II. HISTORY. [884] (part 2 of 2)

II. HISTORY. [884] (part 2 of 2)

[128] As in the case of Zamotika the father of Chashtana, the variation ysa for ja proves that at first ysa and afterwards ja was used to represent the Greek Z.

[129] The oldest of the four was found by the Pandit for Dr. Bhau Dáji in Amreli. A fair copy of it is given in a plate which accompanied Mr. Justice Newton's paper in Jour. B. B. R. A. S. IX. page 1ff. Plate I. Fig. 6. Mr. Newton read the father's name in the legend Dámasrí, but it is Dámájadasrí, the die having missed the letters ja and da though space is left for them. This is coin A of the description. Of the remaining three, B was lent to the Pandit from his collection by Mr. Vajeshankar Gavrishankar. C and D were in the Pandit's collection.

[130] This inscription which has now been placed for safe custody in the temple of Dwárkánáth in Jámnagar, has been published by Dr. Bühler in Ind. Ant. X. 157-158, from a transcript by Áchárya Vallabji Haridatta. Dr. Bhagvánlál held that the date is 103 tryuttarasate not 102 dvyuttarasate as read by Dr. Bühler; that the name of the father of the donor is Bápaka and not Báhaka; and that the name of the nakshatra or constellation is Rohiní not Sravana.

[131] Several coins have the same date.

[132] One is in the collection of the B. B. R. A. Society, the other belonged to the Pandit.

[133] An unpublished inscription found in 1865 by Mr. Bhagvánlál Sampatrám.

[134] The top of the third numeral is broken. It may be 7 but is more likely to be 6.

[135] The Jasdan inscription has been published by Dr. Bháu Dáji, J. B. R. A. S. VIII. 234ff, and by Dr. Hoernle, Ind. Ant. XII. 32ff.

[136] Five have recently been identified in the collection of Dr. Gerson daCunha.

[137] His name, the fact that he regained the title Mahákshatrapa, and his date about A.D. 225 suggest that Sanghadáman (A.D. 222-226) may be the Sandanes whom the Periplus (McCrindle, 128) describes as taking the regular mart Kalyán near Bombay from Saraganes, that is the Dakhan Sátakarnis, and, to prevent it again becoming a place of trade, forbidding all Greek ships to visit Kalyán, and sending under a guard to Broach any Greek ships that even by accident entered its port. The following reasons seem conclusive against identifying Sanghadáman with Sandanes: (1) The abbreviation from Sanghadáman to Sandanes seems excessive in the case of the name of a well known ruler who lived within thirty years of the probable time (A.D. 247) when the writer of the Periplus visited Gujarát and the Konkan: (2) The date of Sanghadáman (A.D. 222-226) is twenty to thirty years too early for the probable collection of the Periplus details: (3) Apart from the date of the Periplus the apparent distinction in the writer's mind between Sandanes' capture of Kalyán and his own time implies a longer lapse than suits a reign of only four years.

In favour of the Sandanes of the Periplus being a dynastic not a personal name is its close correspondence both in form and in geographical position with Ptolemy's (A.D. 150) Sadaneis, who gave their name, Ariake Sadinôn or the Sadins' Aria, to the North Konkan, and, according to McCrindle (Ptolemy, 39) in the time of Ptolemy ruled the prosperous trading communities that occupied the sea coast to about Semulla or Chaul. The details in the present text show that some few years before Ptolemy wrote the conquests of Rudradáman had brought the North Konkan under the Gujarát Kshatrapas. Similarly shortly before the probable date of the Periplus (A.D. 247) the fact that Sanghadáman and his successors Dámasena (A.D. 226-236) and Vijayasena (A.D. 238-249) all used the title Mahákshatrapa makes their possession of the North Konkan probable. The available details of the Káthiáváda Kshatrapas therefore confirm the view that the Sadans of Ptolemy and the Sandanes of the Periplus are the Gujarát Kshatrapas. The question remains how did the Greeks come to know the Kshatrapas by the name of Sadan or Sandan. The answer seems to be the word Sadan or Sandan is the Sanskrit Sádhana which according to Lassen (McCrindle's Ptolemy, 40) and Williams' Sanskrit Dictionary may mean agent or representative and may therefore be an accurate rendering of Kshatrapa in the sense of Viceroy. Wilford (As. Res. IX. 76, 198) notices that Sanskrit writers give the early English in India the title Sádhan Engrez. This Wilford would translate Lord but it seems rather meant for a rendering of the word Factor. Prof. Bhandárkar (Bom. Gaz. XIII. 418 note 1) notices a tribe mentioned by the geographer Varáhamihira (A.D. 580) as Sántikas and associated with the Aparántakas or people of the west coast. He shows how according to the rules of letter changes the Sanskrit Sántika would in Prákrit be Sándino. In his opinion it was this form Sandino which was familiar to Greek merchants and sailors. Prof. Bhandárkar holds that when (A.D. 100-110) the Kshatrapa Nahapána displaced the Sátaváhanas or Ándhrabhrityas the Sántikas or Sandino became independent in the North Konkan and took Kalyán. To make their independence secure against the Kshatrapas they forbad intercourse between their own territory and the Dakhan and sent foreign ships to Barygaza. Against this explanation it is to be urged; (1) That Násik and Junnar inscriptions show Nahapána supreme in the North Konkan at least up to A.D. 120; (2) That according to the Periplus the action taken by the Sandans or Sadans was not against the Kshatrapas but against the Sátakarnis; (3) That the action was not taken in the time of Nahapána but at a later time, later not only than the first Gautamíputra the conqueror of Nahapána or his son-in-law Ushavadáta (A.D. 138), but later than the second Gautamíputra, who was defeated by the Káthiáváda Kshatrapa Rudradáman some time before A.D. 150; (4) That if the Sántikas were solely a North Konkan tribe they would neither wish nor be able to send foreign ships to Broach. The action described in the Periplus of refusing to let Greek ships enter Kalyán and of sending all such ships to Broach was the action of a Gujarát conqueror of Kalyán determined to make foreign trade centre in his own chief emporium Broach. The only possible lord of Gujarát either in the second or third century who can have adopted such a policy was the Kshatrapa of Ujjain in Málwa and of Minnagara or Junágadh in Káthiáváda, the same ruler, who, to encourage foreign vessels to visit Broach had (McCrindle's Periplus, 118, 119) stationed native fishermen with well-manned long boats off the south Káthiáváda coast to meet ships and pilot them through the tidal and other dangers up the Narbada to Broach. It follows that the Sandanes of the Periplus and Ptolemy's North Konkan Sádans are the Gujarát Mahákshatrapas. The correctness of this identification of Sadan with the Sanskrit Sádhan and the explanation of Sádhan as a translation of Kshatrapa or representative receive confirmation from the fact that the account of Kálakáchárya in the Bharaheswara Vrítti (J. B. B. R. A. S. IX. 141-142), late in date (A.D. 1000-1100) but with notable details of the Saka or Sáhi invaders, calls the Saka king Sádhana-Simha. If on this evidence it may be held that the Kshatrapas were known as Sádhanas, it seems to follow that Sántika the form used by Varáhamihira (A.D. 505-587) is a conscious and intentional Sanskritizing of Sádan whose correct form and origin had passed out of knowledge, a result which would suggest conscious or artificial Sanskritizing as the explanation of the forms of many Puránic tribal and place names. A further important result of this inquiry is to show that the received date of A.D. 70 for the Periplus cannot stand. Now that the Kanishka era A.D. 78 is admitted to be the era used by the Kshatrapas both in the Dakhan and in Gujarát it follows that a writer who knows the elder and the younger Sátakarnis cannot be earlier than A.D. 150 and from the manner in which he refers to them must almost certainly be considerably later. This conclusion supports the date A.D. 247 which on other weighty grounds the French scholar Reinaud (Ind. Ant. Dec. 1879. pp. 330, 338) has assigned to the Periplus.

[138] The Pandit's coin was obtained by him in 1863 from Amreli in Káthiáváda. A copy of it is given by Mr. Justice Newton who calls Sanghadáman son of Rudrasimha (Jour. B. B. R. A. S. IX. Pl. I. Fig. 7). The other specimen is better preserved.

[139] One of these coins was lent to the Pandit by Mr. Vajeshankar Gavrishankar.

[140] One specimen in the collection of Mr. Vajeshankar bears date 158.

[141] One of them was lent by Mr. Vajeshankar Gavrishankar.

[142] This name has generally been read Atridáman.

[143] Jour. B. B. R. A. S. VII. 16.

[144] See below Chapter VI. page 57.

[145] Cunningham's Arch. Sur. X. 127; XV. 29-30.

[146] This coin of Rudrasena may have been taken so far from Gujarát by the Gujarát monk in whose honour the stúpa was built.

[147] Ísvaradatta's name ends in datta as does also that of Sivadatta the father of king Ísvarasena of the Násik inscription.

[148] Dr. Bhagvánlál's suggestion that Vijayasena (A.D. 238-249) was defeated by the Ábhír or Ahír king Ísvaradatta who entered Gujarát from the North Konkan seems open to question. First as regards the suggestion that Vijayasena was the Kshatrapa whose power Ísvaradatta overthrew it is to be noticed that though the two coinless years (A.D. 249-251) between the last coin of Vijayasena and the earliest coin of Dámájadasrí agree with the recorded length of Ísvaradatta's supremacy the absence of coins is not in itself proof of a reverse or loss of Kshatrapa power between the reigns of Vijayasena and Dámájadasrí. It is true the Pandit considers that Ísvaradatta's coins closely resemble those of Vijayasena. At the same time he also (Násik Stat. Acct. 624) thought them very similar to Víradáman's (A.D. 236-238) coins. Víradáman's date so immediately precedes Vijayasena's that in many respects their coins must be closely alike. It is to be noted that A.D. 230-235 the time of rival Kshatrapas among whom Víradáman was one (especially the time between A.D. 236 and 238 during which none of the rivals assumed the title Mahákshatrapa) was suitable to (perhaps was the result of) a successful invasion by Ísvaradatta, and that this same invasion may have been the cause of the transfer of the capital, noted in the Periplus (A.D. 247) as having taken place some years before, from Ozene or Ujjain to Minnagara or Junágadh (McCrindle, 114, 122). On the other hand the fact that Vijayasena regained the title of Mahákshatrapa and handed it to his successor Dámájadasrí III. would seem to shew that no reverse or humiliation occurred during the coinless years (A.D. 249-251) between their reigns, a supposition which is supported by the flourishing state of the kingdom at the time of the Periplus (A.D. 247) and also by the evidence that both the above Kshatrapas ruled near Karád in Sátára. At the same time if the difference between Víradáman's and Vijayasena's coins is sufficient to make it unlikely that Ísvaradatta's can be copies of Víradáman's it seems possible that the year of Ísvaradatta's overlordship may be the year A.D. 244 (K. 166) in which Vijayasena's coins bear the title Kshatrapa, and that the assumption of this lower title in the middle of a reign, which with this exception throughout claims the title Mahákshatrapa, may be due to the temporary necessity of acknowledging the supremacy of Ísvaradatta. With reference to the Pandit's suggestion that Ísvaradatta was an Ábhíra the fact noted above of a trace of Kshatrapa rule at Karád thirty-one miles south of Sátára together with the fact that they held Aparánta or the Konkan makes it probable that they reached Karád by Chiplún and the Kumbhárli pass. That the Kshatrapas entered the Dakhan by so southerly a route instead of by some one of the more central Thána passes, seems to imply the presence of some hostile power in Násik and Khándesh. This after the close of the second century A.D. could hardly have been the Ándhras or Sátakarnis. It may therefore be presumed to have been the Ándhras' successors the Ábhíras. As regards the third suggestion that Kshatrapa Gujarát was overrun from the North Konkan it is to be noted that the evidence of connection between Ísvarasena of the Násik inscription (Cave X. No. 15) and Ísvaradatta of the coins is limited to a probable nearness in time and a somewhat slight similarity in name. On the other hand no inscription or other record points to Ábhíra ascendancy in the North Konkan or South Gujarát. The presence of an Ábhíra power in the North Konkan seems inconsistent with Kshatrapa rule at Kalyán and Karád in the second half of the third century. The position allotted to Aberia in the Periplus (McCrindle, 113) inland from Surastrene, apparently in the neighbourhood of Thar and Párkar; the finding of Ísvaradatta's coins in Káthiáváda (Násik Gazetteer, XIII. 624); and (perhaps between A.D. 230 and 240) the transfer westwards of the head-quarters of the Kshatrapa kingdom seem all to point to the east rather than to the south, as the side from which Ísvaradatta invaded Gujarát. At the same time the reference during the reign of Rudrasimha I. (A.D. 181) to the Ábhíra Rudrabhúti who like his father was Senápati or Commander-in-Chief suggests that Ísvaradatta may have been not a foreigner but a revolted general. This supposition, his assumption of the title Mahákshatrapa, and the finding of his coins only in Káthiáváda to a certain extent confirm.

[149] Cave Temple Inscriptions, Bom. Arch. Sur. Sep. Number XI. page 57ff.

[150] J. B. B. R. A. S. XVI. 346.

[151] Epigraphia Indica, II. 19.

[152] Ind. Ant. XIII. 81ff.

[153] Ep. Ind. II. 20.

[154] Ind. Ant. VII. 248ff. Dr. Bhandárkar (Early Hist. of the Deccan, 42 note 7) has given reasons for believing this grant to be a forgery.

[155] Ind. Ant. XVIII. 265ff.

[156] J. B. B. R. A. S. XVI. 1ff.; Trans. Vienna Or. Congress, 210ff.

[157] Ind. Ant. XIII. 70ff. and V. 109ff.

[158] Trans. Vienna Or. Congress, 210ff.

[159] Fleet's Kánarese Dynasties, 27.

[160] Fleet's Kánarese Dynasties, 27.

[161] Ind. Ant. XIV. 75 and Jour. B. B. R. A. S. XVI. 1ff.

[162] Mr. Fleet (Corp. Ins. Ind. III. 9) and Sir A. Cunningham (Arch. Sur. IX. 77) agree in fixing A.D. 250 as the initial date of the Chedi era. Prof. Kielhorn has worked out the available dates and finds that the first year of the era corresponds to A.D. 249-50. Ind. Ant. XVII. 215.

[163] Válmíki's Rámáyana, Ganpat Krishnaji's Edition: Raghuvamsa, IV. 59.

[164] For details see above page 48.

[165] Tripura four miles west of Jabalpur; Kálanjara 140 miles north of Jabalpur.

[166] That the era used by the Gurjjaras and Chalukyas of Gujarát was the Chedi era may be regarded as certain since the discovery of the Sankhedá grant of Nirihullaka (Ep. Ind. II. 21), who speaks of a certain Sankarana as his overlord. Palæographically this grant belongs to the sixth century, and Dr. Bühler has suggested that Sankarana is the Chedi Sankaragana whose son Buddharája was defeated by Mangalísa some time before A.D. 602 (Ind. Ant. XIX. 16). If this is accepted, the grant shows that the Chedis or Kalachuris were in power in the Narbadá valley during the sixth century, which explains the prevalence of their era in South Gujarát. Chedi rule in the Narbadá valley must have come to an end about A.D. 580 when Dadda I. established himself at Broach. It being established that the Kalachuris once ruled in South Gujarát, there is no great difficulty in the way of identifying the Traikútakas with them. The two known Traikútaka grants are dated in the third century of their era, and belong palæographically to the fifth century A.D. Their era, therefore, like that of the Kalachuris, begins in the third century A.D.: and it is simpler to suppose that the two eras were the same than that two different eras, whose initial points were only a few years apart, were in use in the same district. Now that the Saka and the Vikrama eras are known to have had different names at different times, the change in the name of the era offers no special difficulty. This identification would carry back Kalachuri rule in South Gujarát to at least A.D. 456-6, the date of the Párdi grant: and it is worth noting that Varáhamihira (Br. Samh. XIV. 20) places the Haihayas or Kalachuris in the west along with the Aparántakas or Konkanis.

