Letter XXIII
Mount Barkal, the 28th May, 1844.
During the next few days I expect the arrival of the transport boats which I begged of Hassan Pascha, and which set off eleven days ago; they are to receive our Ethiopian treasures, and to convey us to Dongola. The results of our researches here are not without importance. Upon the whole, they are quite confirmatory of the opinion that Ethiopian art is only a late offshoot from the Egyptian. It does not commence under native rulers before the time of Tahraka. The little which is extant from a still earlier period belongs to the Egyptian conquerors and their artists. Here, at least, it is confined solely to one temple, which Ramses the Great erected to Amen-Ra. It is true that the name of Amenophis III. has been discovered on several of the granite Rams, as well as on Lord Prudhoe’s Lion in London, but there are good grounds to suppose that these magnificent Colossi did not originally belong to a temple here. They were only brought here at a later period, it appears, from Soleb, probably by the Ethiopian king whose name is found engraved on the breast of the above-mentioned lion, and which, from the incorrect omission of a sign, has been hitherto read AMEN ASRU in place of MI AMEN ASRU.
Nevertheless, I consider these Rams so remarkable, especially on account of their inscriptions, that I have determined to carry away the best of them. The fat wether probably weighs nearly 150 cwt. However, in the space of three sultry days, it has been safely dragged on rollers to the river bank by ninety-two Fellahs, and it there waits for embarkation. Several other monuments besides are to accompany us from this spot, as we need no longer fear their weight since the desert is behind us. I will only mention an Ethiopian altar, four feet high, with the Shields of the king who erected it; a statue of Isis, on whose plinth there is an Ethiopian-demotic inscription of eighteen lines; another also from Méraui; as well as the peculiar monument bearing the name of Amenophis III., which was copied by Cailliaud, and was thought to be a foot, but, in truth, is the lower portion of the sacred sparrow-hawk. All these monuments are of black granite.[48]
The town of NAPATA, the name of which I have now frequently found in hieroglyphics, and even on the monuments of Tahraka, was situated, no doubt, somewhat farther down the river, near the present town of MÉRAUI, where considerable mounds of ruins still testify to this. The Temples and Pyramids were alone situated near the mountain. This remarkable mass of rock bears the name of the “Sacred Mount” 𓈋𓏤𓃂 in the hieroglyphic inscriptions. The god who was peculiarly worshipped here was Ammon-Ra.
On the 18th of May we accomplished our long intended second visit to the Wadi Gazâl; we took an impression of all the Greek and Coptic inscriptions of the cemetery, and carried away with us such as appeared in some degree legible.
We feel now, more than ever, what the torrid zone will be in the hot season which we are now approaching. The thermometer generally rises after mid-day to 37° and 38° R. (115-117¼° Fahr.), and is occasionally even above 40° (122° Fahr.) in the shade. I frequently found the burning sand beneath our feet as much as 53° (151° Fahr.); and anything made of metal can only be laid hold of in the open air with a cloth. All our drawings and papers are abundantly bedewed with drops of perspiration. But the most oppressive thing is the hot wind, which, instead of cooling us, drives a regular furnace heat into our faces, and the nights are not much more refreshing. The thermometer, towards evening, falls down to 33° (106¼° Fahr.), and by the morning is as low as 28° (95° Fahr.). Our only refreshment is in taking frequent baths in the Nile, which, however, in Europe, would be considered warm baths. Between times we have more than once had tempests, with violent storms of wind loaded with sand, and even a few drops of rain fell in the midst of them. Yesterday, a gust of wind beat our tent down to the ground, and at the same moment, owing to its violence, our large arbour, built of solid stems of trees and palm-branches, fell upon our heads, while we were eating within it; we could scarcely enjoy our dinner from the strong spicing of sand. Violent squalls and whirlwinds seem to be peculiar to this country, or to this season, for often we see four or five high columns of sand rushing up at once to the sky, at different distances, like great volcanoes. There are few snakes here; but, on that very account, more scorpions and hideous great spiders, which are dreaded by the natives even more than the scorpions. We now sleep, on account of the venomous vermin, on anqarebs, which we have had brought out of the village.
Letter XXIV
Dongola, the 15th June, 1844.
Before we left Barkal, I undertook another excursion of three days up the Nile to the Cataract country, which we had cut off by our desert journey. I was anxious to become acquainted with the character of this district also, the only part of the Nile valley through which we had not travelled with the caravan. We went by water as far as KASINQAR, and spent the night there. At this point bold masses of granite rise up majestically, which divide the river into numerous islands, and impede the navigation. The following morning, before the camels were ready, we reached, not without difficulty, the island of ISCHISCHI; it is surrounded by violent and dangerous currents. We here found ruins of walls, and buildings built of bricks, and sometimes of stones, both hewn and unhewn, by which we may conclude there were fortifications on the island at different periods of time; but there were no inscriptions, except one single one, consisting of a few incomprehensible signs.
We did not mount our camels in Kasinqar before nine o’clock, and then rode along the right bank between the granite rocks, which leave but a small space for a scanty vegetation. Almost all the numerous, though generally small, islands refresh the eye by green groups of trees and cultivated bits of ground, which are cut up in a variety of ways by the black rocks. There would be scarcely room in this rocky channel for villages of any considerable size, still less sufficient to maintain them. Those that exist are distributed in houses standing singly, and small groups of houses far apart, but which bear one and the same name up to certain frontier points. The village plot of ground belonging to Kasinqar terminated with a beautiful group of palm-trees. We then entered the territory of KÛʾEH, after that followed the long tract of HAMDÂB, which includes the island of MÉRUI or MERÖE, which is a quarter of an hour in extent. Here also the name is explained by its appearance. It is very lofty, sometimes forty feet above the surface of the water, but completely barren and uninhabited; and with the exception of the low black rock, which at times is covered by the water, the whole island is totally white. This chiefly arises on account of the dazzling moving sands with which it is covered; but, what is still more remarkable, the rock which projects from them is also white, either on account of great veins of quartz, similar to what I had observed in another strikingly white rock which lay on our road in the province of ROBATAT, and which was called HAGER MÉRUI by the camel-drivers, or because the weathered granite had here assumed this colour. The name of the town of MÉRAUI, near Barkal, is perhaps derived from the same origin; in that instance the white rocky precipices descending from Méraui to the river, which, on our departure, especially struck me by their colour, must have given occasion to it. On the opposite bank, GEBEL KONGELI approaches close to the river, which is also called Gebel Mérui, from the island, and in the same manner the rushing cataract a little above the island has received the name of Schellâl Mérui.
About four o’clock we arrived at the ruins of HELLET EL BIB, which in the distance looks exactly like a castle of the middle ages. It rises from a low rock, whose ridge intersects the court and the building itself, so that one portion of it looks like an upper story to the other. The whole structure is composed of unburnt, but well and carefully made, bricks, which were firmly joined together with a little lime, and covered with a coating of the same. There are various larger and smaller chambers in the interior, some of them furnished with semicircular niches, and arched doors. The walls on the western side were fifteen feet high. The outer wall of the court was of unhewn stones, but carefully built up to the height of between five and eight feet; it embraced a tolerably regular square space, each side of which was about sixty-five paces long.
This small castle, though of considerable importance in this district, reminded us much, by its niches and arched doors, of the Christian architecture of the earlier centuries, but yet did not seem to have had any religious destination. Perhaps, therefore, it only belonged to the flourishing times of the powerful and warlike Schaiqîeh tribes, which, according to tradition, are said to have first wandered from Arabia into these parts several hundred years ago. In the time of the Egyptian conquest the country was under three Schaiqîeh princes, one of whom might have resided here. The neighbourhood, besides, was somewhat more favoured by nature, the banks more level, and covered with thicket, which here and there bordered some of the land capable of cultivation. After I had drawn out the plan of the building we started on our return about nine o’clock in the evening, by the light of a full moon, and we considerably shortened our journey by taking the road through the desert from the island of SAFFI. About eleven o’clock we halted for the night, on an open sandy spot of ground of the great granite plain. About five o’clock we again started betwixt moonlight and morning dawn, and, as early as nine, we reached our boat at Kasinqar.
Near this place I met with a new tree in a small Wadi, which led to the river. It was called BÂN, and is said to grow nowhere in this country except in this Wadi, called after it CHÔR EL BÂN, and in one other Wadi near Méraui.[49] A strong stem, with a white bark, not unlike our walnut-tree, with some side stems and branches just as white, rose short and knotty from the ground. Most of the branches were now bare; only a few of them had foliage, if we choose to call the long green twigs collected in little bunches by that name. The fruits are long, roundish, furrowed pods, which split into three parts, when the black-shelled nuts contained within (of the size of small hazel nuts), five to ten in number, are ripe; the white oily kernel, sweet as a nut, though also somewhat acrid, is good to eat, and is much liked, but it is more particularly used by the inhabitants in the immediate neighbourhood for pressing oil out of it. The blossoms are said to be yellow, and to grow in clusters.
About mid-day the Sheikh of Nuri came on board our boat, and I collected some more information from him about the Cataract country. In the province of SCHAIQÎEH, and the adjoining one of MONASSIR, eight separate cataracts are reckoned; the first, Schellâl Gerêndid, at the island of Ischischi; then Schellâl Terâi, at Kûʾeh; Schellâl Mérui; Schellâl Dahák, at the island of Uli; Schellâl el Edermîeh; e’ Kabenât; e’ Tanarâi; and Om Derás. Afterwards the rocky country continues uninterruptedly to El Kab, from which point the river has very little fall as far as Schellâl Mogrât, in the great bend towards Berber.
At the present day nothing but Arabic is spoken in the whole of this district; but some recollection of the earlier Nubian population has been distinctly retained, since even now a number of villages are distinguished from the others as Nuba places. The following were mentioned to me as such, above the province of Dongola: GEBEL MAQÁL and ZÛMA on the right bank, and near it the island of MASSAUI, which also still bears the Nubian name of ABRANARTI; then upon the left bank BELLED E’ NUBA, between Debbe and Abu Dôm, HALUF or NURI and BELLEL; opposite to these, GERF E’ SCHECH and KASINQAR. Then there is a gap in the statement, and it refers to places up the river to CHÔSCH E’ GURÛF, a little below the island of Mogrât, to SALAME and DARMALI, two villages between Mechêref and Dâmer; lastly, there is another BELLED E’ NUBA to the north of Gôs Burri, in the province of Metamme.
On the 4th of June we at length left Barkal, after having placed the Ram and the other heavy monuments on two transport boats specially devoted to that purpose.
We stopped the first night in Abu Dôm, on the left bank. I had heard of a Fakir in this place, who was said to be in possession of written records about the tribes of the Schaiqîeh Arabs. He was an intelligent, and, for this country, a learned man, who would not indeed yield up to me the few sheets of his own copy which he actually possessed, but immediately set to work to transcribe them for me.
The following morning we first landed in TANQASSI, situated an hour and a half below Abu Dôm, where we were told we should find ruins. A Fakir Daha, who belonged to the Korêsch, the tribe of the Prophet, accompanied us to the, now at least insignificant, mound of bricks. We passed his hereditary sepulchre, a small building with a cupola that had been built by his grandfather, but had already received in addition to him, his father and several relatives. From this spot I descried some mounds in the distance, which the Fakir pronounced to be natural. We, however, rode up to them, and a short half hour from the river found more than twenty Pyramids of tolerable size, now apparently only consisting of black earth, but originally built of Nile bricks. Single stones lay around, and on the eastern side, at a short distance, there were always two small heaps of stones, which seem to have belonged to the ante-chamber, and were perhaps connected with the Pyramid by brick walls; but nowhere could we find hewn stones, and still less inscriptions.
We also found a field of Pyramids at KURRU, on the farther bank, although but little could be discovered of the ruins of a town. Of the two most considerable Pyramids, the largest, which still bears the strange name of QANTUR, was 35 feet high; and towards the south-east we saw the remains of an ante-chamber. Twenty-one smaller ones are grouped round these two, four of which, like the largest Pyramid, were entirely built of sandstone, but are now in great part demolished; others only consisted of black field stones. Lastly, to the west of all of them, the ground plan is still to be seen of a large Pyramid, which was probably once completely massive, and has been on that account demolished; the foundations were laid in the rock. It appears that these Pyramids also, which, by their solid structure, are quite distinct from those lying opposite, belonged to a royal Dynasty of Napata, for which reason the absence of any considerable ruins of a town would be easier to explain here than on the opposite side of the river.
Three-quarters of an hour farther down the river is situated the village of ZÛMA, on the right bank. Near it, in the direction of the mountains, there rises an old fortress, with towers of defence, called KARAT NEGIL, whose front walls were only destroyed and thrown down about fifty or sixty years ago, when the inhabitants of Zûma settled here. The name is derived from an ancient King of the country, NEGIL, in whose time the surrounding land, now dry, was still within reach of the Nile, and is said to have been fertile.
The first thing that I saw on the road to the fortress was again a number of Pyramids, eight of which are still 20 feet high; including those which are destroyed, and which in general seem to have been those which were most massive, we found above thirty; the ancient stone quarries are still to be seen which furnished the material for the Pyramids.
These three fields of Pyramids, that of TANQASSI, KURRU, and ZÛMA, or KARAT NEGIL, whose sites were paced, and carefully noted down by Erbkam, are planted on an extent of ground of but a few hours in circumference, and indicate the existence of a strong and flourishing population in this district in Heathen times; on the other hand, in the district immediately succeeding this, and more or less throughout the whole province of Dongola, we found numerous remains of Christian churches.
On the 7th of June we visited three of these, situated at short distances from each other, all on the right bank of the river. Two hours and a half from Zûma we first come to BACHÎT. Here the precipitous rock of the desert advances close upon the river, and bears a fortress, no doubt, also dating from Christian times, with eighteen semicircular projecting towers of defence. In the interior, beneath barren heaps of rubbish, there were still the ruins of a church, which at that time seems to have everywhere formed the central point of the stronghold. Here it was only 63 feet long, and the whole nave rested on four columns and two pilasters; nevertheless, the plan corresponded perfectly with the general type.
The church of MAGAL, which is situated only one half hour farther on, must have been considerably larger, as we found beneath the ruins monolithic granite columns 13½ feet high from below the capital, which is separated from it, and is 1½ foot high and 2 feet in diameter; it appears to have had five naves.
From this point we reached GEBEL DÊQA in one hour. Strong, massive walls again surrounded a Christian fortress, which was situated on the projecting sandstone rock, and in the interior exhibited the ruins of several buildings of considerable size; among them, those of a small, three-naved church, very similar to the one at Bachît.
This is the frontier village of the province of Schaiqîeh, in the direction of Dongola, the last place coming from the south, whose inhabitants speak Arabic. Formerly the frontier of the Nubian population and language, undoubtedly, was as far up as the cataracts above Barkal. This seems to have occasioned the accumulation of strong posts in this district, and probably also the strong fortification of the island of Ischischi.
Christianity penetrated to the Nubians from Abyssinia as early as the sixth century; they were at that time a powerful people, till their Christian priest-kings, in the fourteenth century, yielded to the encroachment of Islamism. We must date the erection of the numerous churches from those days, the ruins of which we have found scattered from Wadi Gazâl, northwards, throughout the whole province.
The same day we went as far as AMBUKÔL, at the extremity of the western bend of the Nile, and halted here for the night. The following day we reached TIFAR, and again visited the ruins of an old fortress with the remains of a church.
On the road we met the boat of Hassan Pascha, which was on its way to Méraui. We each fired many salutes as a mutual greeting, and anchored beside each other. The Pascha inquired with interest about the treasures which he suspected existed in the Pyramids of Barkal, and with the greatest courtesy promised us all that we could desire to promote our journey and its objects. After returning our visit, we parted with fresh salutes.
The 10th June we reached OLD DONGOLA, the former royal residence of this Christian kingdom. The extensive ruins of the town, however, now testify to little more than the considerable extent which it once embraced. On a hill in the neighbourhood, which commanded an admirable panorama, now stands a mosque. An Arabic inscription on marble proves that it was opened on the 20 Rabî el auel, of the year 717 (1st June, 1317), after the victory of Safeddin Abdallah e’ Nâsir over the infidels.
As we have had very little opportunity of improving our monumental knowledge since leaving Barkal, and had much leisure in our boat, I employed myself specially during this time with a comparison and research, as far as lay in my power, of the Nubian language, which is spoken in this part of the country. It presents very remarkable linguistic phenomena, but does not exhibit the slightest similarity with the Egyptian language. My belief is, that the whole race penetrated into the Nile valley from the south-west at a late period. We have now a servant from Derr, the capital of Lower Nubia, who speaks tolerably good Italian, is animated and intelligent, and is a great assistance to me in acquiring a knowledge of his own dialect, the Mahass. I have sometimes tormented him with questions in the boat for five or six entire hours in one day, for it is no small trouble for both of us to understand each other about grammatical forms and inflections. He has, at any rate, at the same time acquired more respect for his own language, here everywhere considered bad, and inferior to the Arabic, and which it is thought one ought rather to be ashamed of.
Yesterday, after sailing three days from Old Dongola, we at length reached New Dongola, usually only called by the Arabs EL ORDE (the Camp); we had the great joy of receiving here the large packet of letters, whose arrival had already been announced to us on the road by Hassan Pascha. We now look forward with fresh courage and renewed confidence to the last difficult portion of our southern journey. For from this point we must again, alas! quit our boats, and mount the far more uncomfortable ships of the desert. The Cataract country before us can only be navigated during the short season of the highest flood, and even then not without danger. Nevertheless, our richly freighted stone-boat must undergo this dangerous trial, as naturally it is impossible to think of transporting our Ram and the other monuments from Barkal by land.
We shall besides be unable to leave this as soon as we otherwise should have done, owing to the total change in the arrangements for our journey during the next five or six weeks. Yet we shall be obliged to separate from our boat of burden, as it must seize the proper moments of high water, which first occurs a few weeks hence.
Letter XXV
Dongola, the 23rd June, 1844.
Yesterday we returned from an excursion of four days to the nearest cataract, which we were able to reach by water. We were rewarded far beyond our expectations, for we found a number of ancient Pharaonic monuments, the only ones in the whole province of Dongola, and some of them of extreme antiquity.
On the island of Argo we discovered the first Egyptian sculptures from the Hyksos period; and at KERMÂN, on the right bank, the traces of a town extending far across the plain, with an immense necropolis attached to it, in which two huge monumental tombs were distinguished above all the others, one of which was called Kermân (like the village), the other DEFÛFA. They are not Pyramids, but of an oblong form; the first 150 by 66 feet, the second 132 by 66 feet in extent, and about 40 feet high, built massively of good, solid unburnt bricks of Nile mud; each provided with an outer building, which might have corresponded to the temples in front of the Egyptian Pyramids. Several fragments of statues from the best ancient style scattered round them, some, having good hieroglyphics upon them, testify their great antiquity, and lead us to suppose that the oldest Egyptian settlement of any importance on Ethiopian territory must have been on this spot: it was probably occasioned by the Egyptian power having been driven back towards Ethiopia during the rule of the Hyksos in Egypt. No doubt the enormous granite quarries which we found on the right bank, some hours to the north of Kermân, opposite the island of TOMBOS, at the entrance of the Cataract country, were connected with this. The inscriptions on the rock contain Shields of the 17th Dynasty, and an inscription of eighteen lines, mentions the second year of Tuthmosis I.
I have also, here in Dongola, begun to study the Kong´âra language of Dar Fûr. A negro soldier, a native of that dreaded warlike country, with woolly hair, and thick projecting lips, and who we took with us last year from Korusko to Wadi Halfa, as a military attendant, instead of Ibrahim Aga, who had been sent away, found us out here again, and was given up to me by the Pascha for my studies in language. He promises well, but in half an hour I am obliged to exchange him with the Nubian. The Kong´âra language is quite different from the Nubian, and in particular points seems to me to show a stronger analogy with certain South African languages.
I was rejoiced here to see the fortress built by Ehrenberg in 1822, which has suffered indeed by the inundations, but still always serves as a dwelling for the governor, now Hassan Pascha. We shall also leave a monumental structure behind us, for Hassan Pascha has requested Erbkam to give him the plan of a powder-magazine, and to seek out a suitable site for it.
Letter XXVI
Korusko, the 17th August, 1844.
We did not accomplish our departure from Dongola before the 2nd of July. We went slowly down the western side of the river. That very day we passed over extensive fields of ruins, the dim remains of once flourishing towns, whose names have died away. The first we found were opposite ARGONSENE, others at KOÏ, and at MOSCH. The following day we arrived at HANNIK, opposite Tombos, in the province of MÁHAS. Here the Cataract country begins immediately, and a fresh Nuba dialect, which extends as far down as Derr and Korusko. The Nile, on the whole, retains its northerly direction as far as a high mountain, named after a former conqueror, Ali Bersi. Early on the third day we left this on our left hand. It is situated on the sharp bend of the river, from north-west to due east, from which point it is usual to cut off the largest portion of the province of Máhas by a desert road running in a northerly direction. We, however, followed the turns of the river, and dismounted near two old castles on the bank, at a grove of palm-trees, under whose shade we rested during the sultry mid-day hours. The nearest of these castles, so romantically situated between the fissures of the rock, I find differently named on every map, as FAKIR EFFENDI (Cailliaud); FAKIR EL BINT, from Bint, the girl (Hoskins); FAKIR BENDER, from Bender, the capital (Arrowsmith). In the dialect of this place, however, it is called FAKIR FENTI, or, in that of Dongola, FAKIR BENTI; and it is so named from the palm-trees at its foot, Fenti, Benti, being the names for palm and date.
