Chapter III
Dismay In Gasca's Camp. - His Winter Quarters. - Resumes His March. - Crosses The Apurimac. - Pizarro's Conduct In Cuzco. - He Encamps Near The City. - Rout Of Xaquixa Guana.
1547-1548.
While the events recorded in the preceding chapter were passing, President Gasca had remained at Xauxa, awaiting further tidings from Centeno, little doubting that they would inform him of the total discomfiture of the rebels. Great was his dismay, therefore, on learning the issue of the fatal conflict at Huarina, - that the royalists had been scattered far and wide before the sword of Pizarro, while their commander had vanished like an apparition, *1 leaving the greatest uncertainty as to his fate.
[Footnote 1: "Y salio a la Ciudad de los Reyes, sin que Carbajal, ni alguno de los suyos supiesse por donde fue, sino que parecio encantamiento." Garcilasso, Com. Real. Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 22.] The intelligence spread general consternation among the soldiers, proportioned to their former confidence; and they felt it was almost hopeless to contend with a man who seemed protected by a charm that made him invincible against the greatest odds. The president, however sore his disappointment, was careful to conceal it, while he endeavoured to restore the spirits of his followers. "They had been too sanguine," he said, "and it was in this way that Heaven rebuked their presumption. Yet it was but in the usual course of events, that Providence, when it designed to humble the guilty, should allow him to reach as high an elevation as possible, that his fall might be the greater!"
But while Gasca thus strove to reassure the superstitious and the timid, he bent his mind, with his usual energy, to repair the injury which the cause had sustained by the defeat at Huarina. He sent a detachment under Alvarado to Lima, to collect such of the royalists as had fled thither from the field of battle, and to dismantle the ships of their cannon, and bring them to the camp. Another body was sent to Guamanga, about sixty leagues from Cuzco, for the similar purpose of protecting the fugitives, and also of preventing the Indian caciques from forwarding supplies to the insurgent army in Cuzco. As his own forces now amounted to considerably more than any his opponent could bring against him, Gasca determined to break up his camp without further delay, and march on the Inca capital *2
[Footnote 2: Gasca, according to Ondegardo, supported his army, during his stay at Xauxa, from the Peruvian granaries in the valley, as he found a quantity of maize still remaining in them sufficient for several years' consumption. It is passing strange that these depositaries should have been so long respected by the hungry Conquerors. - "Cuando el Senor Presidente Gasca passo con la gente de castigo de Gonzalo Pizarro por el Valle de Jauja, estuvo alli siete semanas a lo que me acuerdo, se hallaron en deposito maiz de cuatro y de tres y de dos anos mas de 15,000 hanegas junto al camino, e alli comio la gente." Ondegardo, Rel. Seg., Ms.] Quitting Xauxa, December 29, 1547, he passed through Guamanga, and after a severe march, rendered particularly fatiguing by the inclement state of the weather and the badness of the roads, he entered the province of Andaguaylas. It was a fair and fruitful country, and since the road beyond would take him into the depths of a gloomy sierra, scarcely passable in the winter snows, Gasca resolved to remain in his present quarters until the severity of the season was mitigated. As many of the troops had already contracted diseases from exposure to the incessant rains, he established a camp hospital; and the good president personally visited the quarters of the sick, ministering to their wants, and winning their hearts by his sympathy. *3
[Footnote 3: Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 4. - Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 82-85. - Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Cieza de Leon, cap. 90]
Meanwhile, the royal camp was strengthened by the continual arrival of reinforcements; for notwithstanding the shock that was caused throughout the country by the first tidings of Pizarro's victory, a little reflection convinced the people that the right was the strongest, and must eventually prevail. There came, also, with these levies, several of the most distinguished captains in the country. Centeno, burning to retrieve his late disgrace, after recovering from his illness, joined the camp with his followers from Lima. Benalcazar, the conqueror of Quito, who, as the reader will remember, had shared in the defeat of Blasco Nunez in the north, came with another detachment; and was soon after followed by Valdivia, the famous conqueror of Chili, who, having returned to Peru to gather recruits for his expedition, had learned the state of the country, and had thrown himself, without hesitation, into the same scale with the president, though it brought him into collision with his old friend and comrade, Gonzalo Pizarro. The arrival of this last ally was greeted with general rejoicing by the camp; for Valdivia, schooled in the Italian wars, was esteemed the most accomplished soldier in Peru; and Gasca complimented him by declaring "he would rather see him than a reinforcement of eight hundred men!" *4
[Footnote 4: At least, so says Valdivia in his letter to the emperor. "I dixo publico que estimara mas mi persona que a los mejores ochocientos hombres de guerra que l pudieran venir aquella hora." Carta de Valdivia, Ms.]
Besides these warlike auxiliaries, the president was attended by a train of ecclesiastics and civilians, such as was rarely found in the martial fields of Peru. Among them were the bishops of Quito, Cuzco, and Lima, the four judges of the new Audience, and a considerable number of churchmen and monkish missionaries. *5 However little they might serve to strengthen his arm in battle, their presence gave authority and something of a sacred character to the cause, which had their effect on the minds of the soldiers.
[Footnote 5: Zarate, Ms.]
The wintry season now began to give way before the mild influence of spring, which makes itself early felt in these tropical, but from their elevation temperate, regions; and Gasca, after nearly three months' detention in Andaguaylas, mustered his levies for the final march upon Cuzco. *6 Their whole number fell little short of two thousand, - the largest European force yet assembled in Peru. Nearly half were provided with fire-arms; and infantry was more available than horse in the mountain countries which they were to traverse. But his cavalry was also numerous, and he carried with him a train of eleven heavy guns. The equipment and discipline of the troops were good; they were well provided with ammunition and military stores; and were led by officers whose names were associated with the most memorable achievements in the New World. All who had any real interest in the weal of the country were to be found, in short, under the president's banner, making a striking contrast to the wild and reckless adventurers who now swelled the ranks of Pizarro. [Footnote 6: Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 90.
The old chronicler, or rather geographer, Cieza de Leon, was present in the campaign, he tells us; so that his testimony, always good, becomes for the remaining events of more than usual value]
Gasca, who did not affect a greater knowledge of military affairs than he really possessed, had given the charge of his forces to Hinojosa, naming the Marshal Alvarado as second in command. Valdivia, who came after these dispositions had been made, accepted a colonel's commission, with the understanding that he was to be consulted and employed in all matters of moment. *7 - Having completed his arrangements, the president broke up his camp in March, 1548, and moved upon Cuzco.
[Footnote 7: Valdivia, indeed, claims to have had the whole command intrusted to him by Gasca "Luego me dio el autoridad toda que traia de parte de V. M. para en los casos ocantes a la guerra, i me encargo todo el exercito, i le puso baxo de mi mano rogando i pidiendo por merced de su parte a todos aquellos caballeros capitanes e gente de guerra, i de la de V. M. mandandoles me obedesciesen en todo lo que les mandase acerca de la guerra, i cumpliesen mis mandamientos como los suyos." (Carta de Valdivia, Ms.) But other authorities state it, with more probability, as given in the text. Valdivia, it must be confessed, loses nothing from modesty. The whole of his letter to the emperor is written in a strain of self-glorification, rarely matched even by a Castilian hidalgo.] The first obstacle to his progress was the river Abancay, the bridge over which had been broken down by the enemy. But as there was no force to annoy them on the opposite bank, the army was not long in preparing a new bridge, and throwing it across the stream, which in this place had nothing formidable in its character. The road now struck into the heart of a mountain region, where woods, precipices, and ravines were mingled together in a sort of chaotic confusion, with here and there a green and sheltered valley, glittering like an island of verdure amidst the wild breakers of a troubled ocean! The bold peaks of the Andes, rising far above the clouds, were enveloped in snow, which descending far down their sides, gave a piercing coldness to the winds that swept over their surface, until men and horses were benumbed and stiffened under their influence. The roads, in these regions, were in some places so narrow and broken, as to be nearly impracticable for cavalry. The cavaliers were compelled to dismount; and the president, with the rest, performed the journey on foot, so hazardous, that, even in later times, it has been no uncommon thing for the sure-footed mule to be precipitated, with its cargo of silver, thousands of feet down the sheer sides of a precipice. *8 [Footnote 8: Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 91.]
By these impediments of the ground, the march was so retarded, that the troops seldom accomplished more than two leagues a day. *9 Fortunately, the distance was not great; and the president looked with more apprehension to the passage of the Apurimac, which he was now approaching. This river, one of the most formidable tributaries of the Amazon, rolls its broad waters through the gorges of the Cordilleras, that rise up like an immense rampart of rock on either side, presenting a natural barrier which it would be easy for an enemy to make good against a force much superior to his own. The bridges over this river, as Gasca learned before his departure from Andaguaylas, had been all destroyed by Pizarro. The president, accordingly, had sent to explore the banks of the stream, and determine the most eligible spot for reestablishing communications with the opposite side.
[Footnote 9: Ms. de Caravantes 2 L 2]
The place selected was near the Indian village of Cotapampa, about nine leagues from Cuzco; for the river, though rapid and turbulent from being compressed within more narrow limits, was here less than two hundred paces in width; a distance, however, not inconsiderable. Directions had been given to collect materials in large quantities in the neighbourhood of this spot as soon as possible; and at the same time, in order to perplex the enemy and compel him to divide his forces, should he be disposed to resist, materials in smaller quantities were assembled on three other points of the river. The officer stationed in the neighbourhood of Cotapampa was instructed not to begin to lay the bridge, till the arrival of a sufficient force should accelerate the work, and insure its success.
The structure in question, it should be remembered, was one of those suspension bridges formerly employed by the Incas, and still used in crossing the deep and turbulent rivers of South America. They are made of osier withes, twisted into enormous cables, which, when stretched across the water, are attached to heavy blocks of masonry, or, where it will serve, to the natural rock. Planks are laid transversely across these cables, and a passage is thus secured, which, notwithstanding the light and fragile appearance of the bridge, as it swings at an elevation sometimes of several hundred feet above the abyss, affords a tolerably safe means of conveyance for men, and even for such heavy burdens as artillery. *10
[Footnote 10: Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 86, 87. - Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 5. - Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Ms. de Caravantes. - Carta de Valdivia, Ms. - Relacion del Lic. Gasca, Ms.]
Notwithstanding the peremptory commands of Gasca, the officer intrusted with collecting the materials for the bridge was so anxious to have the honor of completing the work himself, that he commenced it at once. The president, greatly displeased at learning this, quickened his march, in order to cover the work with his whole force. But, while toiling through the mountain labyrinth, tidings were brought him that a party of the enemy had demolished the small portion of the bridge already made, by cutting the cables on the opposite bank. Valdivia, accordingly, hastened forward at the head of two hundred arquebusiers, while the main body of the army followed with as much speed as practicable. That officer, on reaching the spot, found that the interruption had been caused by a small party of Pizarro's followers, not exceeding twenty in number assisted by a stronger body of Indians. He at once caused balsas, broad and clumsy barks, or rather rafts, of the country, to be provided, and by this means passed his men over, without opposition to the other side of the river. The enemy, disconcerted by the arrival of such a force, retreated and made the best of their way to report the affair to their commander at Cuzco. Meanwhile, Valdivia, who saw the importance of every moment in the present crisis, pushed forward the work with the greatest vigor. Through all that night his weary troops continued the labor, which was already well advanced, when the president and his battalions, emerging from the passes of the Cordilleras, presented themselves at sunrise on the opposite bank.
Little time was given for repose, as all felt assured that the success of their enterprise hung on the short respite now given them by the improvident enemy. The president, with his principal officers, took part in the labor with the common soldiers; *11 and before ten o'clock in the evening, Gasca had the satisfaction to see the bridge so well secured, that the leading files of the army, unencumbered by their baggage, might venture to cross it. A short time sufficed to place several hundred men on the other bank. But here a new difficulty, not less formidable than that of the river, presented itself to the troops. The ground rose up with an abrupt, almost precipitous, swell from the river-side, till, in the highest peaks, it reached an elevation of several thousand feet. This steep ascent, though not to its full height, indeed, was now to be surmounted. The difficulties of the ground, broken up into fearful chasms and water-courses, and tangled with thickets, were greatly increased by the darkness of the night; and the soldiers, as they toiled slowly upward, were filled with apprehension, akin to fear, from the uncertainty whether each successive step might not bring them into an ambuscade, for which the ground was so favorable. More than once, the Spaniards were thrown into a panic by false reports that the enemy were upon them. But Hinojosa and Valdivia were at hand to rally their men, and cheer them on, until, at length, before dawn broke, the bold cavaliers and their followers placed themselves on the highest point traversed by the road, where they waited the arrival of the president. This was not long delayed; and in the course of the following morning, the royalists were already in sufficient strength to bid defiance to their enemy.
[Footnote 11: "La gente que estaua, de la vna parte y de la otra, todos tirauan y trabajauan al poner, y apretar de las Criznejas: sin que el Presidente ni Obispos, ni otra persona quisiesse tener preuilegio para dexar de trabajar." Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 87.] The passage of the river had been effected with less loss than might have been expected, considering the darkness of the night, and the numbers that crowded over the aerial causeway. Some few, indeed, fell into the water, and were drowned; and more than sixty horses, in the attempt to swim them across the river, were hurried down the current, and dashed against the rocks below. *12 It still required time to bring up the heavy train of ordnance and the military wagons; and the president encamped on the strong ground which he now occupied, to await their arrival, and to breathe his troops after their extraordinary efforts. In these quarters we must leave him, to acquaint the reader with the state of things in the insurgent army, and with the cause of its strange remissness in guarding the passes of the Apurimac. *13
[Footnote 12: "Aquel dia pasaron mas de quatrocientos Hombres, Ilevando los Caballos a nado, encima de illos atadas sus armas, i arcabuces, caso que se perdieron mas de sesenta Caballos, que con la corriente grande se desataron, i luego daban en vnas penas, donde se hacian pedacos, sin darles lugar el impetu del rio, a que pudiesen nadar." Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 5. - Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, cap. 184.] [Footnote 13: Ibid., ubi supra. - Fernandez Hist del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 87. - Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 5. - Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Ms. de Caravantes. - Carta de Valdivia, Ms. - Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 91. - Relacion del Lic. Gasca, Ms.] From the time of Pizarro's occupation of Cuzco, he had lived in careless luxury in the midst of his followers, like a soldier of fortune in the hour of prosperity; enjoying the present, with as little concern for the future as if the crown of Peru were already fixed irrevocably upon his head. It was otherwise with Carbajal. He looked on the victory at Huarina as the commencement, not the close, of the struggle for empire; and he was indefatigable in placing his troops in the best condition for maintaining their present advantage. At the first streak of dawn, the veteran might be seen mounted on his mule, with the garb and air of a common soldier, riding about in the different quarters of the capital, sometimes superintending the manufacture of arms, or providing military stores, and sometimes drilling his men, for he was most careful always to maintain the strictest discipline. *14 His restless spirit seemed to find no pleasure but in incessant action; living, as he had always done, in the turmoil of military adventure, he had no relish for any thing unconnected with war, and in the city saw only the materials for a well-organized camp.
[Footnote 14: "Andaua siempre en vna mula crescida de color entre pardo y bermejo, yo no le vi en otra caualgadura en todo el tiempo que estuuo en el Cozco antes de la batalla de Sacsahuana. Era tan contino y diligete en solicitar lo que a su exercito conuenia, que a todas horas del dia y de la roche le topauan sus soldados haziendo su oficio, y los agenos." Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 5 cap. 27.]
With these feelings, he was much dissatisfied at the course taken by his younger leader, who now professed his intention to abide where he was, and, when the enemy advanced, to give him battle. Carbajal advised a very different policy. He had not that full confidence, it would seem, in the loyalty of Pizarro's partisans, at least, not of those who had once followed the banner of Centeno. These men some three hundred in number, had been in a manner compelled to take service under Pizarro. They showed no heartiness in the cause, and the veteran strongly urged his commander to disband them at once; since it was far better to go to battle with a few faithful followers than with a host of the false and faint-hearted. But Carbajal thought, also, that his leader was not sufficiently strong in numbers to encounter his opponent, supported as he was by the best captains of Peru. He advised, accordingly, that he should abandon Cuzco, carrying off all the treasure, provisions, and stores of every kind from the city, which might, in any way, serve the necessities of the royalists. The latter, on their arrival, disappointed by the poverty of a place where they had expected to find so much booty, would become disgusted with the service. Pizzaro, meanwhile, might take refuge with his men in the neighbouring fastnesses, where, familiar with the ground, it would be easy to elude the enemy; and if the latter persevered in the pursuit, with numbers diminished by desertion, it would not be difficult in the mountain passes to find an opportunity for assailing him at advantage. - Such was the wary counsel of the old warrior. But it was not to the taste of his fiery commander, who preferred to risk the chances of a battle, rather than turn his back on a foe.
Neither did Pizarro show more favor to a proposition, said to have been made by the Licentiate Cepeda, - that he should avail himself of his late success to enter into negotiations with Gasca. Such advice, from the man who had so recently resisted all overtures of the president, could only have proceeded from a conviction, that the late victory placed Pizarro on a vantage-ground for demanding terms far better than would have been before conceded to him. It may be that subsequent experience had also led him to distrust the fidelity of Gonzalo's followers, or, possibly, the capacity of their chief to conduct them through the present crisis. Whatever may have been the motives of the slippery counsellor, Pizarro gave little heed to the suggestion, and even showed some resentment, as the matter was pressed on him. In every contest, with Indian or European, whatever had been the odds, he had come off victorious. He was not now for the first time to despond; and he resolved to remain in Cuzco, and hazard all on the chances of a battle. There was something in the hazard itself captivating to his bold and chivalrous temper. In this, too, he was confirmed by some of the cavaliers who had followed him through all his fortunes; reckless young adventurers, who, like himself, would rather risk all on a single throw of the dice, than adopt the cautious, and, as it seemed to them, timid, policy of graver counsellors. It was by such advisers, then, that Pizarro's future course was to be shaped. *15
[Footnote 15: Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 27. - Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, cap. 182. - Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 88.
"Finalmente, Goncalo Pizarro dixo que queria prouar su ventura: pues siempre auia sido vencedor, y lamas vencido." Ibid., ubi supra.] Such was the state of affairs in Cuzco, when Pizarro's soldiers returned with the tidings, that a detachment of the enemy had crossed the Apurimac, and were busy in reestablishing the bridge. Carbajal saw at once the absolute necessity of maintaining this pass. "It is my affair," he said; "I claim to be employed on this service. Give me but a hundred picked men, and I will engage to defend the pass against an army, and bring back the chaplain - the name by which the president was known in the rebel camp - a prisoner to Cuzco." *16 "I cannot spare you, father," said Gonzalo, addressing him by this affectionate epithet, which he usually applied to his aged follower, *17 "I cannot spare you so far from my own person"; and he gave the commission to Juan de Acosta, a young cavalier warmly attached to his commander, and who had given undoubted evidence of his valor on more than one occasion, but who, as the event proved, was signally deficient in the qualities demanded for so critical an undertaking as the present. Acosta, accordingly, was placed at the head of two hundred mounted musketeers, and, after much wholesome counsel from Carbajal, set out on his expedition.
[Footnote 16: "Paresceme vuestra Senoria se vaya a la vuelta del Collao y me deje cien hombres, los que yo escojiere, que yo me ire a vista deste capellan, que ansi llamaba el al presidente." Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.]
[Footnote 17: Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 31] But he soon forgot the veteran's advice, and moved at so dull a pace over the difficult roads, that, although the distance was not more than nine leagues, he found, on his arrival, the bridge completed, and so large a body of the enemy already crossed, that he was in no strength to attack them. Acosta did, indeed, meditate an ambuscade by night; but the design was betrayed by a deserter, and he contented himself with retreating to a safe distance, and sending for a further reinforcement from Cuzco. Three hundred men were promptly detached to his support; but when they arrived, the enemy was already planted in full force on the crest of the eminence. The golden opportunity was irrecoverably lost; and the disconsolate cavalier rode back in all haste to report the failure of his enterprise to his commander in Cuzco. *18
[Footnote 18: Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 88.
Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 5. - Carta de Valdivia, Ms. Valdivia's letter to the emperor, dated at Concepcion, was written about two years after the events above recorded. It is chiefly taken up with his Chilian conquests, to which his campaign under Gasca, on his visit to Peru, forms a kind of brilliant episode. This letter, the original of which is preserved in Simancas, covers about seventy folio pages in the copy belonging to me. It is one of that class of historical documents, consisting of the despatches and correspondence of the colonial governors, which, from the minuteness of the details and the means of information possessed by the writers, are of the highest worth. The despatches addressed to the Court, particularly, may compare with the celebrated Relazioni made by the Venetian ambassadors to their republic, and now happily in the course of publication, at Florence, under the editorial auspices of the learned Alberi.]
The only question now to be decided was as to the spot where Gonzalo Pizarro should give battle to his enemies. He determined at once to abandon the capital, and wait for his opponents in the neighbouring valley of Xaquixaguana. It was about five leagues distant, and the reader may remember it as the place where Francis Pizarro burned the Peruvian general Challcuchima, on his first occupation of Cuzco. The valley, fenced round by the lofty rampart of the Andes, was, for the most part, green and luxuriant, affording many picturesque points of view; and, from the genial temperature of the climate, had been a favorite summer residence of the Indian nobles, many of whose pleasure-houses still dotted the sides of the mountains. A river, or rather stream, of no great volume, flowed through one end of this inclosure, and the neighbouring soil was so wet and miry as to have the character of a morass.
Here the rebel commander arrived, after a tedious march over roads not easily traversed by his train of heavy wagons and artillery. His forces amounted in all to about nine hundred men, with some half-dozen pieces of ordnance. It was a well-appointed body, and under excellent discipline, for it had been schooled by the strictest martinet in the Peruvian service. But it was the misfortune of Pizarro that his army was composed, in part, at least, of men on whose attachment to his cause he could not confidently rely. This was a deficiency which no courage nor skill in the leader could supply.
On entering the valley, Pizarro selected the eastern quarter of it, towards Cuzco, as the most favorable spot for his encampment. It was crossed by the stream above mentioned, and he stationed his army in such a manner, that, while one extremity of the camp rested on a natural barrier formed by the mountain cliffs that here rose up almost perpendicularly, the other was protected by the river. While it was scarcely possible, therefore, to assail his flanks, the approaches in front were so extremely narrowed by these obstacles, that it would not be easy to overpower him by numbers in that direction. In the rear, his communications remained open with Cuzco, furnishing a ready means for obtaining supplies. Having secured this strong position, he resolved patiently to wait the assault of the enemy. *19
[Footnote 19: Carta de Valdivia, Ms. - Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 33, 34. - Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, cap. 185. - Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 88.]
Meanwhile, the royal army had been toiling up the steep sides of the Cordilleras, until, at the close of the third day, the president had the satisfaction to find himself surrounded by his whole force, with their guns and military stores. Having now sufficiently refreshed his men, he resumed his march, and all went forward with the buoyant confidence of bringing their quarrel with the tyrant, as Pizarro was called, to a speedy issue.
Their advance was slow, as in the previous part of the march, for the ground was equally embarrassing. It was not long, however, before the president learned that his antagonist had pitched his camp in the neighbouring valley of Xaquixaguana. Soon afterward, two friars, sent by Gonzalo himself, appeared in the army, for the ostensible purpose of demanding a sight of the powers with which Gasca was intrusted. But as their conduct gave reason to suspect they were spies, the president caused the holy men to be seized, and refused to allow them to return to Pizarro. By an emissary of his own, whom he despatched to the rebel chief, he renewed the assurance of pardon already given him, in case he would lay down his arms and submit. Such an act of generosity, at this late hour, must be allowed to be highly creditable to Gasca, believing, as he probably did, that the game was in his own hands. - It is a pity that the anecdote does not rest on the best authority. *20 [Footnote 20: The fact is not mentioned by any of the parties present at these transactions. It is to be found, with some little discrepancy of circumstances, in Gomara (Hist. de las Indias, cap. 185) and Zarate (Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 6); and their positive testimony maybe thought by most readers to outweigh the negative afforded by the silence of other contemporaries.]
After a march of a couple of days, the advanced guard of the royalists came suddenly on the outposts of the insurgents, from whom they had been concealed by a thick mist, and a slight skirmish took place between them. At length, on the morning of the eighth of April, the royal army, turning the crest of the lofty range that belts round the lovely valley of Xaquixaguana, beheld far below on the opposite side the glittering lines of the enemy, with their white pavilions, looking like clusters of wild fowl nestling among the cliffs of the mountains. And still further off might be descried a host of Indian warriors, showing gaudily in their variegated costumes; for the natives, in this part of the country, with little perception of their true interests, manifested great zeal in the cause of Pizarro.
Quickening their step, the royal army now hastily descended the steep sides of the sierra; and notwithstanding every effort of their officers, they moved in so little order, each man picking his way as he could, that the straggling column presented many a vulnerable point to the enemy; and the descent would not have been accomplished without considerable loss, had Pizarro's cannon been planted on any of the favorable positions which the ground afforded. But that commander, far from attempting to check the president's approach, remained doggedly in the strong position he had occupied, with the full confidence that his adversaries would not hesitate to assail it, strong as it was, in the same manner as they had done at Huarina. *21
[Footnote 21: "Salio a Xaquixaguana con toda su gente y alli nos aguardo en un llano junto a un cerro alto por donde bajabamos; y cierto nuestro Senor le cego el entendimiento, porque si nos aguardaran al pie de la bajada, hicieran mucho dano a nosotros. Retiraronse a un llano junto a una cienaga, creyendo que nuestro campo alli les acometiera y con la ventaja que nos tenian del puesto nos vencieran." Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Carta de Valdivia, Ms. - Relacion del Lic. Gasca, Ms.] Yet he did not omit to detach a corps of arquebusiers to secure a neighbouring eminence or spur of the Cordilleras, which in the hands of the enemy might cause some annoyance to his own camp, while it commanded still more effectually the ground soon to be occupied by the assailants. But his manoeuvre was noticed by Hinojosa; and he defeated it by sending a stronger detachment of the royal musketeers, who repulsed the rebels, and, after a short skirmish, got possession of the heights. Gasca's general profited by this success to plant a small battery of cannon on the eminence, from which, although the distance was too great for him to do much execution, he threw some shot into the hostile camp. One ball, indeed, struck down two men, one of them Pizarro's page, killing a horse, at the same time, which he held by the bridle; and the chief instantly ordered the tents to be struck, considering that they afforded too obvious a mark for the artillery. *22
[Footnote 22: "Porq. muchas pelotas dieron en medio de la gente, y una dellas mato juto a Goncalo Pizarro vn criado suyo que se estaua armando; y mato otro hombre y vn cauallo; que puso grande alteracion en el campo, y abatieron todas las tiedas y toldos." Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 89. - Carta de Valdivia, Ms. - Relacion del Lic. Gasca. Ms] Meanwhile, the president's forces had descended into the valley, and as they came on the plain were formed into line by their officers. The ground occupied by the army was somewhat lower than that of their enemy, whose shot, as discharged, from time to time, from his batteries, passed over their heads. Information was now brought by a deserter, one of Centeno's old followers, that Pizarro was getting ready for a night attack. The president, in consequence, commanded his whole force to be drawn up in battle array, prepared, at any instant, to repulse the assault. But if such were meditated by the insurgent chief, he abandoned it, - and, as it is said, from a distrust of the fidelity of some of the troops, who, under cover of the darkness, he feared, would go over to the opposite side. If this be true, he must have felt the full force of Carbajal's admonition, when too late to profit by it. The unfortunate commander was in the situation of some bold, high-mettled cavalier, rushing to battle on a war-horse whose tottering joints threaten to give way under him at every step, and leave his rider to the mercy of his enemies!