Though the name Traikútaka means of Trikúta, the authorities quoted by Dr. Bhagvánlál do not establish the existence of a city called Trikúta. They only vouch for a mountain of that name somewhere in the Western Gháts, and there is no evidence of any special connection with Junnar. Further, the word Trikútakam seems to mean rock-salt, not sea-salt, so that there is here no special connection with the Western coast. Wherever Trikúta may have been, there seems no need to reject the tradition that connects the rise of the Kalachuris with their capture of Kálanjara (Cunningham's Arch. Surv. IX. 77ff), as it is more likely that they advanced from the East down the Narbadá than that their original seats were on the West Coast, as the Western Indian inscriptions of the third and fourth centuries contain no reference either to Traikútakas or to Junnar or other western city as Trikúta.

With reference to the third suggestion that the Traikútakas twice overthrew the Kshatrapas, under Ísvaradatta in A.D. 248 and under Rudragana in A.D. 310-320, it is to be noted that there is no evidence to show that Ísvaradatta was either an Ábhíra or a Traikútaka and that the identification of his date with A.D. 248-250 seems less probable than with either A.D. 244 or A.D. 236. (Compare above Footnote page 53). Even if Ísvaradatta's supremacy coincided with A.D. 250 the initial date of the Traikútaka era, it seems improbable that a king who reigned only two years and left no successor should have had any connection with the establishment of an era which is not found in use till two centuries later. As regards Rudragana it may be admitted that he belonged to the race or family who weakened Kshatrapa power early in the fourth century A.D. At the same time there seems no reason to suppose that Rudragana was a Traikútaka or a Kalachuri except the fact that his name, like that of Sankaragana, is a compound of the word gana and a name of Siva; while the irregular posthumous use of the title Mahákshatrapa among the latest (23rd to 26th) Kshatrapas favours the view that they remained independent till their overthrow by the Guptas about A.D. 410. The conclusion seems to be that the Traikútaka and the Kalachuri eras are the same namely A.D. 248-9: that this era was introduced into Gujarát by the Traikútakas who were connected with the Haihayas; and that the introduction of the era into Gujarát did not take place before the middle of the fifth century A.D.--(A. M. T. J.)

[167] Váyu Purána, Wilson's Works, IX. 219n.

[168] Vishnu Purána, III. Chapter 10 Verse 9: Burnell's Manu, 20. Mr. Fleet (Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 11 note 1) quotes an instance of a Bráhman named Brahmagupta.

[169] Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 53 line 7.

[170] Compare Skandagupta's Junágadh Inscription line 15, Ind. Ant. XIV.; Cunningham's Arch. Sur. X. 113; Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 59.

[171] Compare Mr. Fleet's note in Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 8.

[172] Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. 135. Mr. Fleet believes that the Lichchhavi family concerned was that of Nepál, and that they were the real founders of the era used by the Guptas. Dr. Bühler (Vienna Or. Journal, V. Pt. 3) holds that Chandragupta married into the Lichchhavi family of Pátaliputra, and became king of that country in right of his wife. The coins which bear the name of Kumáradeví are by Mr. Smith (J. R. A. S. (N. S.) XXI. 63) and others assigned to Chandragupta I., reading the reverse legend Lichchhavayah The Lichchhavis in place of Dr. Bhagvánlál's Lichchhaveyah Daughter's son of Lichchhavi. On the Kácha coins see below page 62 note 2.

The Lichchhavis claim to be sprung from the solar dynasty. Manu (Burnell's Manu, 308) describes them as descended from a degraded Kshatriya. Beal (R. A. S. N. S. XIV. 39) would identify them with an early wave of the Yuechi or Kusháns; Smith (J. R. A. S. XX. 55 n. 2) and Hewitt (J. R. A. S. XX. 355-366) take them to be a Kolarian or local tribe. The fame of the Lichchhavis of Vaísáli or Passalæ between Patna and Tirhút goes back to the time of Gautama Buddha (B.C. 480) in whose funeral rites the Lichchhavis and their neighbours and associates the Mallas took a prominent share (Rockhill's Life of Buddha, 62-63, 145, 203. Compare Legge's Fa Hien, 71-76; Beal's Buddhist Records, II. 67, 70, 73, 77 and 81 note). According to Buddhist writings the first king of Thibet (A.D. 50) who was elected by the chiefs of the South Thibet tribes was a Lichchhavi the son of Prasenadjit of Kosala (Rockhill's Life of Buddha, 208). Between the seventh and ninth centuries (A.D. 635-854) a family of Lichchhavis was ruling in Nepal (Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. 134). The earliest historical member of the Nepál family is Jayadeva I. whose date is supposed to be about A.D. 330 to 355. Mr. Fleet (Ditto, 135) suggests that Jayadeva's reign began earlier and may be the epoch from which the Gupta era of A.D. 318-319 is taken. He holds (Ditto, 136) that in all probability the so-called Gupta era is a Lichchhavi era.

[173] The figure of the Ganges standing on an alligator with a stalked lotus in her left hand on the reverse of the gold coins of Samudragupta the fourth king of the dynasty may be taken to be the Sri or Luck of the Guptas. Compare Smith's Gupta Coinage, J. Beng. A. S. LIII. Plate I. Fig. 10. J. R. A. S. (N. S.) XXI. Pl. I. 2.

[174] The presence of the two letters ka ca that is ka cha on the obverse under the arm of the royal figure, has led the late Mr. Thomas, General Cunningham, and Mr. Smith to suppose that the coins belonged to Ghatotkacha, the last two letters of the name being the same. This identification seems improbable. Ghatotkacha was never powerful enough to have a currency of his own. Sarvarájochchhettá the attribute on the reverse is one of Samudragupta's epithets, while the figure of the king on the obverse grasping the standard with the disc, illustrating the attribute of universal sovereignty, can refer to none other than Samudragupta the first very powerful king of the dynasty. Perhaps the Kacha or Kácha on these coins is a pet or child name of Samudragupta. Mr. Rapson (Numismatic Chron. 3rd Ser. XI. 48ff) has recently suggested that the Kácha coins belong to an elder brother and predecessor of Samudragupta. But it seems unlikely that a ruler who could justly claim the title Destroyer-of-all-kings should be passed over in silence in the genealogy. Further, as is remarked above, the title Sarvarájochchhettá belongs in the inscriptions to Samudragupta alone: and the fact that in his lifetime Samudragupta's father chose him as successor is against his exclusion from the throne even for a time.

[175] Smith's Gupta Coinage in J. R. A. S. (N. S.) XXI. Pl. I. 10.

[176] Compare Wilson's Ariana Antiqua, Pl. XVIII. Fig. 8, which has the same legend with me for mama.

[177] Smith J. R. A. S. (N. S.) XXI. Pl. I. 11, 12.

[178] Smith J. R. A. S. (N. S.) XXI. Pl. I. 4.

[179] Smith J. R. A. S. (N. S.) XXI. Pl. I. Mr. Smith reads Lichchhavayah (the Lichchhavis) and assigns this type to Chandragupta I.

[180] Corpus Ins. Ind. III. 1.

[181] Smith J. R. A. S. (N. S.) XXI. Pl. I. 5, 6.

[182] Apparently South Kosala, the country about Raipur and Chhattísgarh.

[183] Fleet reads Mantarája of Kerala.

[184] Fleet divides the words differently and translates "Mahendra of Pishtapura, Svámidatta of Kottura on the hill."

[185] Fleet reads "Nílarája of Avamukta."

[186] Fleet reads Palakka or Pálakka.

[187] Arch. Surv. II. 310; J. B. A. S. 1865. 115-121.

[188] Samatata is the Ganges delta: Daváka may, as Mr. Fleet suggests, be Dacca: for Karttrika Mr. Fleet reads Kartripura, otherwise Cuttack might be intended.

[189] For the Málavas see above page 24. The Arjunáyanas can hardly be the Kalachuris as Mr. Fleet (C. I. I. III. 10) has suggested, as Varáha Mihira (Br. S. XIV. 25) places the Arjunáyanas in the north near Trigarta, and General Cunningham's coin (Coins of Ancient India, 90) points to the same region. The Yaudheyas lived on the lower Sutlej: see above page 36. The Mádrakas lived north-east of the Yaudheyas between the Chenáb and the Sutlej (Cunningham Anc. Geog. 185). The Ábhíras must be those on the south-east border of Sindh. The Prárjunas do not appear to be identifiable. A Sanakáníka Mahárája is mentioned (C. I. I. III. 3) as dedicating an offering at Udayagiri near Bhilsá, but we have no clue to the situation of his government. The name of his grandfather, Chhagalaga, has a Turkí look. Káka may be Kákúpur near Bithúr (Cunningham Anc. Geog. 386). Kharaparika has not been identified.--(A. M. T. J.)

[190] Mr. Fleet translates "(giving) Garuda-tokens, (surrendering) the enjoyment of their own territories."

[191] The first three names Devaputra, Sháhi, and Sháhánusháhi, belong to the Kushán dynasty of Kanishka (A.D. 78). Sháhánusháhi is the oldest, as it appears on the coins from Kanishka downwards in the form Sháhanáno Sháho (Stein in Babylonian and Oriental Record, I. 163). It represents the old Persian title Sháhansháh or king of kings. Sháhi, answering to the simple Sháh, appears to be first used alone by Vásudeva (A.D. 128-176). The title of Devaputra occurs first in the inscriptions of Kanishka. In the present inscription all three titles seem to denote divisions of the Kushán empire in India. The title of Sháhi was continued by the Turks (A.D. 600?-900) and Bráhmans (A.D. 900-1000) of Kábul (Alberuni, II. 10) and by the Sháhis (Elliot, I. 138) of Alor in Sindh (A.D. 490?-631). Unless it refers to the last remnants of the Gujarát Mahákshatrapas the word Saka seems to be used in a vague sense in reference to the non-Indian tribes of the North-West frontier. The Murundas may be identified with the Murundas of the Native dictionaries, and hence with the people of Lampáka or Lamghán twenty miles north-west of Jalálábád. It is notable that in the fifth century A.D. Jayanátha, Mahárája of Uchchakalpa (not identified) married a Murundadeví (Corp. Ins. Ind. III. 128, 131, 136).

The mention of the king of Simhala and the Island Kings rounds off the geographical picture. Possibly after the Chinese fashion presents from these countries may have been magnified into tribute. Or Simhala may here stand, not for Ceylon, but for one of the many Simhapuras known to Indian geography. Sihor in Káthiáváda, an old capital, may possibly be the place referred to. The Island Kings would then be the chiefs of Cutch and Káthiáváda.--(A. M. T. J.)

[192] Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 6.

[193] Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 3.

[194] Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 5.

[195] Mr. Fleet (Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 33) prefers to take Devarája to be the name of Chandragupta's minister.

[196] J. R. A. S. (N. S.) XXI. 120.

[197] J. R. A. S. (N. S.) XXI. 121.

[198] Mr. Fleet (Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Introd. 130ff) argues that the era was borrowed from Nepal after Chandragupta I. married his Lichchhavi queen. Dr. Bühler thinks there is no evidence of this, and that the era was started by the Guptas themselves (Vienna Or. Jl. V. Pt. 3).

[199] The further suggestion may be offered that if as seems probable Dr. Bhagvánlál is correct in considering Chandragupta II. to be the founder of the Gupta era this high honour was due not to his conquest of Málwa but to some success against the Indo-Skythians or Sakas of the Punjáb. The little more than nominal suzerainty claimed over the Devputras, Sháhis, and Sháhánusháhis in Chandragupta's father's inscription shows that when he came to the throne Chandragupta found the Saka power practically unbroken. The absence of reference to conquests is no more complete in the case of the Panjáb than it is in the case of Gujarát or of Káthiáváda which Chandragupta is known to have added to his dominions. In Káthiáváda, though not in Gujarát, the evidence from coins is stronger than in the Panjáb. Still the discovery of Chandragupta's coins (J. R. A. S. XXI. 5 note 1) raises the presumption of conquests as far north and west as Pánipat and as Ludhiána (in the heart of the Panjáb). Chandragupta's name Devarája may, as Pandit Bhagvánlál suggests, be taken from the Saka title Devaputra. Further, the use of the name Vikramáditya and of the honorific Srí is in striking agreement with Beruni's statement (Sachau, II. 6) that the conqueror of the Sakas was named Vikramáditya and that to the conqueror's name was added the title Srí. Mr. Fleet (Corp. Ins. Ind. III. 37 note 2) holds it not improbable that either Chandragupta I. or II. defeated the Indo-Skythians. The fact that Chandragupta I. was not a ruler of sufficient importance to issue coins and that even after his son Samudragupta's victories the Sakas remained practically independent make it almost certain that if any subjection of the Sakas to the Guptas took place it happened during the reign of Chandragupta II.

[200] Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 10.

[201] Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 8, 9, 10 and 11.

[202] J. R. A. S. (N. S.) XXI. 123.

[203] J. R. A. S. (N. S.) XXI. 126. That Kumáragupta's two successors, Skandagupta and Budhagupta, use the same phrase devam jayati makes the explanation in the text doubtful. As Mr. Smith (Ditto) suggests devam is probably a mistake for devo, meaning His Majesty. The legend would then run; Kumaraguptadeva lord of the earth ... is triumphant. Dr. Bhagvánlál would have preferred devo (see page 70 note 2) but could not neglect the anusrára.--(A. M. T. J.)

[204] Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 13.

[205] Mr. Fleet (Corp. Ins. Ind. III. 53, 55) reads "nítá triyámá" and translates "a (whole) night was spent." Dr. Bhagvánlál read "nítás trimásáh."

[206] Mr. Fleet finds that Pushyamitra is the name of a tribe not of a king. No. VI. of Dr. Bühler's Jain inscriptions from Mathurá (Ep. Ind. I. 378ff) mentions a Pushyamitriya-kula of the Váranagana, which is also referred to in Bhadrabáhu's Kalpa-sútra (Jacobi's Edition, 80), but is there referred to the Chárana-gana, no doubt a misreading for the Várana of the inscription. Dr. Bühler points out that Varana is the old name of Bulandshahr in the North-West Provinces, so that it is there that we must look for the power that first weakened the Guptas.--(A. M. T. J.)

[207] See V. de St. Martin's Essay, Les Huns Blancs; Specht in Journal Asiatique Oct.-Dec. 1883 and below page 74.

[208] In Rudradáman's inscription the Palásiní is mentioned, and also the Suvarnasikatás "and the other rivers," In Skandagupta's inscription Mr. Fleet translates Sikatávilásiní as an adjective agreeing with Palásiní.

[209] Remains of the dam were discovered in 1890 by Khán Bahádúr Ardesir Jamsetji Special Diván of Junágadh. The site is somewhat nearer Junágadh than Dr. Bhagvánlál supposed. Details are given in Jour. B. B. R. A. S. XVIII. Number 48 page 47.

[210] The reading devo is to be preferred but the anusvára is clear both on these coins and on the coins of his father. For these coins see J. R. A. S. (N. S.) XXI. Pl. IV. 4.

[211] J. R. A. S. (N. S.) XXI. Pl. IV. 697.

[212] The known dates of Skandagupta are 136 and 137 on his Girnár inscription, 141 in his pillar inscription at Kahaon in Gorakhpur, and 146 in his Indor-Khera copperplate. The coin dates given by General Cunningham are 144, 145, and 149.

[213] But see below page 73.

[214] Dr. Bhagvánlál examined and copied the original of this inscription. It has since been published as Number 19 in Mr. Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III.

[215] J. R. A. S. (N. S.) XXI. 134.

[216] It is now known that the main Gupta line continued to rule in Magadha. See page 73 below.

[217] Published by Mr. Fleet Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 36.

[218] Fleet Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 37.

[219] Fleet Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 35.

[220] Fleet Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 33.

[221] Fleet Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 20.

[222] On Naragupta see below page 77, and for his coins J. R. A. S. (N. S.) XXI. note Pl. III. 11.

[223] Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 13 lines 10 and 15.

[224] The Pushyamitras seem to have been a long established tribe like the Yaudheyas (above page 37). During the reign of Kanishka (A.D. 78-93) Pushyamitras were settled in the neighbourhood of Bulandshahr and at that time had already given their name to a Jain sect.