On the 4th of July we got as far as SÊSE, a hill which bears the remnants of a fortress. Our servant, Ahmed, from Derr, related to us that, at the death of every king, his successor was led up to its summit, and there adorned with a peculiar royal cap. Castles like that of Sêse, many of which we saw, far and near, on the plateau beyond the river district, indicate an early, numerous, and warlike population, which has now almost entirely disappeared. The ruins, situated a quarter of an hour south of Mount Sêse, are called SESEBI. Here stood an ancient temple, of which only four columns stand erect, with palm capitals. They have the Shields of SETHÔS I., the most southern we have met with belonging to this king. Near these temple remains are the ruins of a large town, on an artificially raised piece of ground, of which the regular encircling walls may still be recognised.
On the 6th July we arrived at SOLB (Soleb), where a temple of considerable importance, and still in good preservation, was erected by Amenophis III. to his own genius, the deified RA-NEB-MA (Amenophis).[50] The rich representations belonging to this temple—the same to which once also belonged our own Ram from Barkal, and Lord Prudhoe’s Lion—gave us materials for almost five days’ work. We did not again set off before the 11th July.
Scarcely one hour to the north of this is situated GEBEL DOSCHE, a sandstone rock, projecting into the river, in which, on the river side, a grotto is cut, which contains representations of the third TUTHMOSIS.
The very same evening we arrived at SEDEÏNGA, where AMENOPHIS III. erected a small temple to his own wife, TII. In the midst of the picturesque heap of ruins, thrown one above another, rises one single column, which has remained standing. A great necropolis stretches out towards the west.
On the 13th of July we halted near a Schôna (such is the name given to the station store-houses maintained by government), opposite Mount ABIR or QABIR, a little below the northern point of the island of SAI. On the other side of the river, not exactly opposite, stands the village of AMARA, and near it the ruins of a temple. I was not a little surprised to recognise directly on the columns (six of which are still preserved) the fat Queen of NAGA and MERÖE, with her husband. This temple was built by them, an important testimony to the widely-extended dominion of that Ethiopian Dynasty. In the necropolis to the south of the temple I also observed fragments of inscriptions in the above-mentioned demotic Ethiopian alphabetic writing, such as I had also found near Sedeïnga.
The following day, after having visited the island of SAI, where we had found the scanty remains of a temple with inscriptions of Tuthmosis III. and Amenophis II., besides the remains of a town and a Coptic church, we proceeded farther, and on the 15th of July reached DAL, which forms the frontier between the provinces of Sukkôt and Batn el hagér (Stone-belly); at night we encamped at the Cataract of KALFA.
From this point our road passed near the hot sulphur spring of OKMEH, to which I turned off from our caravan road with Abeken. It led us from the Schôna, where we separated, along the rocky bank, above an hour backwards to a square tower, which has been erected over the spring, and which is now called after its builder, HAMMÂM SEIDNA SOLIMÂN. The tower, which is 9 feet in diameter, and in the inside 4 feet wide, is now half filled with sand and earth; the stream of water, about the thickness of a man’s wrist, issues from the eastern side of the tower; on the other side, within the space of a square foot, sixteen little whirlpools rise out of the sand, and here, where the water is hottest, it is not quite 44° R. (131° Fahr.). It tastes sulphureous, and a white substance is deposited on the earth round the spring. Every year the river rises above it, and even over the tower, which stands half-way up the river bank. The surface of the water had now only risen to about the height of a man, and had not yet reached the spring. A rough hole is dug into the rubbish for the sick who come here, and is covered with branches to keep back the stream. Somewhat farther down the river another small spring of water appears, which has a temperature of 40° R. (122° Fahr.) when it issues from the ground. The saying goes, that OKASCHE, a friend of the Prophet’s, was killed in a campaign in the south, his corpse floated down hither, and then disappeared in the rock on the opposite bank; there, even now, at some distance up the river, his grave is shown; a tree marks the spot.
On the 17th July we encamped at the temple of SEMNEH. The village consists only of a few straw huts, which are shaded by some date palms, but the number of potsherds in the neighbourhood prove that a place of some importance stood here formerly. The temple is surrounded with very ancient fortifications, of immense dimensions; its erection dates even as far back as the Old Monarchy under Sesurtesen III., a king of the 12th Dynasty. It appears that this king first enlarged the limits of the Egyptian Monarchy as far as this point; indeed it has been found that at a later period he was himself worshipped in these districts as a divinity of the country. The temple which Tuthmosis III. erected here in the New Monarchy, is also dedicated to him, and to the god TETUN. On the right bank, also, at the village of KUMMEH, there are still some old fortifications, and within them a still larger temple, which was even begun by Tuthmosis II.
The most important discovery which we made here, and which I shall only mention briefly, because I am at this moment sending a more detailed account of it to Ehrenberg, is a number of short rock inscriptions which mark the highest rises of the Nile during a series of years under the government of AMENEMHA III. (MŒRIS), and of his immediate successors. These statements have in some measure a historical value, as they decidedly confirm my supposition that the SEBEKHOTEPS followed immediately after the 12th Dynasty, and they are in some measure peculiarly interesting for the geological history of the Nile valley; because they prove that the river, above 4000 years ago, rose more than 24 feet higher than now, and thereby must have produced totally different conditions in the inundation and in the whole surface of the ground both above and below this spot. Our examination of this remarkable locality, with its temples and rock-inscriptions, occupied us twelve whole days.[51]
On the 29th July we went from Semneh to ABKE, and the following day visited the old castle situated to the north of it, which is called el Kenissa, the church, and formerly therefore probably contained one. From the top of this castle we had the most magnificent prospect of the chief cataracts of the whole country. Three great falls could be distinguished from the smaller ones in the broad, rocky island valley, and the eye passed over several hundred islands, as far as the black mountain range on the opposite bank. But towards the north the wide plain spread out, which extends from Wadi Halfa to Philæ. The succession of the different kinds of rock was most distinctly visible as we descended from the last ridge of the rocks on the banks into the great plain, from which some single cones of sandstone alone protruded, as if from the bed of a primitive ocean. Here undoubtedly are the sources of the everlasting sand, which, driven by the northern wind among the primitive mountains, rendered our road to Semneh very difficult.
On the 1st of August we left WADI HALFA in three boats, and from this point again sailed through a country with which we were already acquainted. The following morning we came to ABU SIMBEL, where we spent nine days, in order to become perfectly acquainted with the copious representations on both the rock-temples. I long searched in vain for the remarkable Greek inscription which Leake had found on one of the four great Ramses Colossi, till I fortunately re-discovered it, buried tolerably deep, on the left leg of the second Colossus from the south. I was obliged to make a great excavation to obtain a perfect impression of it on paper. I see no reason why we should not take this antique inscription for what it states itself to be, namely, memoranda of the Greek mercenaries, who came hither with PSAMMETICUS I. in pursuit of the rebellious warriors. Beneath the other inscriptions on the Colossus, I also found some Phœnician inscriptions.
After we had visited from this point some other rock-monuments on the opposite bank at ABAHUDA and SCHATAUI, we quitted Abu Simbel on the 11th of July, and next halted on the right bank near IBRÎM, ancient PRIMIS, the name of which I have also found in hieroglyphics written P.R.M. Ibrîm is situated on the left bank opposite ANÎBE, near which we discovered, and made a drawing of, only one private tomb from the period of the 20th Dynasty, but it was in good preservation. Thence we proceeded to DERR, where we got the largest despatch of letters we have yet received, so that it was a real holiday for us. With these treasures we hastened past AMADA to this spot KORUSKO, whose delightful group of palms had won our hearts during our long, though involuntary, detention there last year. We have fixed upon the present Sunday to celebrate with pleasant recollections the happy termination of our southern journey. Our boats lie quietly beside the bank.
Letter XXVII
Philæ, the 1st September, 1844.
I am only now able to finish my journal from Korusko, whence we set sail on the evening of the 18th August for SEBÛA.
From this point, as far as Philæ, the valley is called WADI KENÛS, “the valley of the BENI KENSI,” a tribe of which we read much in the Arabic accounts. The upper valley of Korusko, as far as Wadi Halfa, is called on all the maps WADI NUBA, a name which has indeed been already used by Burckhardt, but which must originate in some mistake. Neither our Nubian servant, Ahmed, a native of the district of Derr, nor the people who are settled in the country, are acquainted with this name; and even Hassan Kaschef, above seventy years of age, who governed the country before the Egyptian conquest, could give no answers to my particular inquiries about this name. They all agree in stating that the lower district has always been called WADI KENÛS. Afterwards, near Korusko, follows the WADI EL ARAB, so called from the Arabs of the desert, who have encroached as far as this spot; then WADI IBRÎM; and lastly, WADI HALFA. But since the conquest the official name for the whole province between the two cataracts is GISM HALFA, the province of Halfa.
In Korusko I found a Bischâri, by name ALI, whose animated and pleasant deportment determined me at once to make him my instructor in this important language. He was quite satisfied with my invitation for him to accompany us, and now every moment that is at liberty is employed in preparing a grammar and vocabulary of this language. He comes from the interior of the country, from Beled Ellâqi, which is eight days distant from the Nile, and twenty from the Red Sea, and gives a name to the remarkable Wadi Ellâqi, which extends, without interruption, through the very midst of the extensive range of country between the Nile and the Red Sea. He calls the country of the Bischâri tribes EDBAI, and their language, Midâb to Beg´auîe, the Beg´a language, from which may be traced its identity with the language of the mighty Beg´a nations, so often mentioned in the middle ages.
From Korusko we next sailed to SEBÛA, where we spent four days; then by DAKKEH (Pselchis) and KUBÁN (Contra Pselchis) to GERF HUSSÊN, with its rock-temple dedicated by Ramses to Ptah. This place is frequently called by earlier travellers GIRSCHE, a confusion with the village situated on the farther eastern bank, which is called by the Arabs QIRSCH, by the Nubians KISCH or KISCHIGA, and which is situated near some considerable ruins of an ancient city which bear the name of SABAGÛRA. The 25th August we spent in the temple of DENDÛR, first built under the Roman dominion; and the following day in KALABSCHEH, the ancient TALMIS, whose temple likewise contains only the Shields of Cæsar (Augustus). Talmis was for a long time a capital of the BLEMYES, whose inroads into Egypt gave the Romans plenty of employment. On one of the columns of the great outer court there is engraved the interesting inscription of Silco, who calls himself a βασιλίσκος Νουβάδων καὶ ὅλων τῶν Αἰθιόπων.[52] In it he boasts of his victories over the Blemyes, who I hold to be a branch of the Meröitic Ethiopians, the Bischâri of the present day. It seems that the demotic Ethiopian inscriptions, one of which is remarkable by its length, and perhaps forms a counterpart to the Greek inscription of the Nubian King, can only be ascribed to these Blemyes. I have discovered another very late inscription on the wall to the back of the temple, but in such barbarous Greek that it is almost inexplicable. I send it to Böckh for him to decipher.
On the 30th August we reached DEBÔT, and the following day PHILÆ, where we immediately took possession of the enchanting temple-terrace, which, since that time, has been our chief quarters, and will remain so for several weeks longer. The great temple-buildings, although the most ancient of them date only as far back as NECTANEBUS, present an unusual number of hieroglyphic, demotic, and Greek inscriptions, and, to my surprise, I have also found here a whole chamber in one of the pylones which contains nothing but ETHIOPIAN representations and inscriptions.
Letter XXVIII
Thebes, Qurna, 24th November, 1844.
On the 4th of November we reached this last great station of our journey, and feel that we have again reached much nearer home. We have selected a charming castle on a rock for our residence here, which will certainly be protracted for several months. It is situated on a hill called ABD EL QURNA, and is an ancient tomb enlarged by brick buildings, from which we overlook the whole Theban plain at one view. I should be afraid of being almost oppressed by the overwhelming number of monuments, if the mighty character of the ruins of this most royal city of all antiquity did not maintain, and daily renew, our interest to the highest possible degree. While our investigations of the numerous temples, from the Ptolemaic and the Roman period, immediately preceding that, had in fact become almost fatiguing, here, where the Homeric forms of the mighty Pharaohs of the 18th and 19th Dynasties stand out before me in their dignity and splendour, I feel as fresh again as at the commencement of our journey.
I first had excavations made in the renowned temple of Ramses Miamun, lying at our feet, which have led to unexpected results. Erbkam has superintended the work with the greatest care, and his ground plan which is now finished of this most beautiful building of the Pharaonic times, described by Diodorus as the tomb of Osymandyas, is the first which can be called perfect, as it no longer rests on arbitrary restorations, which are too long in the French descriptions and too short in those of Wilkinson.
I have also had excavations made in the rock-tomb of the same RAMSES in Bab el Meluk, which was covered over with rubbish, and which Rosellini was mistaken in thinking unfinished; several chambers have already been opened, and if fortune favours us we shall also still find the sarcophagus, not indeed unopened—the Persians had already taken care of that—but perhaps less mutilated than others, as the tomb has been closed up by the river mud from very ancient times.
On our journey from Korusko hither, besides our antiquarian labours, I was engaged with the languages of the southern countries, still so little known. Amidst these, three may be selected as being the most widely-distributed; the NUBA language, that of the Nuba or Berber nation; the KUNGARA language, of the negroes of DAR FÛR; and the BEGA language, that of the BISCHARÎBAS inhabiting the eastern portion of the Sudan. I have prepared the grammar and vocabulary of all three, so fully, that whenever they are published some notion of these languages may be obtained. The most important of them is the one last mentioned, because, both with reference to its grammatical construction and by its position in the development of languages, it proves itself to be a very remarkable member of the Caucasian stock. It is spoken by the people, for which reason I think I can perceive that they were once the inhabitants of the flourishing city of Meröe, and thus have a peculiar claim, to be called in a more exact sense the ETHIOPIAN people.
It has furthermore been proved, that nothing can be discovered of a primitive Ethiopian civilisation, or indeed of an ancient Ethiopian national civilisation, which is so much held up by modern erudition; indeed, we have every reason to deny this completely. Whatever in the accounts of the ancients does not rest on total misapprehension, only refers to Egyptian civilisation and art, which had fled in the time of the Hyksos rule to ETHIOPIA. The irruption of Egyptian power from Ethiopia, at the foundation of the new Egyptian Monarchy, and its progress even far into Asia, was mentioned in the Asiatic, and afterwards in the Greek traditions, as an event which was transferred from the Ethiopian country to the Ethiopian nation, for no knowledge of a still older Egyptian Monarchy, and of its high but peaceful state of civilisation, had penetrated to the northern nations. I have sent an account of the results of our Ethiopian journey to the Academy, and in it I give a cursory survey of the history of Ethiopia from the first conquest of the country by Sesurtesen III. in the 12th Manethonic Dynasty down to the most flourishing period of the Meröitic Monarchy in the first centuries of our era, and then through the middle ages down to the Bischarîbas of the present day, whose Sheikhs we saw in chains marching over the ruins of what was once their capital, and passing in front of the Pyramids of their ancient kings.
Letter XXIX
Thebes, Qurna, 8th January, 1845.
A short time ago we received the joyful intelligence that our colossal Ram and the other Ethiopian monuments had arrived safely in Alexandria. We shall also bring away some valuable monuments from this spot, among them a beautiful sarcophagus of fine white limestone, on parts of which are some painted inscriptions, which go back as far as the Old Monarchy in the first period of the increasing greatness of Thebes.[53]
I have made another conquest to-day, which gives me double pleasure, as it was only effected with indescribable difficulty, and has brought out a monument in the most perfect preservation, which will hardly find its equal in our museums. A sepulchral chamber with interesting representations of kings of which we have made drawings, opens out of a deep pit which was excavated a short time ago; from this a narrow passage leads still deeper into a second chamber, which is painted all over, just like the other. The chambers are hewn out of an extremely friable rock, which loosens from the ceiling in large fragments at the slightest touch; the rock-caves were therefore vaulted in a circular form, with Nile bricks, which were covered with stucco, and then painted. At the side of the inner door, on the right hand, King AMENOPHIS I. is represented, and on the left, his mother AAHMES-NUFRE-ARI, who even in later times was much worshipped. Both are about four feet high, painted on the stucco, and the colours preserved as fresh as possible. I was anxious to detach these figures from the wall, which they entirely covered; but for this purpose I was compelled to break through the brick walls all round, and afterwards also to take out the bricks singly from behind the stucco with the greatest care. This at length we have accomplished after great labour. We have taken out the whole stucco, which is only the thickness of a finger, with the figures completely uninjured, and, placing it on two slabs composed of smooth boards covered with skins, linen, and paper, we raised it from the narrow sepulchral cave, which is still half filled with rubbish.
We have also, to my great delight, got a fresh supply for our plaster casts. A short time ago 5 cwt. of plaster arrived, forwarded to us by M. Clot Bey, for which we had sent an order to France, and I have found an Arab here, and immediately taken him into my service, who has at least sufficient knowledge to prepare the plaster and to make casts from bas-reliefs.
Letter XXX
Thebes, the 25th February, 1845.
We have now been inhabiting our Theban Acropolis, on the hill of Qurna, above a quarter of a year, every one busily employed in his own way from morning to evening, in investigating, describing, and drawing the most valuable monuments, taking paper impressions of the inscriptions, and in making plans of the buildings; we have not yet been able to complete the Libyan side alone, where there are at least twelve temples, five-and-twenty tombs of kings, fifteen belonging to the royal wives or daughters, and a countless number belonging to private persons, still to be examined. The eastern side, with its six-and-twenty sanctuaries, in a certain degree of preservation, will however demand no less time, and yet, more has been done by previous travellers and expeditions in Thebes itself, especially by the French-Tuscan expedition, than in any other spot, and we have everywhere only compared and completed their labours, and not repeated them. We are also far from imagining that we have now by any means exhausted the infinite number of monuments; whoever follows us with new information, and with the results of more advanced science, will also find fresh treasures, and gain fresh instruction from the same monuments. I have always had a historical aim in view, and this has especially determined my selection of the monuments. Whenever I believed that I had attained what was most essential for this end I was satisfied.
The river here divides the broad valley into two unequal halves. On the west side it approaches close to the precipitous Libyan range, which there projects; on the eastern side it bounds a wide fruitful plain, extending as far as Medamôt, a spot situated on the border of the Arabian desert, several hours distant. On this side stood the actual town of THEBES, which seems to have been chiefly grouped round the two great temples of KARNAK and LUQSOR, situated above half an hour apart. Karnak lies more to the north, and farther removed from the Nile; Luqsor is now actually washed by the waves of the river, and may even formerly have been the harbour of the city. The west side of the river contained the necropolis of Thebes, and all the temples which stood here referred more or less to the worship of the dead; indeed, all the inhabitants of this part, which was afterwards comprehended by the Greeks under the name of MEMNONIA, seem to have been principally occupied with the care of the dead and their tombs. The former extent of the Memnonia may be now distinguished by Qurna and Medînet Hâbu, places situated at the northern and southern extremities.
A survey of the Theban monuments naturally begins with the ruins of KARNAK. Here stood the great royal temple of the hundred-gated Thebes, which was dedicated to Ammon-Ra, the King of the Gods, and to the peculiar local god of the city of Ammon, so called after him (No-Ammon, Diospolis). AP, along with the feminine article TAP, from which the Greeks made THEBE, was the name of one particular sanctuary of Ammon. It is also often employed in hieroglyphics in the singular, or still more frequently in the plural (Napu), as the name of the town; for which reason the Greeks naturally, without changing the article along with it, generally used the plural Θῆβαι. The whole history of the Egyptian Monarchy, after the city of Ammon was raised to be one of the two royal residences in the land, is connected with this temple. All Dynasties emulated in the glory of having contributed their share to the enlargement, embellishment, or restoration of this national sanctuary.
It was founded by their first king, the mighty SESURTESEN I., under the 1st Theban Royal Dynasty, the 12th of Manetho, between 2600 and 2700 B.C., and even now exhibits some ruins in the centre of the building from that period, bearing the name of this king. During the Dynasties immediately succeeding, which for several centuries groaned under the yoke of the victorious hereditary enemy, this sanctuary no doubt was also deserted, and nothing has been preserved which belonged to that period. But after the first king of the 17th Dynasty, Amosis, in the 17th century B.C., had succeeded in his first war against the Hyksos, his two successors, AMENOPHIS I. and TUTHMOSIS I., built round the remains of the most ancient sanctuary a magnificent temple, with a great many chambers round the cella, and with a broad court, and pylones appertaining to it, in front of which Tutmosis I. erected two obelisks. Two other pylones, with contiguous court-walls, were built by the same king, at a right angle with the temple in the direction of Luqsor. Tutmosis III. and his sister enlarged this temple to the back by a hall resting on fifty-six columns, besides many other chambers, which surrounded it on three sides, and were encircled by one common outer wall. The succeeding kings partly closed the temple more perfectly in front, partly built new independent temples near it, and also placed two more large pylones towards the south-west, in front of those erected by Tuthmosis I., so that now four lofty pylones formed the magnificent entrance to the principal temple on this side.
But a far more splendid enlargement of the temple was executed in the fifteenth and fourteenth centuries B.C. by the great Pharaohs of the 19th Dynasty; for SETHÔS I., the father of Ramses Miamun, added in the original axis of the temple the most magnificent hall of pillars that was ever seen in Egypt or elsewhere. The stone roof, supported by 134 columns, covers a space of 164 feet in depth, and 320 feet in breadth. Each of the twelve central columns is 36 feet in circumference, and 66 feet high beneath the architrave; the other columns, 40 feet high, are 27 feet in circumference. It is impossible to describe the overwhelming impression which is experienced upon entering for the first time into this forest of columns, and wandering from one range into the other, between the lofty figures of gods and kings on every side represented on them, projecting sometimes entirely, sometimes only in part. Every surface is covered with various sculptures, now in relief, now sunk, which were, however, only completed under the successors of the builder; most of them, indeed, by his son RAMSES MIAMUN. In front of this hypostyle hall was placed, at a later period, a great hypæthral court, 270 by 320 feet in extent, decorated on the sides only with colonnades, and entered by a magnificent pylon.