The president's troops stood to their arms the greater part of the night, although the air from the mountains was so keen, that it was with difficulty they could hold their lances in their hands. *23 But before the rising sun had kindled into a glow the highest peaks of the sierra, both camps were in motion, and busily engaged in preparations for the combat. The royal army was formed into two battalions of infantry, one to attack the enemy in front, and the other, if possible, to operate on his flank. These battalions were protected by squadrons of horse on the wings and in the rear, while reserves both of horse and arquebusiers were stationed to act as occasion might require. The dispositions were made in so masterly a manner, as to draw forth a hearty eulogium from old Carbajal, who exclaimed, "Surely the Devil or Valdivia must be among them!" and undeniable compliment to the latter, since the speaker was ignorant of that commander's presence in the camp. *24
[Footnote 23: "I asi estuvo el Campo toda la Noche en Arma, desarmadas las Tiendas, padesciendo mui gran frio que no podian tener las Lancas en las manos." Zarate, Conq. de Peru, lib. 7, cap. 6.]
[Footnote 24: "Y assi quando vio Francisco de Caruajal el campo Real; pareciendole que los esquadrones venian bie ordenados dixo, Valdiuia esta en la tierra, y rige el campo, o el diablo." Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 89. - Relacion del Lic. Gasca, Ms - Carta de Valdivia, Ms. - Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, cap. 185. - Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 6. - Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 34. - Pedro Pizarro Descub. y Conq., Ms.]
Gasca, leaving the conduct of the battle to his officers, withdrew to the rear with his train of clergy and licentiates, the last of whom did not share in the ambition of their rebel brother, Cepeda, to break a lance in the field.
Gonzalo Pizarro formed his squadron in the same manner as he had done on the plains of Huarina; except that the increased number of his horse now enabled him to cover both flanks of his infantry. It was still on his fire-arms, however, that he chiefly relied. As the ranks were formed, he rode among them, encouraging his men to do their duty like brave cavaliers, and true soldiers of the Conquest. Pizarro was superbly armed, as usual, and wore a complete suit of mail, of the finest manufacture, which, as well as his helmet, was richly inlaid with gold. *25 He rode a chestnut horse of great strength and spirit, and as he galloped along the line, brandishing his lance, and displaying his easy horsemanship, he might be thought to form no bad personification of the Genius of Chivalry. To complete his dispositions, he ordered Cepeda to lead up the infantry; for the licentiate seems to have had a larger share in the conduct of his affairs of late, or at least in the present military arrangements, than Carbajal. The latter, indeed, whether from disgust at the course taken by his leader, or from a distrust, which, it is said, he did not affect to conceal, of the success of the present operations, disclaimed all responsibility for them, and chose to serve rather as a private cavalier than as a commander. *26 Yet Cepeda, as the event showed, was no less shrewd in detecting the coming ruin.
[Footnote 25: "Iba mui galan, i gentil hombre sobre vn poderoso caballo castano, armado de Cota, i Coracinas ricas, con vna sobre ropa de Raso bien golpeada, i vn Capacete de Oro en la cabeca, con su barbote de lo mismo." Gomara, Hist. de as Indias, cap. 185.]
[Footnote 26: "Porque el Maesse de campo Francisco de Caruajal, como hombre desdenado de que Goncalo Picarro no huuiesse querido seguir su parecer y consejo (dandose ya por vencido), no quiso hazer oficio de Maesse de campo, como solia, y assi fue a ponerse en el esquadron con su compania, como vno de los capitanes de ynfanteria." Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5 cap. 35.]
When he had received his orders from Pizarro, he rode forward as if to select the ground for his troops to occupy; and in doing so disappeared for a few moments behind a projecting cliff. He soon reappeared, however, and was seen galloping at full speed across the plain. His men looked with astonishment, yet not distrusting his motives, till, as he continued his course direct towards the enemy's lines, his treachery became apparent. Several pushed for ward to overtake him, and among them a cavalier, better mounted than Cepeda. The latter rode a horse of no great strength or speed, quite unfit for this critical manoeuvre of his master. The animal, was, moreover, encumbered by the weight of the caparisons with which his ambitious rider had loaded him, so that, on reaching a piece of miry ground that lay between the armies, his pace was greatly retarded. *27 Cepeda's pursuers rapidly gained on him, and the cavalier above noticed came, at length, so near as to throw a lance at the fugitive, which, wounding him in the thigh, pierced his horse's flank, and they both came headlong to the ground. It would have fared ill with the licentiate, in this emergency, but fortunately a small party of troopers on the other side, who had watched the chase, now galloped briskly forward to the rescue, and, beating off his pursuers, they recovered Cepeda from the mire, and bore him to the president's quarters.
[Footnote 27: Ibid., ubi supra.]
He was received by Gasca with the greatest satisfaction, - so great, that, according to one chronicler, he did not disdain to show it by saluting the licentiate on the cheek. *28 The anecdote is scarcely reconcilable with the characters and relations of the parties, or with the president's subsequent conduct. Gasca, however, recognized the full value of his prize, and the effect which his desertion at such a time must have on the spirits of the rebels. Cepeda's movement, so unexpected by his own party, was the result of previous deliberation, as he had secretly given assurance, it is said, to the prior of Arequipa, then in the royal camp, that, if Gonzalo Pizarro could not be induced to accept the pardon offered him, he would renounce his cause. *29 The time selected by the crafty counsellor for doing so was that most fatal to the interests of his commander.
[Footnote 28: "Gasca abraco, i beso en el carrillo a Cepeda, aunque lo llevaba encenagado, teniendo por vencido a Picarro, con su falta." Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, cap. 185.]
[Footnote 29: "Ca, segun parecio, Cepeda le huvo avisado con Fr. Antonio de Castro, Prior de Santo Domingo en Arequipa, que si Picarro no quisiesse concierto ninguno, el se pasaria al servicio del Emperador a tiempo que le deshiciese." Ibid ubi supra.]
The example of Cepeda was contagious. Garcilasso de la Vega, father of the historian, a cavalier of old family, and probably of higher consideration than any other in Pizarro's party, put spurs to his horse, at the same time with the licentiate, and rode over the enemy. Ten or a dozen of the arquebusiers followed in the same direction, and succeeded in placing themselves under the protection of the advanced guard of the royalists.
Pizarro stood aghast at this desertion, in so critical a juncture, of those in whom he had most trusted. He was, for a moment, bewildered. The very ground on which he stood seemed to be crumbling beneath him. With this state of feeling among his soldiers, he saw that every minute of delay was fatal. He dared not wait for the assault, as he had intended, in his strong position, but instantly gave the word to advance. Gasca's general, Hinojosa, seeing the enemy in motion, gave similar orders to his own troops. Instantly the skirmishers and arquebusiers on the flanks moved rapidly forward, the artillery prepared to open their fire, and "the whole army," says the president in his own account of the affair, "advanced with steady step and perfect determination." *30 [Footnote 30: "Visto por Gonzalo Pizarro Caravajal su Maestre de Campo que se les iva gente procuraron de caminar en su orden hacia el campo de S. M. i que viendo esto los lados i sobre salientes del exercito real se empezaron a llegar a ellos i a disparar en ellos i que lo mesmo hizo la artilleria, i todo el campo con paso bien concertado i entera determinacion se llego a ellos' Relacion del Lic. Gasca, Ms.] But before a shot was fired, a column of arquebusiers, composed chiefly of Centeno's followers, abandoned their post, and marched directly over to the enemy. A squadron of horse, sent in pursuit of them, followed their example. The president instantly commanded his men to halt, unwilling to spill blood unnecessarily, as the rebel host was like to fall to pieces of itself.
Pizarro's faithful adherents were seized with a panic, as they saw themselves and their leader thus betrayed into the enemy's hands. Further resistance was useless. Some threw down their arms, and fled in the direction of Cuzco. Others sought to escape to the mountains; and some crossed to the opposite side, and surrendered themselves prisoners, hoping it was not too late to profit by the promises of grace. The Indian allies, on seeing the Spaniards falter, had been the first to go off the ground. *31
[Footnote 31: "Los Indios que tenian los enemigos que diz que eran mucha cantidad huyeron mui a furia." (Relacion del Lic. Gasca, Ms.) For the particulars of the battle, more or less minute, see Carta de Valdivia, Ms. - Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 35. - Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, cap. 185. - Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 90. - Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 7. - Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 8, lib. 4, cap. 16.] Pizarro, amidst the general wreck, found himself left with only a few cavaliers who disdained to fly. Stunned by the unexpected reverse of fortune, the unhappy chief could hardly comprehend his situation. "What remains for us?" said he to Acosta, one of those who still adhered to him. "Fall on the enemy, since nothing else is left," answered the lion-hearted soldier, "and die like Romans!' "Better to die like Christians," replied his commander; and, slowly turning his horse, he rode off in the direction of the royal army. *32
[Footnote 32: "Goncalo Picarro boluiendo el rostro, a Juan de Acosta, que estaua cerca del, le dixo, que hare mos hermano Juan? Acosta presumiendo mas de valiente que de discreto respondio, Senor arremetamos, y muramos como los antiguos Romanos. Goncalo Picarro dixo mejor es morir como Cristianos." Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 36. - Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 7.]
He had not proceeded far, when he was met by an officer, to whom, after ascertaining his name and rank, Pizarro delivered up his sword, and yielded himself prisoner. The officer, overjoyed at his prize, conducted him, at once, to the president's quarters. Gasca was on horseback, surrounded by his captains, some of whom, when they recognized the person of the captive, had the grace to withdraw, that they might not witness his humiliation. *33 Even the best of them, with a sense of right on their side, may have felt some touch of compunction at the thought that their desertion had brought their benefactor to this condition.
[Footnote 33: Garcilasso, Com. Real., ubi supra.]
Pizarro kept his seat in his saddle, but, as he approached, made a respectful obeisance to the president, which the latter acknowledged by a cold salute. Then, addressing his prisoner in a tone of severity, Gasca abruptly inquired, - "Why he had thrown the country into such confusion; - raising the banner of revolt; killing the viceroy; usurping the government; and obstinately refusing the offers of grace that had been repeatedly made him?"
Gonzalo attempted to justify himself by referring the fate of the viceroy to his misconduct, and his own usurpation, as it was styled, to the free election of the people, as well as that of the Royal Audience. "It was my family," he said, "who conquered the country; and, as their representative here, I felt I had a right to the government." To this Gasca replied, in a still severer tone, "Your brother did, indeed, conquer the land; and for this the emperor was pleased to raise both him and you from the dust. He lived and died a true and loyal subject; and it only makes your ingratitude to your sovereign the more heinous." Then, seeing his prisoner about to reply, the president cut short the conference, ordering him into close confinement. He was committed to the charge of Centeno, who had sought the office, not from any unworthy desire to gratify his revenge, - for he seems to have had a generous nature, - but for the honorable purpose of ministering to the comfort of the captive. Though held in strict custody by this officer, therefore, Pizarro was treated with the deference due to his rank, and allowed every indulgence by his keeper, except his freedom. *34
[Footnote 34: Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 90. Historians, of course, report the dialogue between Gasca and his prisoner with some variety. See Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, cap. 185. - Garcilasso, Com. Real Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 36. Relacion del Lic. Gasca, Ms.]
In this general wreck of their fortunes, Francisco de Carbajal fared no better than his chief. As he saw the soldiers deserting their posts and going over to the enemy, one after another, he coolly hummed the words of his favorite old ballad, -
"The wind blows the hairs off my head, mother!"
But when he found the field nearly empty, and his stout-hearted followers vanished like a wreath of smoke, he felt it was time to provide for his own safety. He knew there could be no favor for him and, putting spurs to his horse, he betook himself to flight with all the speed he could make. He crossed the stream that flowed, as already mentioned, by the camp, but, in scaling the opposite bank, which was steep and stony, his horse, somewhat old, and oppressed by the weight of his rider, who was large and corpulent, lost his footing and fell with him into the water. Before he could extricate himself, Carbajal was seized by some of his own followers, who hoped, by such a prize, to make their peace with the victor, and hurried off towards the president's quarters.
The convoy was soon swelled by a number of the common file from the royal army, some of whom had long arrears to settle with the prisoner; and, not content with heaping reproaches and imprecations on his head, they now threatened to proceed to acts of personal violence, which Carbajal, far from deprecating, seemed rather to court, as the speediest way of ridding himself of life. *35 When he approached the president's quarters, Centeno, who was near, rebuked the disorderly rabble, and compelled them to give way. Carbajal, on seeing this, with a respectful air demanded to whom he was indebted for this courteous protection. To which his ancient comrade replied, "Do you not know me? - Diego Centeno!" "I crave your pardon," said the veteran, sarcastically alluding to his long flight in the Charcas, and his recent defeat at Huarina; "it is so long since I have seen any thing but your back, that I had forgotten your face!" *36
[Footnote 35: "Luego llevaron antel dicho Licenciado Caravajal Maestre de campo del dicho Pizarro i tan cercado de gentes que del havian sido ofendidas que le querian matar, el qual diz que mostrava que olgara que le mataran alli." Relacion del Lic. Gasca, Ms.]
[Footnote 36: "Diego Centeno reprehendia mucho a los que le offendian. Por lo qual Caruajal le miro, y le dixo, Senor quien es vuestra merced que tanta merced me haze? a lo qual Centeno respondio, Que no conoce vuestra merced a Diego Centeno? Dixo entonces Caruajal, Por Dios senor que como siempre vi a vuestra merced de espaldas, que agora teniendo le de cara, no le conocia' Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 90.] Among the president's suite was the martia bishop of Cuzco, who, it will be remembered, had shared with Centeno in the disgrace of his defeat. His brother had been taken by Carbajal, in his flight from the field, and instantly hung up by that fierce chief, who, as we have had more than one occasion to see, was no respecter of persons. The bishop now reproached him with his brother's murder, and, incensed by his cool replies, was ungenerous enough to strike the prisoner on the face. Carbajal made no attempt at resistance. Nor would he return a word to the queries put to him by Gasca; but, looking haughtily round on the circle, maintained a contemptuous silence. The president, seeing that nothing further was to be gained from his captive, ordered him, together with Acosta, and the other cavaliers who had surrendered, into strict custody, until their fate should be decided. *37
[Footnote 37: Ibid., ubi supra.
It is but fair to state that Garcilasso, who was personally acquainted with the bishop of Cuzco, doubts the fact of the indecorous conduct imputed to him by Fernandez, as inconsistent with the prelate's character. Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 39.]
Gasca's next concern was to send an officer to Cuzco, to restrain his partisans from committing excesses in consequence of the late victory, - if victory that could be called, where not a blow had been struck. Every thing belonging to the vanquished, their tents, arms, ammunition, and military stores, became the property of the victors. Their camp was well victualled, furnishing a seasonable supply to the royalists, who had nearly expended their own stock of provisions. There was, moreover, considerable booty in the way of plate and money; for Pizarro's men, as was not uncommon in those turbulent times, went, many of them, to the war with the whole of their worldly wealth, not knowing of any safe place in which to bestow it. An anecdote is told of one of Gasca's soldiers, who, seeing a mule running over the field, with a large pack on his back, seized the animal, and mounted him, having first thrown away the burden, supposing it to contain armour, or something of little worth. Another soldier, more shrewd, picked up the parcel, as his share of the spoil, and found it contained several thousand gold ducats! It was the fortune of war. *38
[Footnote 38: Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 8.]
Thus terminated the battle, or rather rout, of Xaquixaguana. The number of killed and wounded - for some few perished in the pursuit - was not great; according to most accounts, not exceeding fifteen killed on the rebel side, and one only on that of the royalists! and that one, by the carelessness of a comrade. *39 Never was there a cheaper victory; so bloodless a termination of a fierce an bloody rebellion! It was gained not so much by the strength of the victors as by the weakness of the vanquished. They fell to pieces of their own accord, because they had no sure ground to stand on. The arm, not nerved by the sense of right, became powerless in the hour of battle. It was better that they should thus be overcome by moral force than by a brutal appeal to arms. Such a victory was more in harmony with the beneficent character of the conqueror and of his cause. It was the triumph of order; the best homage to law and justice.
[Footnote 39: "Temiose que en esta batalla muriria mucha gente de ambas partes por haver en ellas mill i quatrocientos arcabuceros i seiscientos de caballo i mucho numero de piqueros i diez i ocho piezas de artilleria, pero plugo a Dios que solo murio un hombre del campo de S. M. i quince de los contrarios como esta dicho." Relacion del Lic. Gasca, Ms. The Ms. above referred to is supposed by Munoz to have been written by Gasca, or rather dictated by him to his secretary. The original is preserved at Simancas, without date, and in the character of the sixteenth century. It is principally taken up with the battle, and the events immediately connected with it; and although very brief, every sentence is of value as coming from so high a source. Alcedo, in his Biblioteca Americana, Ms., gives the title of a work from Gasca's pen, which would seem to be an account of his own administration, Historia de Peru, y de su Pacificacion, 1576, fol. - I have never met with the work, or with any other allusion to it.]
Chapter IV
Execution Of Carbajal. - Gonzalo Pizarro Beheaded. - Spoils Of Victory. - Wise Reforms By Gasca. - He Returns To Spain. - His Death And Character.
1548-1550.
It was now necessary to decide on the fate of the prisoners; and Alonso de Alvarado, with the Licentiate Cianca, one of the new Royal Audience, was instructed to prepare the process. It did not require a long time. The guilt of the prisoners was too manifest, taken, as they had been, with arms in their hands. They were all sentenced to be executed, and their estates were confiscated to the use of the Crown. Gonzalo Pizarro was to be beheaded, and Carbajal to be drawn and quartered. No mercy was shown to him who had shown none to others. There was some talk of deferring the execution till the arrival of the troops in Cuzco; but the fear of disturbances from those friendly to Pizarro determined the president to carry the sentence into effect the following day, on the field of battle. *1
[Footnote 1: The sentence passed upon Pizarro is given at length in the manuscript copy of Zarate's History, to which I have had occasion more than once to refer. The historian omitted it in his printed work, but the curious reader may find it entire, cited in the original, in Appendix, No. 14.]
When his doom was communicated to Carbajal, he heard it with his usual indifference. "They can but kill me," he said, as if he had already settled the matter in his own mind. *2 During the day, many came to see him in his confinement; some to upbraid him with his cruelties; but most, from curiosity to see the fierce warrior who had made his name so terrible through the land. He showed no unwillingness to talk with them, thought it was in those sallies of caustic humor in which he usually indulged at the expense of his hearer. Among these visiters was a cavalier of no note, whose life, it appears, Carbajal had formerly spared, when in his power. This person expressed to the prisoner his strong desire to serve him; and as he reiterated his professions, Carbajal cut them short by exclaiming, - "And what service can you do me? Can you set me free? If you cannot do that, you can do nothing. If I spared your life, as you say, it was probably because I did not think it worth while to take it." [Footnote 2: 'Basta matar." Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 91.]
Some piously disposed persons urged him to see a priest, if it were only to unburden his conscience before leaving the world. "But of what use would that be?" asked Carbajal. "I have nothing that lies heavy on my conscience, unless it be, indeed, the debt of half a real to a shopkeeper in Seville, which I forgot to pay before leaving the country!" *3 [Footnote 3: "En esso no tengo que confessar: porque juro a tal, que no tengo otro cargo, si no medio rea que deuo en Seuilla a vna bodegonera de la puerta del Arenal, del tiempo que passe a Indias." Ibid., ubi supra.] He was carried to execution on a hurdle, or rather in a basket, drawn by two mules. His arms were pinioned, and, as they forced his bulky body into this miserable conveyance, he exclaimed, - "Cradles for infants, and a cradle for the old man too, it seems!" *4 Notwithstanding the disinclination he had manifested to a confessor, he was attended by several ecclesiastics on his way to the gallows; and one of them repeatedly urged him to give some token of penitence at this solemn hour, if it were only by repeating the Pater Noster and Ave Maria. Carbajal, to rid himself of the ghostly father's importunity, replied by coolly repeating the words, "Pater Noster," "Ave Maria"! He then remained obstinately silent. He died, as he had lived, with a jest, or rather a scoff, upon his lips. *5
[Footnote 4: "Nino en cuna, y viejo en cuna" Ibid., loc. cit.] [Footnote 5: "Murio como gentil, porque dicen, que yo no le quise ver, que unsi le di la palabra de no velle; mas a la postrer vez que me hablo llevandole a matar le decia el sacerdote que con el iba, que se encomendase a Dios y dijese el Pater Noster y el Ave Maria, y dicen que dijo Pater Noster, Ave Maria y que no dijo otra palabra." Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq Ms.]
Francisco de Carbajal was one of the most extraordinary characters of these dark and turbulent times; the more extraordinary from his great age; for, at the period of his death, he was in his eighty-fourth year; - an age when the bodily powers, and, fortunately, the passions, are usually blunted; when, in the witty words of the French moralist, "We flatter ourselves we are leaving our vices, whereas it is our vices that are leaving us." *6 But the fires of youth glowed fierce and unquenchable in the bosom of Carbajal.
[Footnote 6: I quote from memory, but believe the reflection may be found in that admirable digest of worldly wisdom, The Characters of La Bruyere.] The date of his birth carries us back towards the middle of the fifteenth century, before the times of Ferdinand and Isabella. He was of obscure parent age, and born, as it is said, at Arevalo. For forty years he served in the Italian wars, under the most illustrious captains of the day, Gonsalvo de Cordova, Navarro, and the Colonnas. He was an ensign at the battle of Ravenna; witnessed the capture of Francis the First at Pavia; and followed the banner of the ill-starred Bourbon at the sack of Rome. He got no gold for his share of the booty, on this occasion, but simply the papers of a notary's office, which, Carbajal shrewdly thought, would be worth gold to him. And so it proved; for the notary was fain to redeem them at a price which enabled the adventurer to cross the seas to Mexico, and seek his fortune in the New World. On the insurrection of the Peruvians, he was sent to the support of Francis Pizarro, and was rewarded by that chief with a grant of land in Cuzco. Here he remained for several years, busily employed in increasing his substance; for the love of lucre was a ruling passion in his bosom. On the arrival of Vaca de Castro, we find him doing good service under the royal banner; and at the breaking out of the great rebellion under Gonzalo Pizarro, he converted his property into gold, and prepared to return to Castile. He seemed to have a presentiment that to remain where he was would be fatal. But, although he made every effort to leave Peru, he was unsuccessful, for the viceroy had laid an embargo on the shipping. *7 He remained in the country, therefore, and took service, as we have seen, though reluctantly, under Pizarro. It was his destiny.
[Footnote 7: Pedro Pizarro bears testimony to Carbajal's endeavours to leave the country, in which he was aided, though ineffectually, by the chronicler, who was, at that time, in the most friendly relations with him. Civil war parted these ancient comrades; but Carbajal did not forget his obligations to Pedro Pizarro, which he afterwards repaid by exempting him on two different occasions from the general doom of the prisoners who fell into his hands.]
The tumultuous life on which he now entered roused all the slumbering passions of his soul, which lay there, perhaps unconsciously to himself; cruelty, avarice, revenge. He found ample exercise for them in the war with his countrymen; for civil war is proverbially the most sanguinary and ferocious of all. The atrocities recorded of Carbajal, in his new career, and the number of his victims, are scarcely credible. For the honor of humanity, we may trust the accounts are greatly exaggerated; but that he should have given rise to them at all is sufficient to consign his name to infamy. *8
[Footnote 8: Out of three hundred and forty executions, according to Fernandez, three hundred were by Carbajal. (Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 91.) Zarate swells the number of these executions to five hundred. (Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 1.) The discrepancy shows how little we can confide in the accuracy of such estimates.]
He even took a diabolical pleasure, it is said, in amusing himself with the sufferings of his victims, and in the hour of execution would give utterance to frightful jests, that made them taste more keenly the bitterness of death! He had a sportive vein, if such it could be called, which he freely indulged on every occasion. Many of his sallies were preserved by the soldiery; but they are, for the most part, of a coarse, repulsive character, flowing from a mind familiar with the weak and wicked side of humanity, and distrusting every other. He had his jest for every thing, - for the misfortunes of others, and for his own. He looked on life as a farce, - though he too often made it a tragedy.
Carbajal must be allowed one virtue; that of fidelity to his party. This made him less tolerant of perfidy in others. He was never known to show mercy to a renegade. This undeviating fidelity, though to a bad cause, may challenge something like a feeling of respect, where fidelity was so rare. *9
[Footnote 9: Fidelity, indeed, is but one of many virtues claimed for Carbajal by Garcilasso, who considers most of the tales of cruelty and avarice circulated of the veteran, as well as the hardened levity imputed to him in his latter moments, as inventions of his enemies. The Inca chronicler was a boy when Gonzalo and his chivalry occupied Cuzco; and the kind treatment he experienced from them, owing, doubtless, to his father's position in the rebel army, he has well repaid by depicting their portraits in the favorable colors in which they appeared to his young imagination. But the garrulous old man has recorded several individual instances of atrocity in the career of Carbajal, which form but an indifferent commentary on the correctness of his general assertions in respect to his character.]