The sense of the inscription is somewhat doubtful. Mr. Fleet (Corp. Ins. Ind. III. page 62) translates: Whose fame, moreover, even (his) enemies in the countries of the Mlechchhas ... having their pride broken down to the very root announce with the words 'Verily the victory has been achieved by him.' Prof. Peterson understands the meaning to be that Skandagupta's Indian enemies were forced to retire beyond the borders of India among friendly Mlechchhas and in a foreign land admit that the renewal of their conflict with Skandagupta was beyond hope. The retreat of Skandagupta's Indian enemies to the Mlechchhas suggests the Mlechchhas are the Húnas that is the White Huns who were already in power on the Indian border, whom the enemies had previously in vain brought as allies into India to help them against Skandagupta. This gives exactness to the expression used in Skandagupta's Bhitari inscription (Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Number 13 page 56) that he joined in close conflict with the Húnas ... among enemies, as if in this conflict the Húnas were the allies of enemies rather than the enemies themselves. For the introduction into India of foreign allies, compare in B.C. 327 (McCrindle's Alexander in India, 412) the king of Taxila, 34 miles north-west of Ráwalpindi, sending an embassy to Baktria to secure Alexander as an ally against Porus of the Gujarát country. And (Ditto, 409) a few years later (B.C. 310) the North Indian Malayaketu allying himself with Yavanas in his attack on Pátaliputra or Patna.

[225] Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 14 line 4.

[226] T'oungtien quoted by Specht in Journal Asiatique for Oct.-Dec. 1883.

[227] Badeghis is the modern Badhyr the upper plateau between the Merv and the Herat rivers. The probable site of the capital of the White Huns is a little north of Herat. See Marco Polo's Itineraries No. I.; Yule's Marco Polo, I. xxxii.

[228] See the Ghazipur Seal. Smith & Hoernle, J. A. S. Ben. LVIII. 84ff. and Fleet Ind. Ant. XIX. 224ff.

[229] Bihar Ins. Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 12.

[230] Junágadh Inscrip. Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 14.

[231] See note 1 above.

[232] See above notes 1 and 2.

[233] Ind. Ant. XVIII. 225.

[234] Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Introdn. 12.

[235] Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. Ins. 37 line 4.

[236] Beal's Buddhist Records, I. 169-172 and Rájataranginí, I. 289-326 quoted by Fleet in Ind. Ant. XV. 247-249.

[237] Beale's Hiuen Tsiang, I. 169-171. As Mr. Fleet suggests the younger brother is possibly the Chandra referred to in Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 32 line 5 and Introd. 12 and 140 note 1.

[238] Ind. Ant. XIII. 230 and Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Introdn. 12.

[239] Specht in Journal Asiatique for Oct.-Dec. 1883. Histoire des Wei.

[240] Beal's Buddhist Records, I. c.-cii.

[241] Beal's Buddhist Records, I. xcix.-c.

[242] Beal's Buddhist Records, I. 171. Hiuen Tsiang's statement (Ditto) that Mihirakula conquered Gandhára after his capture by Báláditya may refer to a reconquest from his brother, perhaps the Chandra referred to in note 10 on page 74.

[243] Beal's Buddhist Records (I. c.) suggests that Lae-lih is the founder's name: in his note 50 he seems to regard Lae-lih as the family name.

[244] Bühler. Ep. Ind. I. 238. Dr. Bühler hesitates to identify the Toramána of this inscription with Mihirakula's father.

[245] Beal's Buddhist Records, I. xcix.-c. This is the kingdom which the Ye-tha destroyed and afterwards set up Lae-lih to be king over the country.

[246] Maitraka is a Sanskritised form of Mihira and this again is perhaps an adaptation of the widespread and well-known Western Indian tribal name Mer or Med. Compare Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. 326-327. It is to be remembered that the name of the emperor then (A.D. 450-500) ruling the White Huns was Khushnáwaz, a Persian name, the Happy Cherisher.... The emperor's Persian name, Mihirakula's reported (Darmsteter Jl. Asiatique, X. 70 n. 3) introduction of Magi into Kashmir, and the inaptness of Mihirakula as a personal name give weight to Mr. Fleet's suggestion (Ind. Ant. XV. 245-252) that Mihirakula is pure Persian. The true form may then be Mihiragula, that is Sun Rose, a name which the personal beauty of the prince may have gained him. 'I have heard of my son's wisdom and beauty and wish once to see his face' said the fate-reading mother of king Báláditya (Beal's Buddhist Records, I. 169) when the captive Mihirakula was led before her his young head for very shame shrouded in his cloak.

[247] Specht in Jour. Asiatique 1883 II. 335 and 348.

[248] J. R. A. S. XXI. 721. According to other accounts (Ency. Brit. IX. Ed. Art. Turk. page 658) a portion of the Jouen-Jouen remained in Eastern Asia, where, till A.D. 552, they were the masters of the Tuhkiu or Turks, who then overthrew their masters and about ten years later (A.D. 560) crushed the power of the White Huns.

[249] The name Jouen-Jouen seems to agree with Toramána's surname Jaúvla and with the Juvia whom Cosmas Indikopleustes (A.D. 520-535) places to the north-east of Persia. Priaulx's Indian Travels, 220.

[250] Rawlinson's Seventh Monarchy, 311-349.

[251] Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 25 line 1.

[252] Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 19 line 2.

[253] Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins 36.

[254] Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 20.

[255] Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 33.

[256] Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. and Ind. Ant. XVIII. 219.

[257] Priaulx's Indian Travels, 222. Compare Yule's Cathay, I. clxx.; Mignes' Patr. Gr. 88 page 450. For the use of Kula for Mihirakula, the second half for the whole, compare Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. 8 note. As regards the change from Kula to Gollas it is to be noted that certain of Mihirakula's own coins (Ind. Ant. XV 249) have the form Gula not Kula, and that this agrees with the suggestion (page 75 note 6) that the true form of the name is the Persian Mihiragula Rose of the Sun. Of this Gollas, who, like Mihirakula, was the type of conqueror round whom legends gather, Cosmas says (Priaulx, 223): Besides a great force of cavalry Gollas could bring into the field 2000 elephants. So large were his armies that once when besieging an inland town defended by a water-fosse his men horses and elephants drank the water and marched in dry-shod.

[258] Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 18.

[259] Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 33-35.

[260] Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 35 line 5.

[261] Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. 151 note 4.

[262] N. Lat. 24° 3'; E. Long. 75° 8'.

[263] Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 33 line 5.

[264] This has already been suggested by Genl. Cunningham, Num. Chron. (3rd Ser.), VIII. 41. Dr. Hoernle (J. B. A. S. LVIII. 100ff) has identified Yasodharman with Vikramáditya's son Síláditya Pratápasila.

[265] Fleet's Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Ins. 33 line 6.

[266] Beal's Buddhist Records, I. 169.

[267] Hoernle in J. B. A. S. LVIII. 97.

[268] See Smith and Hoernle J. B. A. S. LVIII. 84; and Fleet Ind. Ant. XIX. 224.

[269] Hoernle makes light of this difficulty: J. B. A. S. LVIII. 97.

[270] Rawlinson's Seventh Monarchy, 420, 422.

[271] Mr. Vajeshankar Gavrishankar, Náib Diván of Bhávnagar, has made a collection of articles found in Valabhi. The collection includes clay seals of four varieties and of about the seventh century with the Buddhist formula Ye Dhárma hetu Prabhavá: a small earthen tope with the same formula imprinted on its base with a seal; beads and ring stones nangs of several varieties of akik or carnelian and sphatik or coral some finished others half finished showing that as in modern Cambay the polishing of carnelians was a leading industry in early Valabhi. One circular figure of the size of a half rupee carved in black stone has engraved upon it the letters ma ro in characters of about the second century. [The ma and ra are of the old style and the side and upper strokes, that is the káno and mátra of ro are horizontal.] A royal seal found by Colonel Watson in Valeh bears on it an imperfect inscription of four lines in characters as old as Dhruvasena I. (A.D. 526). This seal contains the names of three generations of kings, two of which the grandfather and grandson read Ahivarmman and Pushyána all three being called Mahárája or great king. The dynastic name is lost. The names on these moveable objects need not belong to Valabhi history. Still that seals of the second and fifth centuries have been discovered in Valabhi shows the place was in existence before the founding of the historical Valabhi kingdom. A further proof of the age of the city is the mention of it in the Kathásarit-ságara a comparatively modern work but of very old materials. To this evidence of age, with much hesitation, may be added Balai Ptolemy's name for Gopnáth point which suggests that as early as the second century Valeh or Baleh (compare Alberuni's era of Balah) was known by its present name. Badly minted coins of the Gupta ruler Kumáragupta (A.D. 417-453) are so common as to suggest that they were the currency of Valabhi.

[272] As suggested by Dr. Bühler (Ind. Ant. VI. 10), this is probably the Vihára called Srí Bappapádiyavihára which is described as having been constructed by Áchárya Bhadanta Sthiramati who is mentioned as the grantee in a copperplate of Dharasena II. bearing date Gupta 269 (A.D. 588). The Sthiramati mentioned with titles of religious veneration in the copperplate is probably the same as that referred to by Hiuen Tsiang. (Ditto).

[273] Burgess' Káthiáwár and Kutch, 187.

[274] Stories on record about two temples one at Satruñjaya the other at Somanátha support this view. As regards the Satruñjaya temple the tradition is that while the minister of Kumárapála (A.D. 1143-1174) of Anahilaváda was on a visit to Satruñjaya to worship and meditate in the temple of Ádinátha, the wick of the lamp in the shrine was removed by mice and set on fire and almost destroyed the temple which was wholly of wood. The minister seeing the danger of wooden buildings determined to erect a stone edifice (Kumárapála Charita). The story about Somanátha is given in an inscription of the time of Kumárapála in the temple of Bhadrakáli which shows that before the stone temple was built by Bhímadeva I. (A.D. 1022-1072) the structure was of wood which was traditionally believed to be as old as the time of Krishna. Compare the Bhadrakáli inscription at Somanátha.

[275] The correctness of this inference seems open to question. The descent of the Valabhi plate character seems traceable from its natural local source the Skandagupta (A.D. 450) and the Rudradáman (A.D. 150) Girnár Inscriptions.--(A. M. T. J.)

[276] The era has been exhaustively discussed by Mr. Fleet in Corp. Ins. Ind. III. Introduction.

[277] Nepaul Inscriptions. The phrase acháta-bhata is not uncommon. Mr. Fleet (Corp. Ins. Ind. III. page 98 note 2) explains acháta-bhata-pravesya as "not to be entered either by regular (bhata) or by irregular (cháta) troops."

[278] Bühler in Ind. Ant. V. 205.

[279] Ind. Ant. VII. 68.

[280] Ind. Ant. VII. 68.

[281] Of the different territorial divisions the following examples occur: Of Vishaya or main division Svabhágapuravishaye and Súryapuravishaye: of Áhára or collectorate Khetaka-áhára the Kaira district and Hastavapra-áhára or Hastavapráharaní the Háthab district near Bhávnagar: of Pathaka or sub-division Nagar-panthaka Porbandar-panthaka (Pársis still talk of Navsári panthaka): of Sthali or petty division Vatasthalí, Lonápadrakasthalí, and others.

[282] Kárván seems to have suffered great desecration at the hands of the Musalmáns. All round the village chiefly under pipal trees, images and pieces of sculpture and large lingas lie scattered. To the north and east of the village on the banks of a large built pond called Kásíkunda are numerous sculptures and lingas. Partly embedded in the ground a pillar in style of about the eleventh century has a writing over it of latter times. The inscription contains the name of the place Sanskritised as Káyávarohana, and mentions an ascetic named Vírabahadrarási who remained mute for twelve years. Near the pillar, at the steps leading to the water, is a carved doorway of about the tenth or eleventh century with some well-proportioned figures. The left doorpost has at the top a figure of Siva, below the Siva a figure of Súrya, below the Súrya a male and female, and under them attendants or ganas of Siva. The right doorpost has at the top a figure of Vishnu seated on Garuda, below the seated Vishnu a standing Vishnu with four hands, and below that two sitting male and female figures, the male with hands folded in worship the female holding a purse. These figures probably represent a married pair who paid for this gateway. Further below are figures of ganas of Siva. In 1884 in repairing the south bank of the pond a number of carved stones were brought from the north of the town. About half a mile north-west of the town on the bank of a dry brook, is a temple of Chámundá Deví of about the tenth century. It contains a mutilated life-size image of Chámundá. Facing the temple lie mutilated figures of the seven Mátrikás and of Bhairava, probably the remains of a separate altar facing the temple with the mátri-mandala or Mother-Meeting upon it. The village has a large modern temple of Siva called Naklesvara, on the site of some old temple and mostly built of old carved temple stones. In the temple close by are a number of old images of the sun and the boar incarnation of Vishnu all of about the tenth or eleventh century. The name Naklesvara would seem to have been derived from Nakulisa the founder of the Pásupata sect and the temple may originally have had an image of Nakulisa himself or a linga representing Nakulísa. Close to the west of the village near a small dry reservoir called the Kunda of Rájarájesvara lies a well-preserved black stone seated figure of Chanda one of the most respected of Siva's attendants, without whose worship all worship of Siva is imperfect, and to whom all that remains after making oblations to Siva is offered. A number of other sculptures lie on the bank of the pond. About a mile to the south of Kárván is a village called Lingthali the place of lingas.

[283] Compare Beal Buddhist Records, II. 268 note 76 and Ind. Ant. VI. 9. The meaning and reference of the title Bappa have been much discussed. The question is treated at length by Mr. Fleet (Corp. Ins. Ind. III. 186 note 1) with the result that the title is applied not to a religious teacher but to the father and predecessor of the king who makes the grant. According to Mr. Fleet bappa would be used in reference to a father, báva in reference to an uncle.

[284] Whether the Valabhis were or were not Gurjjaras the following facts favour the view that they entered Gujarát from Málwa. It has been shown (Fleet Ind. Ant. XX. 376) that while the Guptas used the so-called Northern year beginning with Chaitra, the Valabhi year began with Kártika (see Ind. Ant. XX. 376). And further Kielhorn in his examination of questions connected with the Vikrama era (Ind. Ant. XIX. and XX.) has given reasons for believing that the original Vikrama year began with Kártika and took its rise in Málwa. It seems therefore that when they settled in Gujarát, while they adopted the Gupta era the Valabhis still adhered to the old arrangement of the year to which they had been accustomed in their home in Málwa. The arrangement of the year entered into every detail of their lives, and was therefore much more difficult to change than the starting point of their era, which was important only for official acts.--(A. M. T. J.)

[285] Montfauçon's Edition in Priaulx's Indian Travels, 222-223. It seems doubtful if Cosmas meant that Gollas' overlordship spread as far south as Kalyán. Compare Migne's Patrologiæ Cursus, lxxxviii. 466; Yule's Cathay, I. clxx.

[286] The Mehrs seem to have remained in power also in north-east Káthiáváda till the thirteenth century. Mokheráji Gohil the famous chief of Piram was the son of a daughter of Dhan Mehr or Mair of Dhanduka, Rás Mála, I. 316.

[287] All the silver and copper coins found in Valabhi and in the neighbouring town of Sihor are poor imitations of Kumáragupta's (A.D. 417-453) and of Skandagupta's (A.D. 454-470) coins, smaller lighter and of bad almost rude workmanship. The only traces of an independent currency are two copper coins of Dharasena, apparently Dharasena IV., the most powerful of the dynasty who was called Chakravartin or Emperor. The question of the Gupta-Valabhi coins is discussed in Jour. Royal As. Socy. for Jan. 1893 pages 133-143. Dr. Bühler (page 138) holds the view put forward in this note of Dr. Bhagvánlál's namely that the coins are Valabhi copies of Gupta currency. Mr. Smith (Ditto, 142-143) thinks they should be considered the coins of the kings whose names they bear.

[288] The three types of coins still current at Ujjain, Bhilsa, and Gwálior in the territories of His Highness Sindhia are imitations of the previous local Muhammadan coinage.