The principal part of the temple terminated here, comprising a length of 1170 feet, not including the row of Sphinxes in front of its external pylon, nor the peculiar sanctuary which was placed by Ramses Miamun directly beside the wall farthest back in the temple, and with the same axis, but turned in such a manner that its entrance was on the opposite side. Including these enlargements, the entire length must have amounted to nearly 2000 feet, reckoning to the most southern gate of the external wall, which surrounded the whole space, which was of nearly equal breadth. The later Dynasties, who now found the principal temples completed on all sides, but who also were desirous of contributing their share to the embellishment of this centre of the Theban worship, began partly to erect separate small temples on the large level space which was surrounded by the above-mentioned enclosure-wall, partly to extend these temples also externally.
The head of the 20th Dynasty, RAMSES III., whose campaigns in Asia, in the fifteenth century before Christ, were scarcely inferior to those of his renowned ancestors, Sethôs I. and Ramses II., built a special temple, with a court of columns and a hypostyle hall, above 200 feet long, which now intersects, in a rather unsymmetrical manner, the enclosure-wall of the external court in front; and he founded, at a little distance from it, a still larger sanctuary for the third person of the Theban Triad, Chensu, the son of Ammon. This last was completed by the succeeding kings of his Dynasty, and the priest-kings of the 21st Dynasty, who added to it a magnificent court of columns, with a pylon in front. In the 22nd Dynasty we recognise SCHESCHENK I., the warlike King Shishak of the Bible, who, about 970 B.C., conquered Jerusalem. His Asiatic campaigns are celebrated on the southern external wall of the great temple, where, in the symbolic form of prisoners, he leads 140 vanquished towns and countries before Ammon. Among their names there is one which, not without reason, is considered to be a designation for the kingdom of Judæa, as well as the names of several well-known towns in Palestine.
The two priests’ Dynasties mentioned above, which followed immediately after the Ramessides, were no longer of the Theban race, but proceeded from towns in Lower Egypt. The power of the Monarchy sank with this change; and after the short 23rd Dynasty, from which period there are still some remains in Karnak, a revolution seems to have occurred. The present lists of authors name only one king of the 24th Dynasty, who has not yet been re-discovered on the Egyptian monuments. In his reign the invasion of the Ethiopians occurred, who, from the 25th Dynasty, SCHABAK and TAHRAKA (the So and Tirhaka of the Bible), reigned in Egypt at the commencement of the seventh century B.C. These kings came, indeed, from Ethiopia, but governed completely in the Egyptian manner, and they did not neglect to worship the Egyptian god-kings. Their names are found on several smaller temples of Karnak, and on a splendid colonnade in the great court in front, which seems to have been first placed there by Tahraka. According to historical accounts, this last king returned of his own accord to Ethiopia, and left the Egyptian kingdom to its native rulers.
The dispossessed Saitic Dynasty now returned to the throne, and once more, in the seventh and sixth centuries, developed all the splendour of which this country, as rich in internal resources as in external power, was capable of producing under a powerful and wise sceptre. It opened for the first time a peaceful intercourse between foreign countries and Egypt; Greeks settled amongst them, commerce flourished, and a new and enormous amount of wealth was accumulated, such as before had only been attained by the spoils of war and tribute. But this was only an artificial height of glory; for the pristine vigour of the nation had long been broken, and even art gave more signs of luxury than of intrinsic value. The last flourishing period of the nation soon passed away. The country could not withstand the advancing storm of the Persians. In the year 525 it was conquered by CAMBYSES, and trodden down with barbaric fanaticism. Many monuments were destroyed, and not a single sanctuary nor wall was erected during this period; nothing at least has been preserved to our time, not even from the long and milder government of DARIUS; one temple only in the Oasis of Kargeh, or at least sculptures with his name, having been discovered from that period. Under Darius II., exactly one hundred years after the commencement of the Persian rule, Egypt became, indeed, once more independent, and we then again find the names of the native kings in the temples of Karnak; but after three Dynasties had succeeded each other in rapid succession, during the space of sixty-four years, it fell a second time under the dominion of the Persians, who soon afterwards, in the year 332, lost it by the conquest of Alexander of Macedon. Since then the country was reduced to the necessity of getting habituated to foreign rulers, it had lost its independence for ever, and passed from one hand to another, the succeeding ruler always worse than the preceding, down to the present day.
Under the Macedonians and Greeks, Egypt still possessed sufficient vigour to retain its religion and institutions in the manner that had been carried down from ancient times. The foreign princes in all respects took the place, and followed in the footsteps of the ancient Pharaohs. Karnak bears testimony to this. We here find the names of ALEXANDER and PHILIP ARIDÆUS, who preceded the Ptolemies in restoring that which had been destroyed by the Persians. Alexander rebuilt the sanctuary behind the great temple; Philip that to the front; the Ptolemies added sculptures to it—restored other parts, and even erected entirely new sanctuaries, at no inconsiderable expense, though no longer, indeed, on the grand scale of the Egyptian classic style of the olden times. Even the last epoch of declining Egypt, that of the Roman dominion, is still represented in Karnak by a series of representations which were executed under CÆSAR AUGUSTUS.
Thus this remarkable spot, which, in the course of twenty-five hundred years, had increased from the small sanctuary in the centre of the large temple to a complete city of temples, situated on a level space a quarter of a geographical mile in length, and above 2000 feet in breadth, presents both an almost uninterrupted thread of events, and an interesting scale of measurement for the history of the whole of the New Egyptian Monarchy, from its origin in the Old Monarchy down to its decline under the Roman dominion. The appearance or non-appearance of the Dynasties and individual kings in Egyptian history is almost uniform with the representation of them in and round the temple of Karnak.
Higher up the river than Karnak, where the stream, which has been divided by the fertile island of Gedîdeh, reunites, rises even now to view a second bright point of the ancient city, the temple of LUQSOR. One of the most powerful Pharaohs of the 18th Dynasty, AMENOPHIS III., who had only built a side temple in Karnak, and had added but very little to the principal temple, here erected a so much the more splendid sanctuary to Ammon, which the great Ramses enlarged still more by a second magnificent court in front, in the direction of Karnak. For, although a good half hour distant from it, this temple must also be regarded as belonging to the space dedicated, from ancient times, to the great national sanctuary. This is proved by a circumstance which otherwise would be difficult to explain: that the temple, though situated close to the bank, has its entrance, contrary to custom, away from the river, and directed towards Karnak, with which it was, besides, immediately connected by colonnades, series of rams, and artificially-constructed roads.
The ruins on the eastern bank terminate with Luqsor. The monuments of western Thebes offer still greater variety, as here the subterranean dwellings and palaces of the dead are added to those above ground. At one time an uninterrupted series of the most splendid temples extended from Qurna as far as Medînet Hâbu, which nearly occupied the whole of the narrow strip of desert between the cultivated land watered by the Nile and the foot of the mountain range. The immense field of the dead spreads out immediately behind these temples, where the sepulchral caves, like the cells of bees, close beside each other, are either dug in the rock of the plain, or hewn in the adjacent hills.
Qurna is situated on the angle of the Lybian range, projecting farther forward towards the river. As the mountains here suddenly retreat towards the west, they form a great mountain cauldron, the front part of which, where it is separated by low hills from the valley, is called EL ASASIF. Behind, it is closed in by lofty, steep escarpments of rock, which display their beautiful stone to the mid-day and morning sun. These precipitous declivities of the limestone range, which, owing to their solid and uniform texture, are particularly adapted for the finest sculptures of the rock-tombs, seem to have been produced by the gradual removal of a bed of clay beneath them, from the wearing effects of exposure to the weather, and thus the overhanging masses are deprived of their foundation.
In this rock-creek are situated the most ancient tombs, and they belong to the Old Monarchy. Their entrances may be seen from a distance, high up in the rocks lying to the north, exactly beneath the vertical precipice which rises from the steep hills of rubbish to the summit of the mountain ridge. Their external site, and the road up, bounded by low stone walls leading to the entrances in a steep and straight line of several hundred feet from the valley, reminded me directly of the tombs of Benihassan, which belong to the same period. They date from between 2500 and 3000 B.C., under the kings of the 11th and 12th Manethonic Dynasties, the first of which laid the foundation of the mighty power of Thebes, and made the town the seat of the government they had rendered independent of Memphis; the second elevated it to be the capital of the Monarchy of the whole country.
These grottoes, of which there are some of a similar age in the adjacent hills in the foreground, generally descend, in an oblique angle, deep into the rock, but they have neither paintings nor inscriptions; it was only the stone sarcophagi on which peculiar diligence was bestowed. These are usually formed of the finest limestone, and are sometimes above nine feet long; they have inscriptions, and are decorated with colours, both internally and externally, in the elaborate and pure style of that period, very elegantly, though with a certain degree of parsimony. We are bringing away with us one of these sarcophagi, as I mentioned once before. A few days ago it was safely carried down into the plain, after the pit, which had long been completely filled with rubbish, had been cleared, and part of the solid rock itself had been cut through, to obtain a shorter exit for it. The occupant of the tomb was the son of a prince, and himself bore the dynastic appellation of the 11th Royal Dynasty, namely, NENTEF.
In the outermost angle of this rock-cove is situated the most ancient temple-building of Western Thebes, which belongs to the period of the New Egyptian Monarchy, at the commencement of its glory. One street, above 1600 feet long, adorned on either side with colossal rams and sphinxes, led from the valley in a straight line to an outer court, then, by means of a flight of steps to another, whose front wall was adorned with sculpture, and had a colonnade before it, and finally, beyond, by a second flight of steps to a granite gate in good preservation, and to the last temple court, which was surrounded on both sides with beautifully decorated halls and chambers, and terminated behind with a broad façade, placed along the precipitous rock. Another granite gate, in the centre of this façade, leads at length to the innermost temple-chamber, which was hewn into the rock, and had a lofty, stone-vaulted roof, out of which again opened several smaller niches and chambers, at the sides and the back. All these chambers were covered with the most beautiful sculptures, with variegated colours on a grey ground, executed in the finished style of that period. This grand structure, beside which stood other series of buildings, now destroyed, seems to have been originally connected with the river, by a street intersecting the whole valley, and beyond, with the great temple of Karnak, which lies exactly in the same direction; I have no doubt that it was with this object that the narrow rock-gate was first artificially cut through the hills in front, across which the temple-street enters into the lower plain. It was a Queen, NUMT AMEN, the elder sister of Tuthmosis III., who accomplished this bold plan of a structural connection between the two sides of the valley, the same who had erected the two greatest obelisks in front of the temple of Karnak. She never appears on her monuments as a woman, but in male attire; we only find out her sex by the inscriptions. No doubt at that period it was illegal for a woman to govern; for that reason, also, her brother, probably still a minor, appears at a later period as ruler along with her. After her death, her Shields were everywhere converted into Tuthmosis Shields, the feminine forms of speech in the inscription were changed, and her names were never adopted in the later lists along with the legitimate kings.
There are two peculiar temples, both erected on the border of the desert by TUTHMOSIS III., who completed the work of his royal sister during the long period that he sat alone upon the throne. Of these, the northern one can now only be recognised by its ground plan, and by the remains of its brick pylon; the southern one, on the other hand, at Medînet Hâbu, is still in good preservation; and judging by some sculptures, the oldest part of the building might perhaps have belonged to an earlier Tuthmosis, and have only been completed by him. His second successor, TUTHMOSIS IV., also built a temple, which has now almost disappeared.
He was followed by AMENOPHIS III., in whose brilliant and long reign the temple of Luqsor was built. To him are inscribed the two giant Colossi, far out in the fertile plain, near Medînet Hâbu, which once stood at the gates of a great temple-building, but whose remains are now for the most part buried beneath the crops of the annually accumulating soil of the valley. Perhaps, also, a connecting street, corresponding with that to the north, once led from this point across the valley to Luqsor, on the opposite side. Of the two Colossi, the one situated to the north-east was the celebrated sounding statue, which the Greeks connected with their charming legend of the beautiful Memnon, who every morning at sunrise greeted his mother, Aurora, while she moistened him with her tears of dew for his early heroic death. This myth, as Letronne has shown, was only composed at a late period; because the actual phenomenon of clear tremulous tones produced by the springing of small particles of the stone when it became rapidly warm after being cooled during the night, did not become strikingly evident till fragments of the statue had partly fallen inwards upon itself, having been previously split by an earthquake which happened in the year B.C. 27. The phenomenon of cracking and sounding stones in the desert and among great fields of ruins, is not unfrequent in Egypt; but the nature of the hard flinty conglomerate of which this statue is composed, is peculiarly favourable to it, as is further proved by the innumerable large and small cracks now penetrating in all directions portions of the statue, which were described even as late as the Greek period, and consequently were then uninjured. It is also remarkable how, even now, several of the pieces that have split off, and are only hanging loose, sound as clear as metal if they are struck, while others beside them remain perfectly dumb and without sound, according as they are more or less moistened by their reciprocal positions. The numerous Greek and Roman inscriptions which are engraved upon the statue, and which intimate the visits of strangers, especially if they have been so fortunate as to hear the morning greeting, first commence in the time of Nero, and extend down to the time of Septimius Severus, from which period we may probably date the restoration of the original monolithic statue. Since this restoration of the upper portion in single blocks, the phenomenon of the sounding stones seems, if not to have entirely ceased, yet to have become less frequent and less striking. The change of Amenophis (who even then, as the inscriptions inform us, was not forgotten) into Memnon was probably chiefly occasioned by the name of this entire western portion of Thebes, MEMNONIA, which the Greeks seem to have explained by the “palaces of Memnon,” while the name in hieroglyphics, Mennu, meant, speaking generally, “splendid buildings, palaces.” At the present day the statues are called by the Arabs Schama and Tama, or, both together, the Sanamât, i. e. the “idols” (not Salamât).[54]
When we came here in the beginning of November, the whole plain, as far as the eye could reach, was overflowed, and formed one entire sea, from which the Sanamât rose up still more strangely and more solitary than from the green but yet accessible corn-fields. A few days ago I measured the Colossi and the elevation to which the soil of the Nile had risen upon their thrones. The height of the Memnon statue, calculated from head to foot, not including the tall ornament on the head which it once bore, amounted to about 14 metres 28′, or 45 feet and a half, in addition to which the base separated from it, a block by itself, measured 4 metres 25′, or 13′ 7″, of which 3 feet were covered by steps placed round. Thus the statues were originally nearly 60 feet in height, including the Pschent, perhaps 70 feet above the ground on which the temple stood. Now the surface of the valley is already 8 feet above that level, and the inundation sometimes rises as far as the upper edge of the base, therefore 14 feet higher than it could ever have risen, at the period of their erection, without reaching the temple itself. Now, if we compare this fact with our discovery at Semneh, where the surface of the Nile during historical times has sunk above 23 feet, it is proved, by simple addition, that the Nile at the Cataracts fell from a greater height by at least 37 feet between this and Semneh than it does at present.[55]
Horus, the last King of that great 18th Dynasty, had also erected a temple near Medînet Hâbu, which has now, however, disappeared in rubbish. The fragment of a colossal statue of the King, of hard limestone, almost like marble, seems to point out the position of what was once the entrance to the temple, the bust carved in the most finished style, weighing several hundred-weight, is intended for our Museum.
A large portion of two temples still exist from the succeeding Dynasty; they were built by the two greatest and most renowned of all the Pharaohs—SETHÔS I. and his son RAMSES II. The temple belonging to the first is the most northern in the series, and is usually called the temple of QURNA, because the old village of Qurna was grouped round a Coptic church at this spot, and was principally situated in the interior of the great outer courts of the temple, but which was afterwards deserted by the inhabitants, and exchanged for the rock-tombs in the angle of the mountain situated very near at hand.
Farther towards the south, between the temples of TUTHMOSIS III. and IV., now totally destroyed, stands the temple of RAMSES II. (MIAMUN), in its structural arrangement, and in all its parts, perhaps the most beautiful in Egypt, though inferior in grandeur of scale, and in variety of interest, to the temple of Karnak. That portion of the temple to the back as well as the lateral halls, belonging to the hypostyle hall, have disappeared, and their original plan could only be explained by the aid of careful, protracted excavations, under the direction of Erbkam. All round this destroyed portion of the temple the extensive brick halls are visible, which are everywhere covered with regular and neatly-built waggon-vaulted roofs, some of them 12 feet wide, which belong to the period of the erection of the temple itself. This is indisputably proved by the stamps, which were impressed on every brick in the royal factory, and which contain the Name-Shields of King Ramses. That this temple, even in ancient times, attracted much notice, we learn from the particular description of it, under the name of the TOMB OF OSYMANDYAS, given by Diodorus Siculus, according to Hecataeus.
Directly to the right of the temple, one of the few industrious Fellahs has laid out a small vegetable garden, which affords us some variety for our table, and for that reason, yielding to the intercessions of our good-natured dark-skinned gardener, as was but just, it was spared in our excavations, which threatened to extend towards that side, although it is over the foundations of a side temple hitherto unnoticed, whose entrance I found opening into the outer court of the temple of Ramses.
The southernmost, and best preserved of all the splendid buildings in the long series, is situated in the midst of the ruins of the houses of MEDÎNET HÂBU, a Coptic town, now totally forsaken, but once of no small importance. It was founded by RAMSES III., the first King of the 20th Dynasty, the rich Rhampsinitus of Herodotus, in the thirteenth century before Christ, and on its walls extols the great campaigns of this King, by land and by sea, which might rival those of the great Ramses. In the interior of the second outer court a great church was built by the Copts, the monolithic granite columns of which are still scattered about. The chambers to the back are for the most part in a heap of rubbish. But the far projecting sort of pylon building, in front of the temple, is of peculiar interest; it contained the private apartments of the King, in four stories, placed one above the other. The Prince is represented on the walls, in the midst of his family, conversing with his daughters, who are recognised to be Princesses by the side-plait of their hair; he is playing at drafts, and receiving fruits and flowers from them.
This building terminates the series of large splendid temples known under the peculiar appellation of MEMNONIA. They comprise the really flourishing period of the New Monarchy, for after Ramses III., the external power, as well as the internal greatness of the Monarchy again declined. It is only from this, and the immediately succeeding period, that we find the tombs of the Kings in the rock-valleys of the mountain range.
The entrance to these is situated on the farther side of the promontory of Qurna. The escarpments of the rock there rise rugged and barren on either side, rounding off above to bare summits, and their golden brows are partly covered with coal black stones, as if they had been burnt by the sun. The peculiarly solemn and gloomy character of this country always struck me most vividly when I was riding back after sunset over the endless heaps of stony rubbish covering the bottom of the valley to a considerable height, and only furrowed by broad chasms, formed in the course of thousands of years, by sudden torrents of rain, which, though of rare occurrence, are not entirely unknown, as we ourselves have witnessed. All is mute and dead around; the rapid tramps of my little ass being only interrupted occasionally by the dull barks of the jackals, or the gloomy hooting of the night-owls.
After long windings, which lead by circuitous paths almost immediately behind the lofty mountain sides of the Asasif valley described above, the valley divides into two branches, the one on the right hand conducting to the most ancient of those tombs. Only two of these are opened, both belonging to the 18th Dynasty: the one dedicated to AMENOPHIS III., the Memnon of the Greeks, the other to a rival King AI, coming very soon after him, who was not admitted into the monumental lists of the legitimate kings.[56]
The last is situated at the extreme end of the slowly-ascending cleft in the rock; the granite sarcophagus of the King, in the small sepulchral chamber, has been destroyed, and his name is everywhere studiously erased, with the exception of a few traces on the walls, as well as upon the sarcophagus. The other lies farther forward in the valley, is of greater extent, and covered with beautiful sculptures, though, alas! much mutilated by time and human hands. Besides these two tombs, there are several more here incomplete, without sculptures; others, no doubt, are concealed beneath the high mounds of rubbish, which to clear away would have occupied more of our time and means than, after mature consideration, we thought right to bestow on it. In one place where I made them dig, following tolerably certain signs, we found, indeed, about ten feet beneath the rubbish, a door and chamber, but these also without sculpture. Some remains of earthen vases were, however, brought to light at the same time, which contained the name of a king hitherto unknown.
The left branch of the principal valley, which contains the tombs of almost all the Kings of the 19th and 20th Dynasties, seems to have been originally closed by an elevation of the bottom of the valley, and to have been first opened artificially, by a paved ascent to the spot.