As a military man, Carbajal takes a high rank among the soldiers of the New World. He was strict, even severe, in enforcing discipline, so that he was little loved by his followers. Whether he had the genius for military combinations requisite for conducting war on an extended scale may be doubted; but in the shifts and turns of guerilla warfare he was unrivalled. Prompt, active, and persevering, he was insensible to danger or fatigue, and, after days spent in the saddle, seemed to attach little value to the luxury of a bed. *10
[Footnote 10: "Fue maior sufridor de trabajos, que requeria su edad, porque a maravilla se quitaba las Armas de Dia, ni de Noche, i quando era necesario, tampoco se acostaba, ni dormia mas de quanto recostado en vna Silla, se le cansaba la mano en que arrimaba la Cabeca." Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 14.]
He knew familiarly every mountain pass, and, such were the sagacity and the resources displayed in his roving expeditions, that he was vulgarly believed to be attended by a familiar. *11 With a character so extraordinary, with powers prolonged so far beyond the usual term of humanity, and passions so fierce in one tottering on the verge of the grave, it was not surprising that many fabulous stories should be eagerly circulated respecting him, and that Carbajal should be clothed with mysterious terrors as a sort of supernatural being, - the demon of the Andes!
[Footnote 11: Pedro Pizarro, who seems to have entertained feelings not unfriendly to Carbajal, thus sums up his character in a few words. "Era mui lenguaz: hablaba muy discreptamente y a gusto de los que le oian: era hombre sagaz, cruel, bien entendido en la guerra. . . . . . Este Carbajal era tan sabio que decian tenia familiar." Descub. y Conq., Ms.] Very different were the circumstances attending the closing scene of Gonzalo Pizarro. At his request, no one had been allowed to visit him in his confinement. He was heard pacing his tent during the greater part of the day, and when night came, having ascertained from Centeno that his execution was to take place on the following noon, he laid himself down to rest. He did not sleep long, however, but soon rose, and continued to traverse his apartment, as if buried in meditation, till dawn He then sent for a confessor, and remained with him till after the hour of noon, taking little or no refreshment. The officers of justice became impatient; but their eagerness was sternly rebuked by the soldiery, many of whom, having served under Gonzalo's banner, were touched with pity for his misfortunes. When the chieftain came forth to execution, he showed in his dress the same love of magnificence and display as in happier days. Over his doublet he wore a superb cloak of yellow velvet, stiff with gold embroidery, while his head was protected by a cap of the same materials, richly decorated, in like manner, with ornaments of gold. *12 In this gaudy attire he mounted his mule, and the sentence was so far relaxed that his arms were suffered to remain unshackled. He was escorted by a goodly number of priests and friars, who held up the crucifix before his eyes, while he carried in his own hand an image of the Virgin. She had ever been the peculiar object of Pizarro's devotion; so much so, that those who knew him best in the hour of his prosperity were careful, when they had a petition, to prefer it in the name of the blessed Mary.
[Footnote 12: "Al tiempo que lo mataron, dio al Verdugo toda la Ropa, que traia que era mui rica, i de mucho valor, porque tenia vna Ropa de Armas de Terciopelo amarillo, casi toda cubierta de Chaperia de Oro i vn Chapeo de la misma forma.' Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib 7 cap. 8.] Pizarro's lips were frequently pressed to the emblem of his divinity, while his eyes were bent on the crucifix in apparent devotion, heedless of the objects around him. On reaching the scaffold, he ascended it with a firm step, and asked leave to address a few words to the soldiery gathered round it. "There are many among you," said he, "who have grown rich on my brother's bounty, and my own. Yet, of all my riches, nothing remains to me but the garments I have on; and even these are not mine, but the property of the executioner. I am without means, therefore, to purchase a mass for the welfare of my soul; and I implore you, by the remembrance of past benefits, to extend this charity to me when I am gone, that it may be well with you in the hour of death." A profound silence reigned throughout the martial multitude, broken only by sighs and groans, as they listened to Pizarro's request; and it was faithfully responded to, since, after his death, masses were said in many of the towns for the welfare of the departed chieftain.
Then, kneeling down before a crucifix placed on a table, Pizarro remained for some minutes absorbed in prayer; after which, addressing the soldier who was to act as the minister of justice, he calmly bade him "do his duty with a steady hand." He refused to have his eyes bandaged, and, bending forward his neck, submitted it to the sword of the executioner, who struck off the head with a single blow, so true that the body remained for some moments in the same erect posture as in life. *13 The head was taken to Lima, where it was set in a cage or frame, and then fixed on a gibbet by the side of Carbajal's. On it was placed a label, bearing, - "This is the head of the traitor Gonzalo Pizarro, who rebelled in Peru against his sovereign, and battled in the cause of tyranny and treason against the royal standard in the valley of Xaquixaguana." *14 His large estates, including the rich mines in Potosi, were confiscated; his mansion in Lima was razed to the ground, the place strewed with salt, and a store pillar set up, with an inscription interdicting any one from building on a spot which had been profaned by the residence of a traitor. [Footnote 13: "The executioner," says Garcilasso, with a simile more expressive than elegant, "did his work as cleanly as if he had been slicing off a head of lettuce!" "De vn reues le corto la cabeca con tanta facilidad, como si fuera vna hoja de lechuga, y se quedo con ella en la mano, y tardo el cuerpo algun espacio en caer en el suelo." Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 43.]
[Footnote 14: "Esta es la cabeza del traidor de Gonzalo Pizarro que se hizo justicia del en el valle de Aquixaguana, donde dio la batalla campal contra el estandarte real queriendo defender su traicion e tirania: ninguno sea osado de la quitar de aqui so pena de muerte natural." Zarate, Ms.]
Gonzalo's remains were not exposed to the indignities inflicted on Carbajal's, whose quarters were hung in chains on the four great roads leading to Cuzco. Centeno saved Pizarro's body from being stripped, by redeeming his costly raiment from the executioner, and in this sumptuous shroud it was laid in the chapel of the convent of Our Lady of Mercy in Cuzco. It was the same spot where, side by side, lay the bloody remains of the Almagros, father and son, who in like manner had perished by the hand of justice, and were indebted to private charity for their burial. All these were now con signed "to the same grave," says the historian, with some bitterness, "as if Peru could not afford land enough for a burial-place to its conquerors." *15
[Footnote 15: "Y las sepolturas vna sola auiendo de ser tres: que aun la tierra parece que les falto para auer los de cubrir." Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 43.
For the tragic particulars of the preceding pages, see Ibid, cap. 39-43. - Relacion del Lic. Gasca, Ms - Carta de Valdivia, Ms. - Ms. de Caravantes. - Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, cap 186. - Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 91. - Zarate Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 8. - Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 8, lib. 4, cap. 16.]
Gonzalo Pizarro had reached only his forty-second year at the time of his death, - being just half the space allotted to his follower Carbajal. He was the youngest of the remarkable family to whom Spain was indebted for the acquisition of Peru. He came over to the country with his brother Francisco, on the return of the latter from his visit to Castile. Gonzalo was present in all the remarkable passages of the Conquest. He witnessed the seizure of Atahuallpa, took an active part in suppressing the insurrection of the Incas, and especially in the reduction of Charcas. He afterwards led the disastrous expedition to the Amazon; and, finally, headed he memorable rebellion which ended so fatally to himself. There are but few men whose lives abound in such wild and romantic adventure, and, for the most part, crowned with success. The space which he occupies in the page of history is altogether disproportioned to his talents. It may be in some measure ascribed to fortune, but still more to those showy qualities which form a sort of substitute for mental talent, and which secured his popularity with the vulgar.
He had a brilliant exterior; excelled in all martial exercises; rode well, fenced well, managed his lance to perfection, was a first-rate marksman with the arquebuse, and added the accomplishment of being an excellent draughtsman. He was bold and chivalrous, even to temerity; courted adventure, and was always in the front of danger. He was a knighterrant, in short, in the most extravagant sense of the term, and, "mounted on his favorite charger," says one who had often seen him, "made no more account of a squadron of Indians than of a swarm of flies." *16 [Footnote 16: "Quando Goncalo Pizarro, que aya gloria, se veya en su zaynillo, no hazia mas caso de esquadrones de Yndios, que si fueran de moscas." Garcilasso, Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 43.]
While thus, by his brilliant exploits and showy manners, he captivated the imaginations of his countrymen, he won their hearts no less by his soldier-like frankness, his trust in their fidelity, - too often abused, - and his liberal largesses; for Pizarro, though avaricious of the property of others, was, like the Roman conspirator, prodigal of his own. This was his portrait in happier days, when his heart had not been corrupted by success; for tha some change was wrought on him by his prosperity is well attested. His head was made giddy by his elevation; and it is proof of a want of talent equal to his success, that he knew not how to profit by it. Obeying the dictates of his own rash judgment, he rejected the warnings of his wisest counsellors, and relied with blind confidence on his destiny. Garcilasso imputes this to the malignant influence of the stars. *17 But the superstitious chronicler might have better explained it by a common principle of human nature; by the presumption nourished by success; the insanity, as the Roman, or rather Grecian, proverb calls it, with which the gods afflict men when they design to ruin them. *18
[Footnote 17: "Dezian que no era falta de ontendimiento, pues lo tenia bastante, sino que deuia de ser sobra de influencia de signos y planetas, que le cegauan y forcauan a que pusiesse la garganta al cuchillo." Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2 lib. 5, cap. 33.]
[Footnote 18: Eurip. Fragmenta]
Gonzalo was without education, except such as he had picked up in the rough school of war. He had little even of that wisdom which springs from natural shrewdness and insight into character. In all this he was inferior to his elder brothers, although he fully equalled them in ambition. Had he possessed a tithe of their sagacity, he would not have madly persisted in rebellion, after the coming of the president. Before this period, he represented the people. Their interests and his were united. He had their support, for he was contending for the redress of their wrongs. When these were redressed by the government, there was nothing to contend for. From that time, he was battling only for himself The people had no part nor interest in the contest. Without a common sympathy to bind them together, was it strange that they should fall off from him, like leaves in winter, and leave him exposed, a bare and sapless trunk, to the fury of the tempest?
Cepeda, more criminal than Pizarro, since he had both superior education and intelligence, which he employed only to mislead his commander, did not long survive him. He had come to the country in an office of high responsibility. His first step was to betray the viceroy whom he was sent to support; his next was to betray the Audience with whom he should have acted; and lastly, he betrayed the leader whom he most affected to serve. His whole career was treachery to his own government. His life was one long perfidy.
After his surrender, several of the cavaliers, disgusted at his cold-blooded apostasy, would have persuaded Gasca to send him to execution along with his commander; but the president refused, in consideration of the signal service he had rendered the Crown by his defection. He was put under arrest, however, and sent to Castile. There he was arraigned for high-treason. He made a plausible defence, and as he had friends at court, it is not improbable he would have been acquitted; but, before the trial was terminated, he died in prison. It was the retributive justice not always to be found in the affairs of this world. *19
[Footnote 19: The cunning lawyer prepared so plausible an argument in his own justification, that Yllescas, the celebrated historian of the Popes, declares that no one who read the paper attentively, but must rise from the perusal of it with an entire conviction of the writer's innocence, and of his unshaken loyalty to the Crown. See the passage quoted by Garcilasso Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 6, cap. 10]
Indeed, it so happened, that several of those who had been most forward to abandon the cause of Pizarro survived their commander but a short time. The gallant Centeno, and the Licentiate Carbajal, who deserted him near Lima, and bore the royal standard on the field of Xaquixaguana, both died within a year after Pizarro. Hinojosa was assassinated but two years later in La Plata; and his old comrade Valdivia, after a series of brilliant exploits in Chili, which furnished her most glorious theme to the epic Muse of Castile, was cut off by the invincible warriors of Arauco. The Manes of Pizarro were amply avenged.
Acosta, and three or four other cavaliers who surrendered with Gonzalo, were sent to execution on the same day with their chief; and Gasca, on the morning following the dismal tragedy, broke up his quarters and marched with his whole army to Cuzco, where he was received by the politic people with the same enthusiasm which they had so recently shown to his rival. He found there a number of the rebel army who had taken refuge in the city after their late defeat, where they were immediately placed under arrest. Proceedings, by Gasca's command, were instituted against them. The principal cavaliers, to the number of ten or twelve, were executed; others were banished or sent to the galleys. The same rigorous decrees were passed against such as had fled and were not yet taken, and the estates of all were confiscated. The estates of the rebels supplied a fund for the recompense of the loyal. *20 The execution of justice may seem to have been severe; but Gasca was willing that the rod should fall heavily on those who had so often rejected his proffers of grace. Lenity was wasted on a rude, licentious soldiery, who hardly recognized the existence of government, unless they felt its rigor [Footnote 20: Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 91. - Carta de Valdivia, Ms. - Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib 7, cap 8. - Relacion del Lic. Gasca, Ms]
A new duty now devolved on the president, - that of rewarding his faithful followers, - not less difficult, as it proved, than that of punishing the guilty. The applicants were numerous; since every one who had raised a finger in behalf of the government claimed his reward. They urged their demands with a clamorous importunity which perplexed the good president, and consumed every moment of his time.
Disgusted with this unprofitable state of things, Gasca resolved to rid himself of the annoyance at once, by retiring to the valley of Guaynarima, about twelve leagues distant from the city, and there digesting, in quiet, a scheme of compensation, adjusted to the merits of the parties. He was accompanied only by his secretary, and by Loaysa, now archbishop of Lima, a man of sense, and well acquainted with the affairs of the country. In this seclusion the president remained three months, making a careful examination into the conflicting claims, and apportioning the forfeitures among the parties according to their respective services. The repa??timientos, it should be remarked, were usually granted only for life, and, on the death of the incumbent, reverted to the Crown, to be reassigned or retained at its pleasure.
When his arduous task was completed, Gasca determined to withdraw to Lima, leaving the instrument of partition with the archbishop, to be communicated to the army. Notwithstanding all the care that had been taken for an equitable adjustment, Gasca was aware that it was impossible to satisfy the demands of a jealous and irritable soldiery, where each man would be likely to exaggerate his own deserts, while he underrated those of his comrades; and he did not care to expose himself to importunities and complaints that could serve no other purpose than to annoy him. On his departure, the troops were called together by the archbishop in the cathedral, to learn the contents of the schedule intrusted to him. A discourse was first preached by a worthy Dominican, the prior of Arequipa, in which the reverend father expatiated on the virtue of contentment, the duty of obedience, and the folly, as well as wickedness, of an attempt to resist the constituted authorities, topics, in short, which he conceived might best conciliate the good-will and conformity of his audience.
A letter from the president was then read from the pulpit. It was addressed to the officers and soldiers of the army. The writer began with briefly exposing the difficulties of his task, owing to the limited amount of the gratuities, and the great number and services of the claimants. He had given the matter the most careful consideration, he said, and endeavoured to assign to each his share, according to his deserts, without prejudice or partiality. He had, no doubt, fallen into errors, but he trusted his followers would excuse them, when they reflected that he had done according to the best of his poor abilities; and all, he believed, would do him the justice to acknowledge he had not been influenced by motives of personal interest. He bore emphatic testimony to the services they had rendered to the good cause, and concluded with the most affectionate wishes for their future prosperity and happiness. The letter was dated at Guaynarima, August 17, 1548, and bore the simple signature of the Licentiate Gasca. *21
[Footnote 21: Ms. de Caravantes - Pedro Pizzarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Peru, Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 9. - Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap 92.]
The archbishop next read the paper containing the president's award. The annual rent of the estates to be distributed amounted to a hundred and thirty thousand pesos ensayados; *22 a large amount, considering the worth of money in that day, - in any other country than Peru, where money was a drug. *23
[Footnote 22: The peso ensayado, according to Garcilasso, was one fifth more in value than the Castilian ducat. Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 6, cap. 3.]
[Footnote 23: "Entre los cavalleros capitanes y soldados que le ayudaron en esta ocasion repartio el Presidente Pedro de la Gasca 135,000 pesos ensayados de renta que estaban vacos, y no un millon y tantos mil pesos, como dize Diego Fernandez, que escrivio en Palencia estas alteraciones, y de quien lo tomo Antonio de Herrera: y porque esta ocasion fue la segunda en que los benemeritos del Piru fundan con razon los servicios de sus pasados, porque mediante esta batalla aseguro la corona de Castilla las provincias mas ricas que tiene en America, pondre sus nombres para que se conserbe con certeza su memoria como pareze en el auto original que proveyo en el asiento de Guainarima cerca de la ciudad del Cuzco en diez y siete de Agosto de 1548, que esta en los archivos del govierno." Ms. de Caravantes.
The sum mentioned in the text, as thus divided among the army, falls very far short of the amount stated by Garcilasso, Fernandez, Zarate, and, indeed, every other writer on the subject, none of whom estimate it at less than a million of pesos. But Caravantes, from whom I have taken it, copies the original act of partition preserved in the royal archives. Yet Garcilasso de la Vega ought to have been well informed of the value of these estates, which, according to him, far exceeded the estimate given in the schedule. Thus, for instance, Hinojosa, he says, obtained from the share of lands and rich mines assigned to him from the property of Gonzalo Pizarro no less than 200,000 pesos annually, while Aldana, the Licentiate Carbajal, and others, had estates which yielded them from 10,000 to 50,000 pesos. (Ibid., ubi supra.) It is impossible to reconcile these monstrous discrepancies. No sum seems to have been too large for the credulity of the ancient chronicler; and the imagination of the reader is so completely bewildered by the actual riches of this El Dorado, that it is difficult to adjust his faith by any standard of probability.]
The repartimientos thus distributed varied in value from one hundred to thirty-five hundred pesos of yearly rent; all, apparently, graduated with the nicest precision to the merits of the parties. The number of pensioners was about two hundred and fifty; for the fund would not have sufficed for general distribution, nor were the services of the greater part deemed worthy of such a mark of consideration. *24
[Footnote 24: Caravantes has transcribed from the original act a full catalogue of the pensioners, with the amount of the sums set against each of their names.]
The effect produced by the document, on men whose minds were filled with the most indefinite expectations, was just such as had been anticipated by the president. It was received with a general murmur of disapprobation. Even those who had got more than they expected were discontented, on comparing their condition with that of their comrades, whom they thought still better remunerated in proportion to their deserts. They especially inveighed against the preference shown to the old partisans of Gonzalo Pizarro - as Hinojosa, Centeno, and Aldana - over those who had always remained loyal to the Crown. There was some ground for such a preference; for none had rendered so essential services in crushing the rebellion; and it was these services that Gasca proposed to recompense. To reward every man who had proved himself loyal, simply for his loyalty, would have frittered away the donative into fractions that would be of little value to any. *25
[Footnote 25: The president found an ingenious way of remunerating several of his followers, by bestowing on them the hands of the rich widows of the cavaliers who had perished in the war. The inclinations of the ladies do not seem to have been always consulted in this politic arrangement. See Garci lasen, Com. Real., Parte 2 lib. 6 cap. 3.]
It was in vain, however, that the archbishop, seconded by some of the principal cavaliers, endeavoured to infuse a more contented spirit into the multitude. They insisted that the award should be rescinded, and a new one made on more equitable principles; threatening, moreover, that, if this were not done by the president, they would take the redress of the matter into their own hands. Their discontent, fomented by some mischievous persons who thought to find their account in it, at length proceeded so far as to menace a mutiny; and it was not suppressed till the commander of Cuzco sentenced one of the ringleaders to death, and several others to banishment. The iron soldiery of the Conquest required an iron hand to rule them.
Meanwhile, the president had continued his journey towards Lima; and on the way was everywhere received by the people with an enthusiasm, the more grateful to his heart that he felt he had deserved it. As he drew near the capital, the loyal inhabitants prepared to give him a magnificent reception. The whole population came forth from the gates, led by the authorities of the city, with Aldana as corregidor at their head. Gasca rode on a mule, dressed in his ecclesiastical robes. On his right, borne on a horse richly caparisoned, was the royal seal, in a box curiously chased and ornamented. A gorgeous canopy of brocade was supported above his head by the officers of the municipality, who, in their robes of crimson velvet, walked bareheaded by his side. Gay troops of dancers, clothed in fantastic dresses of gaudy-colored silk, followed the procession, strewing flowers and chanting verses as they went, in honor of the president. They were designed as emblematical of the different cities of the colony; and they bore legends or mottoes in rhyme on their caps, intimating their loyal devotion to the Crown, and evincing much more loyalty in their composition, it may be added, than poetical merit. *26 In this way, without beat of drum, or noise of artillery, or any of the rude accompaniments of war, the good president made his peaceful entry into the City of the Kings, while the air was rent with the acclamations of the people, who hailed him as their "Father and Deliverer, the Saviour of their country.!" *27
[Footnote 26: Fernandez has collected these flowers of colonial poesy, which prove that the old Conquerors were much more expert with the sword than with the pen. Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 93.] [Footnote 27: "Fue recibimiento mui solemne, con universal alegria del Pueblo, por verse libre de Tiranos; i toda la Gente, a voces, bendecia al Presidente, i le llamaban: Padre, Restaurador, i Pacificador, dando gracias a Dios, por haver vengado las injurias hechas a su Divina Magestad." Herrera, Hist General, dec. 8, lib. 4, cap. 17.] But, however grateful was this homage to Gasca's heart, he was not a man to waste his time in idle vanities. He now thought only by what means he could eradicate the seeds of disorder which shot up so readily in this fruitful soil, and how he could place the authority of the government on a permanent basis. By virtue of his office, he presided over the Royal Audience, the great judicial, and, indeed, executive tribunal of the colony; and he gave great despatch to the business, which had much accumulated during the late disturbances. In the unsettled state of property, there was abundant subject for litigation; but, fortunately, the new Audience was composed of able, upright judges, who labored diligently with their chief to correct the mischief caused by the misrule of their predecessors.
Neither was Gasca unmindful of the unfortunate natives; and he occupied himself earnestly with that difficult problem, - the best means practicable of ameliorating their condition. He sent a number of commissioners, as visitors, into different parts of the country, whose business it was to inspect the encomiendas, and ascertain the manner in which the Indians were treated, by conversing not only with the proprietors, but with the natives themselves. They were also to learn the nature and extent of the tributes paid in former times by the vassals of the Incas. *28
[Footnote 28: "El Presidente Gasca mando visitar todas las provincias y repartimientos deste reyno, nombrando para ello personas de autoridad y de quien se tenia entendido que tenian conoscimiento de la tierra que se les encargavan, que ha de ser la principal calidad, que se ha buscar en la persona, a quien se comete semejante negocio despues que sea Cristiana: lo segundo se les dio instruccion de lo que hauian de averiguar, que fueron muchas cosas: el numero, las haciendas, los tratos y grangerias, la calidad de la gente y de sus tierras y comarca y lo que davan de tributo." Ondegardo, Rel. Prim., Ms.]
In this way, a large amount of valuable information was obtained, which enabled Gasca, with the aid of a council of ecclesiastics and jurists, to digest a uniform system of taxation for the natives, lighter even than that imposed on them by the Peruvian princes. The president would gladly have relieved the conquered races from the obligations of personal service; but, on mature consideration, this was judged impracticable in the present state of the country, since the colonists, more especially in the tropical regions, looked to the natives for the performance of labor, and the latter, it was found from experience, would not work at all, unless compelled to do so. The president, however, limited the amount of service to be exacted with great precision, so that it was in the nature of a moderate personal tax. No Peruvian was to be required to change his place of residence, from the climate to which he had been accustomed, to another; a fruitful source of discomfort, as well as of disease, in past times. By these various regulations, the condition of the natives, though not such as had been contemplated by the sanguine philanthropy of Las Casas, was improved far more than was compatible with the craving demands of the colonists; and all the firmness of the Audience was required to enforce provisions so unpalatable to the latter. Still they were enforced. Slavery, in its most odious sense, was no longer tolerated in Peru. The term "slave" was not recognized as having relation to her institutions; and the historian of the Indies makes the proud boast, - it should have been qualified by the limitations I have noticed, - that every Indian vassal might aspire to the rank of a freeman. *29 [Footnote 29: "El Presidente, i el Audiencia dieron tales oraenes, que este negocio se asento, de manera, que para adelante no se platico mas este nombre de Esclavos, sino que la libertad fue general por todo el Reino." Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. 8, lib. 5, cap. 7.]
Besides these reforms, Gasca introduced several in the municipal government of the cities, and others yet more important in the management of the finances, and in the mode of keeping the accounts. By these and other changes in the internal economy of the colony, he placed the administration on a new basis, and greatly facilitated the way for a more sure and orderly government by his successors. As a final step, to secure the repose of the country after he was gone, he detached some of the more aspiring cavaliers on distant expeditions, trusting that they would draw off the light and restless spirits, who might otherwise gather together and disturb the public tranquillity; as we sometimes see the mists which have been scattered by the genial influence of the sun become condensed, and settle into a storm, on his departure. *30
[Footnote 30: Ms. de Caravantes. - Gomara, Hist. de las Indians, cap. 187. - Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 93-95. - Zarate. Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 10.]
Gasca had been now more than fifteen months in Lima and nearly three years had elapsed since his first entrance into Peru. In that time, he had accomplished the great objects of his mission. When he landed, he found the colony in a state of anarchy, or rather organized rebellion under a powerful and popular chief. He came without funds or forces to support him. The former he procured through the credit which he established in his good faith; the latter he won over by argument and persuasion from the very persons to whom they had been confided by his rival. Thus he turned the arms of that rival against himself. By a calm appeal to reason he wrought a change in the hearts of the people; and, without costing a drop of blood to a single loyal subject, he suppressed a rebellion which had menaced Spain with the loss of the wealthiest of her provinces. He had punished the guilty, and in their spoils found the means to recompense the faithful. He had, moreover, so well husbanded the resources of the country, that he was enabled to pay off the large loan he had negotiated with the merchants of the colony, for the expenses of the war, exceeding nine hundred thousand pesos de oro. *31 Nay, more, by his economy he had saved a million and a half of ducats for the government, which for some years had received nothing from Peru; and he now proposed to carry back this acceptable treasure to swell the royal coffers. *32 All this had been accomplished without the cost of outfit or salary, or any charge to the Crown except that of his own frugal expenditure. *33 The country was now in a state of tranquillity Gasca felt that his work was done; and that he was free to gratify his natural longing to return to his native land.