[289] As the date of Dronasimha's investiture is about A.D. 520 it is necessary to consider what kings at this period claimed the title of supreme lord and could boast of ruling the whole earth. The rulers of this period whom we know of are Mihirakula, Yasodharman Vishnuvardhana, the descendants of Kumáragupta's son Puragupta, and the Gupta chiefs of Eastern Málwa. Neither Toramána nor Mihirakula appears to have borne the paramount title of Paramesvara though the former is called Mahárájádhirája in the Eran inscription and Avanipati or Lord of the Earth (= simply king) on his coins: in the Gwálior inscription Mihirakula is simply called Lord of the Earth. He was a powerful prince but he could hardly claim to be ruler of "the whole circumference of the earth." He therefore cannot be the installer of Dronasimha. Taking next the Guptas of Magadha we find on the Bhitári seal the title of Mahárájádhirája given to each of them, but there is considerable reason to believe that their power had long since shrunk to Magadha and Eastern Málwa, and if Hiuen Tsiang's Báláditya is Narasimhagupta, he must have been about A.D. 520 a feudatory of Mihirakula, and could not be spoken of as supreme lord, nor as ruler of the whole earth. The Guptas of Málwa have even less claim to these titles, as Bhánugupta was a mere Mahárája, and all that is known of him is that he won a battle at Eran in Eastern Málwa in A.D. 510-11. Last of all comes Vishnuvardhana or Yasodharman of Mandasor. In one of the Mandasor inscriptions he has the titles of Rájádhirája and Paramesvara (A.D. 532-33); in another he boasts of having carried his conquests from the Lauhitya (Brahmaputra) to the western ocean and from the Himálaya to mount Mahendra. It seems obvious that Yasodharman is the Paramasvámi of the Valabhi plate, and that the reference to the western ocean relates to Bhatárka's successes against the Maitrakas.--(A.M.T.J.)

[290] Ind. Ant. V. 204.

[291] Ind. Ant. IV. 104.

[292] In a commentary on the Kalpasútra Dandanáyaka is described as meaning Tantrapâla that is head of a district.

[293] Ind. Ant. VII. 66; IV. 174.

[294] Ind. Ant. V. 206.

[295] Ind. Ant. XIV. 75.

[296] Kumárápála-Charita, Abu Inscriptions.

[297] Ind. Ant. VIII. 302, VII. 68, XIII. 160.

[298] Ind. Ant. VI. 9.

[299] Ind. Ant. VII. 90.

[300] This change of title was probably connected with the increase of Gurjara power, which resulted in the founding of the Gurjara kingdom of Broach about A.D. 580. See Chapter X. below.

[301] Ind. Ant. XI. 306.

[302] Ind. Ant. VI. 13.

[303] Kávyamidam rachitam mayá Valabhyám, Srí Dharasena-narendra pálitáyám.

[304] Ind. Ant. VII. 76.

[305] Journ. Beng. A. S. IV. and an unpublished grant in the museum of the B. B. R. A. Soc.

[306] Ind. Ant. XI. 305.

[307] Since his authorities mention the destroyers of Valabhi under the vague term mlechchhas or barbarians and since the era in which they date the overthrow may be either the Vikrama B.C. 57, the Saka A.D. 78, or the Valabhi A.D. 319, Tod is forced to offer many suggestions. His proposed dates are A.D. 244 Vik. Sam. 300 (Western India, 269), A.D. 424 Val. Sam. 105 (Ditto, 51 and 214), A.D. 524 Val. Sam. 205 (Annals of Rájasthán, I. 83 and 217-220), and A.D. 619 Val. Sam. 300 (Western India, 352). Tod identifies the barbarian destroyers of Valabhi either with the descendants of the second century Parthians, or with the White Huns Getes or Káthis, or with a mixture of these who in the beginning of the sixth century supplanted the Parthians (An. of Ráj. I. 83 and 217-220; Western India, 214, 352). Elliot (History, I. 408) accepting Tod's date A.D. 524 refers the overthrow to Skythian barbarians from Sindh. Elphinstone, also accepting A.D. 524 as an approximate date, suggested (History, 3rd Edition, 212) as the destroyer the Sassanian Naushirván or Chosroes the Great (A.D. 531-579) citing in support of a Sassanian inroad Malcolm's Persia, I. 141 and Pottinger's Travels, 386. Forbes (Rás Málá, I. 22) notes that the Jain accounts give the date of the overthrow Vik. Sam. 375 that is A.D. 319 apparently in confusion with the epoch of the Gupta era which the Valabhi kings adopted. ((Similarly S. 205 the date given by some of Col. Tod's authorities (An. of Ráj. I. 82 and 217-220) represents A.D. 524 the practical establishment of the Valabhi dynasty. The mistake of ascribing an era to the overthrow not to the founding of a state occurs (compare Sachau's Alberuni, II. 6) in the case both of the Vikrama era B.C. 57 and of the Sáliváhana era A.D. 78. In both these cases the error was intentional. It was devised with the aim of hiding the supremacy of foreigners in early Hindu history. So also, according to Alberuni's information (Sachau, II. 7) the Guptakála A.D. 319 marks the ceasing not the beginning of the wicked and powerful Guptas. This device is not confined to India. His Mede informant told Herodotus (B.C. 450 Rawlinson's Herodotus, I. 407) that B.C. 708 was the founding of the Median monarchy. The date really marked the overthrow of the Medes by the Assyrian Sargon.)) Forbes says (Ditto, 24): If the destroyers had not been called mlechchhas I might have supposed them to be the Dakhan Chálukyas. Genl. Cunningham (Anc. Geog. 318) holds that the date of the destruction was A.D. 658 and the destroyer the Ráshtrakúta Rája Govind who restored the ancient family of Sauráshtra. Thomas (Prinsep's Useful Tables, 158) fixes the destruction of Valabhi at A.D. 745 (S. 802). In the Káthiáwár Gazetteer Col. Watson in one passage (page 671) says the destroyers may have been the early Muhammadans who retired as quickly as they came. In another passage (page 274), accepting Mr. Burgess' (Arch. Sur. Rep. IV. 75) Gupta era of A.D. 195 and an overthrow date of A.D. 642, and citing a Wadhwán couplet telling how Ebhal Valabhi withstood the Iranians, Col. Watson suggests the destroyers may have been Iranians. If the Pársis came in A.D. 642 they must have come not as raiders but as refugees. If they could they would not have destroyed Valabhi. If the Pársis destroyed Valabhi where next did they flee to.

[308] Tod (An. of Ráj. I. 231) notices what is perhaps a reminiscence of this date (A.D. 766). It is the story that Bappa, who according to Mewád tradition is the founder of Gehlot power at Chitor, abandoned his country for Irán in A.D. 764 (S. 820). It seems probable that this Bappa or Saila is not the founder of Gehlot power at Chitor, but, according to the Valabhi use of Bappa, is the founder's father and that this retreat to Irán refers to his being carried captive to Mansúra on the fall either of Valabhi or of Gandhár.

[309] Reinaud's Fragments, 143 note 1; Mémoire Sur l'Inde, 105; Sachau's Alberuni, I. 193. The treachery of the magician Ranka is the same cause as that assigned by Forbes (Rás Málá, I. 12-18) from Jain sources. The local legend (Ditto, 18) points the inevitable Tower of Siloam moral, a moral which (compare Rás Málá, I. 18) is probably at the root of the antique tale of Lot and the Cities of the Plain, that men whose city was so completely destroyed must have been sinners beyond others. Dr. Nicholson (J. R. A. S. Ser. I. Vol. XIII. page 153) in 1851 thought the site of Valabhi bore many traces of destruction by water.

[310] Lassen (Ind. Alt. III. 533) puts aside Alberuni's Arab expedition from Mansúra as without historical support and inadmissible. Lassen held that Valabhi flourished long after its alleged destruction from Mansúra. Lassen's statement (see Ind. Alt. III. 533) is based on the mistaken idea that as the Valabhis were the Balharas the Balharas' capital Mánkir must be Valabhi. So far as is known, except Alberuni himself (see below) none of the Arab geographers of the ninth, tenth or eleventh centuries mentions Valabhi. It is true that according to Lassen (Ind. Alt. 536) Masudi A.D. 915, Istakhri A.D. 951, and Ibn Háukal A.D. 976 all attest the existence of Valabhi up to their own time. This remark is due either to the mistake regarding Malkhet or to the identification of Bálwi or Balzi in Sindh (Elliot's History, I. 27-34) with Valabhi. The only known Musalmán reference to Valabhi later than A.D. 750 is Alberuni's statement (Sachau, II. 7) that the Valabhi of the era is 30 yojanas or 200 miles south of Anahilaváda. That after its overthrow Valabhi remained, as it still continues, a local town has been shown in the text. Such an after-life is in no way inconsistent with its destruction as a leading capital in A.D. 767.

[311] According to Alberuni (Sachau, I. 21) Al Mansúra, which was close to Bráhmanábád about 47 miles north-east of Haidarábád (Elliot's Musalmán Historians, I. 372-374) was built by the great Muhammad Kásim about A.D. 713. Apparently Alberuni wrote Muhammad Kásim by mistake for his grandson Amru Muhammad (Elliot, I. 372 note 1 and 442-3), who built the city a little before A.D. 750. Reinaud (Fragments, 210) makes Amru the son of Muhammad Kásim. Masudi (A.D. 915) gives the same date (A.D. 750), but (Elliot, I. 24) makes the builder the Ummayide governor Mansúr bin Jamhur. Idrísi (A.D. 1137 Elliot, I. 78) says Mansúra was built and named in honour of the Khalif Abu Jáfar-al-Mansur. If so its building would be later than A.D. 754. On such a point Idrísi's authority carries little weight.

[312] Elliot, I. 244.

[313] That the word read Barada by Elliot is in the lax pointless shikasta writing is shown by the different proposed readings (Elliot, I. 444 note 1) Nárand, Barand, and Barid. So far as the original goes Balaba is probably as likely a rendering as Barada. Reinaud (Fragments, 212) says he cannot restore the name.

[314] Though, except as applied to the Porbandar range of hills, the name Barada is almost unknown, and though Ghumli not Barada was the early (eighth-twelfth century) capital of Porbandar some place named Barada seems to have existed on the Porbandar coast. As early as the second century A.D., Ptolemy (McCrindle, 37) has a town Barda-xema on the coast west of the village Kome (probably the road or kom) of Sauráshtra; and St. Martin (Geographie Grecque et Latine de l'Inde, 203) identifies Pliny's (A.D. 77) Varetatæ next the Odomberæ or people of Kachh with the Varadas according to Hemachandra (A.D. 1150) a class of foreigners or mlechchhas. A somewhat tempting identification of Barada is with Beruni's Bárwi (Sachau, I. 208) or Baraoua (Reinaud's Fragments, 121) 84 miles (14 parasangs) west of Somanátha. But an examination of Beruni's text shows that Bárwi is not the name of a place but of a product of Kachh the bára or bezoar stone.

[315] Elliot, I. 445.

[316] Compare Tod (Annals, I. 83 and 217). Gajni or Gayni another capital whence the last prince Síláditya was expelled by Parthian invaders in the sixth century.

[317] Compare Reinaud (Fragments, 212 note 4) who identifies it with the Áin-i-Akbari Kandahár that is Gandhár in Broach. The identification is doubtful. Tod (Annals, I. 217) names the fort Gajni or Gayni and there was a fort Gajni close to Cambay. Elliot (I. 445) would identify the Arab Kandahár with Khandadár in north-west Káthiáváda.

Even after A.D. 770 Valabhi seems to have been attacked by the Arabs. Dr. Bhagvánlál notices that two Jain dates for the destruction of the city 826 and 886 are in the Vira era and that this means not the Mahávira era of B.C. 526 but the Vikram era of B.C. 57. The corresponding dates are therefore A.D. 769 and 829. Evidence in support of the A.D. 769 and 770 defeat is given in the text. On behalf of Dr. Bhagvánlál's second date A.D. 829 it is remarkable that in or about A.D. 830 (Elliot, I. 447) Músa the Arab governor of Sindh captured Bála the ruler of As Sharqi. As there seems no reason to identify this As Sharqi with the Sindh lake of As Sharqi mentioned in a raid in A.D. 750 (Elliot, I. 441: J. R. A. S. (1893) page 76) the phrase would mean Bála king of the east. The Arab record of the defeat of Bála would thus be in close agreement with the Jain date for the latest foreign attack on Valabhi.

[318] The identification of the Balharas of the Arab writers with the Chálukyas (A.D. 500-753) and Ráshtrakútas (A.D. 753-972) of Málkhet in the East Dakhan has been accepted. The vagueness of the early (A.D. 850-900) Arab geographers still more the inaccuracy of Idrísi (A.D. 1137) in placing the Balharas capital in Gujarát (Elliot, I. 87) suggested a connection between Balhara and Valabhi. The suitableness of this identification was increased by the use among Rájput writers of the title Balakarai for the Valabhi chief (Tod An. of Ráj. I. 83) and the absence among either the Chálukyas (A.D. 500-753) or the Ráshtrakútas (A.D. 753-972) of Málkhet of any title resembling Balhara. Prof. Bhandárkar's (Deccan History, 56-57) discovery that several of the early Chálukyas and Ráshtrakútas had the personal name Vallabha Beloved settled the question and established the accuracy of all Masudi's (A.D. 915) statements (Elliot, I. 19-21) regarding the Balhara who ruled the Kamkar, that is Kamrakara or Karnátak (Sachau's Beruni, I. 202; II. 318) and had their Kánarese (Kiriya) capital at Mankir (Málkhet) 640 miles from the coast.

[319] After their withdrawal from Valabhi to Mewád the Válas took the name of Gehlot (see below page 98), then of Aharya from a temporary capital near Udepur (Tod's An. of Ráj. I. 215), next of Sesodia in the west of Mewád (Tod's An. of Raj. I. 216; Western India, 57). Since 1568 the Rána's head-quarters have been at Udepur. Ráj. Gaz. III. 18. After the establishment of their power in Chitor (A.D. 780), a branch of the Gehlot or Gohil family withdrew to Kheir in south-west Márwár. These driven south by the Ráthods in the end of the twelfth century are the Gohils of Piram, Bhávnagar, and Rájpipla in Káthiáváda and Gujarát. Tod's Annals of Ráj. I. 114, 228.

[320] The somewhat doubtful Jáikadeva plates (above page 87 and Káthiáváda Gazetteer, 275) seem to show the continuance of Maitraka power in North Káthiáváda. This is supported by the expedition of the Arab chief of Sandhán in Kachch (A.D. 840) against the Medhs of Hind which ended in the capture of Mália in North Káthiáváda. Elliot, I. 450. Hiuen Tsiang (A.D. 630) (Beal's Buddhist Records, II. 69) describes Sauráshtra as a separate state but at the same time notes its dependence on Valabhi. Its rulers seem to have been Mehrs. In A.D. 713 (Elliot, I. 123) Muhammad Kasim made peace with the men of Surasht, Medhs, seafarers, and pirates.

[321] The only contemporary rulers in whose grants a reference to Valabhi has been traced are the Gurjjaras of Broach (A.D. 580-808) one of whom, Dadda II. (A.D. 633), is said (Ind. Ant. XIII. 79) to have gained renown by protecting the lord of Valabhi who had been defeated by the illustrious Srí Harshadeva (A.D. 608-649), and another Jayabhata in A.D. 706 (Ind. Ant. V. 115) claims to have quieted with the sword the impetuosity of the lord of Valabhi.

[322] Tod An. of Raj. I. 217: Western India, 269.

[323] Tod An. of Raj. I. 112 and Western India, 148: Rás Málá, I. 21. It is not clear whether these passages prove that the Sesodias or only the Válas claim an early settlement at Dhánk. In any case (see below page 101) both clans trace their origin to Kanaksen.

[324] Tod's Western India, 51.

[325] Tod's An. of Raj. I. 230.

[326] The cherished title of the later Valabhis, Síláditya Sun of Virtue, confirms the special sun worship at Valabhi, which the mention of Dharapatta (A.D. 550) as a devotee of the supreme sun supports, and which the legends of Valabhi's sun-horse and sun-fountain keep fresh (Rás Málá, I. 14-18). So the great one-stone lingas, the most notable trace of Valabhi city (J. R. A. S. Ser. I. Vol. XIII. 149 and XVII. 271), bear out the Valabhi copperplate claim that its rulers were great worshippers of Siva. Similarly the Rána of Udepur, while enjoying the title of Sun of the Hindus, prospering under the sun banner, and specially worshipping the sun (Tod's Annals, I. 565) is at the same time the Minister of Siva the One Ling Eklingakadiwán (Ditto 222, Ráj. Gaz. III. 53). The blend is natural. The fierce noon-tide sun is Mahákála the Destroyer. Like Siva the Sun is lord of the Moon. And marshalled by Somanátha the great Soul Home the souls of the dead pass heavenwards along the rays of the setting sun. [Compare Sachau's Alberuni, II. 168.] It is the common sun element in Saivism and in Vaishnavism that gives their holiness to the sunset shrines of Somanátha and Dwárka. For (Ditto, 169) the setting sun is the door whence men march forth into the world of existence Westwards, heavenwards.