Here we find pits with wide openings not far above the bottom of the valley, on the descending slope of the mountain, which pass downwards at a somewhat oblique angle. Where the overhanging rock has a perpendicular height of 12 to 15 feet, the sharply-carved door-posts of the first entrance appear, which was once provided with one or two great folding-doors to close it. There also the painted sculptures generally commence, which, on suddenly approaching, strike one by the wonderful contrast between their sharp lines, brilliant surfaces, and fresh vivid colours, and the jagged rock and rugged rolled stones scattered around, among which they are placed. Long corridors of imposing height and width now lead always deeper into the rocky mountain range; the sculptures on the sides, and the ceiling also, continue in single subdivisions, which are formed by the contraction of the passages and by additional doors. The King is represented worshipping before different gods, and directs his prayers and justifications for his earthly life to them; the peaceful occupations of the justified spirits are represented on one side, the punishments of Hell for the wicked on the other; the Goddess of Heaven is represented extended lengthways on the ceiling, as well as the hours of the day and night, with their influences on mankind, and their astrological signification, all accompanied by explanatory inscriptions. Lastly, we arrive at a great vaulted hall of pillars, whose walls generally exhibit the representations on a golden yellow ground, for which reason it also bore the name of the Golden Hall. This was intended for the royal sarcophagus, which stood in the centre, and was from six to ten feet high. But often if the King, after the completion of the tomb, in its first and most necessary extent, felt his vigour still unimpaired, and promised himself a prolonged life, the central passage of this hall of pillars was cut out in a still more steep descent, for the commencement of a new hall; new corridors and lateral chambers were attached, sometimes they deviated from the first direction into another, till the King, for the second time, fixed upon a goal, and terminated the building with a second hall of pillars, almost more spacious and splendid than the first; smaller chambers on both sides were then added to this, if the time still allowed, destined for particular sacrifices for the dead, till at length the last hour struck, and the royal corpse, having undergone the process of embalming for seventy days, was entombed in the sarcophagus. It was then closed up, in such an artificial manner that the colossal granite tomb, as the cover could not be raised, was always obliged to be destroyed by the plunderers of the corpses, who, at a later period, penetrated into every spot.
The tombs of the PRINCESSES also, which are collected together in a smaller valley behind Medînet Hâbu, at the southern end of the Memnonia, belong exclusively to the period from the 18th to the 20th Dynasties, as well as the most important of the innumerable tombs of private individuals, which extend over hill and valley, from beyond Medînet Hâbu to the entrance of the King’s valley. The priests of rank, and the great officers, liked to have represented on the walls of their tombs their whole wealth in horses and carriages, herds, boats, and implements, as well as their hunting-ground and fish-ponds, their gardens and hall, for company, even the artists and artisans they employed, actively engaged in various ways; all this renders these tombs much more interesting than those of the Kings, where the representations almost exclusively refer to the life after death.
Among the later monuments, the tombs from the 26th Dynasty of the seventh and sixth centuries before Christ are especially worthy of notice. The greatest proportion of these are dug in the flat ground, in the front part of the rocky creek between Qurna and the hill of Abd el Qurna, where we reside, and they are called specially EL ASASIF. The rocky plain alone afforded room at that time for sepulchral buildings of any considerable size, and was therefore employed for that purpose on a vast scale. Even in the distance a number of lofty gates and walls built of black bricks are seen. These enclosed great sunken courts within an oblong, to which the entrance led by immense arched pylon gates, resembling at a little distance Roman triumphal arches. Stepping through this within the enclosure wall, we look directly into a court cut 12 or 15 feet deep into the rock, into which we descended by a staircase. This uncovered court belongs to the largest sepulchral building now accessible; it was built for a royal scribe, Petamenap; is 100 feet long, and 74 broad. From this we stepped through an outer hall into a great rock-chamber, having an extent of from 65 to 52 feet, supported by two rows of pillars, with some lateral chambers and corridors on either side; then through an arched entrance into a second hall, from 52 to 36 feet large, with eight pillars; and into a third, 31 feet both ways, with four pillars; and lastly, into a chamber from 20 to 12 feet large, terminating with a niche. From this chamber, at the head of the first series of rooms, a door on the left hand leads into an immense chamber; and on the right, another to a continuous series of six corridors, with two staircases of nine to twenty-three steps, and a chamber in which a perpendicular pit, 44 feet deep, led at the bottom to a small lateral chamber. This second range of chambers and passages which run at right angles with the first, amounted in its whole length to 172 feet, while the first, including the external court, amounted to 311 feet. Finally, from the chamber with the well, a corridor turns off again to the right, which leads to a diagonal chamber, extending altogether 58 feet in this third direction. But before arriving at the two staircases in the second range, a fourth line of passages again opened to the right, running on 122 feet in one and the same direction, to which, on the left hand, is attached a great passage running round in a square 60 feet long on every side, along with other lateral chambers; the central part of which is decorated on its four sides like a huge sarcophagus. The sarcophagus of the deceased rests also, in fact, in the centre beneath the great square, which, however, can only be reached by means of a vertical pit 18 feet deep, opening into a fourth range, which conducts to a horizontal passage 58 feet long; then to a third pit, through this to more chambers; and lastly, through the ceiling of the last to a chamber placed above it, which contains the sarcophagus, and which is situated exactly beneath the centre of the above-mentioned square. The whole of the ground covered by this tomb, that of a private individual, amounts accordingly to 21,600 square feet, and calculated with the pit chambers, to 23,148 square feet.[57] This enormous work appears still more colossal if we consider that all the surface of the walls, the pillars, and the doors are covered from above downwards with innumerable representations and inscriptions, which astonish us still more by the care, sharpness, and elegance with which they are executed.
The few remains which are found from the period of the later foreign dominion are far less important. We can only mention two small temples near Medînet Hâbu among those erected under the Ptolemies, and a third at the end of the great Lake circumvallation, which extends from Medînet Hâbu towards the south. The oldest sculptures in this last are from the time of CÆSAR AUGUSTUS, yet the Cella, now the only part in good preservation, was built by Antoninus Pius. The outermost gate of the temple district contains the only representations found in Egypt of the Emperor OTHO, the discovery of which was once a most joyful event to Champollion and Rosellini. They had, however, overlooked the circumstance that on the opposite side the name of the Emperor GALBA, hitherto equally unknown in Egypt, was also to be found.
Even in Strabo’s time ancient Thebes had crumbled into several villages, and Germanicus visited it, as we are doing, from a thirst for knowledge, and with reverence for the great antiquity of its monuments, cognoscendæ antiquitatis, as Tacitus informs us. The latest hieroglyphic imperial name that I have found in all Egypt, is that of DECIUS (A.D. 250); it appears in a representation on the temple of Esneh. A hundred years later the holy ATHANASIUS retires to the Theban desert among the Christian hermits there resident. The edict of THEODOSIUS against Paganism (391) divested the Egyptian temples of their last authority, and greatly favoured the development of monkish and recluse habits, to which Egyptian Christianity was always peculiarly inclined.
After that period numerous churches and convents spring up throughout the country, even in the upper districts of the Nile; and the sepulchral caves of the desert become troglodytic habitations for an ascetic hermit population. The Thebaic necropolis, above all other places, presented the greatest variety of means to satisfy these new wants. Both the kings’ tombs, as well as the tombs of private individuals, were very much employed for Christian cells, and still bear traces on their walls of this new purpose to which they were applied. A letter of the holy Athanasius, the archbishop of Alexandria, to the orthodox monks of Thebes, still exists in a tomb at Qurna, in beautiful untial characters on the white stucco, but unfortunately in a very fragmentary condition. It was a favourite practice to convert ancient temples into Coptic churches or convents.
The largest church seems to have been erected in the temple of Medînet Hâbu (town of Hâbu). Monolithic granite columns of considerable size still cover the ground in great numbers, in the second outer court at this spot; in order to obtain room for the niches in the choir, an ancient Egyptian pillar was taken away on the northern side, and a series of doors from the chambers which were arranged for the priests’ cells were broken through the external wall of the temple to the back. The convent appertaining to it, called the DER EL MEDÎNET—“belonging to a town”—was placed in the Ptolemaic temple behind the hill of Qurnet Murrâi, situated close at hand. Another church stood in the temple of Old Qurna, and the convent of DER EL BACHÎT, situated on the heights of Qurna, probably belonged to it. The ruins of a third convent occupy the chambers of the temple of the Queen Numtamen, in the angle of the Asasif valley, and bear the name of DER EL BAHRI, the northern convent.
Such transformations of the ancient magnificent buildings were partly against, and partly in favour of, their preservation. Single walls were frequently demolished, or broken through, to enable them to make new arrangements; upon others the heathen images were destroyed to obtain bare walls, or at least, the human figures and even those of animals in the inscriptions, especially the heads, were studiously picked out, and mutilated, as high up as the loftiest ceilings. Not unfrequently, however, the same zealous, pious hands also served to preserve the ancient splendour in a most successful manner, for sometimes, instead of laboriously destroying the representations with a hammer, they preferred covering them over from the top to the bottom with Nile mud, which had generally afterwards an additional white coating, in order to receive the Christian paintings. In time this Coptic loam again fell off, and the ancient paintings came out once more, with a brilliancy and surprising freshness, which they could hardly have retained on uncovered walls, exposed to the air and sun. In the niche of an ancient cella I found St. Peter, in the ancient Byzantine style, holding the key, and raising his finger, but beneath the half-decayed Christian casing, the cow’s horns of the goddess Hathor, the Egyptian Venus, peeped forth from behind the glory; to her, originally was given the incense and sacrifice of the king who is standing by her side, which now are offered to the venerable apostle. I have often with my own hands assisted time in the work of restoration, and still further loosened the stucco, which is generally covered over with totally uninteresting Coptic paintings, that I might restore the splendid sculptures of the Egyptian gods and kings concealed beneath them once more to their older and greater claims on our attention.
A great part of the population of Thebes on both sides of the Nile is still Coptic; our Christian cook Siriân was born here, and a Coptic woman of good means, Mustafîeh, who lives at a short distance from us, supplies us daily with excellent wheaten bread. For a long time past, however, the Arabic Mohammedan population has gained the upper hand here, as throughout the country, and the Copts can only oppose this by the influence derived from ancient days, by their knowledge of arithmetic, and their privilege of filling the most important financial offices in the country.
The small church in which the Theban Christians are now in the habit of assembling every Sunday, is situated alone in the great gravelly plain to the south of Medînet Hâbu. It has an Arabic cupola, and is surrounded by the wall of a court. I entered it a few days ago from noticing that the black turbans, which are only worn by Copts, were proceeding in greater numbers than usual to the chapel. It was the feast of the holy Donadeos, who had founded the church. The service was over. I only found the old priest, who inhabits and takes charge of the church, inside with his numerous family. The compartments were covered with mats; I was shown the division for the men and women, the small chapels decorated with variegated carved work attached to it, the square cistern for baptisms and holy water. A large old Coptic book still lay open on the reading-desk, with extracts from the Psalms and Gospels, and an Arabic translation beside it. I asked the old man whether he could read Coptic; he answered in the affirmative, but thought that his children could read better than himself; his eyes had already become feeble. I sat myself down upon the mat, and the whole troop of great and small yellow-brown children and grandchildren of the old priest squatted down around me. I asked the eldest lad to read a little, and he immediately began not to read, but to sing with the greatest fluency—that is to say, to chant in rough grumbling tones. I interrupted him, and asked him now to read slowly in his usual voice; he did it with far greater difficulty, and with many mistakes, which his younger brother sometimes corrected over his shoulder; but when I went so far as to inquire the meaning of the individual words, he pointed coolly to the Arabic translation, and thought it was explained there, and wanted to read this aloud to me; he could tell me nothing as to the single words, not even about the value of the single letters over the paragraphs, nor, indeed, could the old man have done that at any time. Afterwards I made them show me the other treasures in the way of books belonging to the church, which were immediately brought in a great cloth tied together at the four corners, containing some prayer-books very much worn, some of them in Coptic, some in Arabic. I left a small present behind for the good of the church, and had rode on a little farther, when one of the boys overtook me, bringing me breathless a small consecrated kind of biscuit cake, stamped with a Coptic cross and a Greek inscription, which gift I was obliged to repay by a second bakschisch. These are the Epigoni, the most genuine, unmixed descendants of the old Pharaonic nation that once conquered Asia and Ethiopia, and led its prisoners from the north and south into the great hall of Karnak before Ammon; in whose wisdom Moses was educated, and with whose priesthood the Greek sages went to school.
O Aegypte, Aegypte! religionum tuarum solæ supererunt fabulæ, æque incredibiles posteris; solaque supererunt verba lapidibus incisa tua pia facta narrantibus, et inhabitabit Aegyptum, Scythes, aut Indus, aut aliquis talis, id est vicina barbaria.[58]
We now know the meaning of this aliquis which Hermes Trismegistus then knew not how to explain; it is the Turks, who at present dwell in the fields of Osiris.
At the foot of our hill, in the direction of the green plain, stands a single group of Sont-trees, which overshadow a pleasant reservoir nicely lined with stones; here the sheep and goats are daily brought to water, and every evening and morning the dark girls and veiled women descend from their rock-caves, returning afterwards with a slow step, their tall water-jugs on their heads; a lovely picture from the patriarchal times. But close to where the refreshing element is found there is a bare white spot in the middle of the fertile plain: on this, two lime-kilns are erected, in which, as often as they are wanted, the very best blocks of the ancient temples and rock-grottoes, with their images and inscriptions, are pounded and burnt into lime, that they may again cement together other blocks, which are extracted from these convenient and inexhaustible stone-quarries, for some cattle-stall or other structure for government purposes.
The same day that I visited the Coptic church, I was desirous of riding from that spot to the village of KÔM EL BIRÂT, which is situated on the other side of the great lake of Hâbu, now dry. To my no small surprise, my guide, the excellent old ʾAuad, who I have engaged to be my servant while here, on account of his great knowledge of the locality, informed me that he could not accompany me thither, he even almost shrank from pronouncing the name of the village, and could not be persuaded to give me any information about it, and about his strange behaviour. It was only when I got home that I learnt the ground of his refusal from others, and afterwards also from himself. Above seven or eight years ago a man was killed in the house of the Sheikh of Qurna, to whose household ʾAuad then belonged; how it happened is not yet made out. In consequence of this circumstance, the whole family of the murdered man emigrated from this place, and settled in Kôm el Birât. Ever since the law of vengeance for blood has hung over the two families. Not a single member of that family has from that time trod the ground of Qurna; and if ʾAuad, or any other individual from the Sheikh’s house were to be seen in that village, any one of the injured family would be justified in killing him openly. This is the ancient Arabic custom.[59]
I turn from my wanderings through the ruins of the great royal city, and through the changes of thousands of years which have passed over them, to our castle on the detached hill of Abd el Qurna. Wilkinson and Hay have rendered an essential service to later travellers by building up the habitable rooms, which, from our being desirous of spending a long time in Thebes, we have profited by. A broad, convenient road leads by windings from the plain to a spacious court, the left side of which (the mountain side) is formed by a long shady colonnade; beyond this there are several habitable rooms. At the end of the court stands a single watch-tower, on which the Prussian flag waves, and beside it a small house with two rooms, one above the other, the lowest of which I occupy myself. There is no want of accommodation either for the kitchen department, the servants, and the asses.
The wide, boundless prospect across the Theban plain over the wall of the court, low on the inner side, but with a deep fall externally, is most beautiful and enchanting. The eye from this point, and still more perfectly from the summit of the tower, or from the top of the hill rising directly behind our dwelling, commands all, that still remains of Ancient Thebes. In front of us the splendid ruins of the Memnonia, from the angle of the hills at Qurna on our left, to the lofty Pylones, which tower up above the mounds of ruins of Medînet Hâbu on our right; then the green meadow encircled by the broad Nile, from which the solitary Colossi of Amenophis rise on the right hand, and beyond the river the groups of temples at Karnak and Luqsor, behind which the lower plain extends several hours farther to the clear outline of the slightly undulating Arabic ranges, which every morning were lit up by the first rays of the sun casting a wonderful richness of colouring over the valley and rocky desert all around us. There is no other spectacle in the world that I can compare with this, a scene which daily impresses us with fresh wonders and delight; but it reminds me perhaps of the view, for two years before my window, looking down from the Tarpeian Rock, which comprised the whole of Ancient Rome from the Aventine, with the Tiber at its foot, to the Quirinal, and beyond that the undulating Campagna, with the beautiful profile of the Alban hills (strikingly like those we now behold) in the background.
We never, however, look out into the distant country without being peculiarly attracted to the silvery water-highway, and without our eyes following the pointed sails, which may bring us letters or travellers from the North. Winter here, as in all other places, is the season of sociability. Not a week passes that we do not see several guests among us. A stranger’s book, which I have placed here for future travellers, and furnished with an introduction, was inaugurated on New Year’s Day by our own signatures. Since then above thirty names have been added, although the book has hitherto been kept exclusively in our castle, and will only be handed over to our faithful castellan ʾAuad on our departure.
On Christmas Eve we for the third time selected a palm for our Christmas-tree. This symbol, still more beautiful than our fir-tree, was decorated with lights and small gifts. Our artists celebrated the cheerful festival in other imaginative ways, and an illuminated Christmas crib, executed in the typical manner, and placed at the end of the long rock-passage, was most successful.
As it is natural to expect, England is by far the most numerously represented among travellers; the French are more rarely seen, but among their numbers I must mention the well-known and amiable savant Ampère, who, as he told me, intends to spend several months in this country, in order to make some solid progress in his Egyptian studies.[60] We are not, however, without some of our German countrymen, and one beautiful Sunday morning, at the close of the year, we had the pleasure of seeing Lic. Strauss, the son of the court chaplain in Berlin, and his cousin Dr. Krafft. We were just about to begin our simple Sunday service, which ever since Abeken, our dear friend and former preacher of the desert, has quitted us, I have been in the habit of conducting myself. I therefore immediately resigned my place to one of these two rev. gentlemen, which more befitted them than me; and as it happened that we had with us the very sermons written by the two fathers of our dear guests, one of these was selected for a discourse.
Messrs. SEUFFERHELD and Dr. BAGGE, from Frankfort, visited us almost simultaneously with them, and soon afterwards our friend Dr. SCHLEDEHAUS from Alexandria, with the Austrian painter SATTLER, and when Messrs. Strauss and Krafft called on us a second time, on their journey back, they met some other guests here, Messrs. TAMM, STAMM, SCHWAB, and the Assessor von ROHR, from Berlin. This very day twelve Germans (nine of them Prussians) sat down to dinner with us.
Letter XXXI
On the Red Sea, between Gebel Zeït and Tôr. Good Friday. The commencement of Spring. 21st March, 1845.
Our vessel lies motionless in the midst of the sea, in sight of the distant coast of Tôr, which we hoped to have reached in the course of last night. I sit down to write in order to divest myself of the annoying state of impatience necessarily resulting from an exceedingly inconvenient and protracted calm, under a sultry mid-day sun, in a sailing vessel, adapted only for bales of goods.
On the 20th of February we changed our abode in Thebes from the western to the eastern bank, from Qurna to Karnak. We settled ourselves here in some chambers of the great royal temple; but as I was desirous of setting out on my journey to the Peninsula of Sinai as soon as possible, I limited myself for the time, to merely taking such a survey of the monuments as was absolutely necessary, in order to enable me to appoint the work that was to be done during my absence.
The 3rd of March I set out on my journey. The younger Weidenbach accompanied me, in order to give me some assistance in the drawings, which would be absolutely required: besides him, I took our Dragoman Jussuf along with me, the Kawass Ibrahim Aga, Gabre Máriam, and two additional servants. We first went down the Nile as far as Qeneh. After it became dark and the stars had risen, the conversation, which had hitherto been animated, ceased, and, lying on the deck, I watched the star of Isis, the sparkling Sothis (Sirius), this Polar star of Egyptian chronology, as it gradually ascended over our heads. Our two oarsmen were only too musically inclined, and went through their whole stock of songs, quivering them with innumerable repetitions, sometimes interrupted by the short cry of Scherk, Gharb (East, West), which was softly answered by the feeble and obedient boy’s voice of our little steersman. Half waking, half dreaming, we then glided down the river till about midnight, when the Arab quivering also ceased; the strokes of the oar became fainter, and at length the boat was left entirely to the waves. The rising of the moon in her last quarter, and dawning day, first aroused them to renewed activity.
We arrived early in Qeneh, where we were very kindly received in the house of the illustrious Seïd Hussên. He is the important man through whose hands all our letters pass, both going and coming, and who is thus highly deserving of our gratitude. He and his two sons were of great assistance to us in obtaining the innumerable things which were requisite for our departure for the desert, which we were desirous of accelerating as much as possible. Meanwhile, I was delighted with the patriarchal manners which prevailed in this most estimable Arabian family. All business was carried on there, as it is throughout the East, in public, and most commonly in the street. In front of each house there is a long divan, another in the room; friends come in, make a short salutation, sit down almost unnoticed, and business goes on as usual. Guests of higher rank are offered coffee, or the long pipe. Slaves stand round, ready at the slightest sign. Acquaintance of inferior rank kiss the hand of the master of the house, even if they are only passers by; they do it all seriously and quietly, without the least demonstration of feeling, but with the usual greetings, frequently murmured for a long time from one to another. If there is no more space left on the divan, or if it is occupied by persons of higher rank, the new comer squats down on the ground beside it. Every one rises and goes at his pleasure, and, what strikes us as very singular, without any parting words, though the forms of greeting are so long. The master of the house, also, quits his guests without any salutation, if the visitor is not a person of distinction; when such is the case, he is frequently detained for a long while by the monotonous, and almost always empty, conversation. This domestic life in the street, such as prevailed more or less among the ancient Greeks and Romans, and which is so fundamentally different from the life in our studies and offices, is closely united with the Eastern character in general. Individuals always deport themselves with propriety and reserve, but they are compliant, and ready for anything that occurs. In respectable families, such as this, there also exists an amiable religious feeling, originating in a true and kindly disposition. Old Hussên is above seventy, with a white beard, but, in spite of his age, taking a lively interest in all that occurs, and meeting every one in a friendly manner. The two sons, who are nearly fifty, carry on the business. They treat the old man with extreme reverence. Both are great smokers, but they never smoke in the presence of their father; this would be regarded as a want of the respect which is due to him; they immediately lay aside their pipes when he enters. In the evening after supper, when it would have been too great a privation to resign them, the sons sit in front of the threshold to smoke; while we, as the guests, sit with the old man in the room, they only take part in the conversation through the open door.