[Footnote 31: "Recogio tanta sema de dinero, que pago novecientos mil pesos de Oro, que se hallo haver gastado, desde el Dia que entro en Panama, hasta que se acabo la Guerra, los quales tomo prestados." Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 8, lib. 5, cap. 7. - Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 10.]
[Footnote 32: "Aviendo pagado el Presidente las costas de la guerra que fueron muchas, remitio a S. M y lo llevo consigo 264,422 marcos de plata, que a seis ducados valieron 1 millon 588,332 ducados" Ms. de Caravantes.] [Footnote 33: "No tubo ni quiso salario el Presidente Gasca sino cedula para que a un mayordomo suyo diosen los Oficiales reales lo necesario de la real Hacienda, que como pareze de los quadernos de su gasto fue muy moderado." (Ms. de Caravantes.) Gasca, it appears, was most exact in keeping the accounts of his disbursements for the expenses of himself and household, from the time he embarked for the colonies.]
Before his departure, he arranged a distribution of those repartimientos which had lapsed to the Crown during the past year by the death of the incumbents. Life was short in Peru; since those who lived by the sword, if they did not die by the sword, too often fell early victims to the hardships incident to their adventurous career. Many were the applicants for the new bounty of government; and, as among them were some of those who had been discontented with the former partition, Gasca was assailed by remonstrances, and sometimes by reproaches couched in no very decorous or respectful language. But they had no power to disturb his equanimity; he patiently listened, and replied to all in the mild tone of expostulation best calculated to turn away wrath; "by this victory over himself," says an old writer, "acquiring more real glory, than by all his victories over his enemies." *34
[Footnote 34: "En lo qual hizo mas que en vencer y ganar todo aquel Ympe rio: porque fue vencerse assi proprio." Garcilasso, Com. Real Parte 2, lib. 6, cap. 7.]
An incident occurred on the eve of his departure, touching in itself, and honorable to the parties concerned. The Indian caciques of the neighbouring country, mindful of the great benefits he had rendered their people, presented him with a considerable quantity of plate in token of their gratitude. But Gasca refused to receive it, though in doing so he gave much concern to the Peruvians who feared they had unwittingly fallen under his displeasure.
Many of the principal colonists, also, from the same wish to show their sense of his important services, sent to him, after he had embarked, a magnificent donative of fifty thousand gold castellanos. "As he had taken leave of Peru," they said, "there could be no longer any ground for declining it." But Gasca was as decided in his rejection of this present, as he had been of the other. "He had come to the country," he remarked, "to serve the king, and to secure the blessings of peace to the inhabitants; and now that, by the favor of Heaven, he had been permitted to accomplish this, he would not dishonor the cause by any act that might throw suspicion on the purity of his motives." Notwithstanding his refusal, the colonists contrived to secrete the sum of twenty thousand castellanos on board of his vessel, with the idea, that, once in his own country, with his mission concluded, the president's scruples would be removed. Gasca did, indeed, accept the donative; for he felt that it would be ungracious to send it back; but it was only till he could ascertain the relatives of the donors, when he distributed it among the most needy. *35
[Footnote 35: Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 95.] Having now settled all his affairs, the president committed the government, until the arrival of a viceroy, to his faithful partners of the Royal Audience, and in January, 1150, he embarked with the royal treasure on board of a squadron for Panama. He was accompanied to the shore by a numerous crowd of the inhabitants, cavaliers and common people, persons of all ages and conditions, who followed to take their last look of their benefactor, and watch with straining eyes the vessel that bore him away from their land.
His voyage was prosperous, and early in March the president reached his destined port. He stayed there only till he could muster horses and mules sufficient to carry the treasure across the mountains; for he knew that this part of the country abounded in wild, predatory spirits, who would be sorely tempted to some act of violence by a knowledge of the wealth which he had with him. Pushing forward, therefore, he crossed the rugged Isthmus, and, after a painful march, arrived in safety at Nombre de Dios.
The event justified his apprehensions. He had been gone but three days, when a ruffian horde, after murdering the bishop of Guatemala, broke into Panama with the design of inflicting the same fate on the president, and of seizing the booty. No sooner were the tidings communicated to Gasca, than, with his usual energy, he levied a force and prepared to march to the relief of the invaded capital. But Fortune - or, to speak more correctly Providence - favored him here, as usual; and, on the eve of his departure, he learned that the marauders had been met by the citizens, and discomfited with great slaughter. Disbanding his forces, therefore, he equipped a fleet of nineteen vessels to transport himself and the royal treasure to Spain, where he arrived in safety, entering the harbour of Seville after a little more than four years from the period when he had sailed from the same port. *36
[Footnote 36: Ms. de Caravantes. - Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, cap. 183. - Fernandez, Hist. del Peru Parte 2, lib 1, cap. 10. - Zarate Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 13. - Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 8, lib. 6. cap. 17. 2, lib 1, cap. 10. - Zarate Conq.]
Great was the sensation throughout the country caused by his arrival. Men could hardly believe that results so momentous had been accomplished in so short a time by a single individual, - a poor ecclesiastic, who, unaided by government, had, by his own strength, as it were, put down a rebellion which had so long set the arms of Spain at defiance! The emperor was absent in Flanders. He was overjoyed on learning the complete success of Gasca's mission; and not less satisfied with the tidings of the treasure he had brought with him; for the exchequer, rarely filled to overflowing, had been exhausted by the recent troubles in Germany. Charles instantly wrote to the president, requiring his presence at court, that he might learn from his own lips the particulars of his expedition. Gasca, accordingly, attended by a numerous retinue of nobles and cavaliers, - for who does not pay homage to him whom the king delighteth to honor? - embarked at Barcelona, and, after a favorable voyage, joined the Court in Flanders.
He was received by his royal master, who fully appreciated his services, in a manner most grateful to his feelings; and not long afterward he was raised to the bishopric of Palencia, - a mode of acknowledgment best suited to his character and deserts. Here he remained till 1561, when he was promoted to the vacant see of Siguenza. The rest of his days he passed peacefully in the discharge of his episcopal functions; honored by his sovereign, and enjoying the admiration and respect of his countrymen. *37
[Footnote 37: Ibid., ubi supra. - Ms. de Caravantes. - Gomara, Hist. de as Indias, cap. 182. - Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 2, lib. 1 cap. 10. - Zarate, Conq. del Peru lib. 7, cap. 13.]
In his retirement, he was still consulted by the government in matters of importance relating to the Indies. The disturbances of that unhappy land were renewed, though on a much smaller scale than before, soon after the president's departure. They were chiefly caused by discontent with the repartimientos, and with the constancy of the Audience in enforcing the benevolent restrictions as to the personal services of the natives. But these troubles subsided, after a very few years, under the wise rule of the Mendozas, - two successive viceroys of that illustrious house which has given so many of its sons to the service of Spain. Under their rule, the mild yet determined policy was pursued, of which Gasca had set the example. The ancient distractions of the country were permanently healed. With peace, prosperity returned within the borders of Peru; and the consciousness of the beneficent results of his labors may have shed a ray of satisfaction, as it did of glory, over the evening of the president's life.
That life was brought to a close in November 1567, at an age, probably, not far from the one fixed by the sacred writer as the term of human existence. *38 He died at Valladolid, and was buried in the church of Santa Maria Magdalena, in that city, which he had built and liberally endowed. His monument, surmounted by the sculptured effigy of a priest in his sacerdotal robes, is still to be seen there, attracting the admiration of the traveller by the beauty of its execution. The banners taken from Gonzalo Pizarro on the field of Xaquixaguana were suspended over his tomb, as the trophies of his memorable mission to Peru. *39 The banners have long since mouldered into dust, with the remains of him who slept beneath them; but the memory of his good deeds will endure for ever. *40 [Footnote 38: I have met with no account of the year in which Gasca was born; but an inscription on his portrait in the sacristy of St. Mary Magdalene at Valladolid, from which the engraving prefixed to this volume is taken, states that he died in 1567, at the age of seventy-one. This is perfectly consistent with the time of life at which he had probably arrived when we find him a collegiate at Salamanca, in the year 1522.] [Footnote 39: "Murio en Valladolid, donde mando enterrar su cuerpo en la Iglesia de la advocacion de la Magdalena, que hizo edificar en aquella ciudad, donde se pusieron las vanderas que gano a Gonzalo Pizarro." Ms. de Caravantes.]
[Footnote 40: The memory of his achievements has not been left entirely to the care of the historian. It is but a few years since the character and administration of Gasca formed the subject of an elaborate panegyric from one of the most distinguished statesmen in the British parliament. (See Lord Brougham's speech on the maltreatment of the North American colonies, February, 1838.) The enlightened Spaniard of our day, who contemplates with sorrow the excesses committed by his countrymen of the sixteenth century in the New World, may feel an honest pride, that in this company of dark spirits should be found one to whom the present generation may turn as to the brightest model of integrity and wisdom.]
Gasca was plain in person, and his countenance was far from comely. He was awkward and ill-proportioned; for his limbs were too long for his body, - so that when he rode, he appeared to be much shorter than he really was. *41 His dress was humble, his manners simple, and there was nothing imposing in his presence. But, on a nearer intercourse, there was a charm in his discourse that effaced every unfavorable impression produced by his exterior, and won the hearts of his hearers. [Footnote 41: "Era muy pequeno de cuerpo con estrana hechura, que de la cintura abaxo tenia tanto cuerpo, como qualquiera hombre alto, y de la cintura al hombro no tenia vna tercia. Andando a cauallo parescia a vn mas pequeno de lo que era, porque todo era piernas: de rostro era muy feo: pero lo que la naturaleza le nego de las dotes del cuerpo, se los doblo en los del animo." Garcilasso, Com. Real, Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 2.] The president's character may be thought to have been sufficiently portrayed in the history already given of his life. It presented a combination of qualities which generally serve to neutralize each other, but which were mixed in such proportions in him as to give it additional strength. He was gentle, yet resolute; by nature intrepid, yet preferring to rely on the softer arts of policy. He was frugal in his personal expenditure, and economical in the public; yet caring nothing for riches on his own account, and never stinting his bounty when the public good required it. He was benevolent and placable, yet could deal sternly with the impenitent offender; lowly in his deportment, yet with a full measure of that self-respect which springs from conscious rectitude of purpose; modest and unpretending, yet not shrinking from the most difficult enterprises; deferring greatly to others, yet, in the last resort, relying mainly on himself; moving with deliberation, - patiently waiting his time; but, when that came, bold, prompt, and decisive.
Gasca was not a man of genius, in the vulgar sense of that term. At least, no one of his intellectual powers seems to have received an extraordinary development, beyond what is found in others. He was not a great writer, nor a great orator, nor a great general. He did not affect to be either. He committed the care of his military matters to military men; of ecclesiastical, to the clergy; and his civi and judicial concerns he reposed on the members of the Audience. He was not one of those little great men who aspire to do every thing themselves, under the conviction that nothing can be done so well by others. But the president was a keen judge of character. Whatever might be the office, he selected the best man for it. He did more. He assured himself of the fidelity of his agents, presided at their deliberations; dictated a general line of policy, and thus infused a spirit of unity into their plans, which made all move in concert to the accomplishment of one grand result. A distinguishing feature of his mind was his common sense, - the best substitute for genius in a ruler who has the destinies of his fellow-men at his disposal, and more indispensable than genius itself. In Gasca, the different qualities were blended in such harmony, that there was no room for excess. They seemed to regulate each other. While his sympathy with mankind taught him the nature of their wants, his reason suggested to what extent these were capable of relief, as well as the best mode of effecting it. He did not waste his strength on illusory schemes of benevolence, like Las Casas, on the one hand; nor did he countenance the selfish policy of the colonists, on the other. He aimed at the practicable, - the greatest good practicable.
In accomplishing his objects, he disclaimed force equally with fraud. He trusted for success to his power over the convictions of his hearers; and the source of this power was the confidence he inspired in his own integrity. Amidst all the calumnies of faction, no imputation was ever cast on the integrity of Gasca. *42 No wonder that a virtue so rare should be of high price in Peru.
[Footnote 42: "Fue tan recatado y estremado en esta virtud, que puesto que de muchos quedo mal quisto, quando del Peru se partio para Espana, por el repartimiento que hizo: con todo esso, jamas nadie dixo del, ni sospecho; que en esto ni otra cosa, se vuiesse mouido por codicia." Fernandez, Hist. de Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2 cap. 95]
There are some men whose characters have been so wonderfully adapted to the peculiar crisis in which they appeared, that they seem to have been specially designed for it by Providence. Such was Washington in our own country, and Gasca in Peru We can conceive of individuals with higher qualities, at least with higher intellectual qualities, than belonged to either of these great men. But it was the wonderful conformity of their characters to the exigencies of their situation, the perfect adaptation of the means to the end, that constituted the secret of their success; that enabled Gasca so gloriously to crush revolution, and Washington still more gloriously to achieve it.
Gasca's conduct on his first coming to the colonies affords the best illustration of his character. Had he come backed by a military array, or even clothed in the paraphernalia of authority, every heart and hand would have been closed against him. But the humble ecclesiastic excited no apprehension; and his enemies were already disarmed, before he had begun his approaches. Had Gasca, impatient of Hinojosa's tardiness, listened to the suggestions of those who advised his seizure, he would have brought his cause into jeopardy by this early display of violence. But he wisely chose to win over his enemy by operating on his conviction. In like manner, he waited his time for making his entry into Peru. He suffered his communications to do their work in the minds of the people, and was careful not to thrust in the sickle before the harvest was ripe. In this way, wherever he went, every thing was prepared for his coming; and when he set foot in Peru, the country was already his own. After the dark and turbulent spirits with which we have been hitherto occupied, it is refreshing to dwell on a character like that of Gasca. In the long procession which has passed in review before us, we have seen only the mail-clad cavalier, brandishing his bloody lance, and mounted on his warhorse, riding over the helpless natives, or battling with his own friends and brothers; fierce, arrogant, and cruel, urged on by the lust of gold, or the scarce more honorable love of a bastard glory. Mingled with these qualities, indeed, we have seen sparkles of the chivalrous and romantic temper which belongs to the heroic age of Spain. But, with some honorable exceptions, it was the scum of her chivalry that resorted to Peru, and took service under the banner of the Pizarros. At the close of this long array of iron warriors, we behold the poor and humble missionary coming into the land on an errand of mercy, and everywhere proclaiming the glad tidings of peace. No warlike trumpet heralds his approach, nor is his course to be tracked by the groans of the wounded and the dying. The means he employs are in perfect harmony with his end. His weapons are argument and mild persuasion. It is the reason ne would conquer, not the body. He wins his way by conviction, not by violence. It is a moral victory to which he aspires, more potent, and happily more permanent, than that of the blood-stained conqueror. As he thus calmly, and imperceptibly, as it were, comes to his great results, he may remind us of the slow, insensible manner in which Nature works out her great changes in the material world, that are to endure when the ravages of the hurricane are passed away and forgotten.
With the mission of Gasca terminates the history of the Conquest of Peru. The Conquest, indeed, strictly terminates with the suppression of the Peruvian revolt, when the strength, if not the spirit, of the Inca race was crushed for ever. The reader, however, might feel a natural curiosity to follow to its close the fate of the remarkable family who achieved the Conquest. Nor would the story of the invasion itself be complete without some account of the civil wars which grew out of it; which serve, moreover, as a moral commentary on preceding events, by showing that the indulgence of fierce, unbridled passions is sure to recoil, sooner or later, even in this life, on the heads of the guilty. It is true, indeed, that the troubles of the country were renewed on the departure of Gasca. The waters had been too fearfully agitated to be stilled, at once, into a calm; but they gradually subsided, under the temperate rule of his successors, who wisely profited by his policy and example. Thus the influence of the good president remained after he was withdrawn from the scene of his labors, and Peru, hitherto so distracted, continued to enjoy as large a share of repose as any portion of the colonial empire of Spain. With the benevolent mission of Gasca, then, the historian of the Conquest may be permitted to terminate his labors, - with feelings not unlike those of the traveller, who having long journeyed among the dreary forests and dangerous defiles of the mountains, a length emerges on some pleasant landscape smiling in tranquillity and peace. Augustin de Zarate - a highly respectable authority, frequently cited in the later portion of this work - was Contador de Mercedes, Comptroller of Accounts, for Castile. This office he filled for fifteen years; after which he was sent by the government to Peru to examine into the state of the colonial finances, which had been greatly deranged by the recent troubles, and to bring them, if possible, into order.
Zarate went out accordingly in the train of the viceroy Blasco Nunez, and found himself, through the passions of his imprudent leader, entangled, soon after his arrival, in the inextricable meshes of civil discord. In the struggle which ensued, he remained with the Royal Audience; and we find him in Lima, on the approach of Gonzalo Pizarro to that capital, when Zarate was deputed by the judges to wait on the insurgent chief, and require him to disband his troops and withdraw to his own estates. The historian executed the mission, for which he seems to have had little relish, and which certainly was not without danger. From this period, we rarely hear of him in the troubled scenes that ensued. He probably took no further part in affairs than was absolutely forced on him by circumstances; but the unfavorable bearing of his remarks on Gonzalo Pizarro intimates, that, however he may have been discontented with the conduct of the viceroy, he did not countenance, for a moment, the criminal ambition of his rival. The times were certainly unpropitious to the execution of the financial reforms for which Zarate had come to Peru. But he showed so much real devotion to the interests of the Crown, that the emperor, on his return, signified his satisfaction by making him Superintendent of the Finances in Flanders.
Soon after his arrival in Peru, he seems to have conceived the idea of making his countrymen at home acquainted with the stirring events passing in the colony, which, moreover, afforded some striking passages for the study of the historian. Although he collected notes and diaries, as he tells us, for this purpose, he did not dare to avail himself of them till his return to Castile. "For to have begun the history in Peru," he says, "would have alone been enough to put my life in jeopardy; since a certain commander, named Francisco de Carbajal, threatened to take vengeance on any one who should be so rash as to attempt the relation of his exploits, - far less deserving, as they were, to be placed on record, than to be consigned to eternal oblivion." In this same commander, the reader will readily recognize the veteran lieutenant of Gonzalo Pizarro. On his return home, Zarate set about the compilation of his work. His first purpose was to confine it to the events that followed the arrival of Blasco Nunez; but he soon found, that, to make these intelligible, he must trace the stream of history higher up towards its sources. He accordingly enlarged his plan, and, beginning with the discovery of Peru, gave an entire view of the conquest and subsequent occupation of the country, bringing the narrative down to the close of Gasca's mission. For the earlier portion of the story, he relied on the accounts of persons who took a leading part in the events. He disposes more summarily of this portion than of that in which he himself was both a spectator and an actor; where his testimony, considering the advantages his position gave him for information, is of the highest value. Alcedo in his Biblioteca Americana, Ms., speaks of Zarate's work as "containing much that is good, but as not entitled to the praise of exactness." He wrote under the influence of party heat, which necessarily operates to warp the fairest mind somewhat from its natural bent. For this we must make allowance, in perusing accounts of conflicting parties. But there is no intention, apparently, to turn the truth aside in support of his own cause; and his access to the best sources of knowledge often supplies us with particulars not within the reach of other chroniclers. His narrative is seasoned, moreover, with sensible reflections and passing comments, that open gleams of light into the dark passages of that eventful period. Yet the style of the author can make but moderate pretensions to the praise of elegance or exactness; while the sentences run into that tedious, interminable length which belongs to the garrulous compositions of the regular thoroughbred chronicler of the olden time. The personalities, necessarily incident, more or less, to such a work, led its author to shrink from publication, at least during his life. By the jealous spirit of the Castilian cavalier, "censure," he says, "however light, is regarded with indignation, and even praise is rarely dealt out in a measure satisfactory to the subject of it." And he expresses his conviction that those do wisely, who allow their accounts of their own times to repose in the quiet security of manuscript, till the generation that is to be affected by them has passed away. His own manuscript, however, was submitted to the emperor; and it received such commendation from this royal authority, that Zarate, plucking up a more courageous spirit, consented to give it to the press. It accordingly appeared at Antwerp, in 1555, in octavo; and a second edition was printed in folio, at Seville, in 1577. It has since been incorporated in Barcia's valuable collection; and, whatever indignation or displeasure it may have excited among contemporaries, who smarted under the author's censure, or felt themselves defrauded of their legitimate guerdon, Zarate's work has taken a permanent rank among the most respectable authorities for a history of the time.
The name of Zarate naturally suggests that of Fernandez, for both were laborers in the same field of history. Diego Fernandez de Palencia, or Palentino, as he is usually called, from the place of his birth came over to Peru, and served as a private in the royal army raised to quell the insurrections that broke out after Gasca's return to Castile Amidst his military occupations, he found leisure to collect materials for a history of the period, to which he was further urged by the viceroy, Mendoza, Marques de Canete, who bestowed on him, as he tells us, the post of Chronicler of Peru. This mark of confidence in his literary capacity intimates higher attainments in Fernandez than might be inferred from the humble station that he occupied. With the fruits of his researches the soldier-chronicler returned to Spain, and, after a time, completed his narrative of the insurrection of Giron.
The manuscript was seen by the President of the Council of the Indies, and he was so much pleased with its execution, that he urged the author to write the account, in like manner, of Gonzalo Pizarro's rebellion, and of the administration of Gasca. The historian was further stimulated, as he mentions in his dedication to Philip the Second, by the promise of a guerdon from that monarch, on the completion of his labors; a very proper, as well as politic, promise, but which inevitably suggests the idea of an influence not altogether favorable to severe historic impartiality. Nor will such an inference be found altogether at variance with truth; for while the narrative of Fernandez studiously exhibits the royal cause in the most favorable aspect to the reader, it does scanty justice to the claims of the opposite party. It would not be meet, indeed, that an apology for rebellion should be found in the pages of a royal pensioner; but there are always mitigating circumstances, which, however we may condemn the guilt, may serve to lessen our indignation towards the guilty. These circumstances are not to be found in the pages of Fernandez. It is unfortunate for the historian of such events, that it is so difficult to find one disposed to do even justice to the claims of the unsuccessful rebel. Yet the Inca Garcilasso has not shrunk from this, in the case of Gonzalo Pizarro; and even Gomara, though living under the shadow, or rather in the sunshine, of the Court, has occasionally ventured a generous protest in his behalf.
The countenance thus afforded to Fernandez from the highest quarter opened to him the best fountains of intelligence, - at least, on the government side of the quarrel. Besides personal communication with the royalist leaders, he had access to their correspondence, diaries, and official documents. He industriously profited by his opportunities; and his narrative, taking up the story of the rebellion from its birth, continues it to its final extinction, and the end of Gasca's administration. Thus the First Part of his work, as it was now called, was brought down to the commencement of the Second, and the whole presented a complete picture of the distractions of the nation, till a new order of things was introduced, and tranquillity was permanently established throughout the country.
The diction is sufficiently plain, not aspiring to rhetorical beauties beyond the reach of its author, and out of keeping with the simple character of a chronicle. The sentences are arranged with more art than in most of the unwieldy compositions of the time; and, while there is no attempt at erudition or philosophic speculation, the current of events flows on in an orderly manner, tolerably prolix, it is true, but leaving a clear and intelligible impression on the mind of the reader. No history of that period compares with it in the copiousness of its details; and it has accordingly been resorted to by later compilers, as an inexhaustible reservoir for the supply of their own pages; a circumstance that may be thought of itself to bear no slight testimony to the general fidelity, as well as fulness, of the narrative. - The Chronicle of Fernandez, thus arranged in two parts, under the general title of Historia del Peru, was given to the world in the author's lifetime, at Seville, in 1571, in one volume, folio, being the edition used in the preparation of this work.
Appendix
No. I
Description Of The Royal Progresses Of The Incas; Extracted From Sarmiento's Relacion, Ms.
[The original manuscript, which was copied for Lord Kingsborough's valuable collection, is in the Library of the Escurial.]
Quando en tiempo de paz salian los Yngas a visitar su Reyno, cuen tan que iban por el con gran majestad, sentados en ricas andas armadas sobre unos palos lisos largos, de manera escelente, engastadas en oro y argenteria, y de las andas salian dos arcos altos hechos de oro, engastados en piedras preciosas: caian unas mantas algo largas por todas las andas, de tal manera que las cubrian todas, y sino era queriendo el que iba dentro, no podia ser visto, ni alzaban las mantas si no era cuando entraba y salia, tanta era su estimacion; y para que le entrase aire, y el pudiese ver el camino, havia en las mantas hechos algunos agujeros hechos por todas partes. En estas andas habia riqueza, y en algunas estaba esculpido el Sol y la luna, y en otras unas culebras grandes ondadas y unos como bastones que las atravesaban. Esto trahian por encima por armas, y estas andas las llevaban en ombros de los Senores, los mayores y mas principales del Reyno, y aquel que mas con ellas andaba, aquel se tenia por mas onrado y por mas faborecido. En rededor de las andas, a la ila, iba la guardia del Rey con los arqueros y alabarderos, y delante iban cinco mil honderos, y detras venian otros tantos Lanceros con sus Capitanes, y por los lados del camino y por el mesmo camino iban corredores fides, descubriendo lo que habia, y avisando la ida del Senor; y acudia tanta gente por lo ver, que parecia que todos los cerros y laderas estaba lleno de ella, y todos le davan las vendiciones alzando alaridos, y grita grande a su usanza, llamandole, Ancha atunapa indichiri campa capalla apatuco pacha camba bolla Yulley, que en nuestra lengua dira "Muy grande y poderoso Senor, hijo del Sol, tu solo eres Senor, todo el mundo te oya en verdad," y sin esto le decian otras cosas mas altas, tanto que poco faltaba para le adorar por Dios. Todo el camino iban Yndios llimpiandolo, de tal manera que ni yerba ni piedra no parecia, sino todo limpio y barrido. Andaba cada dia cuatro leguas, o lo que el queria, paraba lo que era servido, para entender el estado de su Reyno, oia alegremente a los que con quejas le venian, remediando, y castigando a quien hacia injusticias; los que con ellos iban no se desmandaban a nada ni salian un paso del camino. Los naturales proveian a lo necesario, sin lo cual lo havia tan cumplido en los depositos, que sobraba, y ninguna cosa faltaba. Por donde iba, salian muchos hombres y mujeres y muchachos a servir personalmente en lo que les era mandalo, y para llebar las cargas, los de un pueblo las llebaban hasta otro, de donde los unos las tomaban y los otros las dejaban, y como era un dia, y cuando mucho dos, no lo sentian, ni de ello recivian agravio ninguno. Pues yendo el Senor de esta manera, caminaba por su tierra el tiempo que le placia, viendo por sus ojos lo que pasaba, y proveyendo lo que entendia que convenia, que todo era cosas grandes e importantes; lo cual hecho, daba la buelta al Cuzco, principal Ciudad de todo su imperio.