[327] This explanation is hardly satisfactory. The name Gehlot seems to be Guhila-putra from Gobhila-putra an ancient Bráhman gotra, one of the not uncommon cases of Rájputs with a Bráhman gotra. The Rájput use of a Bráhman gotra is generally considered a technical affiliation, a mark of respect for some Bráhman teacher. It seems doubtful whether the practice is not a reminiscence of an ancestral Bráhman strain. This view finds confirmation in the Aitpur inscription (Tod's Annals, I. 802) which states that Guhadit the founder of the Gohil tribe was of Bráhman race Vipra kula. Compare the legend (Rás Málá, I. 13) that makes the first Síláditya of Valabhi (A.D. 590-609) the son of a Bráhman woman. Compare (Elliot, I. 411) the Bráhman Chách (A.D. 630-670) marrying the widow of the Sháhi king of Alor in Sindh who is written of as a Rájput though like the later (A.D. 850-1060) Shahiyas of Kábul (Alberuni, Sachau II. 13) the dynasty may possibly have been Bráhmans. ((In support of a Bráhman origin is Prinsep's conjecture (J. A. S. Bl. LXXIV. [Feb. 1838] page 93) that Divaij the name of the first recorded king may be Dvija or Twice-born. But Divaij for Deváditya, like Silaij for Síláditya, seems simpler and the care with which the writer speaks of Chach as the Bráhman almost implies that his predecessors were not Bráhmans. According to Elliot (II. 426) the Páls of Kábul were Rájputs, perhaps Bhattias.)) The following passage from Hodgson's Essays (J. A. Soc. Bl. II. 218) throws light on the subject: Among the Khás or Rájputs of Nepál the sons of Bráhmans by Khás women take their fathers' gotras. Compare Ibbetson's Panjáb Census 1881 page 236.

[328] Tod's Annals, I. 229-231.

[329] Annals, I. 229.

[330] Gladwin's Áin-i-Akbari, II. 81; Tod's Annals, I. 235 and note *. Tod's dates are confused. The Aitpur inscription (Ditto, page 230) gives Sakti Kumára's date A.D. 968 (S. 1024) while the authorities which Tod accepts (Ditto, 231) give A.D. 1068 (S. 1125). That the Moris were not driven out of Chitor as early as A.D. 728 is proved by the Navsárí inscription which mentions the Arabs defeating the Mauryas as late as A.D. 738-9 (Sam. 490). See above page 56.

[331] Tod Western India 268 says Siddha Rája (A.D. 1094-1143): Múla Rája (A.D. 942-997) seems correct. See Rás Málá, I. 65.

[332] Káthiáwár Gazetteer, 672.

[333] The chronicles of Bhadrod, fifty-one miles south-west of Bhávnagar, have (Káth. Gaz. 380) a Selait Vála as late as A.D. 1554.

[334] Káthiáwár Gazetteer, 672. Another account places the movement south after the arrival of the Gohils A.D. 1250. According to local traditions the Válas did not pass to Bhadrod near Mahuva till A.D. 1554 (Káth. Gaz. 380) and from Bhadrod (Káth. Gaz. 660) retired to Dholarva.

[335] Káth. Gaz. 111 and 132. According to the Áin-i-Akbari (Gladwin, II. 60) the inhabitants of the ports of Mahua and Tulája were of the Vála tribe.

[336] Káth. Gaz. 680.

[337] Káth. Gaz. 414.

[338] The Vála connection with the Káthis complicates their history. Col. Watson (Káth. Gaz. 130) seems to favour the view that the Válas were the earliest wave of Káthis who came into Káthiáváda from Málwa apparently with the Guptas (A.D. 450) (Ditto, 671). Col. Watson seems to have been led to this conclusion in consequence of the existence of the petty state of Kátti in west Khándesh. But the people of the Kátti state in west Khándesh are Bhils or Kolis. Neither the people nor the position of the country seems to show connection with the Káthis of Káthiáváda. Col. Watson (Káth. Gaz. 130) inclines to hold that the Válas are an example of the rising of a lower class to be Rájputs. That both Válas and Káthis are northerners admitted into Hinduism may be accepted. Still it seems probable that on arrival in Káthiáváda the Válas were the leaders of the Káthis and that it is mainly since the fall of Valabhi that a large branch of the Válas have sunk to be Káthis. The Káthi traditions admit the superiority of the Válas. According to Tod (Western India, 270: Annals, I. 112-113) the Káthis claim to be a branch or descendants of the Válas. In Káthiáváda the Válas, the highest division of Káthis (Rás Málá, I. 296; Káth. Gaz. 122, 123, 131, 139), admit that their founder was a Vála Rájput who lost caste by marrying a Káthi woman. Another tradition (Rás Málá, I. 296; Káth. Gaz. 122 note 1) records that the Káthis flying from Sindh took refuge with the Válas and became their followers. Col. Watson (Káth. Gaz. 130) considers the practice in Porbandar and Navánagar of styling any lady of the Dhánk Vála family who marries into their house Káthiáníbái the Káthi lady proves that the Válas are Káthis. But as this name must be used with respect it may be a trace that the Válas claim to be lords of the Káthis as the Jetwas claim to be lords of the Mers. That the position of the Válas and Káthis as Rájputs is doubtful in Káthiáváda and is assured (Tod's Annals, I. 111) in Rájputána is strange. The explanation may perhaps be that aloofness from Muhammadans is the practical test of honour among Rájputána Hindus, and that in the troubled times between the thirteenth and the seventeenth centuries, like the Jhálás, the Válas and Káthis may have refused Moghal alliances, and so won the approval of the Ránás of Mewád.

[339] Káth. Gaz. 110-129.

[340] Western India, 207; Annals, I. 112-113.

[341] It is worthy of note that Bálas and Káthiás are returned from neighbouring Panjáb districts. Bálas from Dehra Ismail Khán (Panjáb Census Report 1891 Part III. 310), Káthiá Rájputs from Montgomery (Ditto, 318), and Káthiá Játs from Jhang and Dera Ismail Khán (Ditto, 143). Compare Ibbetson's (1881) Panjáb Census, I. 259, where the Káthias are identified with the Kathaioi who fought Alexander the Great (B.C. 325) and also with the Káthis of Káthiáváda. According to this report (page 240) the Válas are said to have come from Málwa and are returned in East Panjáb.

[342] Tod's Annals, I. 83 and 215; Elliot, II. 410; Jour. B. Br. A. S. XXIII.

[343] Annals, I. 215.

[344] Kath. Gaz. 589.

[345] Brihat-Samhitá, XIV. 21. The usual explanation (compare Fleet Ind. Ant. XXII. 180) Gold-Sakas seems meaningless.

[346] Sachau, II. 11. Among the legends are the much-applied tales of the foot-stamped cloth and the self-sacrificing minister.

[347] Western India, 213.

[348] Tod's Annals, I. 83, 215; Western India, 270-352.

[349] Sachau, I. 208, II. 341. For the alleged descent of the Sesodiás and Válas from Ráma of the Sun race the explanation may be offered that the greatness of Kanishka, whose power was spread from the Ganges to the Oxus, in accordance with the Hindu doctrine (compare Beal's Buddhist Records, I. 99 & 152; Rás Málá, I. 320; Fryer's New Account, 190) that a conqueror's success is the fruit of transcendent merit in a former birth, led to Kanishka being considered an incarnation of Ráma. A connection between Kanishka and the race of the Sun would be made easy by the intentional confusing of the names Kshatrapa and Kshatriya and by the fact that during part at least of his life fire and the sun were Kanishka's favourite deities.

[350] Gladwin's Áin-i-Akbari, II. 81: Tod's Annals, I. 235.

[351] The invasion of Sindh formerly (Reinaud's Fragments, 29) supposed to be by Naushirván in person according to fuller accounts seems to have been a raid by the ruler of Seistán (Elliot, I. 407). Still Reinaud (Mémoire Sur l'Inde, 127) holds that in sign of vassalage the Sindh king added a Persian type to his coins.

[352] Compare Tod's Annals, I. 235-239 and Rawlinson's Seventh Monarchy, 576.

[353] Rawlinson Seventh Monarchy, 452 note 3.

[354] Compare Tod's Annals, I. 63; Thomas' Prinsep, I. 413; Cunningham's Arch. Survey, VI. 201. According to their own accounts (Rás Málá, I. 296) the Káthis learned sun-worship from the Vála of Dhánk by whom the famous temple of the sun at Thán in Káthiáváda was built.

[355] Válas Musalmán Játs in Lahor and Gurdaspur: Váls in Gujarát and Gujranwálá: Váls in Mozafarnagar and Dhera Ismael Khan. Also Válahs Hindus in Kángra. Panjáb Census of 1891, III. 162.

[356] Brihat Samhitá, V. 80.

[357] Corp. Ins. Ind. III. 140-141.

[358] The references are; Langlois' Harivamsa, I. 388-420, II. 178. That in A.D. 247 Balkh or Báktria was free from Indian overlordship (McCrindle's Periplus, 121), and that no more distant tribe than the Gandháras finds a place in the Harivamsa lists combine to make it almost certain that, at the time the Harivamsa was written, whatever their origin may have been, the Báhlikas were settled not in Báktria but in India.

[359] The passage from the Karna Parva or Eighth Book of the Mahábhárata is quoted in Muir's Sanskrit Texts, II. 482, and in greater fullness in St. Martin's Geog. Greque et Latine de l'Inde, 402-410. The Báhikas or Bálhikas are classed with the Madras, Gandháras, Arattas, and other Panjáb tribes. In their Bráhman families it is said the eldest son alone is a Bráhman. The younger brothers are without restraint Kshatriyas, Vaisyas, Sudras, even Barbers. A Bráhman may sink to be a Barber and a barber may rise to be a Bráhman. The Báhikas eat flesh even the flesh of the cow and drink liquor. Their women know no restraint. They dance in public places unclad save with garlands. In the Harivamsa (Langlois, I. 493 and II. 178, 388, 420) the Bahlikas occur in lists of kings and peoples.

[360] Kern in Muir's Sanskrit Texts, II. 446. St. Martin (Geog. Greque et Latine de l'Inde, 149) takes Báhika to be a contraction of Báhlika. Reasons are given below for considering the Mahábhárata form Báhika a confusion with the earlier tribes of that name rather than a contraction of Báhlika or Bálhika. The form Báhika was also favoured by the writer in the Mahábhárata because it fitted with his punning derivation from their two fiend ancestors Vahi and Hika. St. Martin, 408.

[361] St. Martin Geog. Greque et Latine de l'Inde, 403, puts the probable date at B.C. 380 or about fifty years before Alexander. St. Martin held that the passage belonged to the final revision of the poem. Since St. Martin's time the tendency has been to lower the date of the final revision by at least 500 years. The fact noted by St. Martin (Ditto, page 404) that Jartika which the Mahábhárata writer gives as another name for Báhika is a Sanskritised form of Jat further supports the later date. It is now generally accepted that the Jats are one of the leading tribes who about the beginning of the Christian era passed from Central Asia into India.

[362] The name Valabhi, as we learn from the Jain historians, is a Sanskritised form of Valahi, which can be easily traced back to one of the many forms (Bálhíka, Bálhika, Balhika, Bahlíka, Báhlika, Váhlíka, Vahlíka, Válhíka, Válhika, Valhika) of a tribal name which is of common occurrence in the Epics. This name is, no doubt rightly, traced back to the city of Balkh, and originally denoted merely the people of Baktria. There is, however, evidence that the name also denoted a tribe doubtless of Baktrian origin, but settled in India: the Emperor Chandra speaks of defeating the Váhlikas after crossing the seven mouths of the Indus: Varáha-Mihira speaks of the Válhikas along with the people who dwell on Sindhu's banks (Br. Sam. V. 80): and, most decisive of all, the Kásiká Vritti on Pán. VIII. iv. 9 (A.D. 650) gives Bahlíka as the name of the people of the Sauvíra country, which, as Alberuni tells us, corresponded to the modern Multán, the very country to which the traditions of the modern Válas point.

If the usual derivation of the name Bálhika be accepted, ((There is a very close parallel in the modern Panjáb, where (see Census Report of 1881) the national name Baluch has become a tribal name in the same way as Bálhika.)) it is possible to go a step further and fix a probable limit before which the tribe did not enter India. The name of Balkh in the sixth century B.C. was, as we learn from Darius' inscriptions, Bákhtri, and the Greeks also knew it as Baktra: the Avesta form is Bakhdhi, which according to the laws of sound-change established by Prof. Darmsteter for the Arachosian language as represented by the modern Pushtu, would become Bahli (see Chants Populaires des Afghans, Introd. page xxvii). This reduction of the hard aspirates to spirants seems to have taken place about the first century A.D.: parallel cases are the change from Parthava to Palhava, and Mithra to Mihira. It would seem therefore that the Bahlikas did not enter India before the first century A.D.: and if we may identify their subduer Chandra with Chandragupta I., we should have the fourth century A.D. as a lower limit for dating their invasion.

Unfortunately, however, these limits cannot at present be regarded as more than plausible: for the name Balhika or Valhika appears to occur in works that can hardly be as modern as the first century A.D. The Atharvaveda-parisishtas might be put aside, as they show strong traces of Greek influence and are therefore of late date: and the supposed occurrences in Pánini belong to the commentators and to the Ganapátha only and are of more or less uncertain age. But the name occurs, in the form Balhika, in one hymn of the Atharvaveda itself (Book V. 22) which there is no reason to suppose is of late date.

The lower limit is also uncertain as the identification of Chandra of the inscription with the Gupta king is purely conjectural.--(A. M. T. J.)

[363] Hodgson's Essays on Indian Subjects, I. 405 Note.

[364] McCrindle's Periplus, 121. Compare Rawlinson's Seventh Monarchy, 79. The absence of Indian reference to the Yuechi supports the view that in India the Yuechi were known by some other name.

[365] According to Reinaud (Mémoire Sur l'Inde, 82 note 3) probably the modern Kochanya or Kashania sixty or seventy miles west of Samarkand. This is Hiuen Tsiang's (A.D. 620) Ki'uh-shwangi-ni-kia or Kushánika. See Beal's Buddhist Records, I. 34.

[366] Etude sur la Geographie Grecque et Latine de l'Inde, 147.

[367] McCrindle's Alexander in India, 350.

[368] The suggestion is made by Mr. A. M. T. Jackson.

[369] McCrindle's Alexander, 136.

[370] McCrindle's Alexander, 252.

[371] Compare Strabo, XV. I. 8. The Oxydrakai are the descendants of Dionysus. Again, XV. I. 24: The Malloi and the Oxydrakai who as we have already said are fabled to be related to Dionysus.

[372] See McCrindle's Alexander, 157, 369, 378, 398. Compare St. Martin Geog. Grecque et Latine de l'Inde, 102.

[373] Strabo, XV. I. 8 and 24, Hamilton's Translation, III. 76, 95.

[374] References to the vines of Nysa and Meros occur in Strabo, Pliny, Quintus Curtius, Philostratus, and Justin: McCrindle's Alexander in India, 193 note 1, 321, and 339. Strabo (Hamilton's Translation, III. 86) refers to a vine in the country of Musikanus or Upper Sindh. At the same time (Ditto, 108) Strabo accepts Megasthenês' statement that in India the wild vine grows only in the hills.

[375] The Kathaioi Malloi and Oxydrakai are (Arrian in McCrindle's Alexander, 115, 137, 140, 149) called independent in the sense of kingless: they (Ditto, 154) sent leading men not ambassadors: (compare also Diodorus Siculus and Plutarch, Ditto 287, 311): the Malloi had to chose a leader (Q. Curtius, Ditto 236).

[376] Káthiáwár Gazetteer, 138.

[377] Káthiáwár Gazetteer, 137.

[378] Cutch Gazetteer, 80.

[379] Cutch Gazetteer, 81.

[380] Bom. Gaz. XIV. 372.

[381] Ind. Ant. VIII. 243.

[382] Ind. Ant. VIII. 244.