The evening before our departure we visited a manufactory of the celebrated Qulleh (cooling vessels), 200,000 of which are annually made; and also the field from which the clay of which they are made is taken. It is only one Feddan (160 square roods) in extent.
After spending a couple of days at Qeneh, we quitted it, on the 6th March, with fifteen camels. The first day we only rode three hours, as far as the copious spring of BIR AMBAR, charmingly situated between Palms and Nebek-trees,[61] and provided by Ibrahim Pascha with a dome-shaped building for the caravans. We also reached early on the following day the second night-encampment, at the station of Leqêta. The ancient road to Kossêr from Koptos, the present Quft, the mounds of which we saw in the distance on our right hand, leads immediately to the projecting mountains of El Qorn (the Horns). We did not descend into the broad Kossêr road until we approached these mountains, and after a march of six hours arrived at LEQÊTA at the junction of the roads from Qeneh, Quft (Koptos), Qûs (the ancient ⲕⲱⲥ or Apollinopolis parva), and a fourth road, also, leading direct from Luqsor hither. Five wells furnish here a supply of tolerably good water; two buildings, with domes half fallen down, are destined for the reception of travellers.
I here noticed a trait of Arabian hospitality which I must also mention. At our last repast at Qeneh a fresh draught of the delicious Nile water was brought me in an ornamental gilt cup, decorated with pious sayings from the Koran. I was pleased with its simple and yet agreeable form, the segment of a sphere, and expressed this to old Hussên, without anticipating the answer I immediately received:—“The cup belongs to you.” As I had nothing about me which I could give in return for the gift, I went away shortly after, declining the civility, and left the cup standing unnoticed. That night, when I went to rest, I found it placed beside my bed, but the following morning I gave express orders that it should not be packed up. We started on our journey, and in Leqêta, where for the first time I opened my travelling-bag, my surprise was great when the first thing I beheld was the cup carefully placed within it. Gabre Máriam had closed my baggage, and in reply to my almost angry inquiry how it was that the cup was here, contrary to my order, he confessed that he had been obliged to place it at the top, by the express wish of old Seïd Hussên. I was now, indeed, compelled to yield, and to think of some present for him, on my return.
We again started from Leqêta the same evening, and rode three hours farther to an old station, at the GEBEL MAÁUAD, very little used now, and deficient in water. Our Arabs, from the tribe of the Ag´aïze, are not so animated as the Ababde, or Bischariîn, and their camels are also inferior.
After Gebel Maáuad, we entered the hilly, sandy plain of QSUR EL BENAT, and after another pass, the plain of RESCHRASCHI. At the end of this, Gebel ABU GUEH rises on the left, upon which we turned our backs and went to the right, round an angle of rock, on the precipitous sides of which, composed of sandstone, I found engraved the Shields of the sun-worshipper Amenophis IV., along with his consort, and over it the Sun, with rays spread out like hands around it. Their names, as everywhere else, were partly erased, although the King had not yet altered his name into that of BECH-EN-ATEN. Towards mid-day we entered the primitive mountain range, and in three-quarters of an hour arrived at the well of HAMAMÂT.
There appears to have been an ancient Coptic settlement here, and the broad well, about 80 feet deep, lined with stones, into which there is a descent by a winding staircase, is even now ascribed by the Arabs to the Nazarenes (the Christians). The ancient stone-quarries, which were our most immediate object, were situated another half hour from the well.
I pitched my head-quarters here, in a spacious grotto covered with Egyptian and Greek inscriptions, as, by a hasty survey, we easily perceived that we should find work which would occupy us for several days. The ancient Egyptians, who were great lovers and eminent connoisseurs of remarkable kinds of stone, had here found a bed of precious green breccia, and beside it, also, some beautiful dark-coloured veins of granite, which were worked as early as the 6th Dynasty, rather more than B.C. 2000. There are numerous memorial inscriptions engraved on the surrounding rocks since that period. Among them there are several especially deserving notice, from the time of the Persian Government. The hieroglyphic shields of Cambyses, Darius, Xerxes, Artaxerxes, are indeed almost alone known in this spot; and a royal state architect from the Dynasty of the Psammeteci, has displayed his whole pedigree, no less than twenty-three families, who, without one exception, held this important post, and some of them also, in connection with high priestly honours. An ancestral mother stands at the head of the long series, who must have lived nearly 700 years before the last link of the chain. A great number of Greek Proskynemata allow us to infer that the stone-quarries were still used in the time of the Greeks and Romans. For five whole days we were occupied from morning to night with copying and taking impressions, to the continual wonder of the small caravans which we saw almost daily pass before us, as the principal road by which the pilgrims of Upper Egypt, and a great part of the Sudan, pass to Kossêr and Mecca, leads through this valley.
My original plan had been to go from Qeneh to Kossêr, and to embark thence for Tôr. As the voyage, however, occupies a great deal of time, I was very glad to learn in Qeneh that there is also a road from Hamamât, across the mountain chain to Gebel Zeït, nearly opposite Tôr. I therefore determined to take that road, difficult, indeed, but interesting, and far shorter. At the same time I sent a messenger in advance to Kossêr to give orders that a vessel should start for Gebel Zeït without delay, and await us there.
In Hamamât I had also a severe contest with the Arabs, who suddenly became apprehensive of the long road, but little known and almost devoid of water, and who wanted rather to guide us by Kossêr along the coast. But as my principal object was to visit certain ancient stone-quarries in the lofty mountain range, I threatened, if they did not keep their word, to write to the Pascha, and I made them responsible for all the consequences. Thus after long capitulations I accomplished my plan. Nevertheless, it was still very nearly upset, as, on the evening before our departure, we were almost poisoned by the carelessness of our cook, who had allowed some vinegar to stand in copper vessels. However, we recovered happily after a night of great suffering, and on the 13th March started from Hamamât.
We had brought with us six barrels full of water from Qeneh; the camel-drivers were worse provided, and must consequently have suffered much from thirst. Besides Selâm, our old trustworthy guide of the caravan, I had brought with me in addition a special guide from Qeneh, Selîm, who was said to be well acquainted with the mountainous district between Hamamât and Gebel Zeït, although he had only made the journey once before, above twelve years ago; and under his guidance, we got in two days as far as GEBEL FATIREH. After great labour and long searching, we re-discovered the remains of the ancient colony of workmen, who quarried here a beautiful black and white granite. From this point, however, the ignorance of the guide was manifested in many ways. On the evening of the 15th of March we arrived at a high water-shed, and were compelled to pass the night on the hard rocky ground, there being no possibility of pitching a tent. The following day, Palm Sunday, we suddenly came early in the morning upon a steep precipice, which descends about 800 feet between the two chains of the MUNFÎEH mountain range. It seemed impossible to pass the steep and dangerous path with a caravan. The Arabs one and all protested in the most decided manner against attempting it, and poured forth the most violent curses upon Selîm. He was in a difficult position. He had evidently not known the difficulties of this pass; the roads that are passable, though it is true they are very circuitous, lead either by NECHEL DELFA, eastward, or by SCHAIB EL BENAT, westward of this spot. To strike into one of these two roads now, would have at least cost us two more days, and as we had already lost a great deal of time at Gebel Fatireh, we should have run into still greater danger of a deficiency of water, as our supply had been calculated very exactly, and between Hamamât and Gebel Zeït we had only the prospect of one single spring, which was said to be situated near Gebel Dochân. I therefore gave orders, and carried my point in spite of the most violent protestations to the contrary, that all the camels should be unloaded on the height, and that the whole of the baggage should be carried down on the shoulders of the Arabs. My own servants had to begin, and we all set to work together. Chests and trunks were taken singly from one point of rock to another; we had most difficulty in managing the great water-casks, which could only be moved by three or four people at once. The unloaded beasts were then carefully led down, and thus the bold enterprise terminated successfully without any accident or injury, amid loud and fervent appeals to Abd el Qader, the sacred patron of the camel. After three toilsome hours, all was over, and the beasts were again loaded.
Soon after, however, we were to encounter a far more serious danger. I was as usual riding in advance with Max and some of the servants, and had charged the caravan to follow the footmarks of my ass in the sand. Towards mid-day we saw GEBEL DOCHÂN, “the Smoking Mountain,” on our left hand, rising deep blue beyond the Munfîeh chain, and several hours afterwards, when we emerged from the higher mountains into an undulating and more open country, on the farther side of the wide plain, and beyond the sea, we, for the first time, saw the distant mountains of Tôr, like rising mist, situated in the third quarter of the globe, which we were now about to enter.
Soon after three o’clock we came to two Bedouin huts made of mats, in which we found a woman, and a dark-skinned boy, with beautiful eyes, who gave us some milk. On my inquiring whether there were ancient walls in the neighbourhood, the boy conducted us to a piece of granite rock, one hour distant, standing isolated, surrounded by a rough, but well piled up, wall, about 10 feet high. The square, in which the above-mentioned rock formed the acropolis, was 70 paces long, and 60 broad; the entrance from the south was furnished with two circular bastions; and similar ones stood at the four corners, and in the centre of the three remaining sides. In the interior single chambers were partitioned off, and in the centre there was a well of burnt bricks, but which was now covered with rubbish.[62]
According to the statements of our guide, we ought now to have been near the water that was said to be only one half day’s journey distant from our last night’s encampment. But the sun went down without our having reached the desired goal. By the dim light of the moon in her first quarter, we at length turned into a lofty rock-valley, which Selîm assured us would certainly lead to the spring. We ascended for a long time between bare granite precipices; the moon set, no well appeared, and the guide confessed that he had missed the right valley. We were obliged to turn back. The same thing occurred in a second and a third valley into which the guide conducted us, who was now evidently quite lost, having altered his direction more than once. He excused himself on the plea of uncertain moonlight, and assured us that at break of day he would immediately discover the right path. Nothing, therefore, remained but to lie down on the hard ground, in our light riding-dresses, to take a short disturbed sleep, without eating or drinking; for our water-bottles had long been emptied, and we had each of us, some time before, devoured our small provision of four biscuits. Some camel-saddles were our only protection from the cold north wind. Thus, with the stars above and the stones beneath us, we placed our hopes in the following morning.
With the dawn of day we again mounted. My ass, who had taken the last scanty ration of water that had been measured out for it, more than four-and-twenty hours back, and could not endure thirst like the camels, would scarcely go a step farther. Selîm, however, was in good heart, and thought we should soon get back to the right road. We found innumerable marks of camels. “Only a little while longer,” exclaimed the guide, “and we shall be all right.” Our hope was again revived.
Beautiful variegated blocks of granite and porphyry, which I saw lying among the loose stones, were joyful signs to me of the vicinity of the Mons porphyrites. Meanwhile, the broad valley into which we had turned constantly became narrower, and divided into two branches, the right of which we ascended. But this also divided once more, and like the valleys described above, everything round us led to the sad conviction that here we were again upon the wrong path; I made a halt to give some rest to our tired animals, and sent the guide forward alone to find out his right road. Hungry, and above all, thirsting for a draught of water, we encamped in the shadow of a rock-precipice. We were in a critical position. I had begun to doubt whether our guide would ever find the spring in this desert and uniformly barren mountainous region. And where was our caravan? Had it found its way to the water? If, as hitherto had been the case, it had followed the footmarks of my ass, which were distinguished singly among the innumerable tracks of camels, then it was lost like ourselves. We waited impatiently for Selîm; he could at least lead us back to the Arab huts, which we had seen the previous day. But one hour after the other passed away: Selîm did not come. The sun rose higher, and deprived us of the narrow shadow of the mountain precipice, beside which we had halted. We sat silent upon the burning stones. We did not venture to leave the spot for fear of missing Selîm. Had he met with an accident, or could he have forgotten himself so far as only to think of his own preservation, and to leave us to our fate, which is said to have happened some years ago to three Turks, in this same desert, who were never seen again? Or was Selîm too weary to return back to us? He had been on foot almost all the way, and must consequently be much more exhausted than we were.
From time to time we mounted the nearest heights, and fired off our guns. All in vain! We were at length compelled to yield to the cheerless conviction that we should not see our guide again. After waiting four hours, mid-day had arrived, and with it the latest time to start, if we could still cling to the faint hope of again finding out the Arab huts, which must be about six hours distant from us. To search any longer for the spring of water would have been madness, as even Selîm had not found it; Gebel Zeït, where our vessel lay, was two and a half days’ journey distant, and the Nile, on the other side of the mountain range, five days’ journey off: the camels had drank nothing for four days, and the ass was already completely exhausted.
We, therefore, started once more. My companions had done everything that I proposed, but I never felt more severely the responsibility I was under for others, whose lives were at stake with my own, than when forming that lingering determination. It seemed foolhardy to think of travelling without our guide, only directed by the stars, in this totally uninhabited and barren mountainous land, lost as we already were, and brought still more out of our right direction by the crossed and crooked paths we had pursued during the night; nevertheless, it was our last resource.
After deliberating for some time, we determined to ride back to the principal valley, which we had passed through that morning so full of hope; the endless variety of bare, jagged mountain precipices, however, and the valleys without a tree or bush, filled only with rubbish and loose stones, leave such a completely uniform impression, that none of us would ever have recognised this principal valley, had we not felt sure that we were right by the direction and probable distance. At the outlet of this valley we were obliged again to enter the region of the lower hills, between which, towards the south, it seemed at least there was a possibility of finding the Arab huts, as I had taken the position of the magnet, with reference to the highest point of Dochân, from the mountain fortress, which was not too far removed from that spot. The huts, indeed, were so concealed, that we might ride past them at a short distance without observing them; perhaps, even the mats might to-day be set up in a different place. Thus we were lost in the wide, burning desert, without a guide, tormented by increasing hunger and thirst, and so far as human calculation went, wholly in the hands of chance. Silently we descended in the burning, mid-day heat, each occupied with his own reflections, when suddenly—I shall never forget that moment—two men emerged from the nearest angle of the rock; they rushed towards us, embraced our knees, kissed our hands, offered us water from their pitchers, and continued to repeat their congratulations and salutations with touching joy. “El hamdu l’illah!” Praised be God! sounded from all sides. We were saved.
Our caravan, from which the two Arabs came, had as usual followed our traces, and therefore, like us, got into the wrong road; but Ibrahim Aga, soon perceiving our error, had halted early in the day, and during the night kindled small fires on some of the hills with the scanty materials for burning which had been collected with difficulty, and he had almost fired off all his powder. But the wind blew towards the opposite quarter, and we heard none of the signals of our anxious comrades. The following morning they had proceeded onwards, and owing to Sheikh Selâm’s surprising knowledge of the locality, though he had only once been here above five-and-twenty years before, they reached the road to the spring. Nevertheless, Ibrahim Aga made the caravan encamp one hour before arriving at it, as all traces of us had disappeared, and anxious about our fate, he sent patrols of Arabs into the mountains in search of us.
How strange, then, that during this very quarter of an hour we should have again struck into the great valley, where we could not fail to meet this message. As we had reached our side valley over the mountain, no marks of our beasts could lead thither, as here these generally disappeared upon the stones; had we therefore started but a few minutes later, they would certainly have passed us, and had we descended the valley earlier than this, we should have forthwith bent our steps to the right towards the huts, and turned our backs on the caravan, encamped far away on our left hand.
About two o’clock we reached the encampment, which we entered amidst universal cries of joy. The greatest surprise was expressed at not finding Selîm with us—he was given up by all. I would not, however, allow the camp to break up, but had the camels at once led alone to the spring. The Arabs were again sent into the mountains in search of Selîm, and I remained the rest of the day quietly in my tent.
Towards evening some Arabs returned from the spring, bearing with them, upon a camel, Selîm, hardly in possession of his senses, his feet bleeding and bound up. He had been found speechless, lying beside the reservoir of water, his mouth open, his body swollen from having taken an immoderate draught of the water. How he came there we could not immediately learn, for he answered none of our questions. He must, however, have at length found his way out of the high mountains accidentally, or by the wonderful faculty possessed by the Arab of following tracks. At present, perhaps, it was rather his fears of the serious consequences which might ensue from the wretched trick he had played us which rendered him speechless. When he observed that he had excited our compassion, he very soon recovered. I no longer, however, retained him near my person, but for the remainder of the journey took the old, trustworthy Sheikh Selâm as our guide in front, and left the former behind with the caravan.
GEBEL DOCHÂN, the porphyry mountain, our real object in this district, and which had occasioned the whole enterprise, now after all lay far behind us. We had been riding for several hours continuously at its base, as I had suspected even the day before, in spite of Selîm’s assurance to the contrary, for we had incorrectly fancied the spring was in its neighbourhood. None of the caravan had ever seen the stone-quarries and the remains of the ancient colony of workmen. Nevertheless, I determined to venture upon a second attempt the following day, which was successful.
I set out at daybreak with Max, the Sheikh Selâm, and a young, active Arab. The huts had not been observed by the caravan, and were also situated too much towards the east for us. We therefore rode straight towards the highest point of the group of Dochân. It so chanced, that just as we were in the neighbourhood of the river, we met an Abâdi from one of the huts with some camels, for which he was seeking out some pasture ground. With his assistance we soon attained our object.
We first found the large opening to a well built up with unhewn stones; it was 12 feet in diameter, but was now fallen to pieces and filled up with rubbish. Five pillars were still standing on the western side, most likely formerly belonging to a covered hall; a sixth was demolished. Three hundred paces farther up the valley a temple, now in ruins, was erected on a granite rock projecting from the left side of the valley. The walls were formed of unhewn stones, the finer parts of the architecture were, however, very delicately chiselled out of red granite. A staircase of twenty steps led from the north to the paved outer court, which was surrounded by a wall, and in the middle stood a rough granite altar. On the left hand four cell-chambers were attached to this court, the most southern of which, however, had partly fallen with its rock-basis. Another small chamber had been joined to these as the rock offered space for it, in which stood a tolerably large altar, but also without inscriptions. In front of these chambers, in the centre of the court, at an elevation of several feet, and with a foundation of sharply-cut blocks of granite, rose an Ionic portico, which consisted of four monolithic slender and swelling granite columns, whose bases and voluted capitals, with the blocks of the gables and architraves, lay scattered around in ruins. The long dedicatory inscriptions mentioned that the temple had been consecrated under the Emperor HADRIAN to ZEUS HELIOS SERAPIS, by the Eparch, Rammius Martialis. To the left of the well the ruins of the town are situated on an elevated spot. It was in the form of a square, and, as usual, fortified with towers. In the centre there was another well, the chief requisite of every station, built of burnt bricks, and covered with a coating of lime. Eight rough, slender, granite pillars form the entrance to the well.
An ancient precipitous road leads to the adjoining mountain, and conducts to the porphyry quarries, which were situated immediately beneath its summit; they furnished the beautiful deep red porphyry which is displayed in so many monuments of the imperial time. Broad veins of it, which were worked to a considerable depth, passed between another kind of rock of a blue colour, sprinkled with white, and a rock of almost a red brick colour. We found five or six quarries beside each other, the largest about 40 paces square. I could nowhere discover wedge-holes for splitting; on the contrary, the bluish rock immediately beside the quarry, which was pulverised nearly as fine as sand, seemed to indicate the application of fire. In the town, also, I found lofty and peculiar heaps of ashes.
From the quarries I ascended to the summit of the mountain, affording an extensive and glorious prospect over the mountains in the immediate vicinity to the plain, which declined rapidly from the hilly district to a sandy level extending to the sea; and on the opposite side of the blue surface of the water, we descried the lofty range of Tôr. After I had taken a number of observations with the compass I re-descended, and after sunset once more reached our camp at the MOIE MESSÂID.
The 19th of March we crossed the plain to the ENNED mountains, stretching along the sea-coast, which we traversed by a valley running diagonally across them. An abundant spring here came to the surface, whose rippling waters accompanied us for a long while. It might be considered the Fons Tadnos of Pliny, as its water has only recently become brackish and undrinkable, from the bed of natron on the surface. We left the ruins of ABU SCHAR, the ancient Myos hormos or Philoteras portus, on our right, and encamped on the peninsula of GIMSCHEH, which is called by the Arabs, KEBRIT, from the sulphur which is there obtained.
Yesterday morning we rode to the Bay of Gebel Zeït, between the Enned mountains and the sea-shore. The Range of Tôr, which floated before sunrise in a milky blue colour over the surface of the sea, stood out faintly from the sky; its outline only disappeared with the rising sun.
After mid-day we arrived at GEBEL ZEÏT, the oil mountain. Our vessel, which had been appointed to meet us from Kossêr, made the voyage from thence in six days, and had already waited four days for our arrival. The camels were dismissed here, and returned the same evening.
One quarter of an hour north of our anchorage were the ZEITIEH; such is the name given to five or six pits, hollowed out in the sandy shore, or in the rock, and which fill with blackish-brown naphtha, like syrup. A few years ago researches were set on foot by Em Bey, who was in hopes of finding coal beneath, though hitherto they have had no success.
Yesterday evening it was a perfect calm. It was only during the night that a light wind rose from the north, which we immediately availed ourselves of, for setting sail. With the wind in our favour we might have accomplished the passage across in one night; but now the day is again drawing to a close, and we have not yet reached the port. The ship of burden scarcely stirs, though the long oars have been at length set in motion.
The sailors of this sea are very different from those on the Nile. Their deportment is more reserved, less sly and subservient. Their songs, which commence at the first stroke of the oar, consist of fragmentary short lines, which are sung first by one, and are taken up by another, while the remainder utter short and deep grunting sounds, as an accompaniment, at equal intervals. The Rais, on an elevated seat, rows along with the others. He is a negro, as well as several others among the sailors, but one of the handsomest and strongest Moors that I ever saw—a real Othello; when making his athletic movements, he rolls his yellow-white eyes, shows his dazzling teeth, and gives the tone to the song, leading it for a length of time, with a shrill, piercing, but skilful voice.