No. II.
Account Of The Great Road Made By The Incas Over The Plateau, From Quito To Cuzco; Extracted From Sarmiento's Relacion, Ms.
Una de las cosas de que yo mas me admire, contemplando y notando las cosas de estos Reynos, fue pensar como y de que manera se pudieron hacer caminos tan grandes y sovervios como por el vemos, y que fuerzas de hombres bastaran a lo hacer, y con que herramientas y instrumentos pudieron allanar los montes y quebrantar las penas para hacerlos tan anchos y buenos como estan; por que me parece que si el Emperador quisiese mandar hacer otro camino Real como el que ba del Quito al Cuzco o sale del Cuzco para ir a Chile, ciertamte creo, con todo su poder, para ello no fuese poderoso, ni fuerzas de hombres lo pudiesen hacer, sino fuese con la orden tan grande que para ello los Yngas mandaron que hubiese: por que si fuera Camino de cinquenta leguas, o de ciento, o de doscientas, es de creer que aunque la tierra fuera mas aspera, no se tu biera en mucho con buena diligencia hacerlo; mas estos eran tan largos que havia alguno que tenia mas de mil y cien leguas, todo hechado por sierras tan grandes y espantosas que por algunas partes mirando abajo se quitaba la vista, y algunas de estas Sierras derechas y llenas de pie dras, tanto que era menester cavar por las laderas en pena viva para hacer el camino ancho y llano, todo lo qual hacian con fuego y con sus picos; por otras lugares havia subidas tan altas y asperas, que hacian desde lo bajo escalones para poder subir por ellos a lo mas alto, haciendo entre medias de ellos algunos descansos anchos para el reposo de la gente; en otros lugares havia montones de nieve que eran mas de temer, y estos no en un lugar sino en muchas partes, y no asi como quiera sino que no ba ponderado ni encarecido como ello es, ni como lo bemos, y por estas nieves y por donde havia montanas, de arboles y cespedes lo hacian llano y empedrado si menester fuese. Los que leyeren este Libro y hubieren estado en el Peru, miren el Camino que ba desde Lima a Xauxa por las Sierras tan asperas de Guayacoire y por las montanas nevadas de Pavacaca, y entenderan los que a ellos lo oyeren si es mas lo que ellos vieron que no lo que yo escrivo. No. III.
Policy Observed By The Incas In Their Conquests; Taken From Sarmiento's Relacion, Ms
Una de las cosas de que mas se tiene embidia a estos Senores, es entender quan bien supieron conquistar tan grandes tierras y ponerlas con su prudencia en tanta razon como los Espanoles las hallaron quando por ellos fue descubierto este Reyno, y de que esto sea asi muchas vezes me acuerdo yo estando en alguna Provincia indomita fuera de estos Reynos oir luego a los mesmos Espanoles yo aseguro que si los Yngas anduvieran por aqui que otra cosa fuera esto, es decir no conquistaran los Yngas esto como lo otro porque supieran servir y tributar, por manera que quanto a esto, conozida esta la ventaja que nos hacen pues con su orden las gentes vivian con ella y crecian en multiplicacion, y de las Provincias esteriles hacian fertiles y abundantes en tanta manera y por tan galana orden como se dira, siempre procuraron de hacer por bien las cosas y no por mal en el comienzo de los negocios, despues algunos Yngas hicieron grandes castigos en muchas partes, pero antes todos afirman que fue grande con la benevolencia y amicicia que procuraban el atraer a su servicio estas gentes, ellos salian del Cuzco con su gente y aparato de guerra y caminaban con gran concierto hasta cerca de donde havian de ir, y querian conquistar, donde muy bastante mente se informaban del poder que tenian los enemigos y de las ayudas que podrian tener y de que parte les podrian venir favores y por que Camino, y esto entendido por ellos, procuraban por las vias a ellos posibles estorvar que no fuesen socorridos ora con dones grandes que hacian ora con resistencias que ponian, entendiendo sin esto de mandar hacer sus fuertes, los quales eran en Cerro o ladera hechos en ellos ciertas Cercas altas y largas, con su puerta cada una, porque perdida la una pudiesen pasarse a la otra y de la otra hasta lo mas alto, y embiaban esanchas de los Confederados para marcar la tierra y ver los caminos y conocer del arte qe estaban aguardando y por donde havia mas mantenimiento, saviendo por el camino que havian de llevar y la orden con que havian de ir, embiabales mensageros propios con los quales les embiaba a decir, que el los queria tener por parientes y aliados, por tanto que con buen animo y corazon alegre se salieser lo recevir y recevirlo en su Provincia, para que en ella le sea dad obediencia como en las demas, y porqe lo hagan con voluntad presentes a los Senores naturales, y con esto y con otras buenas maneras que tenia entraron en muchas tierras sin guerra, en las quales mandaban a la gente de guerra que con el iba que no hiciesen dano ni injuria ninguna ni robo ni fuerza, y si en tal Provincia no havia mantenimiento mandaba que de otra parte se proveyese, porque a los nuebamente venidos a su servicio no les pareciese desde luego pesado su mando y conocimiento, y el conocerle y aborrecerle fuese en un tiempo, y si en alguna de estas Provincias no havia ganado mandaba luego que les diese por quenta tantas mil Cavezas, lo qual mandaban que mirasen mucho y con ello multiplicasen para proberse de Lana para sus Ropas, y que no fuesen osados de comer ni matar ninguna cria por los anos y tiempo que les senalaba, y si havia ganado y tenian de otra cosa falta era lo mismo, y si estaban en Collados y arenales bien les hacian entender con buenas palabras que hiciesen Pueblos y Casas en lo mas llano de las Sierras y laderas, y como muchos no eran diestros en cultibar las tierras abecavanles como lo havian de hacer imponiendoles en que supiesen sacar acequias y regar con ellas los Campos, en todo los havian de proveer tan concertadamente que quando entraba por amistad alguno de los Yngas en Provincias de estas, en brebe tiempo quedaba tal que parecia otra y los naturales le daban la obediencia consintiendo que sus delegados quedasen en ellos, y lo mismo los Mitimaes; en otras muchas que entraron de guerra y por fuerza de armas mandabase que en los mantenimientos y Casas de los enemigos se hiciese poco dano, diciendoles el Senor, presto seran estos nuestros como los que ya lo son; como esto tenian conocido, procuraban q. la guerra fuese la mas liviana que ser pudiese, no embargante que en muchos lugares se dieron grandes batallas, porque todavia los naturales de ellos querian conservarse en la livertad antigua sin perder sus costumbres y Religion por tomar otras estranas, mas durando la guerra siempre havian los Yngas lo mejor, y vencidos no los destruian de nuebo, antes mandaban restituhir los Presos si algunos havia y el despojo y ponerlos en posesion de sus haciendas y senorio, amonestandoles que no quieran ser locos en tener contra su Persona Real competencias ni dejar su amistad, antes querian ser sus amigos como lo son los Comarcanos suyos, y diciendoles esto, dabanles algunas mugeres hermosas y presas ricas de Lana o de metal de oro, con estas dadivas y buenas palabras havia las voluntades de todos, de tal manera que sin ningun temor los huidos a los montes se <illeg> a sus Casas y todos dejaban las armas y el que mas veces veia al Ynga se tenia por mas bien aventurado y dichoso. Los senorios nunca los tiraban a los naturales, a todos mandaban unos y otros que por Dios adorasen el Sol; sus demas religiones y costumbres no se las prohivian, pero mandabanles que se governasen por las Leyes y costumbres que se governaban en el Cuzco y que todos hablasen en la Lengua general, y puesto Governador por el Senor con guarniciones de gente de guerra, parten para lo de adelante; y si estas Provincias eran grandes, luego se entendia en edificar Templo del Sol y colocar las mugeres que ponian en los demas y hacer Palacios para los Senores, y cobraban para los tributos que havian de pagar sin llevarles nada demasiado ni agraviarles en cosa ninguna, encaminandoles en su policia y en que supiesen hacer edificios y traer ropas largas y vivir concertadamente en sus Pueblos, a los quales si algo les faltaba de que tubiesen necesidad eran provehidos y ensenados como lo havian de sembrar y beneficiar, de tal manera se hacia esto que sabemos en muchos Lugares que no havia maiz tenello despues sobrado, y en todo lo demas andaban como salvages mal vestidos y descalsos, y desde que conocieron a estos Senores usaron de Camisetas lares y mantas y las mugeres lo mismo y de otras buenas cosas, tanto que para siempre habra memoria de todo ello; y en el Collao y en otras partes mando pasar Mitimaes a la Sierra de los Andes para que sembrasen maiz y coca y otras frutas y raizes de todos los Pueblos la cantidad combeniente, los quales con sus mugeres vivian siempre en aquella parte donde sembraban y cojian tanto de lo que digo que se sentia poco la falta por traer mucho de estas partes y no haver Pueblo ninguno por pequeno que fuese que no tubiese de estos Mitimaes. Adelante trataremos quantas suertes havia de estos Mitimaes y hacian los unos y entendian los otros.
No. IV.
Extract From The Last Will And Testament Of Mancio Sierra Lejesema, Ms. [The following is the preamble of the testament of a soldier of the Conquest, named Lejesema. It is in the nature of a death-bed confession; and seems intended to relieve the writer's mind, who sought to expiate his own sins by this sincere though tardy tribute to the merits of the vanquished. As the work in which it appears is rarely to be met with, I have extracted the whole of the preamble.]
Verdadera confesion y protestacion en articulo de muerte hecha por uno de los primeros espanoles conquistadores del Peru, nombrado Mancio Sierra Lejesema, con su testamento otorgado en la ciudad del Cuzco el dia 15 de Setiembre de 1589 ante Geronimo Sanchez de Quesada escribano publico: la qual la trae el P. Fr. Antonio Calancha del orden de hermitanos de San Agustin en la cronica de su religion en el lib. 1, cap. 15, folio 98, y es del tenor siguiente.
"Primeramente antes de empezar dicho mi testamento, declaro que ha muchos anos que yo he deseado tener orden de advertir a la Catolica Majestad del Rey Don Felipe, nuestro Senor, viendo cuan catolico y cristianisimoes, y cuan zeloso del servicio de Dios nuestro Senor, por lo que toca al descargo de mi anima, a causa de haber sido yo mucho parte en descubrimiento, conquista, y poblacion de estos Reynos, cuando los quitamos a los que eran Senores Ingas, y los poseian, y regian como suyos propios, y los pusimos debajo de la real corona, que entienda su Majestad Catolica que los dichos Ingas los tenian gobernados de tal manera, que en todos ellos no habia un Ladron ni hombre vicioso, ni hombre holgazan, ni una muger adultera ni mala; ni se permitia entre ellos ni gente de mal vivir en lo moral; que los hombres tenian sus ocupaciones honestas y provechosas; y que los montes y minas, pastes, caza y madera, y todo genero de aprovechamientos estaba gobernado y repartido de suerte que cada uno conocia y tenia su hacienda sin que otro ninguno se la ocupase o tomase, ni sobre ello habian pleytos; y que las cosas de guerra, aunque eran muchas, no impedian a las del Comercio, ni estas a las cosas de labranza, o cultivar de las tierras, ni otra cosa alguna, y que en todo, desde lo mayor hasta lo mas menudo, tenia su orden y concierto con mucho acierto: y que los Ingas eran tenidos y obecidos y respetados de sus subditos como gente muy capaz y de mucho Gobierno, y que lo mismo eran sus Gobernadores y Capitanes, y que como en estos hallamos la fuerza y el mando y la resistencia para poderlos sugetar e oprimir al servicio de Dios nuestro Senor y quitarles su tierra y ponerla debaxo de la real corona, fue necesario quitarles totalmente el poder y mando y los bienes, como se los quitamos a fuerza de armas: y que mediante haberlo permitido Dios nuestro Senor nos fue posible sujetar este reyno de tanta multitud de gente y riqueza, y de Senores los hicimos Siervos tan sujetos, como se ve: y que entienda su Magestad que el intento que me mueve a hacer esta relacion, es por descargo de mi conciencia, y por hallarme culpado en ello, pues habemos destruido con nuestro mal exemplo gente de tanto gobierno como eran estos naturales, y tan quitados de cometer delitos ni excesos asi hombres como mugeres, tanto por el Indio que tenia cien mil pesos de oro y plata en su casa, y otros indios dejaban abierta y puesta una escoba o un palo pequeno atravesado en la puerta para senal de que no estaba alli su dueno, y con esto segun su costumbre no podia entrar nadie adentro, ni tomar cosa de las que alli habia, y cuando ellos vieron que nosotros poniamos puertas y llaves en nuestras casas entendieron que era de miedo de ellos, porque no nos matasen, pero no porque creyesen que ninguno tomase ni hurtase a otro su hacienda; y asi cuando vieron que habia entre nosotros ladrones, y hombres que incitaban a pecado a sus mugeres y hijas nos tubieron en poco, y han venido a tal rotura en ofensa de Dios estos naturales por el mal exemplo que les hemos dado en todo, que aquel extremo de no hacer cosa mala se ha convertido en que hoy ninguna o pocas hacen buenas, y requieren remedio, y esto toca a su Magestad, para que descargue su conciencia, y se lo advierte, pues no soy parte para mas; y con esto suplico a mi Dios me perdone; y mueveme a decirlo porque soy el postrero que mueve de todos los descubridores y conquistadores, que como es notorio ya no hay ninguno sino yo solo en este reyno, ni fuera de el, y con esto hago lo que pued para descargo de mi conciencia." No. V.
Translation From Oviedo's Historia General De Las Indias, Ms Parte II., Cap. 23.
[This chapter of the gossiping old chronicler describes a conversation between the governor of Tierra Firme and Almagro, at which the writer was present. It is told with much spirit; and is altogether so curious, from the light it throws on the characters of the parties, that I have thought the following translation, which has been prepared for me, might not be uninteresting to the English reader.]
The Interview between Almagro and Pedrarias, in which the latter relinquished his Share of the Profits arising from the Discovery of Peru. Translated from Oviedo, Historia General, Ms., Parte II., Cap. 23. In February, 1527, I had some accounts to settle with Pedrarias, and was frequently at his house for the purpose. While there one day, Almagro came in and said to him, - "Your Excellency is of course aware that you contracted with Francisco Pizarro, Don Fernando de Luque, the schoolmaster, and myself, to fit out an expedition for the discovery of Peru. You have contributed nothing for the enterprise, while we have sunk both fortune and credit; for our expenses have already amounted to about fifteen thousand castellanos de oro. Pizarro and his followers are now in the greatest distress, and require a supply of provisions, with a reinforcement of brave recruits. Unless these are promptly raised, we shall be wholly ruined, and our glorious enterprise, from which the most brilliant results have been justly anticipated, will fall to the ground. An exact account will be kept of our expenses, that each may share the profits of the discovery in proportion to the amount of his contribution towards the outfit. You have connected yourself with us in the adventure, and, from the terms of our contract, have no right to waste our time and involve us in ruin. But if you no longer wish to be a member of the partnership, pay down your share of what has already been advanced, and leave the affair to us."
To this proposal Pedrarias replied with indignation: - "One would really think, from the lofty tone you take, that my power was at an end; but if I have not been degraded from my office, you shall be punished for your insolence. You shall be made to answer for the lives of the Christians who have perished through Pizarro's obstinacy and your own. A day of reckoning will come for all these disturbances and murders, as you shall see, and that before you leave Panama."
"I grant," returned Almagro, "that, as there is an almighty Judge, before whose tribunal we must appear, it is proper that all should render account of the living as well as the dead. And, Sir, I shall not shrink from doing so, when I have received an account from you, to be immediately sent to Pizarro, of the gratitude which our sovereign, the emperor, has been pleased to express for our services. Pay, - if you wish to enjoy the fruits of this enterprise; for you neither sweat nor toil for them, and have not contributed even a third of the sum you promised when the contract was drawn up, - your whole expenditure not exceeding two or three paltry pesos. But if you prefer to leave the partnership at once, we will remit one half of what you owe us, for our past outlays."
Pedrarias, with a bitter smile, replied, - "It would not ruin you, if you were to give me four thousand pesos to dissolve our connection." "To forward so happy an event," said Almagro, "we will release you from your whole debt, although it may prove our ruin; but we will trust our fortunes in the hand of God."
Although Pedrarias found himself relieved from the debt incurred for the outfit of the expedition, which could not be less than four or five thousand pesos, he was not satisfied, but asked, "What more will you give me?"
Almagro, much chagrined, said, "I will give three hundred pesos, though I swear by God, I have not so much money in the world; but I will borrow it to be rid of such an incubus."
"You must give me two thousand."
"Five hundred is the most I will offer."
"You must pay me more than a thousand."
"A thousand pesos, then," cried the captain in a rage, "I will give you, though I do not own them; but I will find sufficient security for their future payment."
Pedrarias declared himself satisfied with this arrangement; and a contract was accordingly drawn up, in which it was agreed, that, on the receipt of a thousand pesos, the governor should abandon the partnership and give up his share in the profits of the expedition. I was one of the witnesses who signed this instrument, in which Pedrarias released and assigned over all his interest in Peru to Almagro and his associates, - by this act deserting the enterprise, and, by his littleness of soul, for feiting the rich treasures which it is well known he might have acquired from the golden empire of the Incas.
No. VI.
Contract Between Pizarro, Almagro, And Luque; Extracted From Montesinos, Annales, Ms., Ano 1526.
[This memorable contract between three adventurers for the discovery and partition of an empire is to be found entire in the manuscript history of Montesinos, whose work derives more value from the insertion in it of this, and of other original documents, than from any merit of its own. This instrument, which may be considered as the basis of the operations of Pizarro, seems to form a necessary appendage to a history of the Conquest of Peru.]
En el nombre de la santisima Trinidad, Padre, Hijo y Espiritu-Santo, tres personas distintas y un solo Dios verdadero, y de la santisima Virgen nuestra Senora hacemos esta compania. -
Sepan cuantos esta carta de compania vieren como yo don Fernando de Luque, clerigo presbitero, vicario de la santa iglesia de Panama, de la una parte; y de la otra el capitan Francisco Pizarro y Diego de Almagro, vecinos que somos en esta ciudad de Panama, decimos: que somos concertados y convenidos de hacer y formar compania la cual sea firme y valedera para siempre jamas en esta manera: - Que por cuanto nos los dichos capitan Francisco Pizarro y Diego de Almagro, tenemos licencia del senor gobernador Pedro Arias de Avila para descubrir y conquistar las tierras y provincias de los reinos llamados del Peru, que esta, por noticia que hay, pasado el golfo y travesia del mar de la otra parte; y porque para hacer la dicha conquista y jornada y navios y gente y bastimento y otras cosas que son necesarias, no lo podemos nacer por no tener dinero y posibilidad tanta cuanta es menester: y vos el dicho don Fernando de Luque nos los dais porque esta compania la hagamos por iguales partes: somos contentos y convenidos de que todos tres hermanablemente, sin que hagan de haber ventaja ninguna mas el uno que el otro, ni el otro que el otro de todo lo que se descubriere, ganare y conquistare, y poblar en los dichos reinos y provincias del Peru. Y por cuanto vos el dicho D. Fernando de Luque nos disteis, y poneis de puesto por vuestra parte en esta dicha compania para gastos de la armada y gente que se hace para la dicha jornada y conquista del dicho reino del Peru, veinte mil pesos en barras de oro y de a cuatrocientos y cincuenta maravedis el peso, los cuales los recibimos luego en las dichas barras de oro que pasaron de vuestro poder al nuestro en presencia del escribano de esta carta, que lo valio y monto; y yo Hernando del Castillo doy fe que los vide pesar los dichos veinte mil pesos en las dichas barras de oro y lo recibieron en mi presencia los dichos Capitan Francisco Pizarro y Diego de Almagro, y se dieron por contentos y pagados de ella. Y nos los dichos capitan Francisco Pizarro y Diego de Almagro, ponemos de nuestra parte en esta dicha compania la merced que tenemos del dicho senor gobernador, y que la dicha conquista y reino que descubriremos de la tierra del dicho Peru, que en nombre de S.M. nos ha hecho, y las demas mercedes que nos hiciere y acrescentare S.M., y los de su consejo de las Indias de aqui adelante, para que de todo goceis y hayais vuestra tercera parte, sin que en cosa alguna hayamos de tener mas parte cada uno de nos, el uno que el otro, sino que hayamos de todo ello partes iguales. Y mas ponemos en esta dicha compania nuestras personas y el haber de hacer la dicha conquista y descubrimiento con asistir con ellas en la guerra todo el tiempo que se tardare en conquistar y ganar y poblar el dicho reino del Peru, sin que por ello hayamos de llevar ninguno ventaja y parte mas de la que vos el dicho don Fernando de Luque llevaredes, que ha de ser por iguales partes todos tres, asi de los aprovechamientos que con nuestras personas tuvieremos, y ventajas de las partes que nos cupieren en la guerra y en los despojos y ganancias y suertes que en la dicha tierra del Peru hu bieremos y gozaremos, y nos cupieren por cualquier via y forma que sea, asi a mi el dicho capitan Francisco Pizarro como a mi Diego de Almagro, habeis de haber de todo ello, y es vuestro, y os lo daremos bien y fielmente, sin desfraudaros en cosa alguna de ello, la tercera parte, porque desde ahora en lo que Dios nuestro Senor nos diere, decimos y confesamos que es vuestro y de vuestros herederos y succesores, de quien en esta dicha compania succediere y lo hubiere de haber, en vuestro nombre se lo daremos, y le daremos cuenta de todo ello a vos, y a vuestros succesores, quieta y pacificamente, sin llevar mas parte cada uno de nos, que vos el dicho don Fernando de Luque, y quien vuestro poder hubiere y le perteneciere; y asi de cualquier dictado y estado de senorio perpetuo, o por tiempo senalado que S.M. nos hiciere merced en el dicho reino del Peru, asi a mi el dicho capitan Francisco Pizarro, o a mi el dicho Diego de Almagro, o a cualquiera de nos, sea vuestro el tercio de toda la renta y estado y vasallos que a cada uno de nos se nos diere y hiciere merced en cualquiera manera o forma que sea en el dicho remo del Peru por via de estado, o renta, repartimiento de indios, situaciones, vasallos, seais senor y goceis de la tercia parte de ello como nosotros mismos, sin adicion ni condicion ninguna, y si la hubiere y alegaremos, yo el dicho capitan Francisco Pizarro y Diego de Almagro y en nuestros nombres nuestros herederos, que no seamos oidos en juicio ni fuera del, y nos damos por condenados en todo y por todo como en esta escriptura se contiene para lo pagar y que haya efecto; y yo el dicho D. Fernando de Luque hago la dicha compania en la forma y manera que de suso esta declarado, y doy los veinte mil pesos de buen oro para el dicho descubrimiento y conquista del dicho reino del Peru, a perdida o ganancia, como Dios nuestro Senor sea servido, y de lo sucedido en el dicho descubrimiento de la dicha gobernacion y tierra, he yo de gozar y haber la tercera parte, y la otra tercera para el capitan Francisco Pizarro, y la otra tercera para Diego de Almagro, sin que el uno lleve mas que el otro, asi de estado de senor, como de repartimiento de indios perpetuos, como de tierras y solares y heredades; como de tesoros, y escondijos encubiertos, como de cualquier riqueza o aprovechamiento de oro, plata, perlas, esmeraldas, diamantes y rubies, y de cualquier estado y condicion que sea, que los dichos capitan Francisco Pizarro y Diego de Almagro hayais y tengais en el dicho reino del Peru, me habeis de dar la tercera parte. Y nos el dicho capitan Francisco Pizarro y Diego de Almagro decimos que aceptamos la dicha compania y la hacemos con el dicho don Fernando de Luque de la forma y manera que lo pide el, y lo declara para que todos por iguales partes hayamos en todo y por todo, asi de estados perpetuos que S.M. nos hiciese mercedes en vasallos o indios o en otras cualesquiera rentas, goce el derecho don Fernando de Luque, y haya la dicha tercia parte de todo ello enteramente, y goce de ello como cosa suya desde el dia que S.M. nos hiciere cualesquiera mercedes como dicho es. Y para mayor verdad y seguridad de esta escriptura de compania, y de todo lo en ella contenido, y que os acudiremos y pagaremos nos los dichos capitan Francisco Pizarro y Diego de Almagro a vos el dicho Fernando de Luque con la tercia parte de todo lo que se hubiere y descubriere, y nosotros hubieremos por cualquiera via y forma que sea; para mayor fuerza de que lo cumpliremos como en esta escriptura se contiene, juramos a Dios nuestro senor y a los Santos Evangelios donde mas largamente son escritos y estan en este libro Misal, donde pusieron sus manos el dicho capitan Francisco Pizarro, y Diego de Almagro, hicieron la senal de la cruz en semejanza de esta Dagger con sus dedos de la mano en presencia de mi el presente escribano, y dijeron que guardaran y cumpliran esta dicha compania y escriptura en todo y por todo, como en ello se contiene, sopena de infames y malos cristianos, y caer en caso de menos valer, y que Dios se lo demande mal y caramente; y dijeron el dicho capitan Francisco Pizarro y Diego de Almagro, amen; y asi iuramos y le daremos el tercio de todo lo que descubrieremos y conquistaremos y poblaremos en el dicho reino y tierra del Peru, y que goce de ello como nuestras personas, de todo aquello en que fuere nuestro y tuvieremos parte como dicho es en esta dicha escriptura; y nos obligamos de acudir con ello a vos el dicho don Fernando de Luque, y a quien en vuestro nombre le perteneciere y hubiere de haber, y les daremos cuenta con pago de todo ello cada y cuando que se nos pidiere, hecho el dicho descubrimiento y conquista y poblacion del dicho reino y tierra del Peru; y prometemos que en la dicha conquista y descubrimiento nos ocuparemos y trabajaremos con nuestras personas sin ocuparnos en otra cosa hasta que se conquiste la tierra y se ganare, y si no lo hicieremos seamos castigados por todo rigor de justicia por infames y perjuros, seamos obligados a volver a vos el dicho don Fernando de Luque los dichos veinte mil pesos de oro que de vos recibimos. Y para lo cumplir y pagar y haber por firme todo lo en esta escriptura contenido, cada uno por lo que le toca, renunciaron todas y cualesquier leyes y ordenamien tos, y pramaticas, y otras cualesquier constituciones, ordenanzas que esten fechas en su favor, y cualesquiera de ellos para que aunque las pidan y aleguen, que no les valga. Y valga esta escriptura dicha, y todo lo en ella contenido, y traiga aparejada y debida ejecucion asi en sus personas como en sus bienes, muebles y raices habidos y por haber; y para le cumplir y pagar, cada uno por lo que le toca, obligaron sus personas y bienes habidos y por haber segun dicho es, y dieron poder cumplido a cualesquier justicias y jueces de S. M. para que por todo rigor y mas breve remedio de derecho les compelan y apremien a lo asi cumplir y pagar, como si lo que dicho es fuese sentencia difinitiva de juez competente pasada en cosa juzgada; y renunciaron cualesquier leyes y derechos que en su favor hablan, especialmente la ley que dice: ue Que general renunciacion de leyes no vala: Que es fecha en la ciudad de Panama a diez dias del mes de marzo, ano del nacimiento de nuestro Salvador Jesucristo de mil quinientos veinte y seis anos: testigos que fueron presentes a lo que dicho es Juan de Panes, y Alvaro del Quiro y Juan de Vallejo, vecinos de la ciudad de Panama, y firmo el dicho D. Fernando de Luque; y porque no saben firmar el dicho capitan Francisco Pizarro y Diego de Almagro, firmaron por ellos en el registro ue esta carta Juan de Panes y Alvaro del Quiro, a los cuales otorgantes yo en presente escribano doy fe que conozco. Don Fernando de Luque. - A su ruego de Francisco Pizarro - Juan de Panes; y a su ruego de Diego de Almagro - Alvaro del Quiro: E yo Hernando del Castillo, escribano de S. M. y escribano publico y del numero de esta ciudad de Panama, presente fui al otorgamiento de esta carla, y la fice escribir en estas cuatro fojas con esta, y por ende fice aqui este m signo a tal en testimonio de verdad. Hernando del Castillo, escribano publico.