[383] J. B. B. R. A. S. XVI. 1ff.: Proceedings VIIth Oriental Congress, 210ff.

[384] See Chap. X. below.

[385] Ind. Ant. XIII. 73.

[386] Ind. Ant. XIII. 70.

[387] B. B. R. A. S. XVI. 5.

[388] For the Moris or Mauryas, described as a branch of Pramáras, who held Chitor during the eighth century compare Tod. Jr. R. A. S. 211; Wilson's Works, XII. 132.

[389] The text of the copperplate runs:

sharajhasíramudraroddhárini taralataratárataraváridá [24] ritoditasaindhavakacchellarsoráshtra cávotaka mauryagurjarádirá [jye] nihshoshadákshinátyakshitipatiji [25] gíshayá dakshinápathapravesha ......... prathamamevanavasárikávishayaprasádhanáyágate tvarita

Plate II.

[1] turagakharamukharakhurotkhátadharinidhúlidhúsaritadigantare kuntaprántanitántavimardyamánarabhasábhidhávito [2] dbhatasthúlodaravivaravinirggatámtraprathutararudhiradhárámjitakavacabhíshanavapushi svámimahá [3] sanmánadánagrahana=krayíkritasvashirobhirabhimukhamápatitaipradamyadashanágradashtoshtaputakairane [4] kasamarájiravivaravarikatitatahayavidhatanavishálitadhanarudhirapatalapátalitapatukrapánapaththairapi mahá [5] yovairalabvaparabhágaih vipakshakshapanákshepakshiprakshipratíkshnakshuraprapraháravilúnavairishira=kamalagalanálairá [6] havarasarabhasaromámcakamcukáccháditatanúbhiranekairapi narendravramdavradárakairajitapurvaih vyapagatamasmáka [7] mranamanena sváminah svashirah pradánenádyatávadekajanmíyamityevamishopajátaparitoshánantaraprahatapatupa [8] taharavapravrittakabanvabaddharásamandalíke samarashiráse vijitetájikánike shoyyánuráginá shrívadatramanarem [9] drena prasádíkritáparanámacatushtayastaddhyathá dakshinápathasádháranacalukvikulálamkáraprithvívadatramánivarttakaniva [10] rttayitravanijanáshrayashrípulakeshirájassarvánevátmíyán

[390] Journal B. B. R. A. S. XVI. 105.

[391] Ind. Ant. VII. 241.

[392] Ind. Ant. IX. 123.

[393] Ind. Ant. V. 109ff; Ind. Ant. VII. 61ff.; Jour. R. A. S. (N. S.), I. 274ff.; Ind. Ant. XIII. 81-91; Jour. B. B. R. A. Soc. X. 19ff.; Ind. Ant. XIII. 115-119. Ind. Ant. XVII. and Ep. Ind. II. 19ff.

[394] See above page 107.

[395] That Nándor or Nándod was an old and important city is proved by the fact that Bráhmans and Vániás called Nándorás that is of Nándor are found throughout Gujarát, Mángrol and Chorvád on the South Káthiáváda coast have settlements of Velári betelvine cultivators who call themselves Nandora Vániás and apparently brought the betelvine from Nándod. Dr. Bühler, however, identifies the Nándípurí of the grants with an old fort of the same name about two miles north of the east gate of Broach. See Ind. Ant. VII. 62.

[396] Ind. Ant. XIII. 81, 88.

[397] Ind. Ant. XIII. 70.

[398] The fact that the Umetá and Iláo plates give their grantor Dadda II. the title of Mahárájádhirája Supreme Lord of Great Kings, is one of the grounds for believing them forgeries.

[399] Ep. Ind. II. 20.

[400] Ep. Ind. II. 21.

[401] Ind. Ant. VII. 162.

[402] Ep. Ind. II. 19.

[403] Ind. Ant. VII. 68, VIII. 302, XIII. 160, and XV. 187.

[404] Ind. Ant. VI. 9, VII. 70.

[405] Ind. Ant. XIII. 81-88.

[406] Ind. Ant. VII. 70.

[407] Beal's Buddhist Records, II. 266, 268.

[408] Ind. Ant. XIII. 81-88, Ep. Ind. II. 19.

[409] On these forged grants see below page 117.

[410] Ind. Ant. XIII. 70.

[411] Beal's Buddhist Records, II. 259.

[412] Ind. Ant. VIII. 237.

[413] Ind. Ant. XV. 335.

[414] Ind. Ant. V. 109, XIII. 70.

[415] B. B. R. A. S. Jl. XVI. 1ff.

[416] Ind. Ant. V. 109, XIII. 70. The earlier grant was made from Káyávatára (Kárwán): the later one is mutilated.

[417] Before A.D. 738-9. See Chap. IX. above.

[418] Tod's Annals of Rájasthán, I. 88; II. 2.

[419] Ind. Ant. XI. 112.

[420] Bombay Arch. Sur. Separate Number, 10, 94.

[421] This verse which immediately follows the mention of Govinda's conquests on the banks of the Mahí and the Narbadá punningly explains the name of the Mátar táluka as meaning the Mother's táluka.

[422] Ind. Ant. XII. 156.

[423] The Khándesh Reve and Dore Gujars of Chopdá and Raver in the east, and also over most of the west, may be a remnant of these Gujars of Broach who at this time (A.D. 740), and perhaps again about sixty years later, may have been forced up the Narbadá and Tápti into South Málwa and West Khándesh. This is doubtful as their migration is said to have taken place in the eleventh century and may have been due to pressure from the north the effect of Mahmúd Ghaznavi's invasions (A.D. 1000-1025).

[424] Ind. Ant. VI. 65; Jour. R. A. Soc. V. 350.

[425] Ind. Ant. VI. 65.

[426] The kingdom is not called Láta in the copperplate but Látesvara-mandala. An unpublished Baroda grant has shástá pratápaprathitah prithivyám sarvasya láteshvaramandalasya The ruler famous by glory, of the whole kingdom of the king of Láta. Other published grants record Govinda's gift of Gujarát to Indra as taddattalateshvaramandalasya Of him (Indra) to whom the kingdom of the lord of Láta had been given by him (Govinda). Ind. Ant. XII. 162.]

[427] Ind. Ant. XII. 160; unpublished Baroda grant. Srívallabha appears to mean Amoghavarsha who is also called Lakshmívallabha in an inscription at Sirur in Dhárwár (Ind. Ant. XII. 215).

[428] Several copperplates give Karka the epithet Putríyatastasya Son-yearning.

[429] All village and boundary details have been identified by Dr. Bühler. Ind. Ant. V. 148.

[430] Ind. Ant. XIV. 199.

[431] This donee is said to have been given the name of Jyotishika by the illustrious Govindarája apparently the uncle and predecessor of the granting king.

[432] Ind. Ant. XII. 179.

[433] Ind. Ant. XII. 184. The verse may be translated 'By whom before long was occupied the province handed down from his father which had been overrun by the forces of Vallabha and distracted by numbers of evil-minded followers.'

[434] Ind. Ant. XII. 179.

[435] This plate was in Dr. Bhagvánlál's possession. It is among the plates bequeathed to the British Museum. Dr. Bhandárkar (B. B. R. A. S. Jl. XVIII. 255) mentions another unpublished grant of S. 789 (A.D. 867) made by Dhruva's brother Dantivarmman.

[436] These may be either the Gurjjaras between Málwa and Gujarát, or the Bhínmál Gurjjaras north of the Mahí. It is also possible that they may be Chávadás as in this passage the term Gurjjara does not refer to the tribe but to the country. [There seems little reason to doubt the reference is to the Gurjjaras of Bhínmál or Srímál, probably acting through their underlords the Chávadás of Anahilaváda whose king in A.D. 865 was the warlike Kshem Rája (A.D. 841-866). Census and other recent information establish almost with certainty that the Chávadás or Chávotakas are of the Gurjjara race.]

[437] The identification is not satisfactory. Except the Bráhman settlement of Mottaka, apparently the well known Motála Bráhman settlement of Motá, which is mentioned as situated on the west though it is on the north-east, none of the boundary villages can be identified in the neighbourhood of Palsána. In spite of this the name Palsána and its close vicinity to Bagumrá where the grant was found make this identification probable.

[438] Ind. Ant. XIII. 65.

[439] Ind. Ant. XIII. 65-69.

[440] These were among Dr. Bhagvánlál's copperplates, and seem to be the same as the two grants published by Dr. Bhandárkar in B. B. R. A. S. Jl. XVIII. 253.

[441] See above page 127.

[442] The text is: udyaddídhitiratnajálajatilamvyákrishtamídagdhanuh . kuddhenopari vairivírashirasámevam vimuktáh sharáh . dhárásáriní sendracápavalaye yasyettha mabdágame garjjaravrúrjjarasamgaravyatikaram jírnojanah shamsati.

[443] It will be noted that in Saka 836 (A.D. 914) Krishna's grandson Indra re-grants 400 resumed villages many of which were perhaps resumed at this time by Krishna.

[444] It follows that none of Dhavalappa's three ancestors had any connection with Gujarát.

[445] Dr. Hultsch (Ep. Ind. I. 52) identifies Vyághrása with Vaghás, north-east of Kapadvanj. Dr. Bhagvánlál's account of the grant was based on an impression sent to him by the Mámlatdár of Kapadvanj.

[446] The text is: sella vidyádharenápi selu [helo] llálita tapáni pániná nihatyá shatrún samadhe [re] yashasákulamalamkritam. Dr. Hultsch takes the Sella-Vidyádhara here named to be another brother of Prachanda and Akkuka. The verse is corrupt.

[447] The Khárepátan grant makes this clear by passing over Indra's father Jagattunga in the genealogy and entering Indra as the grandson and successor of Akálavarsha. Jour. B. B. R. A. Soc. 1. 217.

[448] The text has Helonmúlitameruná to chime with the poetical allusion and figure about Indra. By Meru no doubt Mera or Mehr is meant.

[449] Kurundaka may be the village of Kurund in the Thána zilla seven miles north-east of Bhiwndi. It was a village given away in grant and cannot therefore be any large town. [Kurundvád at the holy meeting of the Krishna and Pañchgangá in the Southern Marátha Country close to Narsoba's Vádi seems a more likely place for an investiture.]

[450] J. R. A. S. III. 94.

[451] Ind. Ant. XI. 109.

[452] See above.

[453] Though the name of the gotra Lakshamanasa and Láksháyanasa differs slightly in the two grants, the identity of the name Nennapa the son of Dhoddi and the father of Siddhabhatta the A.D. 914 grantee, suggests that the original grant of the village of Tenna by Dhruva I. (A.D. 795) had been cancelled in the interval and in A.D. 914 was renewed by king Indra Nityamvarsha. [Dr. Bhandárkar reads the name in Indra's Navsárí grant (A.D. 914) as Vennapa.]

[454] That in A.D. 915 the Dakhan Ráshtrakútas held Gujarát as far north as Cambay is supported by the Arab traveller Al Masúdi who (Prairies d'Or, I. 253-254) speaks of Cambay, when he visited it, as a flourishing town ruled by Bania the deputy of the Balhára lord of Mánkir. The country along the gulf of Cambay was a succession of gardens villages fields and woods with date-palm and other groves alive with peacocks and parrots.

[455] It seems doubtful whether the Kánarese Rattas the Belgaum Radis and the Telugu Reddis could have been Rástikas or locals in the north Dakhan. The widespread Reddis trace their origin (Balfour's Encyclopædia of India, III. 350) to Rájamandri about thirty miles from the mouth of the Godávari. A tradition of a northern origin remains among some of the Reddis. The Tinnivelly Reddis (Madras J. Lit. and Science, 1887-88, page 136 note 96) call themselves Audh Reddis and assert that Oudh is the native country of their tribe. The late Sir George Campbell (J. R. As. Soc. XXXV. Part II. 129) has recorded the notable fact that the fine handsome Reddis of the north of the Kánara country are like the Játs. With this personal resemblance may be compared the Reddis' curious form of polyandry (Balfour's Encyclopædia, III. 330) in accordance with which the wife of the child-husband bears children to the adult males of the family, a practice which received theories (compare Mr. Kirkpatrick in Indian Ant. VII. 86 and Dr. Muir in Ditto VI. 315) would associate with the northern or Skythian conquerors of Upper India during the early centuries of the Christian era. In support of a northern Ráta element later than Asoka's Rástikas the following points may be noted. That the Kshaharáta or Khaharáta tribe to which the great northern conqueror Nahápana (A.D. 180) belonged should disappear from the Dakhan seems unlikely. Karahátaka the Mahábhárata name (As. Res. XV. 47, quoted in Wilson's Works VI. 178) for Karád on the Krishna suggests that Nahapána's conquest included Sátára and that the name of the holy place on the Krishna was altered to give it a resemblance to the name of the conqueror's tribe. That, perhaps after their overthrow by Gautamíputra-Sátakarni (A.D. 140), the Khaharátas may have established a local centre at Kurandwád at the meeting of the Krishna and the Pañchgangá may be the explanation why in A.D. 914, centuries after Mányakheta or Málkhet had become their capital, the Ráshtrakúta Indra should proceed for investiture to Kurundaka, which, though this is doubtful, may be Kurandwád. The parallel case of the Khaharátas' associates the Palhavas, who passed across the southern Dakhan and by intermarriage have in the Pállas assumed the characteristics of a southern tribe, give a probability to the existence of a northern Khaharáta or Ráta element in the southern Ráshtrakúta and Rattas which the facts at present available would not otherwise justify.

[456] The eleventh century Kanauj Gáhadaválas are now represented by the Bundelas who about A.D. 1200 overthrew the Chándols in Bundelkhand. These Gáharwáls or Bundelas trace their origin to Benares or Kási and may, as Hoernle suggests, have been related to the Pálas of that city who several times intermarried with the Dakhan Ráshtrakútas. The Gáharwáls seem to have nothing to do with the district of Garhwál (Gadwál) in the Himálayas.--(A. M. T. J.)

[457] The Vatsarája defeated by Dhruva who has hitherto been identified with the Vatsa king of Kosambi is more likely to prove to be a Bachrája of the Gurjjaras of Bhínmál or Srímál in north Gujarát. Among references to southern settlements in North India between A.D. 600 and 1000 may be noted the tradition (Wilson's Indian Caste, II. 143) of a Dravidian strain in the Kashmir Bráhmans and in the eleventh century also in Kashmir (Rajátaranginí, VI. 337) the presence of a Sátaváhana dynasty bearing the same name as the early Sátaváhanas of Paithan near Ahmadnagar. Other instances which might seem more directly associated with the southern Ráshtrakútas (A.D. 500-970) are the six Kárnátaka rulers of Nepál beginning with A.D. 889 (Ind. Ant. VII. 91) and the natives of Karnátadesa in Máhmúd Ghaznavi's army (A.D. 1000-1025) who (Sachau's Alberuni, I. 173; II. 157) used the Karnáta alphabet. The presence of Karnáta rulers in Nepál in the ninth and tenth centuries remains a puzzle. But the use of the term Karnáta for Chálukyas of Kalyán in A.D. 1000 (Ep. Ind. I. 230) suggests that the Nepál chiefs were Chálukyas rather than Ráshtrakútas: while Máhmúd Ghaznavi's Karnátas may naturally be traced to the mercenary remains of Bárappa's army of Kalyán Chálukyas whose general Bárappa was slain (Rás Málá, I. 51) and his followers dispersed in north Gujarát by Múla Rája Solanki at the close of the tenth century. The only recorded connection of the southern Ráshtrakútas with Northern India during the middle ages (A.D. 750-1150) are their intermarriages with the Pálas of Benares (A.D. 850-1000) mentioned above (Page 132 Note 1), and, between A.D. 850 and 950, with the Kalachuris of Tripura near Jabalpur (Cunningham's Arch. Survey Report for 1891, IX. 80).

[458] The details compiled from the excellent index and tables in the Panjáb Census yield the following leading groups: 37 sub-castes named Ráthor, Rátor, and other close variants; 53 Rath and Rathis and 2 Rahtas; 50 Ratas, Ratis, or other close variants. Compare Ráhti the name of the people of Mount Abu (Rájputána Gazetteer, III. 139) and the Raht tract in the north-west of Alvar (Ditto, 167).

[459] Ind. Ant. XII. 179.

[460] Ind. Ant. II. 257.