Letter XXXII
Convent on Mount Sinai, the 24th March, 1845. Easter Monday.
On the evening of Good Friday we landed in Tôr by moonlight. The harbour is now so much sanded up, that our vessel was obliged to lie off several hundred paces, and we were landed in a boat. We were met on shore by the old Greek NICOLA JANNI, who had before received EHRENBERG, LEON DE LABORDE, RÜPPELL, ISENBERG, and other well-known travellers; and he had favourable testimonials to produce of the reception they had met with from him. After long negotiations with the insolent Arabs, who, when they discovered we were in a hurry, and that they were indispensable to us, endeavoured in all ways to overreach us, we started early the day before yesterday from Tôr, limiting ourselves to what was absolutely necessary for the land journey; and we sent the vessel to await us at Cape ABU ZELÎMEH.
Our road led in a due northerly direction to the mouth of WADI HEBRÂN, across the plain of EL G´EʾAH, which, being five or six hours broad, is situated between the sea and mountain. On first starting, however, I made a digression to the hot springs of GEBEL HAMMÂM. They are situated at the southern end of the isolated line of mountains, which, commencing one hour to the north of Tôr, extends to the sea-shore. I again met the caravan at the well of EL HAI, which is pleasantly situated, on the direct road, between gardens of palm-trees. The ground gradually rises from the sea-coast to beyond this well. As soon as we got an open prospect over the whole plain, and to the lofty range which descends towards the south-west in a steep and regularly declining chain to the extremity of the Peninsula, I took the points of the compass, with reference to all the places of any note, the mouths of valleys, and summits of mountains, which the guides were able to name. About half-past five I reached the foot of the mountain range. Here already, at the entrance of the valley, I observed the first SINAITIC Inscription on the black blocks of stone. A little farther on we came to the small piece of water shaded by some palm-trees, where we spent the night.
Yesterday we traversed the WADI HEBRÂN, which separates the group of Serbâl from the principal range of Gebel Mûsa, crossed over NAKB EL EGAUI, which forms the water-shed between the west and east, and turning from this point southwards, over NAKB EL HAUI, the wind-saddle, we reached the CONVENT on Easter Sunday, as the sun was setting. We were drawn, like other travellers, up the high wall of the fortification, to the entrance, although there is another entrance through the convent garden, or more level ground, but which they are only in the habit of using from within. The aged and worthy prior, who is mentioned by Robinson, had died that year in Cairo, and had been replaced by another, Demetrius Nicodemus, who is said to hold the rank of a bishop.
As it is a Greek convent, instead of Easter rejoicings we came to a strict season of fasting. But independently of that, the whole life and habits of the four priests and twenty-one lay brothers made by no means such an edifying impression as we might have expected to witness in this spot. A gloomy spirit of wearisome sloth and ignorance hangs like a cloud of mist over their discontented countenances. Yet these fugitives from this world of cares are wandering beneath an ever cheerful sky of moderate temperature, are alone able, of all the inhabitants of this sultry wilderness, to refresh themselves beneath the dark shade of the cypress, palm, and olive-tree, and have besides in their possession a library of 1500 volumes, not in the smallest degree considering the best purpose for which they are intended—viz., a ἰατρεῖον ψυχῆς.[63]
To-day we ascended GEBEL MÛSA. In my own imagination, and by the descriptions of former travellers, it formed the actual centre of the whole range; but this is not the case. Both in elevation and in the planimetrical projection of the whole mass of the primitive range, it forms part of the north-eastern slope. The convent in a direct line is three times as near the eastern border of the range as the western. Even Gebel Katherîn, situated immediately to the south, is loftier than the almost concealed summit of Gebel Mûsa, which is invisible to the whole of the surrounding country. Still higher mountains rise on the farther side of Katherîn, but in steps, as for example, UM RIGLIN, ABU SCHEGERE, QETTÂR, &c., as far as UM SCHÔMAR, which towers up over all the others, and stands in the centre of the eastern and western slope of the whole elevation, forming the principal and most northern vertebra of the long backbone of the range, which passes down to the south, and determines the direction of the whole Peninsula. All the way up Gebel Mûsa, along with the various spots which are connected with holy legends, was a walk amidst the wildest and grandest natural features; it reminded me of being led through a castle of historical renown, where the places of rest and study, &c., of some great king are exhibited.
On our return from Gebel Mûsa, we ascended the actual brow of the so-called HOREB, which Robinson regards as the TRUE SINAI instead of Gebel Mûsa, which has hitherto been viewed as such. We passed several hermit’s huts and chapels, till we at length reached one, situated in a rocky basin, behind which the principal mass of Horeb rises up abruptly and grandly. There is no accessible road to it. We clambered up, first through a precipitous cleft in the rock, then over the brows of the rock towards the south. About half-past five we reached the summit, just above the great plain of Râha, on the immense round-formed mountain top, which has such a grand appearance from the plain. Robinson seems to have attempted this road at first, but to have given it up afterwards, and mounted to the top of Sessâf, which certainly is loftier, but situated a little to the westward, and does not project into the plain as the actual central point, like the knob which we ascended.[64] Our companions, with the exception of one active Arab boy, had remained behind, as it was, in fact, a dangerous ascent. Even this site did not allow me to entertain the view that Moses ever stood upon a rock that was visible from this valley, if the narrative is to be understood in so literal a manner. We did not ascend Gebel Katherîn, as it has fewer historical claims even than Gebel Mûsa.
Letter XXXIII
On the Red Sea, the 6th April, 1845.
I shall employ our tranquil sea voyage, which will last for several days longer, in arranging the various materials I have collected on the Peninsula, and combining the principal events of this episode in our journey. I shall send a more detailed account of it from Thebes.[65] These lines, however, shall be handed over to Seïd Hussên in Qeneh, and shall be forwarded to the north by the first opportunity.
We left the convent on the 25th March, towards evening, and passed downwards through the broad WADI E’ SCHEIKH. I selected this roundabout way, as formerly, before the wild defile of Nakb el Haui was rendered passable, this valley was the only way by which the Israelites, if they were desirous of marching to the plains of Râha, could have reached that spot.[66] We spent the night in the upper part of the valley, near the tomb of the holy SHEIKH SALIH, from whom it receives the name of WADI E’ SCHEIKH. In the lower portion of the valley we first meet with the manna-yielding shrubs of Tarfa,[67] and the Sinaitic inscriptions on the sides of the valley become more frequent. But before reaching the outlet of the valley, we quitted it and climbed over to our left into the WADI SELÂF, which lower down joins the Wadi e’ Scheikh, in order to reach the foot of SERBÂL, by the shortest road from this. We had already frequently seen at every opening on the road the huge rocky summit rising above the surrounding mountainous district, and the accounts given us by the Arabs, of the fertile and irrigated WADI FIRÂN at its base, had long made me desirous of becoming better acquainted with it. I had resolved to ascend the mountain, and therefore made them lead us into the WADI RIM, that runs down from the mountain into the Wadi Selâf, which passes along Serbâl. After riding upwards of an hour in this valley, we came to an old stone hut, which might have once sheltered a hermit; soon afterwards we found some Arab tents, and at a short distance beyond these, several Sittere-trees, which we selected for our place of encampment.
On the 27th March we rose early to ascend the mountain Derb e’ Serbâl. The true road to Serbâl leads from WADI FIRÂN through Wadi Aleyât to the mountain. We were forced to go round its south-eastern extremity, and ascend behind from the south, as it would have been far beyond our powers to clamber up the heights through the Rim ravine, which descends precipitously, and in a direct line between the two eastern summits. One quarter of an hour above our encampment we came to a spring, shaded by Nebek, Hamâda, and Palm-trees, whose fresh, pure water, was walled round to the depth of several feet. We then climbed over a small rib of the mountain, on which there again stood several ancient stone houses, down into another branch of the Rim valley (Rim el mehâsni), and in an hour and a half reached the south-eastern angle of the mountain. From this point we pursued a paved road of rock, which was even sometimes supported by masonry work. This led us to an artificial terrace and a wall, the remains, as it appeared, of a house that had been destroyed, and to a cool spring, shaded by tall reeds, a palm-tree, and several Jassur bushes[68] (from which the Moses rods are cut); the whole mountain is here overgrown with Habak, and other sweet-smelling herbs. Some minutes farther on we came to several caves in the rock, which once served as hermit’s cells; and after wandering for almost four hours we reached a small plateau spreading out between the summits, where we again found a house with two rooms. A road led over this level ground to the edge of the western side of the mountain, which sinks at first steep and rugged, then in more gently-inclined wide ribs, to the sandy plain of EL G´EʾAH, and here disclosed to me across the sea a glorious prospect of the opposite coast, and the Egyptian chain of mountains bounding it. From this point the rock-path suddenly descended along the ragged mountain declivity into a wild, deep basin, round which the five summits of Serbâl meet in a semicircle, forming one mighty crown. In the middle of this basin, called WADI SIʾQELJI, are the ruins of an old convent, to which the mountain path leads, which unfortunately we had not time to visit.[69]
I therefore returned across the level space, and then began to ascend the most southern of the summits of Serbâl. When I had almost got to the top of the precipitous height, I thought I observed that the second summit was somewhat higher, and therefore hastened down again, and sought out a way to reach this. We passed a small piece of water, and were obliged to go almost round the whole basin, till we at length succeeded in clambering up it, from the north-east side. Here, to my astonishment, between the two points into which the summit is divided, I found a small level valley, plentifully supplied with shrubs and herbs, and from this I first ascended the one, then the other point, and by the assistance of my guide, who was conversant with the spot, I took the points of the compass with reference to all the places of note which might here be surveyed in the wide horizon. For instance, I could clearly perceive how the mountain summits beyond Gebel Mûsa continue to rise higher, and that the distant UM SCHÔMAR rose above all the others. We did not set out on our return till four o’clock, so that we were obliged to avoid the circuitous road by which we had ascended, unless we were desirous of being overtaken by darkness. We therefore determined to leap down, from block to block like chamois, and follow the precipitous rocky ravine, which led almost in a straight line to our camp in Wadi Rim, and in two hours and a half, with trembling knees, we reached our tent by this impracticable path, the most difficult and the most fatiguing that I ever trod in the whole course of my life.
The following day we proceeded farther, and passing through Wadi Selâf, and the lowest part of Wadi e’ Scheikh, we reached the WADI FIRÂN—this most precious jewel of the Peninsula, with its Palms and groves of Tarfa, on the banks of a lovely rushing stream, which, winding among shrubs and flowers, conducted us to the old convent mountain of the town of PHARAN, the FIRÂN of the present day. Everything that we had hitherto seen, and what we afterwards saw, was naked, stony desert compared to this fertile oasis, abounding in wood and water. For the first time since we had left the Nile valley, we once more walked on soft black earth, obliged to defend ourselves with our arms from the overhanging leafy branches, and we heard singing birds warbling in the thick foliage. At the point where the broad Wadi Aleyât, descending from Serbâl, enters Wadi Firân, and where the valley spreads out into a spacious level tract, there rises in the centre of it a rocky hill called HERERAT, on the summit of which are the ruins of an ancient convent building. At its foot stood once a magnificent church, constructed of well-hewn blocks of sandstone, the ruins of which are built into the houses of the town situated on the slope of the opposite mountain.
The same evening I went up Wadi Aleyât, passing innumerable rock-inscriptions, to a well, surrounded by Palm and Nebek trees, where I enjoyed the entire prospect of the majestic mountain chain. Apart from all the other mountains, and united into one single mass, Serbâl rises, at first in a slope of moderate inclination, afterwards in steep precipices, with chasms, to the height of 6000 feet (above the sea). Nothing could equal the scene when the valleys and low mountains around were already veiled in the shadows of night, and the summits of the mountain still glowed above the colourless grey, like a fiery cloud in the sinking sun.
The following morning I repeated my visit to Wadi Aleyât, and completed my observations of the whole of this remarkable district, the principal features of which I had already noted down from the summit of Serbâl.
The most fertile district of Wadi Firân is enclosed between two hills which rise from the centre of the valley; the upper one of these two is called EL BUÊB, the lower, situated at the outlet of Wadi Aleyât, MEHARRET or HERERAT. In very ancient times the valley appears to have been closed in here, and the waters rushing down from all sides, even from Gebel Mûsa, into this basin, appear to have united into a lake. It is only in this manner that we can explain the very remarkable deposit of earth, which extends along the sides of the valley to between eighty and a hundred feet high, and no doubt it is this remarkable position of Firân, as the lowest point of a large mountainous district, which occasions the unusual supply of water that issues forth at this point.
Directly behind the convent hill we found the narrow bed of the valley as stony and barren as the more elevated valleys, although the brook was still visible by our side for half an hour. The violent irruption of those primitive waters permitted no more deposits of earth in this spot. It was only at the next still more decided bend of the valley, called EL HESSUE, that a few more groups of palm-trees appeared. Here the brook disappeared in a cleft of the rock, as suddenly as it had burst forth behind Buêb, and we did not see it again.
After being five hours on the road, we quitted Wadi Firân, that here turned off to the left hand towards the sea, and we emerged from the primitive mountains into a more level region of sandstone. The loftier range retreated towards the north-west, and encircled in a great bow the hilly, sandy district that we traversed. We next came to the WADI MOKATTEB, the “valley with inscriptions,” which derives its name from the immense numbers of inscriptions which are to be found here in several places. It is easy to perceive, that it is those places sheltered from the mid-day sun, which invited passing travellers on the road to Firân to engrave their names and short mottoes in the soft rock. We took impressions on paper of as many of them as we could obtain, or copied with the pen those which were less adapted for an impression. We found these inscriptions scattered singly, in the most various, and frequently very remote places of the Peninsula, and taking them altogether, I have no doubt whatever that they were engraved by the inhabitants of the country during the first centuries before and after Christ. I sometimes found them cut over more ancient Greek names, and not unfrequently Christian crosses are connected with them. These inscriptions are habitually called SINAITIC, which would not be inappropriate, if thereby the whole Peninsula of Sinai was intended to be designated as the spot where they are found. But we must observe, that on Gebel Mûsa itself, which is regarded as Sinai, very few single and short inscriptions of this kind have been found, such as those which, after careful observation, are to be met with in almost all spots adapted to them, but that, on the contrary, their actual centre was rather PHARAN, at the foot of SERBÂL.
On the 31st of March we again reached the lofty chain which turns back from the east, and marched through Wadi Qeneh into the small WADI MAGHÂRA, which branches off from it, and in which the sandstone and primitive rock border on one another. Here we found, high up in the northern sandstone precipices, the remarkable Egyptian rock stele belonging to the earliest monuments generally known to us among Egyptian antiquities.[70] As early as the 4th Manethonic Dynasty, the same which built the great Pyramids of Gizeh, in Egypt, more than 3000 years before our era, copper mines were discovered in this wilderness, which were worked by a colony of labourers. Even then the Peninsula was inhabited by Asiatic, probably Semetic races, for which reason we frequently see the Pharaoh represented in those rock-images as conqueror over the enemies of Egypt. Almost all the inscriptions belong to the Old Monarchy; we only found one from the period when King Tuthmosis III. and his sister reigned together.
From this point I was anxious to take the shortest road to the second place in the Peninsula, where there are ancient Egyptian monuments, SARBUT EL CHÂDEM. But there was no direct road over this lofty range to its slope on the other and north-easterly side, so we were obliged to return to WADI MOKATTEB, and get across the mountains by a very circuitous route through WADI SITTERE and WADI SICH. As we again emerged, we had the immeasurable plateau in front of us, which includes the whole of the north of the Peninsula, and consists of one single vast bed of sandstone. This, however, descends towards the south by two steps, so that the prospect seems as if it were bounded by two lofty mountain precipices retreating at about equal distances into the far distance. The descent nearest to the south, called E’ TIH, sinks to a flat, broad sandy valley, DEBBET E’ RAMLEH, while the masses of sandstone rock, on this side, seem to be as high as the general plateau.
On a terrace protruding far into the broad valley, which we climbed with great difficulty, are the wonderful monuments of SARBUT EL CHÂDEM, which appear no less so, even to those who are prepared to behold them. The oldest representations led us also here into the Old Monarchy, but only as far back as its last dynasty, the twelfth of the Manethonic list. In this period, under AMENEMHA III., a small rock-grotto was excavated, and furnished with an ante-chamber; lofty steles were erected outside, at different distances, and without any determined arrangement, the one lying most remote being a short quarter of an hour distant on the highest point of the plateau. During the New Monarchy, TUTHMOSIS III. enlarged the building towards the west, and added a small pylon with an outer court. The later kings had built an additional long series of chambers, one in front of the other, in the same direction, solely, as it appears, for the purpose of protecting the memorial stele erected upon them from the weather, especially from the sharp wind, often loaded with sand, which has now almost totally destroyed the ancient steles, which were even at that time unprotected. The latest stele exhibits the Shields of the last king of the 19th Dynasty, therefore since that time, or soon afterwards, the place was probably deserted by the Egyptians.
The divinity who was here peculiarly worshipped in the New Monarchy, was HATHOR, with the epithet which is also found in the Wadi Maghâra, “Mistress of MAFKAT”—i. e. of the copper country, for mafka in hieroglyphics, as well as still in the Coptic language, meant “copper.” Therefore no doubt copper was also obtained here. This was confirmed by a peculiar appearance, which, strange to say, seems to have been left unnoticed by all previous travellers. To the east and west, namely of the temple, may be seen great mounds of slag, which, by their black colour, form a strong contrast with all that surrounds them. These artificial elevations, the largest of which is 256 paces long, and from 60 to 120 broad, are situated on a tongue of land forming a terrace that projects into the valley; they are coated over with a solid crust of slag between 4 and 5 feet thick, and are covered to their base with separate fragments of slag to the depth of 12 to 15 feet. The ground shows that the mines could not have been situated in the immediate neighbourhood, their site might, however, easily be discovered by the ancient roads, which are still visible, leading to the mountain range, but unfortunately we had not sufficient time to accomplish this. Hence it appears that this open spot was probably selected merely for smelting the ore, on account of the keen draught of wind, which, as we were assured by the Arabs, is here almost incessantly blowing.
The 3rd of April we rode on farther, visited the Wadi Nasb, in which we also found the traces of ancient smelting places, and the following day, towards evening, reached our ship, which had been waiting for us several days, in the harbour of ABU ZELÎMEH.
We here, to our no small surprise, found four German journeymen; two of them Prussians, from the district of the Neisse, in Silesia. They had started from Cairo with the intention of visiting Sinai, and reached Suez safely; had there waited in vain for a ship, and at length, like genuine modern Crusaders, started alone to attain their bold object. They had been told (hardly in good German) that the way was short, and could not be missed, and that there was no want of water. Possessed with this happy belief, their pilgrim’s bottle filled to the brim, they entered the wilderness. But the footsteps of the children of Israel had long since disappeared, and no pillar of smoke went before them. The third day they lost their way, their bread was consumed, they had missed the wells, had several times been stopped by Arabs, and only escaped being robbed because they possessed nothing worth robbing; and thus they certainly would have been starved in the wilderness, had they not looked down from the mountains and beheld our vessel on the coast many hours distant, and fortunately reached it before our arrival. On my inquiring about the trades, to perfect which, they had undertaken this journey to the East, and also whether they hoped to find employment with the monks on Mount Sinai, as they had no money with them, it appeared that one was a carpenter, who was in hopes of making himself very useful there; I was, alas! compelled to inform him, that he would have to compete with a lay-brother in that department; the other was a shoemaker, the third a stocking-weaver, and the fourth, after some hesitation, confessed that he was a woman’s tailor. Nothing remained but to take these strange people along with us in the vessel, although they were regarded with a jealous eye by the sailors, as we began to feel some scarcity in the supply of water. I landed them at Tôr, and arranged that some one should accompany them thence to the convent.
Besides the remarkable Egyptian monumental sites of this copper country, and the so-called Sinaitic inscriptions, I was chiefly occupied during the journey with geographical inquiries in connection with the sojourn of the Israelites on the Peninsula. I think I have arrived at some results with respect to this, deviating, indeed, in essential points, from what has hitherto been admitted; but if they are correct, they furnish some important features for the historical and geographical background of that most important event in the Old Testament. I will here only point out briefly some of the chief points, of which I will say more when I write from Thebes.
I became doubtful, even in the convent at GEBEL MÛSA, whether the holy mount of the law-giving could have been situated here. Since I have seen SERBÂL and WADI FIRÂN at its base, besides a great part of the rest of the country, I have become convinced that SERBÂL must be recognised as SINAI, in preference to the other.[71]
The monkish tradition of the present day is of no value to the unprejudiced inquirer.[72] Whoever has once occupied himself earnestly with such matters is aware of this. Even in Jerusalem it is for the most part useless, and has not the slightest weight, if unsupported by original authorities, how much more so in the Peninsula of Sinai, where far more remote questions, both as to time and place, are treated of. In the long interval of time between the law-giving and the first centuries of the Christian era, Sinai is only once mentioned in a passage referring to a later historical event, as the “Mount of God, HOREB,” to which Elijah retires.[73] It would, in fact, be most strange if the tradition had never received an interruption during this period, although the population of the Peninsula had meantime changed so much that we are no longer able to point out with certainty a single Old Testament name for a locality; and even the Greeks and Romans were unacquainted with those ancient designations.[74] We are, therefore, referred solely to the Mosaic narrative to prove the correctness of our present assumptions.
We must further premise with respect to this, that the general geographical conditions of the Peninsula have not essentially altered since the days of Moses. Whoever takes refuge in the opposite supposition, may indeed prove everything, but for that very reason proves nothing. It is, however, just as important to bear in mind distinctly the historical conditions of the different periods, because these indeed were calculated to produce partial alterations of particular districts.