No. VII
Capitulation Made By Francis Pizarro With The Queen, Ms. Dated Toledo, July 26, 1529.
[For a copy of this document, I am indebted to Don Martin Fernandez de Navarrete, late Director of the Roya. Academy of History at Madrid. Though sufficiently long, it is of no less importance than the preceding contract, forming, like that, the foundation on which the enterprise of Pizarro and his associates may be said to have rested.]
La Reina: - Por cuanto vos el capitan Francisco Pizarro, vecino de Tierra firme, llamada Castilla del Oro, por vos y en nombre del venerable padre D. Fernando de Luque, maestre escuela y provisor de la iglesia del Darien, sede vacante, que es en la dicha Castilla del Oro, y el capitan Diego de Almagro, vecino de la ciudad de Panama, nos hicisteis relacion, que vos e los dichos vuestros companeros con deseo de nos servir e del bien e acrecentamiento de nuestra corona real, puede haber cinco anos, poco mas o menos, que con licencia e parecer de Pedrarias Davila, nuestro gobernador e capitan general que fue de la dicha Tierra firme, tomastes cargo de ir a conquistar, descubrir e pacificar e poblar por la costa del mar del Sur, de la dicha tierra a la parte de Levante, a vuestra costa e de los dichos vuestros companeros, todo lo mas que por aquella parte pudieredes, e hicisteis para ello dos navios e un bergantin en la dicha costa, en que asi en esto por se haber de pasar la jarcia e aparejos necesarios al dicho viaje e armada desde el Nombre de Dios, que es la costa del Norte, a la otra costa del Sur, como con la gente e otras cosas necesarias al dicho viaje, e tornar a rehacer la dicha armada, gastasteis mucha suma de pesos de oro, e fuistes a hacer e hicisteis el dicho descubrimiento, donde pasastes muchos peligros e trabajo, a causa de lo cual os dejo toda la gente que con vos iba en una isla despoblada con solos trece hombres que no vos quisieron dejar, y que con ellos y con el socorro que de navios e gente vos hizo el dicho capitan Diego de Almagro, pasastes de la dicha isla e descubristes las tierras e provincia del Piru e ciudad de Tumbes, en que habeis gastado vos e los dichos vuestros companeros mas de treinta mil pesos de oro, e que con el deseo que teneis de nos servir querriades continuar la dicha conquista e poblacion a vuestra costa e mision, sin que en ningun tiempo seamos obligados a vos pagar ni satisfacer los gastos que en ello hicieredes, mas de lo que en esta capitulacion vos fuese otorgado, e me suplicasteis e pedistes por merced vos mandase encomendar la conquista de las dichas tierras, e vos concediese e otorgase las mercedes, e con las condiciones que de suso seran contenidas; sobre lo cual yo mande tomar con vos el asiento y capitulacion siguiente.
Primeramente doy licencia y facultad a vos el dicho capitan Francisco Pizarro, para que por nos y en nuestro nombre e de la corona real de Castilla, podais continuar el dicho descubrimiento, conquista y poblacion de la dicha provincia del Peru, fasta ducientas leguas de tierra por la misma costa, las cuales dichas ducientas leguas comienzan desde el pueblo que en lengua de indios se dice Tenumpuela, e despues le llamasteis Santiago, hasta llegar al pueblo de Chincha, que puede haber las dichas ducientas leguas de costa, poco mas o menos.
Item: Entendiendo ser cumplidero al servicio de Dios nuestro Senor y nuestro, y por honrar vuestra persona, e por vos hacer merced, prometemos de vos hacer nuestro gobernador e capitan general de toda la dicha provincia del Piru, e tierras y pueblos que al presente hay e adelante hubiere en todas las dichas ducientas leguas, por todos los dias de vuestra vida, con salario de setecientos e veinte y cinco mill maravedis cada ano, contados desde el dia que vos hiciesedes a la vela destos nuestros reinos para continuar la dicha poblacion e conquista, los cuales vos han de ser pagados de las rentas y derechos a nos pertenecientes en la dicha tierra que ansi habeis de poblar; del cual salario habeis de pagar en cada un ano un alcalde mayor, diez escuderos, e treinta peones, e un medico, e un boticario, el cual salario vos ha de ser pagado por los nuestros oficiales de la dicha tierra.
Otrosi: Vos hacemos merced de titulo de nuestro Adelantado de la dicha provincia del Peru, e ansimismo del oficio de alguacil mayor della, todo ello por los dias de vuestra vida.
Otrosi: Vos doy licencia para que con parecer y acuerdo de los dichos nuestros oficiales podais hacer en las dichas tierras e provincias del Peru, hasta cuatro fortalezas, en las partes y lugares que mas convengan, paresciendo a vos e a los dichos nuestros oficiales ser necesarias para guarda e pacificacion de la dicha tierra, e vos hare merced de las tenencias dellas, para vos, e para los herederos, e subcesores vuestros, ano en pos de otro, con salario de setenta y cinco mill maravedis en cada un ano por cada una de las dichas fortalezas, que ansi estuvieren hechas, las cuales habeis de hacer a vuestra costa, sin que nos, ni los reyes que despues de nos vinieren, seamos obligados a vos lo pagar al tiempo que asi lo gastaredes, salvo dende en cinco anos despues de acabada la fortaleza, pagandoos en cada un ano de los dichos cinco anos la quinta parte de lo que se montare el dicho gasto, de los frutos de la dicha tierra. Otrosi: Vos hacemos merced para ayuda a vuestra costa de mill ducados en cada un ano por los dias de vuestra vida de las rentas de las dichas tierras.
Otrosi: Es nuestra merced, acatando la buena vida e doctrina de la persona del dicho don Fernando de Luque de le presentar a nuestro muy Sancto Padre por obispo de la ciudad de Tumbes, que es en la dicha provincia y gobernacion del Peru, con limites e diciones que por nos con autoridad apostolica seran senalados; y entretanto que vienen las bulas del dicho obispado, le hacemos protector universal de todos los indios de dicha provincia, con salario de mill ducados en cada un ano, pagado de nuestras rentas de la dicha tierra, entretanto que hay diezmos eclesiasticos de que se pueda pagar.
Otrosi: Por cuanto nos habedes suplicado por vos en el dicho nom bre vos hiciese merced de algunos vasallos en las dichas tierras, e al presente lo dejamos de hacer por no tener entera relacion de ellas, es nuestra merced que, entretanto que informados provcamos en ello lo que a nuestro servicio e a la enmienda e satisfaccion de vuestros trabajos e servicios conviene, tengais la veintena parte de los pechos que nos tu vieremos en cada un ano en la dicha tierra, con tanto que no exceda de mill y quinientos ducados, los mill para vos el dicho capitan Pizarro, e los quinientos para el dicho Diego de Almagro.
Otrosi: Hacemos merced al dicho capitan Diego de Almagro de la tenencia de la fortaleza que hay u obiere en la dicha ciudad de Tumbes, que es en la dicha provincia del Peru, con salario de cien mill maravedis cada un ano, con mas ducientos mill maravedis cada un ano de ayuda de costa, todo pagado de las rentas de la dicha tierra, de las cuales ha de gozar desde el dia que vos el dicho Francisco Pizarro llegaredes a la dicha tierra, aunque el dicho capitan Almagro se quede en Panama, e en otra parte que le convenga; e le haremos home hijodalgo, para que goce de las honras e preminencias que los homes hijodalgo pueden y deben gozar en todas las Indias, islas e tierra firme del mar Oceano.
Otrosi: Mandamos que las dichas haciendas, e tierras, e solares que teneis en tierra firme, llamada Castilla del Oro, e vos estan dadas como a vecino de ella, las tengais e goceis, e hagais de ello lo que quisieredes e por bien tuvieredes, conforme a lo que tenemos concedido y otorgado a los vecinos de la dicha tierra firme; e en lo que toca a los indios e naborias que teneis e vos estan encomendados, es nuestra merced e voluntad e mandamos que los tengais e goceis e sirvais de ellos, e que no vos seran quitados ni removidos por el tiempo que nuestra voluntad fuere. Otrosi: Concedemos a los que fueren a poblar la dicha tierra que en los seis anos primeros siguientes desde el dia de la data de esta en adelante, que del oro que se cogiere de las minas nos paguen el diezmo, y cumplidos los dichos seis anos paguen el noveno, e ansi decendiendo en cada un ano hasta llegar al quinto: pero del oro e otras cosas que se obieren de rescatar, o cabalgadas, o en otra cualquier manera, desde luego nos han de pagar el quinto de todo ello.
Otrosi: Franqueamos a los vecinos de la dicha tierra por los dichos seis anos, y mas, y cuanto fuere nuestra voluntad, de almojarifazgo de todo lo que llevaren para proveimiento e provision de sus casas, con tanto que no sea para lo vender; e de lo que vendieren ellos, e otras cualesquier personas, mercaderes e tratantes, ansimesmo los franqueamos por dos anos tan solamente.
Item: Prometemos que por termino de diez anos, e mas adelante hasta que otra cosa mandemos en contrario, no impornemos a los vecinos de las dichas tierras alcabalas ni otro tributo alguno.
Item: Concedemos a los dichos vecinos e pobladores que les sean dados por vos los solares y tierras convenientes a sus personas, conforme a lo que se ha hecho e hace en la dicha Isla Espanola; e ansimismo os daremos poder para que en nuestro nombre, durante el tiempo de vuestra gobernacion, hagais la encomienda de los indios de la dicha tierra, guardando en ella las instrucciones e ordenanzas que vos seran dadas. Item: A suplicacion vuestra hacemos nuestro piloto mayor de la mar del Sur a Bartolome Ruiz, con setenta y cinco mill maravedis de salario en cada un ano, pagados de la renta de la dicha tierra, de los cuales ha de gozar desde el dia que le fuere entregado el titulo que de ello le mandaremos dar, e en las espaldas se asentara el juramento e solenidad que ha de hacer ante vos, e otorgado ante escribano. Asimismo daremos titulo de escribano de numero e del consejo de la dicha ciudad de Tumbes, a un hijo de dicho Bartolome Ruiz, siendo habil e suficiente para ello. Otrosi: Somos contentos e nos place que vos el dicho capitan Pizarro, cuanto nuestra merced e voluntad fuere, tengais la gobernacion e administracion de los indios de la nuestra isla de Flores, que es cerca de Panama, e goceis para vos e para quien vos quisieredes, de todos los aprovechamientos que hobiere en la dicha isla, asi de tierras como de solares, e montes, e arboles, e mineros, e pesqueria de perlas, con tante que seais obligado por razon de ello a dar a nos e a los nuestros oficiales de Castilla del Oro en cada un ano de los que ansi fuere nuestra voluntad que vos la tengais, ducientos mill maravedis, e mas el quinto de todo el oro e perlas que en cualquier manera e por cualesquier personas se sacare en la dicha isla de Flores, sin descuento alguno, con tanto que los dichos indios de la dicha isla de Flores no los podais ocupar en la pesqueria de las perlas, ni en las minas del oro, ni en otros metales, sino en las otras granjerias e aprovechamientos de la dicha tierra, para provision e mantenimiento de la dicha vuestra armada, e de las que adelante obieredes de hacer para la dicha tierra; e permitimos que si vos el dicho Francisco Pizarro llegado a Castilla del Oro, dentro de dos meses luego siguientes, declarades ante el dicho nuestro gobernador e juez de residencia que alli estuviere, que no vos querais encargar de la dicha isla de Flores, que en tal caso no seais tenudo e obligado a nos pagar por razon de ello las dichas ducientas mill maravedis, e que se quede para nos la dicha isla, como agora la tenemos.
Item: Acatando lo mucho que han servido en el dicho viaje e descubrimiento Bartolome Ruiz, Cristoval de Peralta, e Pedro de Candia, e Domingo de Soria Luce, e Nicolas de Ribera, e Francisco de Cuellar, e Alonso de Molina, e Pedro Alcon, e Garcia de Jerez, e Anton de Carrion, e Alonso Briceno, e Martin de Paz, e Joan de la Torre, e porque vos me los suplicasteis e pedistes por merced, es nuestra merced e voluntad de les hacer merced, como por la presente vos la hacemos a los que de ellos no son idalgos, que sean idalgos notorios de solar conocido en aquellas partes, e que en ellas e en todas las nuestras Indias, islas y tierra firme del mar Oceano, gocen de las preeminencias e libertades, e otras cosas de que gozan, y deben ser guardadas a los hijosdalgo notorios de solar conocido dentro nuestros reinos, e a los que de los susodichos son idalgos, que sean caballeros de espuelas doradas, dando primero la informacion que en tal caso se requiere.
Item: Vos hacemos merced de veinte y cinco veguas e otros tantos caballos de los que nos tenemos en la isla de Jamaica, e no las abiendo cuando las pidieredes, no se mos tenudos al precio de ellas, ni de otra cosa por razon de ellas.
Otrosi: Os hacemos merced de trescientos mill maravedis pagados en Castilla del Oro para el artilleria e municion que habeis de llevar a la dicha provincia del Peru, llevando fe de los nuestros oficiales de la casa de Sevilla de las cosas que ansi comprastes, e de lo que vos costo contando el interese e cambio de ello, e mas os hare merced de otros ducientos ducados pagados en Castilla del Oro para ayuda al acarreto de la dicha artilleria e municiones e otras cosas vuestras desde el Nombre de Dios so la dicha mar del Sur.
Otrosi: Vos daremos licencia, como por la presente vos la damos, para que destos nuestros reinos, e del reino de Portugal e islas de Cabo Verde, e dende, vos, e quien vuestro poder hubiere, quisieredes e por bien tuvieredes, podais pasar e paseis a la dicha tierra de vuestra gobernacion cincuenta esclavos negros en que haya a lo menos el tercio de hembras, libres de todos derechos a nos pertenecientes, con tanto que si los dejaredes e parte de ellos en la isla Espanola, San Joan, Cuba, Santiago e en Castilla del Oro, e en otra parte alguna los que de ellos ansi dejaredes, sean perdidos e aplicados, e por la presente los aplicamos a nuestra camara e fisco.
Otrosi: Que hacemos merced y limosna al hospital que se hiciese en la dicha tierra, para ayuda al remedio de los pobres que alla fueren, de cien mill maravedis librados en las penas aplicadas de la camara de la dicha tierra. Ansimismo a vuestro pedimento e consentimiento de los primeros pobladores de la dicha tierra, decimos que haremos merced, como por la presente la hacemos, a los hospitales de la dicha tierra de los derechos de la escubilla e relaves que hubiere en las fundiciones que en ella se hicieren, e de ello mandaremos dar nuestra provision en forma. Otrosi: Decimos que mandaremos, e por la presente mandamos, que hayan e residan en la ciudad de Panama, e donde vos fuere mandado, un carpintero e un calafate, e cada uno de ellos tenga de salario treinta mill maravedis en cada un ano dende que comenzaren a residir en la dicha ciudad, o donde, como dicho es, vos les mandaredes; a los cuales les mandaremos pagar por los nuestros oficiales de la dicha tierra de vuestra gobernacion cuando nuestra merced y voluntad fuere.
Item: Que vos mandaremos dar nuestra provision en forma para que en la dicha costa del mar del Sur podais tomar cualesquier navios que hub eredes menester, de consentimiento de sus duenos, para los viajes que hobieredes de hacer a la dicha tierra, pagando a los duenos de los tales navios el flete que justo sea, no embargante que otras personas los tengan fletados para otras partes.
Ansimismo que mandaremos, e por la presente mandamos e defendemos, que destos nuestros reinos no vayan ni pasen a las dichas tierras ningunas personas de las prohibidas que no puedan pasar a aquellas partes, so las penas contenidas en las leyes e ordenanzas e cartas nuestras, que cerca de esto por nos e por los reyes catolicos estan dadas; ni letrados ni procuradores para usar de sus oficios.
Lo cual que dicho es, e cada cosa e parte de ello vos concedemos, con tanto que vos el dicho capitan Pizarro seais tenudo e obligado de salir destos nuestros reinos con los navios e aparejos e mantenimientos e otras cosas que fueren menester para el dicho viaje y poblacion, con ducientos e cincuenta hombres, los ciento y cincuenta destos nuestros reinos e otras partes no prohibidas, e los ciento restantes podais llevan de las islas e tierra firme del mar Oceano, con tanto que de la dicha tierra firme llamada Castilla del Oro no saqueis mas de veinte hombres, sino fuere de los que en el primero e segundo viaje que vos hicisteis a la dicha tierra del Peru se hallaron con vos, porque a estos damos licencia que puedan ir con vos libremente; lo cual hayais de cumplir desde el dia de la data de esta hasta seis meses primeros siguientes: allegado a la dicha Castilla del Oro, e allegado a Panama, seais tenudo de pro seguir el dicho viaje, e hacer el dicho descubrimiento e poblacion dentr de otros seis meses luego siguientes.
Item: Con condicion que cuando salieredes destos nuestros reinos e llegaredes a las dichas provincias del Peru hayais de llevar y tener con vos a los oficiales de nuestra hacienda, que por nos estan e fueren nom brados; e asimismo las personas religiosas o eclesiasticas que por nos seran senaladas para instruccion de los indios e naturales de aquella provincia a nuestra santa fe catolica, con cuyo parecer e no sin ellos habeis de hacer la conquista, descubrimiento e poblacion de la dicha tierra, a los cuales religiosos habeis de dar e pagar el flete e matalotaje, e los otros mantenimientos necesarios conforme a sus personas, todo a vuestra costa, sin por ello les llevar cosa alguna durante la dicha navegacion, lo cual mucho vos lo encargamos que ansi hagais e cumplais, como cosa de servicio de Dios e nuestro, porque de lo contrario nos terniamos de vos por deservidos.
Otrosi: Con condicion que en la dicha pacificacion, conquista y poblacion e tratamiento de dichos indios en sus personas y bienes, seais tenudos e obligados de guardar en todo e por todo lo contenido en las or denanzas e instrucciones que para esto tenemos fechas, e se hicieren, e vos seran dadas en la nuestra carta e provision que vos mandaremos dar para la encomienda de los dichos indios. E cumpliendo vos el dicho capitan Francisco Pizarro lo contenido en este asiento, en todo lo que a vos toca e incumbe de guardar e cumplir, prometemos, e vos aseguramos por nuestra palabra real que agora e de aqui adelante vos mandaremos guardar e vos sera guardado todo lo que ansi vos concedemos, e facemos merced, a vos e a los pobladores e tratantes en la dicha tierra; e para ejecucion y cumplimiento dello, vos mandaremos dar nuestras cartas e provisiones particulares que convengan e menester sean, obligandoos vos el dicho capitan Pizarro primeramente ante escribano publico de guardar e cumplir lo contenido en este asiento que a vos toca como dicho es. Fecha en Toledo a 26 de jullio de 1529 anos. - Yo La Reina - Por mandado de S. M. - Juan Vazquez.
No. VIII
Contemporary Accounts Of Atahuallpa's Seizure.
[As the seizure of the Inca was one of the most memorable, as well as foulest, transactions of the Conquest, I have thought it might be well to put on record the testimony, fortunately in my possession, of several of the parties present on the occasion.]
