis of the Principal Painters of the Dutch and Flemish Schools.= By George Stanley. 5_s._

=STARLING’S (Miss) Noble Deeds of Women=; or, Examples of Female Courage, Fortitude, and Virtue. With 14 Steel Engravings. 5_s._

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=STRABO’S Geography.= Translated by W. Falconer, M.A., and H. C. Hamilton. 3 vols. 5_s._ each.

=STRICKLAND’S (Agnes) Lives of the Queens of England=, from the Norman Conquest. Revised Edition. With 6 Portraits. 6 vols. 5_s._ each.

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=SUETONIUS’ Lives of the Twelve Cæsars and Lives of the Grammarians.= The translation of Thomson, revised by T. Forester. 5_s._

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[Vols. I.-IV. ready.

I.—Edited by Temple Scott. With a Biographical Introduction by the Right Hon. W. E. H. Lecky, M.P. Containing:—A Tale of a Tub, The Battle of the Books, and other early works.

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The order and contents of the remaining volumes will probably be as follows:—

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XI.—Literary Essays and Bibliography.

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=TACITUS. The Works of.= Literally translated. 2 vols. 5_s._ each.

=TALES OF THE GENII=; or, the Delightful Lessons of Horam, the Son of Asmar. Translated from the Persian by Sir Charles Morell. Numerous Woodcuts and 12 Steel Engravings. 5_s._

=TASSO’S Jerusalem Delivered.= Translated into English Spenserian Verse by J. H. Wiffen. With 8 Engravings on Steel and 24 Woodcuts by Thurston. 5_s._

=TAYLOR’S (Bishop Jeremy) Holy Living and Dying=, with Prayers containing the Whole Duty of a Christian and the parts of Devotion fitted to all Occasions and furnished for all Necessities. 3_s._ 6_d._

=TEN BRINK.=—See BRINK.

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=THEOCRITUS, BION, MOSCHUS, and TYRTÆUS.= Literally translated by the Rev. J. Banks, M.A. To which are appended the Metrical Versions of Chapman. 5_s._

=THEODORET and EVAGRIUS.= Histories of the Church from A.D. 332 to A.D. 427; and from A.D. 431 to A.D. 544. Translated from the Greek. 5_s._

=THIERRY’S History of the Conquest of England by the Normans=; its Causes, and its Consequences in England, Scotland, Ireland, and the Continent. Translated by William Hazlitt. 2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.

=THUCYDIDES. The Peloponnesian War.= Literally translated by the Rev. H. Dale. 2 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.

=—— An Analysis and Summary of.= With Chronological Table of Events, &c. By J. T. Wheeler. 5_s._

=THUDICHUM (J. L. W.)= =A Treatise on Wines=: their Origin, Nature, and Varieties. With Practical Directions for Viticulture and Vinification. By J. L. W. Thudichum, M.D., F.R.C.P. (Lond.). Illustrated. 5_s._

=URE’S (Dr. A.) Cotton Manufacture of Great Britain=, systematically investigated. Revised Edit. by P. L. Simmonds. With 150 original Illustrations. 2 vols. 5_s._ each.

=—— Philosophy of Manufactures.= Revised Edition, by P. L. Simmonds. With numerous Figures. Double volume. 7_s._ 6_d._

=VASARI’S Lives of the most Eminent Painters, Sculptors, and Architects.= Translated by Mrs. J. Foster, with a Commentary by J. P. Richter, Ph.D. 6 vols. 3_s._ 6_d._ each.

=VIRGIL.= A Literal Prose Translation by A. Hamilton Bryce, LL.D., F.R.S.E. With Portrait. 3_s._ 6_d._

=VOLTAIRE’S Tales.= Translated by R. B. Boswell. Vol. I., containing Bebouc, Memnon, Candide, L’Ingénu, and other Tales. 3_s._ 6_d._

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=WELLINGTON, Life of.= By ‘An Old Soldier.’ From the materials of Maxwell. With Index and 18 Steel Engravings. 5_s._

=—— Victories of.= See MAXWELL.

=WERNER’S Templars in Cyprus.= Translated by E. A. M. Lewis. 3_s._ 6_d._

=WESTROPP (H. M.) A Handbook of Archæology, Egyptian, Greek, Etruscan, Roman.= By H. M. Westropp. 2nd Edition, revised. With very numerous Illustrations. 5_s._

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=YOUNG (Arthur). Travels in France during the years 1787, 1788, and 1789.= Edited by M. Betham Edwards. 3_s._ 6_d._

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=Vaughan.= Sacred Poems and Pious Ejaculations. Edited by the Rev. H. Lyte.

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WEBSTER’S INTERNATIONAL DICTIONARY OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE.

2118 Pages. 3500 Illustrations.

PRICES:

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The Appendices comprise a Pronouncing Gazetteer of the World, Vocabularies of Scripture, Greek, Latin, and English Proper Names, a Dictionary of the Noted Names of Fiction, a Brief History of the English Language, a Dictionary of Foreign Quotations, Words, Phrases, Proverbs, &c., a Biographical Dictionary with 10,000 names, &c., &c.

‘We believe that, all things considered, this will be found to be the best existing English dictionary in one volume. We do not know of any work similar in size and price which can approach it in completeness of a vocabulary, variety of information, and general usefulness.’—Guardian.

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