[461] Ind. Ant. XII. 151.

[462] The inscription calls Chápa the founder of the dynasty. The name is old. A king Vyághrarája of the Chápa Vamsa, is mentioned by the astronomer Brahmagupta as reigning in Saka 550 (A.D. 628) when he wrote his book called Brahma-Gupta Siddhánta. The entry runs "In the reign of Srí Vyághramukha of the Srí Chápa dynasty, five hundred and fifty years after the Saka king having elapsed." Jour. B. B. R. A. Soc. VIII. 27. For Dharanívaráha's grant see Ind. Ant. XII. 190ff.

[463] Elliot's History, I. 266.

[464] According to the Káthiáwár Gazetteer pages 110 and 278, the first wave reached about A.D. 650 and the second about 250 years later. Dr. Bhagvánlál's identification of the Mers with the Maitrakas would take back their arrival in Káthiáváda from about A.D. 650 to about A.D. 450. The Mers were again formidable in Gujarát in the late ninth and early tenth centuries. In A.D. 867 (see above Pages 127 and 130) the Ráshtrakúta Dhruva II, checked an inroad of a Mihira king with a powerful army. Again in A.D. 914 the Ráshtrakúta Indra in a moment uprooted the Mehr (Ditto).

[465] The Áin-i-Akbari (Gladwin, II. 69) notices that the sixth division of Sauráshtra, which was almost impervious by reason of mountains rivers and woods, was (A.D. 1580) inhabited by the tribe Cheetore that is Jetwa.

[466] Of the Jhálás or Chalahs the Áin-i-Akbari (Gladwin, II. 64) has: Chaláwareh (in north-east Káthiáváda) formerly independent and inhabited by the tribe of Chálah.

[467] Tod's Annals of Rájasthán, II. 113.

[468] Elliot and Dowson, I. 114 and 519-531. It is noted in the text that to the Arab invaders of the eighth and ninth centuries the Medhs of Hind were the chief people of Káthiáváda both in Soráth in the south and in Mália in the north. They were as famous by sea as by land. According to Beláduri (A.D. 950) (Reinaud's Mémoire Sur l'Inde, 234-235) the Meyds of Sauráshtra and Kacch were sailors who lived on the sea and sent fleets to a distance. Ibn Khurdádba (A.D. 912) and Idrísi (A.D. 1130), probably from the excellent Aljauhari (Reinaud's Abulfeda, lxiii. and Elliot, I. 79), have the form Mand. Elliot, I. 14. The form Mand survives in a musical mode popular in Rájputána, which is also called Rajewári. The Mand is like the Central Asian Mus-ta-zad (K. S. Fazullah Lutfallah.)

[469] Indian Antiquary, VI. 191.

[470] Rájputána Gazetteer, I. 11.

[471] Rájputána Gazetteer, I. 66; North-West Province Gazetteer, III. 265; Ibbetson's Panjáb Census page 261. Some of these identifications are doubtful. Dr. Bhagvánlál in the text (21 Note 6 and 33) distinguishes between the Mevas or Medas whom he identifies as northern immigrants of about the first century B.C. and the Mers. This view is in agreement with the remark in the Rájputána Gazetteer, I. 66, that the Mers have been suspected to be a relic of the Indo-Skythian Meds. Again Tod (Annals of Rajasthán, I. 9) derives Meváda from madhya (Sk.) middle, and the Mer of Merwáda from meru a hill. In support of Tod's view it is to be noted that the forts Balmer Jesalmer Komalmer and Ajmer, which Pandit Bhagvánlál would derive from the personal names of Mer leaders, are all either hill forts or rocks (Annals, I. 11, and Note †). It is, on the other hand, to be noted that no hill forts out of this particular tract of country are called Mers, and that the similar names Koli and Malava, which with equal probability as Medh might be derived from Koh and Mala hill, seem to be tribal not geographical names.

[472] The tales cited in the Rás Málá (I. 103) prove that most of the Kolis between Gujarát and Káthiáváda are Mairs. That till the middle of the tenth century the south-east of Káthiáváda was held by Medhs (Káth. Gazetteer, 672) supports the view that the Kolis, whom about A.D. 1190 (Tod's Western India, I. 265) the Gohils drove out of the island of Piram, were Medhs, and this is in agreement with Idrísi (A.D. 1130 Elliot, I. 83) who calls both Piram and the Medhs by the name Mand. Similarly some of the Koli clans of Kacch (Gazetteer, 70) seem to be descended from the Medhs. And according to Mr. Dalpatram Khakkar three subdivisions of Brahmo-Kshatris, of which the best known are the Mansura Mers and the Pipalia Mers, maintain the surname Mair or Mer. (Cutch Gazetteer, 52 note 2.) Mera or Mehra is a common surname among Sindhi Baluchis. Many of the best Musalmán captains and pilots from Káthiáváda, Kacch, and the Makrán coast still have Mer as a surname. Mehr is also a favourite name among both Khojáhs and Memans, the two special classes of Káthiáváda converts to Islám. The Khojáhs explain the name as meaning Meher Ali the friend of Ali; the Memans also explain Mer as Meher or friend. But as among Memans Mer is a common name for women as well as for men the word can hardly mean friend. The phrase Merbaí or Lady Mer applied to Meman mothers seems to have its origin in the Rájput practice of calling the wife by the name of her caste or tribe as Káthiáníbaí, Meraníbaí. In the case both of the Khojáhs and the Memans the name Mer seems to be the old tribal name continued because it yielded itself to the uses of Islám. Mehr, Mihr, and Mahar are also used as titles of respect. The Khánt Kolis of Girnár, apparently a mixture of the Maitrakas of the text and of a local hill tribe, still (Káthiáwár Gazetteer, 142) honour their leaders with the name Mer explaining the title by the Gujaráti mer the main bead in a rosary. Similarly in Málwa a Gurjjara title is Mihr (Rájputána Gazetteer, I. 80) and in the Panjáb Máhar (Gazetteer of Panjáb, Gujrát, 50-51). And in Kacch the headman among the Bharwáds, who according to some accounts are Gurjjarás, is called Mir (Cutch Gazetteer, 81). Similarly among the Rabáris of Kacch the name of the holy she-camel is Máta Meri. (Ditto, 80.) All these terms of respect are probably connected with Mihira, Sun.

[473] Compare Tod (Western India, 420): Though enrolled among the thirty-six royal races we may assert the Jethvás have become Hindus only from locality and circumstance. Of the Jhálás Tod says (Rajasthán, I. 113): As the Jhálás are neither Solar Lunar nor Agnikula they must be strangers. Again (Western India, 414): The Jhálá Makvánás are a branch of Húnas. Of the name Makvána (Káthiáwár Gazetteer, 111; Rás Málá, I. 297) two explanations may be offered, either that the word comes from Mák the dewy tracts in Central Kacch (Cutch Gazetteer, 75 note 2) where (Káthiáwár Gazetteer, 420) the Jhálás stopped when the Mers and Jethvás passed south, or that Makvána represents Mauna a Puránic name for the Húnas (Wilson's Works, IV. 207). Tod's and Wilford's (Asiatic Researches, IX. 287) suggestion that Makvána is Maháhuna is perhaps not phonetically possible. At the same time that the Makvánás are a comparatively recent tribe of northerners is supported by the ascendancy in the fourteenth century in the Himálayas of Makvánis (Hodgson's Essays, I. 397; Government of India Selections XLVII. 54 and 119) who used the Indo-Skythian title Sáh (Ditto). With the Nepal Makvánis may be compared the Makpons or army-men the caste of the chief of Baltistán or Little Tibet. Vigne's Kashmir, II. 258, 439.

[474] The evidence in support of the statement that the Maitrakas and Húnas fought at the same time against the same Hindu rulers is given in the text. One of the most important passages is in the grant of Dhruvasena III. (Epig. Ind. I. 89 [A.D. 653-4]) the reference to Bhatárka the founder of Valabhi (A.D. 509-520) meeting in battle the matchless armies of the Maitrakas.

[475] Mr. Fleet (Epigraphia Indica, III. 327 and note 12) would identify Mihirakula's tribe with the Maitrakas. More recent evidence shows that his and his father Toramána's tribe was the Jáuvlas. That the White Húnas or other associated tribes were sun-worshippers appears from a reference in one of Mihirakula's inscriptions (Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, III. 161) to the building of a specially fine temple of the sun; and from the fact that in Kashmír Mihirakula founded a city Mihirapura and a temple to Mihireshwar. (Darmsteter in Journal Asiatique, X. 70: Fleet in Indian Antiquary, XV. 242-252.) Mihirakula's (A.D. 508-530) sun-worship may have been the continuance of the Kushán (A.D. 50-150) worship of Mithro or Helios (Wilson's Ariana Antiqua, 357). At the same time the fact that Mihirakula uses the more modern form Mihir makes it probable (Compare Rawlinson's Seventh Monarchy, 284) that Mihirakula's sun-worship was more directly the result of the spread of sun-worship in Central Asia under the fiercely propagandist Sassanians Varahan V. or Behram Gor (A.D. 420-440), and his successors Izdigerd II. (A.D. 440-457), and Perozes (A.D. 457-483). The extent to which Zoroastrian influence pervaded the White Húnas is shown by the Persian name not only of Mihirakula but of Kushnawaz (A.D. 470-490) the great emperor of the White Húnas the overthrower of Perozes. That this Indian sun-worship, which, at latest, from the seventh to the tenth century made Multán so famous was not of local origin is shown by the absence of reference to sun-worship in Multán in the accounts of Alexander the Great. Its foreign origin is further shown by the fact that in the time of Beruni (A.D. 1020 Sachau's Edition, I. 119) the priests were called Maghas and the image of the sun was clad in a northern dress falling to the ankles. It is remarkable as illustrating the Hindu readiness to adopt priests of conquering tribes into the ranks of Bráhmans that the surname Magha survives (Cutch Gazetteer, 52 note 2) among Shrimáli Bráhmans. These Maghas are said to have married Bhoja or Rájput girls and to have become the Bráhman Bhojaks of Dwárka. Even the Mands who had Saka wives, whose descendants were named Mandagas, obtained a share in the temple ceremonies. Reinaud's Mémoire Sur l'Inde, 393.

[476] Wilson's Vishnu Purána Preface XXXIX. in Reinaud's Mémoire Sur l'Inde, 391. Details are given in Wilson's Works, X. 381-385.

[477] Reinaud's Mémoire Sur l'Inde, 393; Wilson's Works, X. 382.

[478] The name Mehiraga is explained in the Bhavishya Purána as derived from their ancestress a daughter of the sage Rigu or Rijvahva of the race named Mihira (Reinaud's Mémoire Sur l'Inde, 393; Wilson's Works, X. 382). The name Mihiraga suggests that the spread of sun-worship in the Panjáb and Sindh, of which the sun-worship in Multán Sindh Káthiáváda and Mewád and the fire-worshipping Rájput and Sindh coins of the fifth and sixth centuries are evidence, was helped by the spread of Sassanian influence into Baluchistán Kacch-Gandevi and other parts of western Sindh, through Sakastene the modern western Seistan near the lake Helmund. This Sakastene or land of the Sakas received its name from the settlement in it of one of the earlier waves of the Yuechi in the second or first century before Christ. The name explains the statement in the Bhavishya Purána that sun-worship was introduced by Magas into Multán from Sakadvipa the land of the Sakas. In this connection it is interesting to note that Darmsteter (Zend Avesta, xxxiv.) holds that the Zend Avesta was probably completed during the reign of Sháhpur II. (A.D. 309-379): that (lxxxix.) Zend was a language of eastern Persia an earlier form of Pashtu; and that (lxxxiv.) western Seistan and the Helmund river was the holy land of the Avesta the birth-place of Zoroaster and the scene of king Vishtasp's triumphs. A memory of the spread of this western or Sassanian influence remains in the reference in the Mujmalu-T-Tawárikh in Elliot, I. 107-109, to the fire temples established in Kandabil (Gandevi) and Buddha (Mansura) by Mahra a general of Bahman that is of Varahran V. (A.D. 420-440). It seems probable that Mahra is Mehr the family name or the title (Rawlinson's Sassanian Monarchy, 224 note 4 and 312) of the great Mihran family of Persian nobles. The general in question may be the Mehr-Narses the minister of Varahran's son and successor Izdigerd II. (A.D. 440-457), who enforced Zoroastrianism in Armenia (Rawlinson, Ditto 305-308). Mehr's success may be the origin of the Indian stories of Varahran's visit to Málwa. It may further be the explanation of the traces of fire temples and towers of silence noted by Pottinger (1810) in Baluchistán (Travels, 126-127) about sixty miles west of Khelat.

[479] Wilson's Works, IX. 207.

[480] Compare Priaulx's Embassies, 222.

[481] The White Húnas overran Bakhtria and the country of the Yuechi between A.D. 450 and 460. About a hundred years later they were crushed between the advancing Turks and the Sassanian Chosroes I. or Naushirván (A.D. 537-590). Rawlinson's Sassanian Monarchy, 420; Specht in Journal Asiatique (1883) Tom II. 349-350. The Húnas supremacy in North India did not last beyond A.D. 530 or 540. The overthrow of their supremacy perhaps dates from A.D. 540 the battle of Karur about sixty miles east of Multán, their conqueror being Yasodharmman of Málwa the second of the three great Vikramádityas of Málwa. Of the Húnas' position among Hindu castes Colonel Tod says: The Húnas are one of the Skyths who have got a place among the thirty-six races of India. They probably came along with the Káthi, Bála, and Makvána of Sauráshtra. Tod's Annals of Rajasthán, I. 110.

[482] Specht in Journal Asiatique (1883), II. 348.

[483] Specht in Journal Asiatique (1883), II. 349.

[484] Compare above Chapter VII. page 73 note 3.

[485] Dr. Bhagvánlál (Text, 33) traces one set of Medhs to the Mevas the tribe of Ysamotika the father of the Kshatrapa Chashtana (A.D. 130). He holds these Mevas entered India (21) with the Malayas, Palhavas, and Ábhíras about B.C. 150(?) At the same time he seems to have considered those early Mevas different from the fifth and sixth century Mihiras and from the seventh and eighth century Medhs.

[486] Arch. Report for 1863-64, II. 52. In support of this Cunningham cites Ptolemy's (A.D. 150) Euthymedia that is Sagala, sixty miles north-west of Lahor, and the Media of Peutinger's Tables (A.D. 400). This Euthymedia is a corruption of the original Euthydemia the name given to Sagala by Demetrios (B.C. 190) the great Græco-Baktrian in honour of his father Euthydemos (Compare Text page 16 and McCrindle's Ptolemy, 124). Of the cause of this change of name, which may be only a clerical error, two different explanations have been offered. Tod (An. of Rajn. I. 233) would make the new form Yuthi-media the Middle Yuchi. Cunningham (Arch. Surv. Rep. II. 53) would attribute it to the southward migration towards Sindh about B.C. 50 of the Kushán-pressed horde which under Moas or Mogha came from Little Tibet and entered the Panjáb either by way of Kashmír or down the Swát valley. According to General Cunningham (Ditto, 53) the followers of this Moas were Mandrueni called after the Mandrus river south of the Oxus. The two forms Medh and Mand are due to the cerebral which explains the Minnagaras of Ptolemy and the Periplus; Masudi's (A.D. 915) Mind and Ibn Khurdádbha's (died A.D. 912) and Idrísi's (perhaps from Aljauhari) Mand (Elliot, I. 14 and 79, Reinaud's Abulfeda, lxiii.); the present associated Mers and Mins in Rájputána (Ditto, 53); and perhaps the Musalmán Meos and Minas of the Panjáb (Ibbetson's Census, 261).

[487] The Jethvás are closely allied to the Medhs (Káth. Gaz. 138); they entered Káthiáváda along with the Medhs (Ditto, 278).

[488] The passages are somewhat contradictory. Tod (Western India, 413) says: Jethvás marry with Káthis, Ahirs, and Mers. In the Káthiáwár Gazetteer (page 110) Colonel Barton seems to admit the Jethvás' claim to be of distinct origin from the Mers. In another passage he says (page 138): The Mers claim to be Jethvás: this the Jethvás deny. So also Colonel Watson in one passage (page 621) seems to favour a distinct origin while in another (page 279) he says: It seems probable the Jethvás are merely the ruling family Rájkula of the Mers and that they are all of one tribe. Two points seem clear. The Jethvás are admitted to rank among Káthiáváda Rájputs and they formerly married with the Mers. The further question whether the Jethvás were originally of a distinct and higher tribe remains undetermined.