Relacion del Primer Descubrimiento de la Costa y Mar del Sur, Ms. A la hora de las cuatro comienzan a caminar por su calzada adelante derecho a donde nosotros estabamos, y a las cinco o poco mas llego a la puerta de la ciudad, quedando todos los campos cubiertos de gente, y asi comenzaron a entrar por la plaza hasta trescientos hombres como mozos despuelas con sus arcos y flechas en las manos, cantando un cantar no nada gracioso para los que lo oyamos, antes espantoso porque parecia cosa infernal, y dieron una vuelta a aquella mezquita amagando al suelo con las manos a limpiar lo que por el estaba, de lo cual habia poca necesidad, porque los del pueblo le tenian bien barrido para cuando entrase. Acabada de dar su vuelta pararon todos juntos, y entro otro escuadron de hasta mil hombres con picas sin yerros tostadas las puntas, todos de una librea de colores, digo que la de los primeros era blanca y colorada, como las casas de un axedrez. Entrado el segundo escuadron entro el tercero de otra librea, todos con martillos en las manos de cobre y plata, que es una arma que ellos tienen, y ansi desta manera entraron en la dicha plaza muchos Senores principales que venian en medio de los delanteros y de la persona de Atabalipa. Detras destos en una litera muy rica, los cabos de los maderos cubiertos de plata, venia la persona de Atabalipa, la cual traian ochenta Senores en hombros todos vestidos de una librea azul muy rica, y el vestido su persona muy ricamente con su corona en la cabeza, y al cuello un collar de esmeraldas grandes y sentado en la litera en una silla muy pequena con un coxin muy rico. En llegando al medio de la plaza paro, llevando descubierto el medio cuerpo de fuera; y toda la gente de guerra que estaba en la plaza le tenian en medio, estando dentro hasta seis o siete mil hombres. Como el vio que ninguna persona salia a el, ni parecia, tubo creido, y asi lo confeso el despues de preso, que nos habiamos escondido de miedo de ver su poder; y dio una voz y dixo: Donde estan estos? A la cual salio del aposento del dicho Gobernador Pizarro el Padre Fray Vicente de Valverde de la orden de los Predicadores, que despues fue obispo de aquella tierra con la bribia en la mano y con el una lengua, y asi juntos llegaron por entre la gente a poder hablar con Atabalipa, al cual le comenzo a decir cosas de la sagrada escriptura, y que nuestro Senor Jesu-Christo mandaba que entre los suyos no hubiese guerra, ni discordia, sino todo paz, y que el en su nombre ansi se lo pedia y requeria; pues habia quedado de tratar della el dia antes, y de venir solo sin gente de guerra. A las cuales palabras y otras muchas que el Frayle le dixo, el estubo callando sin volver respuesta; y tornandole a decir que mirase lo que Dios mandaba, lo cual estaba en aquel libro que llevaba en la mano escripto, admirandose a mi parecer mas de la escriptura, que de lo escripto en ella: le pidio el libro, y le abrio y ojeo, mirando el molde y la orden del, y despues de visto, le arrojo por entre la gente con mucha ira, el rostro muy encarnizado, diciendo: Decildes a esos, que vengan aca, que no pasare de aqui hasta que me den cuenta y satisfagan y paguen lo que han hecho en la tierra. Visto esto por el Frayle y lo poco que aprovechaban sus palabras, tomo su libro, y abajo su cabeza, y fuese para donde estaba el dicho Pizarro, casi corriendo, y dijole: No veis lo que pasa: para que estais en comedimientos y requerimientos con este perro lleno de soberbia, que vienen los campos llenos de Indios? Salid a el, - que yo os absuelvo. Y ansi acabadas de decir estas palabras que fue todo en un instante, tocan las trompetas, y parte de su posada con toda la gente de pie, que con el estaba, diciendo: Santiago a ellos; y asi salimos todos a aquella voz a una, porque todas aquellas casas que salian a la plaza tenian muchas puertas, y parece que se habian fecho a aquel proposito. En arremetiendo los de caballo y rompiendo por ellos todo fue uno, que sin matar sino solo un negro de nuestra parte, fueron todos desbaratados y Atabalipa preso, y la gente puesta en huida, aunque no pudieron huir del tropel, porque la puerta por do habian entrado era pequena y con la turbacion no podian salir, y visto los traseros cuan lejos tenian la acoxida y remedio de huir, arrimaronse dos o tres mil dellos a un lienso de pared, y dieron con el a tierra el cual salia al campo porque por aquella parte no habia casas y ansi tubieron camino ancho para huir; y los escuadrones de gente que habian quedado en el campo sin entrar en el pueblo, como vieron huir y dar alaridos, los mas dellos fueron desbaratados y se pusieron en huida, que era cosa harto de ver, que un valle de cuatro o cinco leguas todo iba cuaxado de gente. En este vino la noche muy presto, y la gente se recogio, y Atabalipa se puso en una casa de piedra, que era el templo del sol, y asi se paso aquella noche con grand regocijo y placer de la vitoria que nuestro Senor nos habia dado, poniendo mucho recabdo en hacer guardia a la persona de Atabalipa para que no volviesen a tomarnosle. Cierto fue permision de Dios y grand acertamiento guiado por su mano, porque si este dia no se prendiera, con la soberbia que trahia, aquella noche fueramos todos asolados por ser tan pocos, como tengo dicho, y ellos tantos. Pedro Pizarro, Descubrimiento y Conquista de los Reynos del Peru, Ms. Pues despues de aver comido, que acavaria a hora de missa mayor, enpeco a levantar su gente y a venirse hazia Caxamalca. Hechos sus esquadrones, que cubrian los campos, y el metido en vnas andas enpeco a caminar, viniendo delante del dos mil yndios que le barrian el camino por donde venia caminando, y la gente de guerra la mitad de vn lado y la mitad de otro por los campos sin entrar en camino: traia ansi mesmo al senor de Chincha consigo en vnas andas, que parescia a los suyos cossa de admiracion, porque ningun yndio, por senor principal que fuese, avia de parescer delante del sino fuese con vna carga a cuestas y descalzo: pues hera tanta la pateneria que traian d' oro y plata, que hera cossa estrana lo que reluzia con el sol: venian ansi mesmo delante de Atabalipa muchos yndios cantando y danzando. Tardose ste senor en andar esta media legua que ay dende los banos a donde el estava hasta Caxamalca, dende ora de missa mayor, como digo, hasta tres oras antes que anochesciese. Pues llegada la gente a la puerta de la plaza, enpe caron a entrar los esquadrones con grandes cantares, y ansi entrando ocuparon toda la plaza por todas partes. Visto el marquez don Francisco Picarro que Atabalipa venia ya junto a la plaza, embio al padre fr. Vicente de Balverde primero obispo del Cuzco, y a Hernando de Aldana vn buen soldado, y a don Martinillo lengua, que fuesen a hablar a Atabalipa y a requerille de parte de dios y del Rey se subjetase a la ley de nuestro Senor Jesucristo y al servicio de S. Mag., y que el Marquez le tendria en lugar de hermano, y no consintiria le hiziesen enojo ni dano en su tierra. Pues llegado que fue el padre a las andas donde Atabalipa venia, le hablo y le dixo a lo que yva, y le predico cossas de nuestra sancta ffee, declarandoselas la lengua. Llevava el padre vn breviario en las manos donde leya lo que le predicaba: el Atabalipa se lo pidio, y el cerrado se lo dio, y como le tuvo en las manos y no supo abrille arrojole al suelo. Llamo al Aldana que se llegase a el y le diese la espada, y el Aldana la saco y se la mostro, pero no se la quiso dar. Pues pasado lo dicho, el Atabalipa les dixo que se fuesen para Vellacos ladrones, y que los avia de matar a todos. Pues oydo esto, el padre se bolvio y conto al marquez lo que le avia pasado; y el Atabalipa entro en la plaza con todo su trono que traya, y el senor de Chincha tras del. Desque ovieron entrado y vieron que no parescia espanol ninguno, pregunto a sus capitanes, Donde estan estos cristianos que no parescen? Ellos le dixeron, Senor, estan escondidos de miedo. Pues visto el marquez don Francisco Picarro las dos andas, no conosciendo qual hera la de Atabalipa, mando a Joan Picarro su hermano fuese con los peones que tenia a la vna, y el yria a la otra. Pues mandado esto, hizieron la sena al Candia, el qual solto el tiro, y en soltandolo tocaron las trompetas, y salieron los de acavallo de tropel, y el marquez con los de a pie, como esta dicho, tras dellos, de manera que con el estruendo del tiro y las trompetas y el tropel de los cavallos con los cascaveles los yndios se embararon y se cortaron. Los espanoles dieron en ellos y empecaron a matar, y fue tanto el miedo que los yndios ovieron, que por huir, no pudiendo salir por la puerta, derribaron vn lienzo de vna pared de la cerca de la plaza de largo de mas de dos mil passos y de alto de mas de vn estado. Los de acavallo fueron en su seguimiento hasta los banos, donde hizieron grande estrago, y hizieran mas sino les anochesciera. Pues bolviendo a don Francisco Picarro y a su hermano, salieron, como estava dicho, con la gente de a pie: el marquez fue a dar con las andas de Atabalipa, y el hermano con el senor de Chincha, al qual mataron alli en las andas; y lo mismo fuera del Atabalipa sino se hallara el marquez alli, porque no podian derivalle de las andas, que aunque matavan los yndios que las tenian, se metian luego otros de Reffresco a sustentallas, y desta manera estuvieron vn gran rrato fforcejando y matando indios, y de cansados vn espanol tiro vna cuchillada para matalle, y el marquez don Francisco Picarro se la rreparo, y del rreparo le hinio en la mano al marquez el espanol, queriendo dar al Atabalipa, a cuya caussa el marquez dio bozes diciendo: Nadie hiera al indio so pena de la vida. Entendido esto, aguijaron siete o ocho espanoles y asieron de vn bordo de las andas y haziendo fuerca las trastornaron a vn lado, y ansi fue preso el Atabalipa, y el marquez le llevo a su aposento, y alli le puso guardas que le guardavan de dia y de noche. Pues venida la noche, los espanoles se recoxieron todos y dieron muchas gracias a nuestro senor por las Mercedes que les avia hecho, y muy contentos en tener presso al senor, porque a no prendelle no se ganara la tierra como se gano.
Carta de Hernando Pizarro, ap. Oviedo, Historia General de las Indias, Ms., lib. 46, cap. 15.
Venia en unas handas, e delante de el hasta trecientos o cuatrocientos Yndios con Camisetas de librea limpiando las pajas del camino, e cantando, e el en medio de la otra gente que eran Caciques e principales, e los mas principales Caciques le traian en los hombros; e entrando en la Plaza subieron doce o quince Yndios en una fortaleza que alli estaba, e tomaronla a manera de posesion con vandera puesta en una lanza: entrando hasta la mitad de la Plaza reparo alli: e salio un Fraile Dominico que estaba con el Gobernador a hablarle de su parte, que el Gobernador le esperaba en su aposento, que le fuese a hablar, e dijole como era Sacerdote, e que era embiado por el Emperador para que le ensenase las cosas de la fe si quisiesen ser Cristianos, e mostroles un libro que llevaba en las manos, e dijole que aquel libro era de las cosas de Dios; e el Atabaliva pidio el libro, e arrojole en el suelo e dijo: Yo no pasare de aqui hasta que me deis todo lo que habeis tomado en mi tierra, que yo bien se quien sois vosotros, y en lo que andais: e levantose en las andas, e hablo a su gente, e obo murmullo entre ellos llamando a la gente que tenian las armas: e el fraile fue al Gobernador e dijole que que hacia, que ya no estaba la cosa en tiempo de esperar mas: el Gobernador me lo embio a decir: yo tenia concertado con el Capitan de la artilleria, que haciendole una sena disparasen los tiros, e con la gente que oyendolos saliesen todos a un tiempo; e como asi se hizo e como los Yndios estaban sin armas fueron desbaratados sin peligro de ningun Cristiano. Los que traian las andas, e los Caciques que venian al rededor del, nunca lo desampararon hasta que todos murieron al rededor del: el Gobernador salio e tomo a Atabaliva, e por defenderle le dio un cristiano una cuchillada en una mano. La gente siguio el alcance hasta donde estaban laos Yndios con armas; no se hallo en ellos resistencia alguna, porque ya era recogieronse todos al Pueblo donde el Gobernador quedaba.
No. IX
Account Of The Personal Habits Of Atahuallpa; Extracted From The Ms. Of Pedro Pizarro.
[This minute account of the appearance and habits of the captive Inca is of the most authentic character, coming, as it does, from the pen of one who had the best opportunities of personal observation, during the monarch's imprisonment by his Conquerors. Pizarro's Ms. is among those recently given to the world by the learned Academicians Salva and Baranda.]
Este Atabalipa ya dicho hera indio bien dispuesto, de buena persona, de medianas carnes, no grueso demasiado, hermosso de Rostro y grave en el, los ojos encarnizados, muy temido de los suyos. (Acuerdome que el Senor de Guaylas le pidio licencia para yr a ver su tierra, y se la dio, dandole tiempo en que fuese y viniese limitado. Tardose algo mas, y cuando bolvio, estando yo presente, llego con vn presente de fruta de la tierra, y llegado que fue a su presencia empeco a temblar en tanta manera que no se podia tener en los pies. El Atabalipa alco la caveza vn poquito y sonrriendose le hizo sena que se ffuese.) Quando le sacaron a matar, toda la gente que avia en la plaza de los naturales, que avia harto, se prostraron por tierra, dexandose caer en el suelo como Borrachos. Este indio se servia de sus mugeres por la horden que tengo ya dicha, sirviendole vna hermana diez dias o ocho con mucha cantidad de hijas de senores que a estas hermanas servian, mudandose de ocho a ocho dias. Estas estavan siempre con el para serville, que yudio no entrava dond' el estava. Tenia muchos caciques consigo: estos estavan afuera en vn patio, y en llamando alguno entrava descalzo y donde el estava; y si venia de fuera parte, avia de entrar descalzo y cargado con vna carga; y quando su capitan Challicuchima vino con Hernando Picarro y le entro a ver, entro asi como digo con vna carga y descalzo y se hecho a sus pies, y llorando se los beso. El Atabalipa con Rostro sereno le dixo: Seas bien venido alli, Challicuchima; queriendo dezir, Seas bien venido, Challicuchima. Este yndio se ponia en la caveza vnos llautos que son vnas trencas hechas de lanas de colores, de grosor de medio dedo y de anchor de vno, hecho desto vna manera de corona y no con puntas, sino redonda, de anchor de vna mano, que encaxava en la caveza, y en la frente vna borla cossida en este llauto, de anchor de vna mano, poco mas, de lana muy ffina de grana, cortada muy ygual, metida por vno canutitos de oro muy sotilmente hasta la mitad: esta lana hera hilada, y de los canutos abaxo destorcida, que hera lo que caya en la frente; que los canutillos de oro hera quanto tomavan todo el llauto ya dicho. Cayale esta borla hasta encima de las cejas, de vn dedo de grosor, que le tomava toda la frente; y todos estos senores andavan tresquilados y los orejones conio a sobre peine. Vestian Ropa muy delgada y muy blanda ellos y sus hermanas que tenian por mugeres, y sus deudos, orejones principales, que se la davan los senores, y todos los demas vestian Ropa basta. Poniase este senor la manta por encima de la caveca y atabasela debajo de la barva, tapandose las orejas: esto traia el por tapar vna oreja que tenia rompida, que quando le prendieron los de Guascar se la quebraron. Bestiase este senor Ropas muy delicadas. Estando vn dia comiendo, questas senoras ya dichas le llevavan la comida y se la ponian delante en vnos juncos verdes muy delgados y pequenos, estaba sentado este senor en vn duo de madera de altor de poco mas de un palmo: este duo hera de madera colorada muy linda, y tenianle siempre tapado con vna manta muy delgada, aunque stuviese el sentado en el: estos juncos ya dichos le tendian siempre delante quando queria comer, y alli le ponian todos los manjares en oro, plata y Barro, y el que a el apetescia senalava se lo truxesen, y tomandolo vna senora destas dichas se lo tenia en la mano mientras comia. Pues estando vn dia desta manera comiendo y yo presente, llevando vna tajada del manjar a la boca le cayo vna gota en el vestido que tenia puesto, y dando de mano a la yndia se levanto y se entro a su aposento a vestir otro vestido, y buelto saco ves tido vna camiseta y vna manta (pardo escuro). Llegandome yo pues a el le tente la manta que hera mas blanda que seda, y dixele: Ynga, de que es este vestido tan blando? El me dixo, Es de vnos pajaros que andan de noche en Puerto Viejo y en Tumbez, que muerden a los indios. Venido a aclararse dixo, que hera de pelo de murcielagos. Diziendole, que de donde se podria juntar tanto murcielago? dixo, Aquellos perros de Tumbez y Puerto Viejo que avian de hazer sino tomar destos para hazer Ropa a mi padre? Y es ansi questos murcielagos de aquellas partes muerden de noche a los indios y a espanoles y a cavallos, y sacan tanta sangre ques cossa de misterio, y ansi se averiguo ser este vestido de lana de murcielagos, y ansi hera la color como dellos del vestido, que en Puerto Viejo y en Tumbez y sus comarcas ay gran cantidad dellos Pues acontescio vn dia que viniendose a quexar vn indio que vn espanol tomava vnos bestidos de Atabalipa, el marquez me mando fuesse yo a saver quien hera y llamar al espanol para castigallo. El indio me lleva a vn buhio donde avia gran cantidad de petacas, porquel espanol ya nera ydo, diciendome que de alli avia tomado vn bestido del senor; e yo preguntandole que que tenian aquellas petacas, me mostro algunas en que tenian todo aquello que Atabalipa avia tocado con las manos, y avia estado de pies, y vestidos que el avia deshechado; en vnas los junquillos que le hechavan delante a los pies quando comia; en otras los guessos de las carnes o aves que comia, que el avia tocado con las manos; en otras los maslos de las mazorcas de mahiz que avia tomado en sus manos; en otras las rropas que havia deshechado: finalmente todo aquello que el avia tocado. Preguntelee, que para que tenian aquello alli? Respondieronme, que para quemallo, porque cada ano quemavan todo esto, porque lo que tocavan los senores que heran hijos del sol, se avia de quemar y hazer seniza y hechallo por el ayre, que nadie avia de tocar a ello; y en guarda desto estava vn prencipal con indios que lo guardava y rrecoxia de las mugeres que les servian. Estos senores dormian en el suelo en vnos colchones grandes de algodon: tenian vnas ffrecadas grandes de lana con que se cubijaban: y no e visto en todo este Piru indio semejante a este Atabalipa ni de su ferocidad ni autoridad. No. X.
Contemporary Accounts Of The Execution Of Atahuallpa.
[The following notices of the execution of the Inca are from the hands of eyewitnesses; for Oviedo, though not present himself, collected his particulars from those who were. I give the notices here in the original, as the best authority for the account of this dismal tragedy.] Pedro Pizarro, Descubrimiento y Conquista de los Reynos del Peru, Ms. Acordaron pues los officiales y Almagro que Atabalipa muriese, tratando entre si que muerto Atabalipa se acababa el auto hecho acerca del esoro. Pues dixeron al Marquez don Francisco Picarro que no convenia que Atabalipa biviese; porque si se soltava, S. Mag. perderia la tierra y todos los espanoles serian muertos; y a la verdad, si esto no fuera tratado con malicia, como esta dicho, tenian Razon, porque hera imposible soltandose poder ganar la tierra. Pues el marquez no quiso venir en ello. Visto esto los oficiales hizieronle muchos rrequerimientos, poniendole el servicio de S. Mag. por delante. Pues estando asi atravesose vn demonio de vna lengua que se dezia ffelipillo, vno de los muchachos que el marquez avia llevado a Espana, que al presente hera lengua, y andava enamorado de vna muger de Atabalipa, y por avella hizo entender al marquez que Atabalipa hazia gran junta de gente para matar los espanoles en Caxas. Pues sabido el marquez esto prendio a Challicuchima que estava suelto y preguntandole por esta gente que dezia la lengua se juntavan, aunque negava y dezia que no, el ffelipillo dezia a la contra trastornando las palabras dezian a quien se preguntava este casso. Pues el marquez don Francisco Picarro acordo embiar a Soto a Caxas a saver si se hazia alli alguna junta de gente, porque cierto el marquez no quisiera matalle. Pues visto Almagro y los oficiales la yda de Soto apretaron al marquez con muchos rrequirimientos, y la lengua por su parte que ayu dava con sus rretruecos, vinieron a convencer al marquez que muriese Atabalipa, porque el marquez hera muy zeloso del servicio de S. Mag. y ansi le hizieron temer, y contra su voluntad sentencio a muerte a Atabalipa mandando le diesen garrote, y despues de muerto le quemasen porque tenia las hermanas por mugeres. Cierto pocas leyes avian leido estos senores ni entendido, pues al infiel sin aver sido predicado le davan esta sentencia. Pues el Atabalipa llorava y dezia que no le matasen, que no abria yndio en la tierra que se meneasse sin su mandado, y que presso le tenian, que de que temian? y que si lo avian por oro y plata, que el daria dos tanto de lo que avia mandado. Yo vide llorar al marques de pesar por no podelle dar la vida, porque cierto temio los requirimientos y el rriezgo que avia en la tierra si se soltava. Este Atabalipa avia hecho entender a sus mugeres e yndios que si no le quemavan el cuerpo, aunque le matassen avia de bolver a ellos, que el sol su padre le rresucitaria. Pues sacandole a dar garrote a la plaza el padre fray Vicente de Balverde ya dicho le predico diziendole se tornase cristiano: y el dixo que si el se tornava christiano, si le quemarian, y dixeronle que no: y dixo que pues no le avian de quemar que queria se baptizado, y ansi fray Vicente le baptizo y le dieron garrote, y otro dia le enterraron en la en la yglesia que en Caxamalca teniamos los espanoles. Esto se hizo antes que Soto bolviese a dar aviso de lo que le hera mandado; y quando vino truxo por nueva no aver visto nada ni aver nada, de que al marquez le peso mucho de avelle muerto, y al Soto mucho mas, porque dezia el, y tenia rrazon, que mejor ffuera embialle a Espana, y que el se obligara a ponello en la mar: y cierto esto fuera lo mejor que con este indio se pudiera hazer, porque quedar en la tierra no convenia: tambien se entendio que no biviera muchos dias, aunque le embiara. porque el hera muy regalado y muy senor.
Relacion del Primer Descubrimiento de la Costa y Mar del Sur, Ms. Dando forma como se llevaria Atabalipa de camino, y que guardia se le pondria, y consultando y tratando si seriamos parte para defenderle en aquellos pasos malos y rios si nos le quisiesen tomar los suyos: comenzose a decir y a certificar entre los Indios, que el mandaba venir grand multitud de gente sobre nosotros: esta nueva se fue encendiendo tanto, que se tomo informacion de muchos senores de la tierra, que todos a una dijeron que era verdad, que el mandaba venir sobre nosotros para que le salvasen, y nos matasen si pudiesen, y que estaba toda la gente en cierta provincia ayuntada que ya venia de camino. Tomada esta informacion, juntaronse el dicho Gobernador, y Almagro, y los Oficiales de S. Mag. no estando ahi Hernando Pizarro, porque ya era partido para Espana con alguna parte del quinto de S. Mag. y a darle noticia y nueva de lo acaecido; y resumieronse, aunque contra voluntad del dicho Gobernador, que nunca estubo bien en ello, que Atabalipa, pues quebrantaba la paz, y queria hacer traicion y traher gentes para matar los cristianos, muriese, porque con su muerte cesaria todo, y se allanaria la tierra: a lo cual hubo contrarios pareceres, y la mas de la gente se puso en defender Almagro, y dando muchas razones por que debia morir, el fue muerto, aunque para el no fue muerte, sino vida, porque murio cristiano, y es de creer que se fue al cielo. Publicado por toda la tierra su muerte, la gente comun, y de pueblos venian donde el dicho Gobernador estaba a dar la obediencia a S. Mag.; pero los capitanes y gente de guerra que estaban en Xauxa y en el Cuzco, antes se rehicieron, y no quisieron venir de paz. Aqui acaecio la cosa mas estrana que se ha visto en el mundo, que yo vi por mis ojos, y fue; que estando en la iglesia cantando los oficios de difuntos a Atabalipa, presente el cuerpo, llegaron ciertas senoras hermanas y mugeres suyas, y otros privados con grand estruendo, tal que impidieron el oficio, y dijeron que les hiciesen aquella fiesta muy mayor, porque era costumbre cuando el grand senor moria, que todos aquellos que bien le querian, se enterrasen vivos con el: a los cuales se les respondio, que Atabalipa habia muerto como cristiano, y como tal le hacian aquel oficio, que no se habia de hacer lo que ellos pedian, que era muy mal hecho y contra cristianidad; que se fuesen de alli, y no les estorbasen, y se le dejasen enterrar, y ansi se fueron a sus aposentos, y se ahorcaron todos ellos y ellos. Las cosas que pasaron en estos dias, y los extremos y llantos de la gente son muy y largas prolijas, y por eso diran aqui.
Oviedo, Historia General de las Indias, Ms., lib. 46, cap. 22. Cuando el Marques Don Francisco Pizarro tubo preso al gran Rev Atabaliva le aconsejaron hombres faltos de buen entendimiento, que le matase, o el obo gana, porque como se vieron cargados de oro parecioles que muerto aquel Senor lo podian poner mas a su salvo en Espana donde quisiesen e dejando la tierra, y que asimismo serian mas parte para se sustener en ella sin aquel escrupuloso impedimento, que no conservandose la vida de un Principe tan grande, e tan temido e acatado de sus naturales, y en todas aquellas partes; e la esperiencia ha mostrado cuan mal acordado e peor fecho fue todo lo que contra Atabaliva se hizo despues de su prision en le quitar la vida, con la cual demas de deservirse Dios quitaron al Emperador nuestro Senor, e a los mismos Espanoles que en aquellas partes se hallaron, y a los que en Espana quedaron, que entonces vivian y a los que aora viven e naceran innumerables tesoros, que aquel Principe les diera; e ninguno de sus vasallos se mobiera ni alterara como se alteraron e revelaron en faltando su Persona. Notorio es que el Gobernador le aseguro la vida, y sin que le diese tal seguro el se le tenia, pues ningun Capitan puede disponer sin licencia de su Rey y Senor de la Persona del Principe que tiene preso, cuyo es de derecho, cuanto mas que Atabaliva dijo al Marques, que si algun Cristiano matasen los Yndios, o le hiciesen el menor dano del mundo, que creyese que por su mandado lo hacia, y que cuando eso fuese le matase o hiciese del lo que quisiese; e que tratandole bien el le chaparia las paredes de plata, e le allanaria las Sierras e los montes, e le daria a el, e a los Cristianos cuanto oro quisiesen, e que desto no tubiese duda alguna; y en pago de sus ofrecimientos encendidas pajas se las ponian en los pies ardiendo, porque digese que traicion era la que tenia ordenada contra los Cristianos, e inventando e fabricando contra el falsedades, le levantaron que los queria matar, e todo aquello fue rodeado por malos e por la inadvertencia e mal Consejo del Gobernador, e comenzaron a le hacer proceso mal compuesto y peor escrito, seyendo uno de los Adalides un inquieto, desasosegado e deshonesto Clerigo, y un Escribano falto de conciencia, e de mala habilidad, y otros tales que en la maldad concurrieron, e asi mal fundado el libelo se concluyo a sabor de danados paladares, como se dijo en el Capitulo catorce, no acordandose que les habian enchido las casas de oro e plata, e le habian tomado sus mugeres e repartidolas en su presencia e usaban de ellas en sus adulterios, e en lo que les placia a aquellos aquien las dieron; y como les parecio a los culpados que tales ofensas no eran de olvidar, e que merecian que el Atabaliva les diese la recompensa como sus obras eran, asentoseles en el animo un temor e enemistad con el entranable; e por salir de tal cuidado e sospecha le ordenaron la muerte por aquello que el no hizo ni penso; y de ver aquesto algunos Espanoles comedidos aquien pesaba que tan grande deservicio se hiciese a Dios y al Emperador nuestro Senor; y aunque tan grande ingratitud se perpetraba e tan senalada maldad se cometia como matar a un Principe tan grande sin culpa. E viendo que le traian a colacion sus delitos e crueldades pasadas, que el habia usado entre sus Yndios y enemigos en el tiempo pasado, de lo cual ninguno era Juez, sino Dios; queriendo saber la verdad e por excusar tan notorios danos como se esperaban que habian de proceder matando aquel Senor se ofrecieron cinco hidalgos de ir en persona a saber y ver si venia aquella gente de guerra que los falsos inventores e sus mentirosas espias publicaban, a dar en los Cristianos; en fin el Gobernador (que tambien se puede creer que era enganado) lo obo por bien; e fueron el Capitan Hernando de Soto, el Capitan Rodrigo Orgaiz, e Pedro Ortiz, e Miguel de Estete, e Lope Velez a ver esos enemigos que decian que venian; e el Gobernador les dio una Guia o Espia, que decia que sabia donde estaban; e a dos dias de camino se despeno la guia de un risco, que lo supo muy bien hacer el Diablo para que el dano fuese mayor; pero aquellos cinco de caballo que he dicho pasaron adelante hasta que llegaron al lugar donde se decian que habian de hallar el egercito contrario, e no hallaron hombre de guerra, ni con armas algunas, sino todos de paz; e aunque no iban sino esos pocos cristianos que es dicho les hicieron mucha fiesta por donde andubieron, e les dieron todo lo que les pidieron de lo que tenian para ellos e sus criados, e Yndios de servicio que llevaban; por manera que viendo que era burla, e muy notoria mentira e falsedad palpable, se tornaron a Cajamalca donde el Gobernador estaba; el cual ya habia fecho morir al Principe Atabaliva se que la historia lo ha contado; e como llegaron al Gobernador hallaronle mostrando mucho sentimiento con un gran sombrero de fieltro puesto en la cabeza por luto e muy calado sobre los ojos, e le digeron: Senor, muy mal lo ha fecho V. Sa, y fuera justo que fueramos atendidos para que supierades que es muy gran traicion la que se le levanto a Atabaliva, porque ningun hombre de guerra hay en el Campo, ni le hallamos, sino todo de paz, e muy buen tratami ento que no se nos hizo en todo lo que habemos andado. El Gobernador respondio e les dijo: Ya veo que me han enganado: desde a pocos dias nabida esta verdad, e murmurandose de la crueldad que con aque Principe se uso, vinieron a malas palabras el Gobernador y fray Vicente de Valverde, y el Tesorero Riquelme, e a cada uno de ellos decia que e otro lo habia fecho, e se desmintieron unos a otros muchas veces, oyendo muchos su rencilla.