Accordingly, no one will be able to deny that WADI FIRÂN, abounding at all times, and therefore in the time of Moses, in water, and possessing a rich soil, must, in consequence of its incomparable fertility and its inexhaustible rapid stream, have been the most important and the most desirable central spot of the whole Peninsula. For this wonderful Oasis, in the centre of the ever barren wilderness, was subject even then, as now, to the general conditions of the surface of the ground in that country. On the other hand, it is however no less certain, that the vicinity of the present convent of GEBEL MÛSA was formerly, in spite of the scanty springs of water also appearing on the surface there, but which merely moisten the ground immediately surrounding them, just as barren as all the other parts of that mountainous wilderness, only furnishing sufficient water for the inhabitants of the convent by means of a draw-well dug into the rock;[75] and after more than a thousand years of artificial irrigation, the most careful employment of every means of cultivation only enabled them to make small plantations, such as exist there at the present time.[76] In ancient times there was not the slightest reason for making that wilderness habitable by artificial means, the rather as it was situated away from the great roads connecting the different parts of the Peninsula, and formed an actual cul de sac, with only one single entrance through the Wadi e’ Scheikh.
On the other hand, there is another spot in the Peninsula which was a position of great importance long before the time of Moses, and even in his days, but has lost it since that time: it is the harbour of ABU ZELÎMEH. It was to this point that the roads led from the three different mines that hitherto we have become acquainted with. They proceeded from WADI MAGHÂRA, SARBUT EL CHÂDEM, and WADI NASB. There was no more convenient landing-place than this, to connect Egypt with those colonies; indeed, our sailors decidedly affirmed that it was the best harbour on the whole coast, not excepting that of Tôr. The Egyptians were therefore compelled to provide, above all things, for a copious supply of water, in the most immediate neighbourhood of that spot. As this was neither furnished by the sandy sea-coast, nor by valleys, which had their outlets here, wells no doubt were made at the nearest spots which offered a likelihood of yielding water from below ground. Such a spot was discovered at the lower outlet of the Wadi Schebêkeh (called by others Tâibeh), where even now, there are a number of Palms, and many other trees, consequently a moist soil, although there is no appearance of a spring.[77] This, therefore, would have been the most suitable point to dig for water, and to make a well. No one now differs in opinion that the place of encampment at the RED SEA, mentioned after Elim in the Book of Numbers,[78] was near ABU ZELÎMEH. In Exodus this statement is omitted, and the twelve wells and seventy palm-trees of ELIM are alone mentioned.[79] What, therefore, can be a more natural conclusion, or indeed an almost unavoidable one, than that the wells and palms of Elim were situated about an hour distant from the outlet of the valley whose entrance was at the harbour of Abu Zelîmeh, and for that very reason in Exodus, the encampment on the sea, is related as being not specially separated from ELIM, the watering station of the harbour, which probably bore the same name. According to the statements that have been hitherto admitted, as well as those of Robinson, the twelve wells of Elim were situated in the WADI GHARANDEL, by the latest calculations[80] between eight and nine hours distant from the port, a long day’s journey, therefore useless for the supply of that important spot. It is not easy to perceive what could have occasioned twelve wells to be made precisely in Wadi Gharandel, where even now the brackish water of that whole district appears on the surface in somewhat greater abundance than elsewhere. In addition to this, we should further be compelled to transfer the station of MARA, which immediately preceded it, to an insignificant spring not more than an hour and a half, or two hours distant from Wadi Gharandel, while the succeeding station is assumed to be at the distance of eight hours. To me, it seems scarcely possible to doubt that the first three desert marches conducted as far as WADI GHARANDEL, i. e. MARA, the fourth, to the harbour station of ABU ZELÎMEH, i. e. ELIM.
It is only in this manner that we can understand their progress, when it is said, “And they took their journey from Elim—and came unto the wilderness of Sin, which is between Elim and Sinai.”[81] The boundary of two provinces at Wadi Gharandel would geographically be just as inconceivable, as it is natural at Abu Zelîmeh. The harbour, with its small plain situated between the Nochol rock and Gebel Hammâm Faraûn, forms in fact, by the rock protruding into the sea, the most important geographical section of the whole coast.[82]
The northern plateau sinking uniformly towards the sea was called the Wilderness of SÛR; the southern mountainous district rising higher, and soon passing into the primitive rock, totally different in character, is called the Wilderness of SIN. There would be no meaning in the remark that this last was situated between Elim and Sinai, if by this it were not meant that the Wilderness of Sin extended as far as Sinai, or even farther. The next departure, therefore, from the Wilderness of Sin to Raphidîm, is not to be understood as if they had quitted this wilderness; on the contrary, they remained in it till they reached Sinai, whose name SINI, i. e. “the Mount of SIN,” was evidently first derived from this district, and for this very reason should not be sought for beyond its limits. The same conclusion may be deduced from the account about the Manna which was given to the Israelites in the Wilderness of Sin; for this is first met with in the valleys in the vicinity of Firân, and appears as little in the sandy districts near the sea, as in the more elevated regions of Gebel Mûsa.[83]
Now, if we already here put the preliminary question, which of the two mounts, SERBÂL or GEBEL MÛSA, was so situated as to be peculiarly designated as SINI, the “SINIC,” “the Mount of the Wilderness of SIN,” there cannot be a moment’s doubt which to select. Gebel Mûsa, invisible from every quarter, almost concealed and buried,[84] neither distinguished by height, form, position, nor any other peculiarity, presented nothing which could have induced the native tribes, or the Egyptians who had settled there, to give it the peculiar designation of the “Mount of Sin,” while Serbâl, attracting the eye to itself from all sides, and from a great distance, unequivocally commanding the whole of the northern portion of the primitive range, has always been the central point for the widely-scattered inhabitants of the country, and the goal of travellers, not only from its external aspect, but also on account of Wadi Firân, situated at its base; therefore it might very appropriately be designated the “Mount of Sin.” But if any one were to conclude from the expression the departure from the Wilderness of Sin to Raphidîm, that the broad tract of sea-shore to the south of Abu Zelîmeh, which the Israelites were obliged to traverse, was alone called the Wilderness of Sin, which is Robinson’s view of the question,[85] Serbâl, which commands and also comes into immediate contact with this district, and is accessible from this point by the old convent of Siʾqelji, might even then have been designated Mount Sin, for instance by the sailors on the Red Sea; but Gebel Mûsa, situated exactly on the opposite and eastern side of the great range, could not possibly have been named after the western Wilderness of Sin, nor have given the smallest ground for the statement that the Wilderness of Sin was situated between Abu Zelîmeh and Gebel Mûsa. One other view might still be adopted: for instance, that the whole of the primitive mountain range—that is to say, the whole of the Peninsula to the south of Abu Zelîmeh—was called the “Wilderness of Sin,” and consequently included Gebel Mûsa. Even this would not necessarily prevent our assuming that Serbâl, as the mountain best known, and nearest at hand, must especially have appeared of more importance to the Egyptian colonists than the southern range, and might have been distinguished by that name; whilst in the principal southern range Um Schômar, as the loftiest central point, would have alone justified such a distinction, and not the entirely subordinate Gebel Mûsa, still less the insulated rock Sefsâf, which is regarded as such by Robinson.
All that has been here said about SINAI as the “MOUNT OF THE WILDERNESS OF SIN,” is also applicable to the still more remote question, which of the two mountains, Serbâl, or Gebel Mûsa, possessed such qualifications as to have been regarded by the native tribes of the Peninsula, even before the great event of the Law-giving, as a “HOLY MOUNT,” A MOUNT OF GOD.[86] For Moses drove the sheep of Jethro from Midian beyond the wilderness to the “MOUNT OF GOD, CHOREB,”[87] and Aaron met him, on his return to Egypt, at the MOUNT OF GOD.[88] If we maintain that the necessary centre of the Sinaitic population must have been, at all events, the Oasis of FIRÂN, we may also suppose that those tribes founded a sanctuary, a common PLACE OF WORSHIP, in the vicinity of that spot, either at the base, or, still more naturally, on the summit of the mountain which rises up from that valley.[89] This also was the most appropriate place for the meeting between Moses, who came from Midian in the East, and Aaron, who came from Egypt. In such a barren and uninhabited country there was no occasion to search for any peculiarly secret and remote corner among the mountains for such an interview.
In addition to this, the Sinaitic inscriptions, which, as mentioned above, are found in the greatest numbers, especially on the roads to Wadi Firân, and in Wadi Aleyât, which leads up to Serbâl, seem to indicate that in much later times also considerable pilgrimages were undertaken thither to solemnise religious festivals.[90]
If we now pass at once to the principal point, which must appear as most decisive to those who look attentively at the general conditions connected with the march of the Israelites, it must be allowed that if Moses desired to lead his numerous people to the Peninsula, the first and chief task he had to perform, in accordance with his wisdom, and his knowledge of the country, was to maintain them. For however we may explain the given numbers of the emigrants, which according to Robinson amounted to two millions, by Lane’s account equal to the present population of Egypt, we must always admit that there was a very considerable mass of people who were suddenly to be maintained in the Sinaitic wilderness without any importation of provisions. How then can we imagine that Moses would not have kept in view, above all other places, the only spot in the Peninsula that was fertile and amply supplied with water; and that he would not have endeavoured to reach it by the shortest path; but that in place of this, a remote nook in the mountains should have been sought out, which at that time could not possibly have supplied the daily necessity of water and other nourishment, even for only 2000 emigrants and their belongings—I mention a high number intentionally. Moses would have been wrong to have trusted here to miraculous aid from God; for this is never manifested until human wisdom and human counsel, which is not intended to be rendered superfluous through it, can go no further.
It appears to me that we should not relinquish this inevitable opinion respecting the position of Sinai, which is opposed to the view hitherto entertained, and becomes stronger the longer we reflect upon it, and we ought not to disclaim any more particular historical consideration of this wonderful occurrence, unless other grounds, as urgent, should afford proofs against our mode of acceptation. Let us therefore pursue the narrative still further.
From Elim, Moses reached Raphidîm in a march of three days. Modern scholars generally agree that the march from Abu Zelîmeh did not pass again through the same Wadi Schebêkeh or Tâibeh through which they had descended, back to the eastern sandy plain of E’ Raml, but followed the customary caravan road which leads to Wadi Firân. How should Moses then have selected the far longer upper road devoid of water, or even the still longer, and still more arid, circuitous route along the sea-coast by Tôr and Wadi Hebrân, instead of at once entering the less arid valleys of the primitive range which abounded in manna?
He was obliged therefore to go to Wadi Firân; no third way was possible. This is the urgent reason why Raphidîm (except by Robinson[91]) has almost as unanimously been transferred to FIRÂN. It seems, however, impossible that this oasis, if it was traversed, should not have been once mentioned; therefore even Josephus,[92] Eusebius,[93] Jerome,[94] and, as it appears, all the older authors and travellers,[95] place Raphidîm near the town of PHARAN. No spot in the whole land could have been of greater value for the native tribes who were menaced by Moses than these orchards of Pharan. We may, therefore, perfectly conceive that Moses was attacked at this very spot in Raphidîm by the Amalekites, who were about to lose their most precious possession. He repulsed them, and Moses could now first say that he had got possession of the Peninsula. His nearest object was attained. What could have attracted him still farther from this point?
It is also said, however, in distinct terms, that the people had arrived here at the MOUNT OF GOD; consequently at the MOUNT OF THE LAW. For it is said, after the victory at Raphidîm, that Jethro, the father-in-law of Moses in Midian, heard of all that had happened. “And Jethro, Moses’ father-in-law, came with his sons and his wife unto Moses into the Wilderness, WHERE HE ENCAMPED AT THE MOUNT OF GOD.”[96] And even before that, the Lord had said to Moses, “Behold, I will stand before thee there upon the rock in CHOREB; and thou shalt smite the rock, and there shall come water out of it, that the people may drink,”[97] words which could only have alluded to the wonderful spring of Firân, as has been already supposed long before my time.[98] It may still further be deduced, that Moses really found repose here in Raphidîm, because now, by the advice of Jethro, he organises the hitherto disorderly mass of people to enable him to govern them.[99] He selects the best qualified men, and places them over a thousand, over a hundred, over fifty, and over ten; these are appointed judges of smaller matters while he only retains the most important for himself.
All this evidently indicates that the journey was past, and the period of repose had commenced.
The beginning of the following chapter (Exodus xix. 1-3) certainly seems to contradict this, for it is said, “In the third month, when the children of Israel were gone forth out of the land of Egypt, the same day[100] came they into the wilderness of SINAI. For they were DEPARTED FROM Raphidîm, and were come to the desert of Sinai, and had pitched in the wilderness; and there Israel camped BEFORE THE MOUNT, and Moses went up unto God, and the Lord called unto him OUT OF THE MOUNTAIN,” &c.
According to this, they decamped between Raphidîm and Sinai. This favoured the tradition which believed that the Mount of the Law might be re-discovered in Gebel Mûsa beyond Firân. At the same time, however, it was not considered that by admitting this we encounter much greater contradictions with the text. In the first place, the words mention no more than one day’s journey,[101] not even in the Book of Numbers,[102] where, nevertheless, between Elim and Raphidîm, not only Alus and Daphka, but the Red Sea (though this last was near Elim) are particularly mentioned. From Firân to Gebel Mûsa there were, however, at least two long days’ journeys, if not more. The “MOUNT OF GOD” has likewise been already mentioned in Raphidîm, it was there called a rock in CHOREB; and it is therefore impossible to understand by the Mount of God any other than “THE MOUNT OF GOD” to which Moses drives the sheep of Jethro.
We should, thus, be obliged to admit that there were two “Mounts of God;” one, the “MOUNT OF GOD, CHOREB,” in Raphidîm, which would be SERBÂL, and a “MOUNT OF GOD, SINAI,” on which the law was given, which would be GEBEL MÛSA.[103]
To admit this would, however, in itself not only be scarcely conceivable, but most distinctly self-contradictory, inasmuch as it maintains that the Mount of God, CHOREB, where God first appears to Moses, is even in anticipation designated as the Mount of the Law (Exodus iii. 1-12); that further, the general designation, the “MOUNT OF GOD,” which appears so frequently without a name being appended (Exodus iv. 27, xviii. 5, xxiv. 13; Numbers x. 33), could only have been employed if there were no more than one such Mount; and, finally, because the name of SINAI, or MOUNT SINAI, and CHOREB, or MOUNT CHOREB, are continually mentioned with exactly the same meaning as Mount of the Law-giving.
This evident difficulty has indeed been felt strongly at all times.[104] Josephus (Ant. iii. 2, 3) forwarded his view by transposing the doubtful commencement of the xix chapter from its present position after the visit of Jethro, to before it, so that Moses does not receive his family in Raphidîm, but in Sinai. By this means certainly the double difficulty is avoided; on the one hand, because two Mounts of God do not appear, on the other, that the organisation of the people does not occur during the journey. He also deliberately omits the statement that in CHOREB was situated the rock which Moses strikes for the spring of water.
Modern scholars have, on the contrary, proposed either to make Sinai the general name for the whole of the range, and Choreb the individual Mount of the Law-giving, or vice versâ, Choreb for the more extended, and Sinai for the limited designation,[105] while the tradition of the monks refer both names to different mountains situated immediately beside each other.[106] It seems to me that the comparison of the individual passages admits of none of these views; in my opinion it is rather clearly proved, by the names of Choreb and Sinai being used alternately, but with perfect equality, that both designated one and the same mountain together with the district immediately surrounding it,[107] so that Choreb perhaps was the more precise Amalekitish local name, Sinai the more indeterminate one, derived from its position in the Wilderness of Sin.
But with respect to the departure from Raphidîm, many might think it very probable that those words, which so strikingly interrupt the natural sequence of circumstances as to have been intentionally transposed either by Josephus, or prior to his time, did not originally belong here, but were placed at the commencement of the account of the Law-giving; if, as no doubt frequently occurred, this was to be understood by itself alone, separate from all that preceded and succeeded it.[108] The unusual manner in which they are connected, since the arrival at Sinai is mentioned previously to the departure from Raphidîm, and the expression “the same day,” which is so difficult to explain, while in the other statements of time a particular day is mentioned, would support the supposition.[109] Whoever, however, may consider it too bold to assume that we no longer possess the original composition, can only explain the fresh departure to be a last and insignificant removal of the encampment, such as we were obliged to admit to be the case at the departure from Elim to the sea coast. This removal was either while they advanced from El Hessue (where they first beheld the water) towards Firân, or from Firân into the upper portion of Wadi Aleyât, where the camp might have extended far and wide at the foot of the Mount.[110]
Whoever endeavours to realise the whole progress of the event, with its essential and necessary characteristics, can only be satisfied by comprehending it in this manner. He will not be able to blind himself to the conviction that Serbâl, on account of the oasis at its base, must have been the necessary object and centre for the pouring in of the new people, and that the wise Man of God, so well acquainted with the country, could never have intended to lead the multitude into a mountain enclosure like the plain at Gebel Mûsa, where they would find no water, no trees bearing fruit, nor manna, and where they would have been more easily cut off from all connection with the other parts of the Peninsula than anywhere else. He will be compelled to acknowledge that the designation of SINAI as the chief mountain of the Wilderness of SIN, and the sanctity with which it was regarded, not merely by the Israelites, but by the native tribes of the country, decidedly points to Serbâl; further, that the Raphidîm defended by the Amalekites was undoubtedly situated, together with the spring of Moses in Choreb, in the Wadi Firân; that consequently the Mount of God at Choreb, where God appeared to Moses, and the Mount of God at Raphidîm, where Moses is visited by Jethro, and organises the people, could also be no other than Serbâl, from which, finally, we must as necessarily deduce that unless we admit that there were two Mounts of God, the Mount of the Law was also near Raphidîm, and is recognisable in Serbâl, not in Gebel Mûsa.
In conclusion, if we now once more look back and observe how the present tradition bears on our account of the event, we perceive that it refers at once to the foundation of the convent, by Justinian, in the sixth century.[111] This, however, was by no means the first church of the Peninsula. At a far earlier period we already find a bishopric in the town of Pharan, at the foot of Serbâl.[112] Here was the first Christian centre of the Peninsula, and the church founded by Justinian also remained dependent on this for the space of several centuries. The question therefore is, whether the tradition which regards the present Gebel Mûsa as Sinai can be referred to a time prior to Justinian.[113] The remoteness of that district, and its distance from frequented roads of communication, though from its position in the lofty range offering sufficient subsistence for the trifling necessities of the single, scattered monks, rendered it peculiarly applicable for individual hermits, but for the same reason inapplicable for a large people, ruling the land for a certain period of time, and exhausting all its resources. The gradually increasing hermit population might have drawn the attention of the Byzantine emperors to that particular district, and, as it appears, have fixed the previously wavering tradition to that spot for future times.[114]
I have, indeed, been in need of a learned foundation for what I have here said about the position of Elim, Raphidîm, and Mount Choreb or Sinai, but this I shall not be able to supply even in Thebes; it would, however, chiefly refer to the history of the earliest tradition before Justinian, which, even were it to agree in all its parts with the tradition of the present day, would still hardly suffice to decide anything conclusively. It seems to me that these questions will always remain unsolved, if the elements which were at my command—namely, the Mosaic account, a personal view of the locality, and acquaintance with the history of that period—should not be considered sufficient to explain them. We shall only obtain a correct idea of the whole of the external character of the event, by simultaneously observing these three most essential sides of the investigation, while, on the other hand, an endeavour to obtain an indifferent and equal confirmation of each individual feature in the account now under our consideration, must necessarily lead to the wide road of false criticism, which always sacrifices the comprehension of the whole, to the comprehension of the individual part.
Letter XXXIV
Thebes, Karnak, the 4th of May.
On the 6th of April we quitted Tôr, where we had only spent one night. During our farther voyage we landed every evening on the shelly and coralline coast of Africa, till, on the 10th, we arrived at Kossêr, where excellent Seïd Mohammed of Qeneh was waiting to furnish us with camels for our return to Thebes. In four days we passed over the broad Rossafa road, crossing the mountain range, passed Hamamât, and on the 14th of April once more reached our Theban head-quarters.
We found everything in the most desirable order and activity; but our old and faithful castellan, ʾAuad, met me with a bandaged head, and saluted me in a feeble voice. A short time previously he had a narrow escape from death. I mentioned in a former letter that many years ago he, together with the whole house of the Sheikh of Qurna, burdened themselves with a crime of blood, which had not yet been expiated. The family of the man who had been killed in Kôm el Birât, had, soon after our departure, seized an opportunity when ʾAuad was returning home from Luqsor one evening with a relation, to fall upon the two unsuspicious wanderers. The attack was more aimed at the companion of ʾAuad than at himself, they therefore called out to him to go away; however, as he did not do this, but vigorously defended his relation, he received an almost deadly blow on his head from a sharp weapon, which stretched him insensible on the ground; the other man was murdered and thrown into the Nile, sacrificed to the revenge for bloodshed, which had remained unsatisfied seven years. Since that time there has been peace between the families.
A longer account of our Sinai journey will be despatched to-day, to which I have also added two maps of the Peninsula, by Erbkam, drawn from my notes. I now contemplate the difficult task of finishing my account with Thebes, which, however, I hope to accomplish in about ten or twelve days.
Letter XXXV
Cairo, the 10th of July, 1845.
The first place we halted at after we left Thebes on the 16th of May, was DENDERA, whose magnificent temple is the last towards the North, and although of later date, almost confined to the Roman period, it yet presented an unusual amount of subjects for our portfolios and note-books. We then spent nine additional whole days upon the remarkable rock-tombs of AMARNA, from the time of the fourth Amenophis, that royal Puritan who persecuted all the gods of Egypt, and would only permit the worship of the sun’s disc.