No. XI.
Contract Between Pizarro And Almagro, Ms.; Dated At Cuzco June 12, 1535. [This agreement between these two celebrated captains, in which they bind themselves by solemn oaths to the observance of what would seem to be required by the most common principles of honesty and honor, is too characteristic of the men and the times to be omitted. The original exists in the archives at Simancas.]
Nos Dn Francisco Pizarro, Adelantado, Capitan General y Governador por S. M. en estos Reynos de la Nueva Castilla, e Dn Diego de Almagro, asimismo Governador por S. M. en la provincia de Toledo, decimos: que por que mediante la intima amistad y compania que entre nosotros con tanto amor ha permanecido, y queriendolo Dios Nuestro Senor hacer, ha sido parte y cabsa que el Emperador e Rey nuestro Senor haya recevido senalados servicios con la conquista, sujecion e poblacion destas provincias y tierras, e atrayendo a la conversion y camino de nuestra Santa Fee Catolica tanta muchedumbre de infieles, e confiando S. M. que durante nuestra amistad y compania su real patrimonio sera acrecentado, e asi por tener este intento como por los servicios pasados, S. M. Catolica tubo por bien de conceder a mi el dicho Dn Francisco Pizarro la go vernacion de estos nuebos Reynos, y a mi el dicho Dn Diego de Almagro la governacion de la provincia de Toledo, de las quales mercedes que de su Real liberalidad hemos recevido, resulta tan nueba obligacion, que perpetuamente nuestras vidas y patrimonios, y de los que de nos decendieren en su Real servicio se gasten y consuman, y para que esto mas seguro y mejor efecto haya y la confianza de S. M. por nuestra parte no fallezca Renunciando la Ley que cerca de los tales juramentos dispone, prometemos e juramos en presencia de Dios Nuestro Senor, ante cuye acatamiento estamos, de guardar y cumplir bien y enteramente, y sin cabtela ni otro entendimiento alguno lo espresado y contenido en los capitulos siguientes, e suplicamos a su infinita bondad que a qualquier de nos que fuere en contrario de lo asi convenido, con todo rigor de justicia permita la perdicion de su anima, fin y mal acavamiento de su vida, destruicion y perdimiento de su familia, honrras y hacienda, porque como quebrantador de su fee, la qual el uno al otro y el otro nos damos, y ne temerosos de su acatamiento, reciva del tal justa venganza: y lo que por parte de cada uno de nosotros juramos y prometemos es lo siguiente.
Primeramente que nuestra amistad e compania se conserve mantenga para en adelante con aquel amor y voluntad que hasta el dia presente entre nosotros ha habido, no la alterando ni quebrantando por algunos intereses, cobdicias, ni ambicion de qualesquiera honrras e oficios, sino que hermanablemente entre nosotros se comunique e seamos parcioneros en todo el bien que Dios Nuestro Senor nos quiera hacer.
Otrosi, decimos so cargo del juramento e promesa que hacemos, que ninguno de nosotros calumniara ni procurara cosa alguna que en dano o menos cabo de su honrra, vida y hacienda al otro pueda subceder ni venir, ni dello sera cabsa por vias directas ni indirectas por si propio ni por otra persona tacita ni espresamente cabsandolo ni permitiendolo, antes procurara todo bien y honrra y trabajara de se lo llegar y adquirir, y evitando todas perdidas y danos que se le puedan recrecer, no siendo de la otra parte avisado.
Otrosi: juramos de mantener, guardar y cumplir lo que entre nosotros esta capitulado, a lo qual al presente nos referimos, e que por via, causa ni mana alguna ninguno de nosotros verna en contrario ni en quevrantamiento dello, ni hara diligencia, protestacion ni Reclamacion alguna, e que si alguna oviere fecha, se aparta o desiste de ella e la renuncia so cargo del dicho juramento.
Otrosi: juramos que juntamente ambos a dos, y no el uno sin el otro, informaremos y escriviremos a S. M. las cosas que segun nuestro parecer mejor a su Real servicio convengan, suplicandole, informandole de todo aquello con que mas su catolica conciencia se descargue, y estas provincias y Reynos mas y mejor se conserven y goviernen, y que no habra relacion particular por ninguno de nosotros hecha en fraude e cabtela y con intento de danar y enpecer al otro, procurando para si, posponiendo el servicio de Nuestro Senor Dios y de S. M., y en quebrantamiento de nuestra amistad y compania, y asimismo no permitira que sea hecho por otra qualquier persona, dicho ni comunicado, ni lo permita ni consienta, sino que todo se haga manifiestamente entre ambos, porque se conozca mejor el celo que de servir a S. M. tenemos, pues de nuestra amistad e compania tanta confianza ha mostrado.
Yten: juramos que todos los provechos e intereses que se nos recrecieren asi de los que yo Dn Francisco Pizarro oviere y adquiriere en esta governacion por qualquier vias y cabsas, como los otros que yo Dn Diego de Almagro he de haber en la conquista y descubrimiento que en hombre y por mandado de S. M. hago, lo traeremos manifiestamente a monton y collacion, por manera que la compania que en este caso tenemos hecha permanezca, y en ella no haya fraude, cabtela ni engano al guno, e que los gastos que por ambos e qualquier de nos se obieren de hacer se haga moderada y discretamente conforme, y proveyendo a la necesidad que se ofreciere evitando lo escesivo y superfluo socorriendo y proveyendo a lo necesario.
Todo lo qual segun en la forma que dicho esta, es nuestra voluntad de lo asi guardar y cumplir so cargo del juramento que asi tenemos fecho, poniendo a Nuestro Senor Dios por juez y a su gloriosa Madre Santa Maria con todos los Santos por testigos, y por que sea notorio a todos los que aqui juramos y prometemos, lo firmamos de nuestros nombres, siendo presentes por testigos el Licenciado Hernando Caldera Teniente General de Governador en estos Reynos por el dicho Senor Governador, e Francisco Pineda Capellan de su Senoria, e Antonio Picado su Secretario, e Antonio Tellez de Guzman y el Doctor Diego de Loaisa, el qual dicho juramento fue fecho en la gran Cibdad del Cuzco en la casa del dicho Governador Dn Diego Dalmagro, estando diciendo misa el Padre Bartolome de Segovia Clerigo, despues de dicho el pater noster, poniendo los dichos Governadores las manos derechas encima del Ara consagrada a 12 de Junio de 1535 anos. - Francisco Pizarro. - El Adelantado Diego Dalmagro. - Testigos el Licenciado Hernando Caldera - Antonio Tellez de Guzman.
Yo Antonio Picado Escrivano de S. M. doy fee que fui testigo y me halle presente al dicho juramento e solenidad fecho por los dichos Governadores, y yo saque este traslado del original que queda en mi poder como secretario del Senor Governador Dn Francisco Pizarro, en fee de lo qual firme aqui nombre. Fecho en la gran Cibdad del Cuzco a 12 dias del mes de Julio de 1535 anos. Antonio Picado Escribano de
No. XII
Letter From The Younger Almagro To The Royal Audience Of Panama, Ms.; Dated At Los Reyes [Lima], July 14, 1541.
[This document, coming from Almagro himself, is valuable as exhibiting the best apology for his conduct, and, with due allowance for the writer's position, the best account of his proceedings. The original - which was transcribed by Munoz for his collection - is preserved in the archives at Simancas.]
Mui magnificos Senores, - Ya Vs Mrds. havran sabido el estado en que he estado despues que fue desta vida el Adelantado Don Diego de Almagro mi padre que Dios tenga en el Cielo, i como quede debajo de la vara del Marques Don Francisco Pizarro, i creo yo que pues son notorias las molestias i malos tratamientos que me hicieron i la necesidad en que me tenian a vn rincon de mi casa sin tener otro remedio sino el de S. M. a quien ocurri que me lo diese como Senor agradecido de quien yo lo esperava pagando los servicios tan grandes que mi padre le hizo de tan gran ganancia e acrecentamiento para su Real Corona, no hay necesidad de contarlas, i por eso no las contare, i dejare lo pasado i vendre a dar a Vs Mrds. cuenta de lo presente, e dire que aunque me llegava al alma verme tan afligido, acordandome del mandamiento que mi padre me dejo que amase el servicio de S. M. i questava en poder de mis enemigos; sufria mas de lo que mi juicio bastava, en especial ser cada dia quien a mi padre quito la vida, i havian escurecido sus servicios por manera que del ni de mi no havia memoria; i como la Enemistad quel Marques me tenia e a todos mis amigos e criados fuese tan cruel i mortal, i sobre mi sucediese, quiso efetualla por la medida con que la uso con mi padre, estando siguro en mi casa, gimiendo mi necesidad, esperando el remedio i Mercedes que de S. M. era razon que yo alcanzase, mui confiado de gozarlas, haciendo a S. M. servicios como yo lo deseo; fui informado quel Marques trataba mi prendimiento i fin, determinado que no quedase en el mundo quien la muerte de mi padre le pidiese, y acordandome que para darsela hallaron testigos a su voluntad, asi mismo los hallaron para mi, por manera que padre i hijo fueran por vn juicio juzgados. Por no dejar mi vida en alvedrio tan diabolico i desatinado, temiendo la muerte, determinado de morir defendiendo mi vida i honra, con los criados de mi padre i amigos, acorde de entrar en su casa i prenderle para escusar mayores danos, pues el Juez de S. M. ya venia i a cada uno hiciera justicia, i el Marques como persona culpada en la defensa de su prision e persona armada para ello hizo tanto que por desdicha suya fue herido de vna herida de que murio luego, i puesto que como hijo de padre a quien el havia muerto lo podia recibir por venganza, me peso tan estranamente que todos conocieron en mi mui gran diferencia, i por ver que estava tan poderoso i acatado como era razon no hovo hombre viendolo en mitad del dia que echase mano a espada para ayuda suya ni despues hay hombre que por el responda: parece que se hizo por juicio de Dios i por su voluntad, porque mi deseo no era tan largo que se estendiese a mas de conservar mi vida en tanto aquel juez llegava; e como vi el hecho procure antes que la cosa mas se encendiese en el pueblo i que cesasen esecucion de prisiones de personas que ambas opiniones havian siguido questaban afrontadas, i cesasen crueldades, e huviese justicia que lo estorvase e castigase, e se tomase cabeza que en nombre de S. M. hiciese justicia e governase la tierra, pareciendo a la republica e comunidad de su Cibdad e oficiales de S. M. que por los servicios de mi padre e por haver el descubierto e ganado esta tierra me pertenecia mas justamente que a otro la governacion della, me pidieron por Governador i dentro de dos horas consultado e negociado con el Cabildo, fui recibido en amor i conformidad de toda la republica: Asi quedo todo en paz i tan asentados i serenos los animos de todos, que no hovo mudanza, i todo esta pacifico, i los pueblos en la misma conformidad i justicia que han estado, i con el ayuda de Dios se asentara cada dia la paz tan bien que de todos sea obedicida por senora, i S. M. sera tambien servido como es razon, como se deve: porque acabadas son las opiniones e parcialidades, e yo e todos pretendemos la poblacion de la tierra i el descubrimiento della, porque los tiempos pasados que se han gastado tan mal con alborotos que se han ofrecido, e descuidos que ha habido, agora se ganen e se alcancen i cobren, i con este presupuesto esten Vs Mrcds. ciertos que esta el Peru en Sosiego,i que las riquezas se descubriran e iran a poder de S. M. mas acrecentadas i multiplicadas que hasta aqui, ni havra mas pasion ni movimiento sino toda quietud, amando el servicio de S. M. i su obidiencia, aprovechando sus Reales rentas: Suplico a Vs Mrds. pues el caso parece que lo hizo Dios i no los hombres, ni yo lo quise asi como Dios lo hizo por su juicio secreto, e como tengo dicho la tierra esta sosegada, i todos en paz; Vs Mrds. por el presente manden suspender qualquiera novedad, pues la tierra se conservara como esta, e sera S. M. mui servido; e despues que toda la gente que no tienen vecindades las tengan, e otros vayan a poblar e descubrir, podran proveer lo que conviniere, i es tiempo que la tierra Espanoles i naturales no reciban mas alteracion, pues no pretenden sino sosiego i quietud, i poblar la tierra i servir a S. M. porque con este deseo todos estamos i estaremos, i de otra manera crean Vs Mrds. que de nuevo la tierra se rebuelve e inquieta, porque de las cosas pasadas vnos i otros han pretendido cada nvo su fin, e sino descansan de los trabajos que han padecido con tantas persecuciones de buena ni de mala perdiendose no terna S. M. della cuenta, e los naturales se destruirian e no asentaran en sus casas e pereceran mas de los que han perecido; e conservar estos e conservar la tierra i los vecinos i moradores della todo es vno; i pues en tanta conformidad yo tengo la tierra e con voluntad de todos fui eligido por Governador, porque mas obidiencia haya, e la justicia mas acatada sea, i entiendan que me han de acatar i obedecer en tanto que S. M. otra cosa manda, porque de lo pasado yo le embio aviso; Suplico a Vs manden despachar desa Audiencia Real vna cedula para que todos me obedezcan i tengan por Governador, porque asi mas sosegados ternan todos los animos i mas i mejor se hara el servicio de S. M. i terna mas paz la tierra, e confundirse han las voluntades que se quisieren levantar contra esto; e sino lo mandasen Vs Mrds. proveer en tanto que S. M. declara su Real Voluntad, podria ser que parte de alguna gente que por aca nunca faltan mas amigos de pasiones que de razon, que se levantase algun escandalo de que Dios i S. M. fuesen mas deservidos: Nuestro Senor las mui magnificas personas de Vs Mrds. guarde tan prosperamente como desean: destos Reyes a 14 de julio de 1541 anos. Beso las manos de Vs Mrds., Don Diego de Almagro.
No. XIII
Letter From The Municipality Of Arequipa To The Emperor Charles The Fifth, Ms.; Dated At San Juan De La Frontera, Sept. 24, 1542.
[The stout burghers of Arequipa gave efficient aid to the royal governor, in his contest with the younger Almagro; and their letter, signed by the municipality, forms one of the most authentic documents for a history of this civil war. The original is in the archives at Simancas.]
S. C. C. M. - Aunque de otros muchos terna V. M. aviso de la vitoria que en ventura de V. M. i buena deligencia i animo del Governador Vaca de Castro se ovo del tirano Don Diego de Almagro e sus se cazes, nosotros el Cabildo i vecino de Arequipa le queremos tambien dar, porque como quien se hallo en el peligro, podremos contar de la verdad como paso.
Desde Xauxa hicimos relacion a V. M. de todo lo sucedido hasta entonses, i de los preparamientos quel Governador tenia proveidos para la guerra de alli. Salio con toda la gente en orden i se vino a esta Cibdad de San Joan de la Frontera, donde tuvimos nuevas como el traidor de Don Diego de Almagro estava en la provincia de Bilcas, que es onze leguas desta Cibdad, que venia determinado con su danada intencion a darnos la batalla. En este comedio vino Lope Diaquez del real de los traidores i dio al Governador una carta de Don Diego, i otra de doze Capitanes mui desvergonzados de fieros i amenazas, i el Governador con zelo de que no oviese tantas muertes entre los vasallos de V. M. como siempre fue su intento de ganar el juego por mana, acordo de tornarles a enbiar al dicho Lope Ydiaquez i a Diego de Mercado Fator de la nueva Toledo, para ver si los podian reducir i atraer al servicio de V. M. i fueron tan mal rescibidos que quando escaparon con las vidas se tuvieron por bien librados. La respuesta que les dieron fue que no querian obedecer las provisiones reales de V. M. sino darle la batalla, i luego alzaron su Real i caminaron para nosotros. Visto esto el Governador saco su Real deste pueblo i camino contra ellos dos leguas, donde supo, que los traidores estavan a tres, en un asiento fuerte i comodo para su artilleria. El governador acordo de los guardar alli, donde le tomo la voz, porque era llano i lugar fuerte al nuestro proposito. Como esto vieron los traidores, sabado que se contaron diez i seis de setiembre, se levantaron de donde estavan, i caminaron por lo alto de la sierra i vinieron una legua de nosotros, i sus corredores vinieron a ver nuestro asiento. Luego el Governador provio que por una media loma fuese un Capitan con cinquenta arcabuceros, i otro con cinquenta lanzas a tomar lo alto, i sucedio tambien que sin ningun riesgo se tomo, i luego todo el exercito de V. M lo subio. Visto esto, los enemigos que estarian tres quartos de legua, procuraron de buscar campo donde nos dar la batalla, i asi le tomaron a su proposito i asentaron su artilleria i concertaron sus esquadrones, que eran ducientos i treinta de cavallo, en que venian cinquenta hombres de armas: la infanteria eran ducientos arcabuzeros i ciento i cinquenta piqueros, todos tan lucidos e bien armados, que de Milan no pudieran salir mejor aderezados: el artilleria eran seis media culebrinas de diez a doze pies de largo, que echavan de bateria una naranja: tenian mas otros seis tiros medianos todos de fruslera, tan bien aderezados i con tanta municion, que mas parecia artilleria de Ytalia que no de Yndias. El Governador vista su desverguenza, la gente mui en orden, despues de haver hecho los razonamientos que convenian, diciendonos que viesemos la desverguenza que los traidores tenian i el gran desacato a la corona Real, camino a ellos, i llegando a tiro donde su artilleria podia alcanzar, jugo luego en nosotros, que la nuestra por ser mui pequena e ir caminando, no nos podimos aprovechar della de ninguna cosa, i asi la dexamos por popa: matarnos hian antes que llegasemos a romper con ellos mas de 30 hombres, i siempre con este dano que rescebiamos, caminamos hasta nos poner a tiro de arcabuz, donde de una parte i de otra jugaron i se hizo de a mas partes arto dano, i lo mas presto que nos fue posible porque su artilleria aun nos echava algunas pelotas en nuestros esquadrones, cerramos con ellos, donde duro la battalla de lanzas, porras i espadas mas de una grande hora; fue tan renida i porfiada que despues de la de Rebena no se ha visto entre tan poca gente mas crue batalla, donde hermanos a hermanos, ni deudos a deudos, ni amigos a amigos no se davan vida uno a otro. Finalmente como llevasemos la justicia de nuestra parte, nuestro Senor en ventura de V. M. nos dio vitoria, i en el denuedo con que acometio el Governador Baca de Castro el qual estava sobresaliente con treinta de cavallo, armado en blanco con una ropilla de brocado sobre las armas con su encomienda descubierta en los pechos, contra el qual estavan conjurados muchos de los traidores, pero el como cavallero se les mostro i defendio tan bien, que para hombre de su edad i profesion, estamos espantados de lo que hizo i trabajo, i como rompio con sus sobresalientes, luego desampararon el campo i conseguimos gloriosa vitoria, la qual estuvo harto dudosa, porque si era mos en numero ciento mas que ellos, en escoger el campo i artilleria i nombres de armas i arcabuzes, nos tenian doblada ventaja. Fue bien sangrienta de entramas partes, i si la noche no cerrara tan presto, V. M. quedara bien satisfecho destos traidores, pero lo que no se pudo entonses hacer, ahora el Governador lo hace, desquartizando cada dia a los que se escaparon: murieron en la batalla de los nuestros el capitan Per Alvarez Holguin i otros sesenta cavalleros i Hidalgos; i estan eridos de muerte Gomez de Tordoya i el Capitan Peranzures i otros mas de ciento. De los traidores murieron ciento e cinquenta, i mas de otros tantos eridos; presos estan mas de ciento i cinquenta: Don Diego i otros tres capitanes se escaparon: cada ora se traen presos, esperamos que un dia se habra Don Diego a las manos, porque los Yndios como villanos de Ytalia los matan i traen presos. V. M. tenga esta vitoria en gran servicio, porque puede creer que agora se acabo de ganar esta tierra i ponerla debaxo del cetro Real de V. M. i que esta ha sido verdadera conquista i pacificacion della, i asi es justo que V. M. como gratisimo Principe gratifique i haga mercedes a los que se la dieron; i al Governador Baca de Castro perpetuarle en ella en entramas governaciones no dividiendo nada dellas porque no hai otra batalla, i a los soldados i vecinos que en ella se hallaron, remunerarles sus trabajos i perdidas, que han rescibido por reducir estos Reinos a la Corona Real de V. M. i mandando castigar a los vecinos que oyendo la voz Real de V. M. se quedaron en sus casas grangeando sus repartimientos i haciendas, porque gran sin justicia seria, Sacra M que bolviendo nosotros a nuestras casas pobres i mancos de guerra e mas de un ano, hallasemos a los que se quedaron sanos i salvos i ricos, i que a ellos no se les diese pena ni a nosotros premio ni galardon, esto seria ocasion para que si otra vez oviese otra rebelion en esta tierra o en otra, no acudiesen al servicio de V. M. como seria razon i somos obligados. Todos tenemos por cierto, quel Governador Baca de Castro lo hara asi, i que en nombre de V. M. a los que le han servido hara mercedes, i a los que no acudieron a servii a V. M. castigara. S. C. C. M. Dios todo poderoso acreciente la vida de V. M. dandole vitoria contra sus enemigos, porque sea acrescentada su santa fee, amen De San Joan de la Frontera a 24 de septiembre de 1542 anos. - Besan las manos i pies de V. M. sus leales Vasallos, - Hernando de Silva, - Pedro Picarro, - Lucas Martinez, - Gomez de Leon, - Hernando de Torre, - Lope de Alarcon, - Juan de Arves, - Juan Flores, - Juan Ramirez, - Alonso Buelte, - Melchior de Cervantes, - Martin Lopez, - Juan Crespo, - Francisco Pinto, - Alonso Rodriguez Picado
No. XIV
Process Containing The Sentence Of Death Passed On Gonzalo Pizarro, At Xaquixaguana, April 9, 1548.
[This instrument is taken from the original manuscript of Zarate's Chronicle, which is still preserved at Simancas. Munoz has made several extracts from this Ms., showing that Zarate's history, in its printed form, underwent considerable alteration, both in regard to its facts, and the style of its execution. The printed copy is prepared with more consideration; various circumstances, too frankly detailed in the original, are suppressed; and the style and disposition of the work show altogether a more fastidious and practised hand. These circumstances have led Munoz to suppose that the Chronicle was submitted to the revision of some more experienced writer, before its publication; and a correspondence which the critic afterwards found in the Escurial, between Zarate and Florian d' Ocampo, leads to the inference that the latter historian did this kind office for the former. But whatever the published work may have gained as a literary composition, as a book of reference and authority it falls behind its predecessor, which seems to have come without much premeditation from the author, or, at least, without much calculation of consequences. Indeed its obvious value for historical uses led Munoz, in a note indorsed on the fragments, to intimate his purpose of copying the whole manuscript at some future time.]
Vista e entendida por Nos el Mariscal Francisco de Albarado, Maestre de Campo deste Real exercito, el Licenciado Andres de Cianca, Oidor de S. M. destos Reinos, e subdelegados por el mui Ilustre Senor el Licenciado Pedro de la Gazca del Consejo de S. M. de la Santa Inquisicion, Presidente destos Reinos e provincias del Peru, para lo infra escripto la notoriedad de los muchos graves e atroces delitos que Gonzalo Pizarro ha cometido e consentido cometer a los que le han seguido, despues que a estos Reinos ha venido el Visorrey Blasco Nunez Vela, en deservicio e desacato de S. M. e de su preminencia e corona Real, e contra la natural obligacion e fidelidad que como su vasallo tenia e devia a su Rei e senor natural e de personas particulares, los quales por ser tan notorios del dicho no se requiere orden ni tela de juicio, mayormente que muchos de los dichos delitos consta por confesion del dicho Gonzalo Pizarro e la notoriedad por la informacion que se ha tomado, e que combiene para la pacificacion destos Reinos e exemplo con brevedad hacer justicia del dicho Gonzalo Pizarro.
Fallamos atento lo susodicho junta la dispusicion del derecho, qua devemos declarar e declaramos el dicho Gonzalo Pizarro haver cometido crimen laesae Majestatis contra la corona Real Despana en todos los grados e causas en derecho contenidas despues que a estos Reinos vino el Virrey Blasco Nunez Vela, e asi le declaramos e condenamos al dicho Gonzalo Pizarro por traidor, e haver incurrido el e sus descendientes nacidos despues quel cometio este dicho crimen e traicion los por linea masculina hasta la segunda generacion, e por la femenina hasta la primera, en la infamia e inabilidad e inabilidades, e como a tal condenamos al dicho Gonzalo Pizarro en pena de muerte natural, la qual le mandamos que sea dada en la forma siguiente: que sea sacado de la prision en questa cavallero en una mula de silla atados pies e manos e traido publicamente por este Real de S. M. con voz de pregonero que manifieste su delito, sea llevado al tablado que por nuestro mandado esta fecho en este Real, e alli sea apeado e cortada la cabeza por el pescueso, e despues de muerta naturalmente, mandamos que la dicha cabeza sea llevada a la Ciudad de los Reyes como ciudad mas principa destos Reinos, e sea puesta e clavada en el rollo de la dicha Ciudad con un retulo de letra gruesa que diga, Esta es la cabeza del traidor de Gonzalo Pizarro que se hizo justicia del en el valle de Aquixaguan donde dio la batalla campal contra el estandarte Real queriendo defende su traicion e tirania; ninguno sea osado de la quitar de aqui so pena de muerte natural: e mandamos que las casas quel dicho Pizarro tiene en la Cibdad del Cuzco . . . . . sean derribadas por los cimientos e aradas de sal, e a donde agora es la puerta sea puesto un letrero en un pilar que diga: Estas casas eran de Gonzalo Pizarro las quales fueron mandadas derrocar por traidor, e ninguna persona sea osado dellas tornar a hacer i edificar sin licencia expresa de S. M. so pena de muerte natural: e condenamosle mas en perdimiento de todos sus bienes de qualquier calidad que sean e le pertenezcan, los quales aplicamos a la Camara e Fisco de S. M. e en todas las otras penas que contra los tales estan instituidas: e por esta nuestra sentencia definitiva juzgamos e asi lo pronunciamos e mandamos en estos escritos e por ellos. - Alonso de Albarado; el Lic do Cianca.