As we approached Beni-suef, we saw a magnificent steamer of Ibrahim Pascha’s hastening towards us. We hoisted our flag, and immediately the red Turkish flag, with the Crescent, appeared on board the steam-boat in return for our salute. It then altered its course, steered directly towards us, and stopped.
We were eager for the news which we were about to hear: a boat pushed off, and pulled to beside our ship. It was, indeed, a joyful surprise when I recognised my old university friend, Dr. Bethmann, in the fair Frank who came on board, and who had come hither from Italy to accompany me on my journey back by Palestine and Constantinople. Ali Bey, the right hand of Ibrahim Pascha, who was steaming to Upper Egypt, had kindly taken him into his vessel, and told me he unwillingly parted with his agreeable travelling companion, to whom he had become much attached even in their short acquaintance.
His presence, and the assistance he affords me, have become still more valuable since my other travelling companions have left me behind alone. They started from hence yesterday. Willingly indeed I would have accompanied them, as to-day is the third anniversary of my departure from Berlin, but the taking to pieces of the Pyramid tombs still detains us. The four workmen, able young men, who were sent to assist me from Berlin, have arrived, and I immediately took them with me to the Pyramids. We made ourselves a lodging in a tomb which was in a convenient situation. A travelling blacksmith’s forge was constructed, some scaffolding was raised for the windlass, and we set to work vigorously.
The difficulties of the whole affair, however, rest still more in the petty jealousies, by which we are here surrounded on every side, and in the different diplomatic influences, which are not unfrequently rendered abortive by Mohammed Ali’s distinct orders. Herr von Wagner therefore considered it absolutely necessary that I should by no means quit Egypt before the transport and embarkation of the monuments was completed, and I therefore shall be obliged to wait here patiently for several weeks longer.
Letter XXXVI
Cairo, the 11th July, 1845.
Will you permit me to communicate briefly some ideas which have of late considerably occupied my attention.[115] I have never lost sight of your wish to decorate the New Museum in harmony with the monuments which it contains, and I hope that you continue to entertain these views. I have had great pleasure in the account Herr Hertel has given me respecting the arrangement of the Egyptian saloons, and have heard from him that the facing of the columns is still in suspenso. It is very improbable that such a favourable opportunity will ever recur of having such means at our disposal on the first formation of a museum as we have in the arrangement of this Egyptian one, when we shall be able to furnish a complete whole, and at the same time offer to the public so much that is new and important in plan, materials, and arrangement. If I remember rightly, you have expressed a desire to form an historical museum, such, in fact, as all such museums should be, in conformity with their purpose and idea, and yet such as nowhere exists. This view, however, in an Egyptian museum, is at all events attainable in a degree which, even under the most favourable circumstances, can be but remotely approached in all other museums, because in no other nation can the date of each individual monument be so precisely and surely presented as in this, and because no other collection is distributed throughout so long a period of time (above 3000 years). I therefore presume that, as a whole, you wish to arrange the principal saloons historically, so far as this can be accomplished, and by some method to combine what belongs to the Old, what to the New, and what to the Greek-Roman Monarchy, in such a manner at least, that each chamber of any size should have a definite historical character. I have always borne this in view in forming the collection, although I by no means believe that this principle should be carried out pedantically in details. With respect to the plaster casts which you will probably wish to incorporate as a whole with the existing collection of casts, it would be very desirable to have a few duplicates made of these for the Egyptian saloons, for the sake of rendering them complete.
But what especially induces me to write from hence on such matters, is the notion that even now, or perhaps very soon, you may have made such progress in the edifice as to be desirous of coming to a decision with reference to the architectonic and pictorial decoration of the saloons, and in that case a few observations may not perhaps be unacceptable from me.
You will, no doubt, select Egyptian architecture for the Egyptian saloons; this should by all means be carried out in every part, and by what I hear from Hertel, there is still ample time for this. I think, for instance, that to produce a general harmonious impression the architectural style of ranges of columns, which is characteristic of different periods, should be retained in their historical succession of series, as well as with all their rich decoration of colouring.
The coloured paintings on the walls are, however, then indispensable. Every temple, every tomb, every wall in the palaces of the Egyptians was decorated from top to bottom with painted sculptures or paintings. The first inquiry must be, in what style these paintings should be executed. They might either be free compositions in the Greek style, or strictly Egyptian representations, avoiding, however, Egyptian perspective, therefore a kind of translation, somewhat in the manner of the frieze on the wall in the Musée Charles X.; or, lastly, they might be simple copies of genuine Egyptian representations drawn by us, and only adapted for this particular purpose. With respect to the first view, I think that a man like CORNELIUS, if he chose to enter on such a completely new field, would be capable of forming a beautiful and great work out of such a task; but then, the public would most likely be much more interested in the master than in the subject of the representation derived from a history of which they are still so ignorant. The second method would perhaps deserve a trial; it might succeed once, in a single case, and would certainly then not be devoid of interest. But I am firmly persuaded that a series of any length of such bastard representations would not fulfil the requisite demands, presupposing, as they would, a double mastery of two artistic languages, and that they would also be decidedly contrary to the taste of the public. All attempts of this nature that I have occasionally seen have, in my opinion, been completely unsuccessful, and have appeared ridiculous to connoisseurs; although, as I have already said, I do not believe that such an attempt might not succeed in an individual case, if the subject were carefully selected. It therefore appears to me, that the third method is the only one left, although it has least pretension; but it unites so many advantages, that I believe, indeed, it will also meet with your approval.
There can scarcely be any doubt with respect to the subject of the representations. They ought to place before us in characteristic features the highest point of Egyptian history, civilisation, and art, and I was even astonished at the great number of most suitable subjects which immediately present themselves, if we allow all that has been hitherto disclosed of Egyptian history to pass before us. Merely to give you a hasty notion of this, I will communicate the individual points, which I wrote down when I was still doubtful whether one of the two first modes of representation might not be executed. A more diffuse commentary than I can now give ought indeed to be appended to this, but it only refers to a very preliminary notion. The names within brackets indicate where materials could be found for single compositions.
PRE-HISTORICAL.
The elevation of the god HORUS upon OSIRIS’ gods’ throne. (Dendera.) To be placed with reference to the last number.
OLD MONARCHY.
Dyn. I. The removal of MENES from This, the city of Osiris.
Foundation of MEMPHIS, the town of Phtha by Menes.
Dyn. IV. The Pyramids built by CHEOPS and CHEPHREN.
Dyn. VI. The union of the two crowns of Upper and Lower Egypt during the reign of APAPPUS, which lasted a hundred years.
Dyn. XII. The Temple of Ammon in THEBES, the city of Ammon, founded by SESURTESEN I. in the 12th Dynasty.
Immigrating HYKSOS. (Benihassan.)
The LABYRINTH and LAKE MŒRIS, the works of AMENEMHA III. of the 12th Dynasty.
Dyn. XIII. The INVASION OF THE HYKSOS into Lower Egypt, occurring shortly after.
Expulsion of the Egyptian rulers to Ethiopia.
The rule of the Hyksos.
NEW MONARCHY.
Dyn. XVII.-XVIII. AMENOPHIS I. and the black Queen Aahmesnefruari.
TUTHMOSIS III. expels the HYKSOS from Abaris. JERUSALEM founded by them.
AMENOPHIS III. Memnon and the sounding statue.
Persecution of the Egyptian gods, and introduction of the worship of the sun, under BECH EN ATEN. (Amarna.) King HORUS, the Revenger.
Dyn. XIX. SETHÔS I. (Sethôsis, Sesostris.) Conquest of CANAAN. (Karnak.) Joseph and his brethren.
RAMSES II. the Great. Miamun. War against the Cheta. (Ramesseum.)
The (brick-making) Israelites (Thebes) build Pithom and Ramses, under Ramses II.
Colonisation of GREECE from Egypt.
MENEPTHES. EXODUS OF THE ISRAELITES to Sinai. Moses before Pharaoh. Commencement of the new SIRIUS PERIOD, B.C. 1322.
Dyn. XX. RAMSES III. A battle from Medînet Hâbu.
The king among his daughters. The riches and luxury of Rhampsinitus. (Medînet Hâbu.)
Dyn. XXII. SCHESCHENK I. (Shishak) takes possession of Jerusalem. (Thebes.)
Dyn. XXV. SABAKO, the Ethiopian, rules in Egypt.
Dyn. XXVI. PSAMMETICUS, the friend of the Greeks, elevates art. Removal of the warrior caste to Ethiopia.
Dyn. XXVII. CAMBYSES rages; he destroys temples and statues.
Dyn. XXX. NECTANEBUS. (Philæ.)
ALEXANDER, the son of Ammon, conquers Egypt; builds Alexandria.
Ptolemy PHILADELPHUS founds the library.
CLEOPATRA and CÆSARION. (Dendera.)
Coronation of CÆSAR AUGUSTUS. (Philæ.)
CHRIST at Heliopolis.
This selection would not, indeed, be so great, if we had only to deal with existing representations. The Old Monarchy would first commence with the 4th Dynasty, and would entirely omit the Hyksos period, since nothing has been preserved before the former period, or from the time of the Hyksos.
On the other hand, the Egyptian conceptions of art might be more completely represented, and each single representation would at the same time have a scientific interest. The following provisional selection which occurred to me might, however, be increased, and altered in all its parts from the ample supply of subjects in our drawings, which are 1300 in number.
MYTHOLOGY.
1. The great and minor gods; the 1st and 2nd Dynasty of the gods. (Karnak.)
2. OSIRIS undertakes the government of the lower world. HORUS that of the upper. (Dendera.)
3. Triad of the gods from THIS and ABYDOS. Osiris, Isis, Horus.
4. Triad of the gods from MEMPHIS. Phtha, Pasht, Imhotep.
5. Triad of the gods from THEBES. Ammon Ra, Mut, Chensu.
OLD MONARCHY.
King CHUFU (Cheops) beheading his enemies. (Peninsula of Sinai.)
Scenes from private life of the 4th and 5th Dynasties. (Giseh and Saqâra.)
APAPPUS unites the two crowns. (Kossêr road.)
SESURTESEN I., of the 12th Dynasty, beats the Ethiopians. (Florence.)
Scenes from private life of the peaceful flourishing period of the 12th Dynasty. Asiatic attendants. Precursors of the Hyksos; wrestlers, games, a hunt, &c. (Benihassan.) The Colossus dragged by men. (Berscheh.)
Immigrating HYKSOS who seek for protection. (Benihassan.)
NEW MONARCHY.
The working of the stone quarries of Memphis. (Tura.)
AMENOPHIS I. and Aahmesnefruari. (Thebes.)
TUTHMOSIS III. and his sister. (Thebes; Rome.)
TUTHMOSIS III. Tribute. Erection of obelisks. (Thebes.)
AMENOPHIS III. (Memnon) and his consort Tii before Ammon Ra. (Thebes.)
March of an Ethiopian queen to Egypt under AMENTUANCH. (Thebes.)
AMENOPHIS IV. (Bech-en-aten), the SUN-WORSHIPPER. His procession with the queen and four princesses drawn in a chariot to the Temple of the Sun in Amarna. (Grottoes of Amarna.)
A favourite is borne on the shoulders of the people before Amenophis IV. Distribution of wreaths of honour among the whole of the royal family.
HORUS running to Ammon. (Karnak.)
SETHÔS I. makes war upon Canaan. (Karnak.)
RAMSES II. Battle against the Asiatic Cheta. (Ramesseum.)
The same in the Tree of Life. (Ramesseum.)
The same triumphant. Royal procession. (Ramesseum.)
RAMSES III. Battle against the Robu. (Medînet Hâbu.)
The same among his daughters; he plays with them. (Medînet Hâbu.)
RAMSES XII. Procession of great pomp to Ammon. (Qurna.)
PISCHEM, the Priest King. (Karnak.)
SCHESCHENK I. (Shishak) brings the prisoners from Palestine before Ammon (Karnak), King of JUDAH.
SABAKO, the Ethiopian. (Thebes.)
TAHRAKA, the Ethiopian. (Barkal.)
PSAMMETICUS, Amasis. (Thebes.)
NECTANEBUS. (Thebes.)
ALEXANDER. PHILIP ARIDÆUS. (Thebes.)
PTOLEMY PHILADELPHUS. (Thebes.)
CLEOPATRA and CÆSARION. (Dendera.)
Coronation of CÆSAR AUGUSTUS. (Philæ.)
Ethiopian subjects from MERÖE.
This selection of representations, or one similar to this, as large as the partitions in the walls permit, executed in the strict Egyptian classic style, with the full, splendid colouring of the original, would have the great advantage, beyond all other methods, of giving the spectator some idea on a great scale of Egyptian art; the subjects would force themselves on his criticism, and the study of them, in conjunction with the smaller and isolated original monuments, would be more complete. For, with the exception of the tombs which we are now taking to pieces, and which only offer the most simple subjects, no monument is of sufficient size to give a notion of Egyptian temples, and of wall decoration in general, in which grandeur of idea and dexterity of composition is frequently displayed with a feeling for general harmony in the distribution and arrangement of the whole, most astonishing to the attentive observer. Such a selection of what is most beautiful and characteristic, in large representations, capable of being easily surveyed, would perhaps be of more service than any other thing in imparting Egyptian science to a larger proportion of the public, and at the same time offers the advantage, which is hardly sufficiently considered at the present day, of averting all invidious criticisms of the representations regarded as modern works. All hasty critics would, by this method, be referred to the original, which cannot be robbed of its most important position in the artistic history of the human race, by a miserable journalist. They would all learn that before venturing to criticise the faithful copy, they must first study the original, for if we can turn the attention of those young artists who have studied for three years to record these things, I am certain that the classic purity of their style will not easily be attacked. The novelty of the idea, and the effect on a large scale, and as a whole, could not fail to make a considerable impression on the learned and unlearned public, and the series of subjects mentioned above, independent of their execution, would afford satisfaction to intellectual men, and more especially to the King. Lastly, in addition to this, it might be executed at a comparatively small expense, on account of the perfect simplicity of the design and colouring, and because all expenditure on the artistic composition has been previously borne by the ancient Egyptians themselves.
The representations should only commence at a certain height, according to the manners of the Egyptians, and as is most convenient to our own purpose, and should rest on a deep band below, the colour of which ought to be an imitation of wood or stone. The lofty walls should probably be partly divided one above the other into several sections, and perhaps the whole series of the Egyptian Pharaohs, or their Name-Shields only, might be introduced in the frieze. The ceilings in the ante-chambers might be blue, with gold stars, the usual representation of the Egyptian heavens; and in the historical saloons there might be the long series of vultures, with outspread wings, the symbol of victory, with which most of the ceilings of the temples and palaces are decorated, in an incomparably splendid manner. Finally, a certain amount of hieroglyphic inscriptions must not be absent, which are so essentially connected with all Egyptian representations, and make a splendid impression in variegated colours. Modern hieroglyphic inscriptions might be easily composed for the doors, and the central stripes of the ceilings, which would refer in the ancient Egyptian fashion to the munificence of the king, the locality, the period, and the purpose of the building. How magnificent the two Egyptian rows of columns would then look in the centre of all, with their simplicity and rich colouring!
Finally, another idea might be carried out, perhaps, in the ante-chambers. Views of the Egyptian localities at the present day might be introduced upon the walls, to give a notion of the country to a person on first entering, and of the state of the buildings from which the ancient monuments, by which they are surrounded, are taken. These views might be also arranged historically, according to the principal places in the different epochs of time. But here we must presume that the spectator possesses some of the historical knowledge which we may hope to see generally diffused. On that account it would be more useful to attempt a geographical sequence, and we might embrace the views of Alexandria, Cairo, the Pyramids of Giseh, Siut, Benihassan, Abydos, Karnak, Qurna, the Cataracts of Assuan, Korusko, Wadi Halfa, Sedeïnga, Semneh, Dongola, Barkal, Meröe, Chartûm, Sennâr, and Sarbut el Châdem, in Arabia Petræa.
Besides all this, a most rich, interesting, and at the same time useful, selection of the subjects and occupations of private life might be introduced in the lateral chambers, all of them copied from the original, on a large scale, by which means we might facilitate and excite both an inviting and effective mode of comprehending that portion of the collection of antiquities which refer to private life.
Letter XXXVII
Jaffa, 7th October, 1845.
We proceeded rapidly in taking the tombs to pieces; nevertheless, as was to be expected, the most manifold obstacles were thrown in the way of the transport and embarkation. The export of the whole collection of monuments even then required a special permit from the Viceroy; I therefore set out on the 29th of August for Alexandria, in order to take leave of Mohammed Ali, and availed myself of this opportunity to give an official termination to our mission.
The Pascha received me with his former kindness, and immediately issued the most distinct commands with respect to the export of the collection, which he presented to H.M. our King in a special letter, which was handed to me. As soon as all the preparations were accomplished I returned to Cairo, and there made the last arrangements respecting the transport of the stone-boat to Alexandria, and then, on the 25th September, started with Bethmann for Damietta. On the road thither I visited several ruins of towns in the eastern part of the Delta, such as those of ATRIB (Athribis), SAMANÚD (Sebennytos), BEHBÉT EL HAGÉR (Iseum), but except the high mounds of rubbish, composed of Nile mud and potsherds, which generally indicate historical sites, we everywhere found only a few blocks, all that remained of the ancient temples. In SAN, the ancient renowned TANIS, whither I made a last excursion from Damietta across Lake Menzaleh, the foundation of a temple of Ramses II. alone remains, and about twelve or fourteen small granite obelisks, belonging to the same king, are preserved, some entire and some in fragments.
On the 1st of October we went from Damietta, and embarking in the roads of Ezbe, the following morning set sail for the Syrian coast. We had an almost incessant contrary wind, and cruised for a whole day in front of Ascalon, situated picturesquely on lofty sea cliffs; we only landed yesterday in the Holy Land, on the beach of Joppa.
Letter XXXVIII
Nazareth, 9th November, 1845.
You will not, I am sorry to say, receive my last letter of the 26th October from Jerusalem, as the courier of our consul, Dr. Schulz, in whose charge I gave it, with five other letters, was attacked by robbers at Cæsarea, on the road to Berut, maltreated, and robbed of all the despatches, as well as of a small amount of money which he had on his person. There is great disorganisation in this country. The Turkish authorities, to whom the land has been again handed over by Christian valour, are both lazy, malevolent, and impotent, while Ibrahim Pascha knew at least how to preserve order and security, so far as his own government extended.
We spent nearly three weeks in Jerusalem, part of which time I passed in becoming better acquainted with the state of religious matters at the present day, a subject daily becoming of greater importance; partly in making some antiquarian and topographical researches. These delightful days were rendered peculiarly valuable and instructive by the extreme amiability of Bishop Alexander, who overtook us with Abeken from Jaffa, and was willing to impart all that he knew; and by the scientific ability of Dr. Schulz, with whom I had been on terms of friendship since our mutual residence in Paris, in the years 1834 and 1835. An excursion to Jericho, the Jordan, and the Dead Sea, and back by San Saba, formed an interesting episode. My journal of this expedition, which I wrote very fully, was, however, contained in that letter, and will probably never reappear, so that I can but imperfectly restore it now.
The 4th of November we left the Holy City. We had some difficulty in procuring horses or mules on account of the war the Pascha of Jerusalem was carrying on with Hebron, which was assuming a more serious aspect. We spent the first night after leaving Jerusalem in a tent in BÎREH. The second day we proceeded by BETHIN (Bethel), ʾAIN EL HARAMIEH (the Robbers’ spring), and SELUN (Silo) to NABLUS (Sichem, Neapolis), and the same evening ascended GARIZIM, the holy mount of the Samaritans, whose remaining population (about 70 men, or 150 souls) we became somewhat better acquainted with the following morning. They still continue to be shunned by the Jews, and have as little communication with the Christians and Mohammedans.
On Garizim we saw the bare rocky surface, surrounded by some remains of an ancient wall, where these SAMARI still, as in past ages, annually offer up the sacrifice of sheep to their God. The following morning, after we had visited the Samaritan place of worship, in which we were shown the old Samaritan manuscript of the Pentateuch, and had seen Jacob’s well, and Joseph’s tomb surrounded by vine branches, we rode on farther, with an armed attendant of Solimân Bey’s, in whose house we were lodging, and proceeded first to SEBASTIEH (Sebaste, the ancient Samaria), where we saw the ruins of the beautiful old church from the period of the Crusaders, said to be built over the tomb of John the Baptist. We spent the night in the woody GENNIN (Egennin). Thence our road led through the wide and fertile, but nevertheless barren, plain of Jesreel (Esdraelon), the great bloody plain of Palestine, to ZERIN and the beautiful spring (AIN GULUT, Goliath’s spring), where Naboth’s vineyard was situated, and where the whole house of Ahab was murdered; then to GEBEL DAHʿI, little HERMON, beyond which TABOR (GEBEL E’ TUR), distinguished by its cupola-like form and isolated position, rose up and arrested our attention, until we once more rode into the mountains to NAZARETH, beautifully situated in a mountain hollow, like an amphitheatre. Yesterday we made an excursion in the morning from this place over Mount Tabor to TIBERIAS, on Lake Genezaret, and have only just returned. In spite of my endeavours to the contrary, we were compelled to take a body-guard of armed Arabs with us thither, as we did to the Dead Sea; and we, in fact, encountered various groups of low Bedouin rabble in their picturesque variegated costume, whom I should have been sorry to have met alone, most of them in the neighbourhood of beautiful wooded Tabor, where they were lying on the road, or riding past across the plain.