[489] Bombay Administration Report for 1873. Colonel Tod made the same suggestion: Western India, 256. Compare Pottinger's (Travels in Baluchistán, 81) identification of the Jeths of Kacch-Gandevi north of Khelat with Játs or Jits.

[490] Tod's Western India, 413.

[491] Compare Bühler in Epigraphia Indica, I. 294. Like the Chálukyas and other tribes the Jethvás trace the name Jethva to a name-giving chief. Of the Jethvás Tod says (Annals of Rajasthán, I. 114): The Jethvás have all the appearance of Skythian descent. As they make no pretension to belong to any of the old Indian races they may be a branch of Skythians. In his Western India (page 412), though confused by his identification of Sánkha-dwára with Sakotra instead of with Bet-Dwárka (compare Káth. Gaz. 619), Tod still holds to a northern origin of the Jethvás.

[492] Nos. 6 and 82 of Colonel Watson's List, Káthiáwár Gazetteer, 621. The Pandit's evidence in the text ascribes to the somewhat doubtful Jáikadeva a date of A.D. 738 (Vikram 794); to Jáchikadeva a date of about A.D. 904 (Gupta 585); and to the Ghúmli ruins a probable eleventh century. Tod (Western India, 417) traces the Jethvás further back putting the founding of Ghúmli or Bhúmli at about A.D. 692 (S. 749) the date of a settlement between the Tuars of Delhi and the Jethvás (Ditto, 411). Col. Watson (Káth. Gaz. 278) gives either A.D. 650 or A.D. 900.

[493] The form Yetha is used by the Chinese pilgrim Sung-yun A.D. 519. Beal's Buddhist Records, I. xc.

[494] Journal Asiatique (1883), II. 319.

[495] Journal Asiatique (1883), II. 314.

[496] Compare for the chief's name Jetha, Colonel Watson Káth. Gaz. 622 in the Jyeshtha Nakshatra.

[497] Priaulx's Embassies, 220; Migne's Patrologiæ Cursus Vol. 88 page 98.

[498] Census of 1891. III. 116. A reference to the Jhauvlas is given above page 75 note 4. General Cunningham (Ninth Oriental Congress, I. 228-244) traces the tribe of Jhauvla ruling in Sindh, Zabulistan or Ghazni, and Makran from the sixth to the eighth and ninth centuries.

[499] Tod's Western India, 194 Note [++]. Tod adds: Chand abounds in such jeu-de-mot on the names of tribes.

[500] Rás Málá, I. 302: Káthiáwár Gazetteer, 111.

[501] Tod's Annals of Rajasthán, I. 111.

[502] Among references to Húnas may be noted: In the Váyu Purána (Sachau's Alberuni, I. 300) in the west between Karnaprávarna and Darva; in the Vishnu Purána Húnas between the Saindhavas and the Sálvás (Wilson's Works, VII. 133 and 134 Note †); in the eighth century Ungutsi lord of the Húnas who helped Chitor (Tod's Annals, II. 457); in the Khichi bard Mogji, traditions of many powerful Húna kings in India (Tod's Annals, I. 111 Note †) among them the Húna chief of Barolli (Ditto, II. 705); and Rája Húna of the Pramára race who was lord of the Pathár or plateau of Central India (Ditto, II. 457). In the Middle Ages the Húnas were considered Kshatriyas and Kshatriyas married Húna wives (Wilson's Works, VII. 134 Note †). Of existing traces in the Panjáb may be noted Hon and Hona Rájputs and Gujjars, Hona Jats, Hon Labánas, Hon Lohárs, Honi Mális, Hon Mochis, Húna Barbers, and Haun Rabáris (Panjáb Census. 1891. III. pages 116, 139, 227, 233, 246, 265, 276, 305, 315). The only traces Colonel Tod succeeded in finding in Gujarát were a few Húna huts at a village opposite Umetha on the gulf of Cambay, a second small colony near Somanátha, and a few houses at Trisauli five miles from Baroda. (Western India, 247, 323.) Since 1825 these traces have disappeared.

[503] The following manuscript histories have been used in preparing Part II. Hemachandra's Dvyásrayakávya, Merutunga's Prabandhachintámani, Merutunga's Vichárasreni, Jinaprabhasúri's Tírthakalpa, Jinamandanopádhyáya's Kumárapálaprabandha, Krishna-rishi's Kumárapálacharita, Krishnabhatta's Ratnamálá, Somesvara's Kírtikaumudí, Arisinha's Sukritasankírtana, Rájasekhara's Chaturvinsatiprabandha, Vastupálacharita, and published and unpublished inscriptions from Gujarát and Káthiáváda.

[504] The Prabandhachintámani is a short historical compilation; the Vichárasreni, though a mere list of kings, is more reliable; the Ratnamálá is a poetic history with good descriptions and many fables taken from the Prabandhachintámani; the Sukritasankírtana is a short work largely borrowed from the Vichárasreni.

[505] This is apparently Vriddhi Áhára or the Vriddhi Collectorate, probably called after some village or town of that name.

[506] See above page 108.

[507] See above page 109.

[508] In the Satyapurakalpa of his Tírthákalpa, Jinaprabhasúri tells an almost identical story of another king.

[509] This name often recurs in Jain works. These would seem to be Kshatrapa coins as Gadhaiya coins are simply called drammas.

[510] The text is "Pañchásatavarshadesyah."

[511] Probably Kákrej famous for its bullocks.

[512] Stories of thieves refraining from plundering houses where they have accidentally laid their hands on salt or millet are common.

[513] The making of the installation mark on the forehead is the privilege of the king's sister who gives a blessing and receives a present of villages.

[514] Elliot and Dowson, I. 11.

[515] Ind. Ant. IV. 71-72 and VI. 180.

[516] Ind. Ant. VI. 180ff. The suggestion may be offered that the Kanyákubja which is mentioned as the seat of Múlarája's ancestors, is Karnakubja, an old name of Junágadh. Compare Burgess' Káthiáwár and Kutch, 156.

[517] Ind. Ant. VI. 191ff.

[518] Kirtane's Hammíramahákávya, I.

[519] The Choháns of Ajmir were also known as the rulers of Sákambharí, the Sámbhar lake in Rájputána on the borders of Jaipur and Jodhpur. The corrected edition of the Harsha inscription published by Prof. Kielhorn in Epigraphia Indica II. 116ff. shows that their first historical king was Gúvaka, who reigned some time in the first half of the ninth century (c. 820 A.D.) The Choháns are still very numerous in the neighbourhood of the Sewálik hills, especially in the districts of Ambálá and Karnál. Compare Ibbetson's Panjáb Census for 1881.

[520] It appears from the grant of Saka 972 published by Mr. Dhruva in Ind. Ant. XII. 196 and from the Surat grant of Kírttirája dated Saka 940, that this Bárappa was the founder of a dynasty who ruled Láta or South Gujarát as under-kings of the Dakhan Chálukyas until at least A.D. 1050. Bárappa was, as his name shows, a Southerner from the Kánarese country, but his descendants spell the family name Chaulukya in the same way as the dynasty of Anahilaváda.

[521] Dr. Bühler (Ind. Ant. XII. 123) sees a reference to this retirement in Múlarája's grant of Samvat 1043.

[522] Apparently a Sanskrit form of Bárappa.

[523] Broach according to the commentator.

[524] The Sukritasankírtana mentions this defeat of Bárappa who is said to be a general of the Kanyákubja or Kanoj king. The Prabandhachintámani (Múlarájaprabandha) also mentions the invasion and slaughter of Bárappa; but there is no reference to it in the grant of Bárappa's descendant Trilochanapála (Ind. Ant. XII. 196ff.)

[525] Canto II. Verse 3.

[526] As Mr. Forbes rightly observed Graharipu the Planet-seizer is a made-up title based on the resemblance of the planet-seizer's name Ráhu to Rá the title of the Chúdásamás of Junágadh. The personal name of the chief is not given and the list of the Junágadh Chúdásamás is too incomplete to allow of identification.

[527] The mention of her name and of the language in which she wrote suggest something remarkable in the race and position of queen Nílí.

[528] Perhaps Sithá in Jhálávád.

[529] The same account appears in the Kumárapálacharita.

[530] Compare the Lakshmí-Vihára Jain temple in Jesalmir built by the Jain Sangha and called after the reigning king Lakshmana.

[531] Dr. Bühler's copperplate of Múlarája records a grant to this temple, said to be of Múlanáthadeva in Mandali in the Vardhi zilla, apparently the modern Mándal near Pañchásar in the Vadhiár province near Jhinjhuváda. The grant is in Samvat 1043 and is dated from Anahilapura though the actual gift was made at Srísthala or Sidhpur after bathing in the Sarasvatí and worshipping the god of the Rudramahálaya. The grant is of the village of Kamboika, the modern Kamboi near Modhera. Ind. Ant. VI. 192-193. The grant is said to have been written by a Káyastha named Káñchana and ends with the words "of the illustrious Múlarája."

[532] The difference between 1052 and 1053 is probably only a few months.

[533] The fight with Muñja must have taken place about A.D. 1011 (S. 1067). As Chámunda started just after installing Vallabha the beginning of the reign must be before A.D. 997 as Tailapa who fought with Muñja died in that year. This is proved by a manuscript dated A.D. 994 (S. 1050) which gives the reigning king as Muñja. That Bhoja Muñja's successor was ruling in A.D. 1014 (S. 1070) makes it probable that Muñja's reign extended to A.D. 1011 (S. 1067).

[534] This Svayamvara and the list of attendant and rival kings seem imaginary. The Nadol chiefship was not important enough to draw kings from the countries named.

[535] The text has son but Bhíma was Durlabha's nephew not his son.

[536] By sowing cowries Kulachandra may have meant to show the cheapness of Anahilaváda. Bhoja's meaning was that as shells are money, to sow shells was to sow Málwa wealth in Gujarát. If Kulachandra had sown salt all would have melted, and no trace been left. [This seems a symbolic later-stage explanation. The sense seems to be shell-sowing keeps the Anahilaváda guardians in place since guardians can live in shells: salt-sowing scares the guardian spirits and makes the site of the city a haunt of demons. Bhoja saw that thanks to his general the Luck of Anahilaváda would remain safe in the shells.]

[537] The Prabandhachintámani tells other stories of the relations between Bhíma and Bhoja. Once when Gujarát was suffering from famine Bhíma heard that Bhoja was coming with a force against Gujarát. Alarmed at the news Bhíma asked Dámara his minister of peace and war to prevent Bhoja coming. Dámara went to Málwa, amused the king by witty stories, and while a play was being acted in court degrading and joking other kings, something was said regarding Tailapa of Telingana. On this Damara reminded the king that the head of his grandfather Muñja was fixed at Tailap's door. Bhoja grew excited and started with an army against Telingana. Hearing that Bhíma had come against him as far as Bhímapura (?) Bhoja asked Dámara to prevent Bhíma advancing further. Dámara stopped Bhíma by taking him an elephant as a present from Bhoja. The Prabandhachintámani gives numerous other stories showing that at times the relations between Bhoja and Bhíma were friendly.

[538] See above page 9.

[539] See above page 160.

[540] With this silence compare the absence (Reinaud's Mémoire Sur l'Inde, 67) of any reference either in Sanskrit or in Buddhist books to the victories, even to the name, of Alexander the Great. Also in modern times the ignoring of British rule in the many inscriptions of Jain repairers of temples on Satruñjaya hill who belong to British territory. The only foreign reference is by one merchant of Daman who acknowledges the protection of the Phirangi játi Puratakála Pátasahi the king of the Firangis of Portugal. Bühler in Epigraphia Indica, II. 36.

[541] Elliot and Dowson, II. 468ff. Sir H. M. Elliot gives extracts for this expedition from the Tárikh-i-Alfi, Tabakát-i-Akbari, Tabakát-i-Násiri, and Rauzatu-s-safá.

[542] Since the earliest times Hindus have held eclipse days sacred. According to the Mahábhárata the Yádavas of Dwárká came to Somanátha for an eclipse fair. Great fairs are still held at Somanátha on the Kártika and Chaitra (December and April) fullmoons.

[543] This old Indian idea is expressed in a verse in an inscription in Somanátha Pátan itself.

[544] Ten thousand must be taken vaguely.

[545] Compare Sachau's Alberuni, II. 104. Every day they brought Somanátha a jug of Ganges water and a basket of Kashmir flowers. Somanátha they believed cured every inveterate sickness and healed every desperate and incurable disease. The reason why Somanátha became so famous was that it was a harbour for those who went to and fro from Sofala in Zanzibar to China. It is still the practice to carry Ganges water to bathe distant gods.

[546] These must be the local Sompura Bráhmans who still number more than five hundred souls in Somanátha Patan.

[547] Shaving is the first rite performed by pilgrims.

[548] Dancers are now chiefly found in the temples of Southern India.

[549] Mahmúd seems to have crossed the desert from Multán and Baháwalpur to Bikánír and thence to Ajmír.

[550] Apparently Delváda near Uná. Mahmúd's route seems to have been from Anahilaváda to Modhera and Mándal, thence by the Little Ran near Pátri and Bajána, and thence by Jhálávád Gohelvád and Bábriavád to Delvádá.

[551] The waves still beat against the walls of the ruined fort of Somanátha.

[552] This shows that the temple was a building of brick and wood. According to Alberuni (Sachau, II. 105) the temple was built about a hundred years before Mahmúd's invasion. An inscription at Patan states that Bhímadeva I. (A.D. 1022-1072) rebuilt the Somanátha temple of stone. In Dr. Bhagvánlál's opinion the first dynasty in Gujarát to make stone buildings were the Solankis. Before them buildings and temples were of wood and brick.

[553] Of the fate of the great Linga Alberuni (Sachau, II. 103) writes: Prince Mahmúd ordered the upper part to be broken. The rest with all its coverings and trappings of gold jewels and embroidered garments he transported to Ghazni. Part of it together with the brass Chakravarti or Vishnu of Thánesvar has been thrown into the hippodrome of the town: part lies before the mosque for people to rub their feet on.

[554] The next paragraph relating to Mahmúd's return will be found on page 249 of the same volume of Sir H. Elliott's work.

[555] Khandahat which must have been on the coast has not been identified. The description suggests some coast island in the gulf of Kacch. By the Girnár route forty parasangs that is 240 miles would reach the Kacch coast. Kanthkot in Vágad in east Kacch suits well in sound and is known to have been a favourite resort of the Solankis. But the ebb and flow of the tide close to it are difficult to explain. The identification with Kanthkot is favoured by Dr. Bühler. Colonel Watson (Káthiáwár Gazetteer, 80) prefers Gándhvi on the Káthiáváda coast a few miles north-east of Miáni. M. Reinaud and Dr. Weil suggest Gandhár in Broach on the left bank of the mouth of the Dhádhar river. Sir H. Elliot (I. 445 and II. 473) prefers Khandadár at the north-west angle of Káthiáváda.

[556] According to Ferishta (Bombay Persian Ed. I. 57, Briggs' Translation, I. 74) Mahmúd stayed and meant to make his capital at Anahilaváda not at Somanátha. That Mahmúd did stay at Anahilaváda the Martyr's Mound and the Ghazni Mosque in Patan are evidence. Still the mound was probably raised and the mosque may at least have been begun in honour of the capture of Anahilaváda on the journey south. Traces of a second mosque which is said to have had a tablet recording Mahmúd of Ghazni as the builder have recently (1878) been found at Munjpur about twenty-five miles south-east of Rádhanpur.

[557] Briggs' Ferishta, I. 75. This account of the Dábshilíms reads more like a tradition than an historical record. It is to be noted that the authors both of the Áin-i-Akbari (A.D. 1583) and of the Mirat-i-Ahmadí (A.D. 1762) give Chámunda as king at the time of Mahmúd's invasion. Their statements cannot weigh against Ibn Asír's account. Compare Dr. Bühler's remarks in Ind. Ant. VI. 184. Of Mahmúd's return to Ghazni (A.D. 1026) the Tabakát-i-Akbari says: 'When Mahmúd resolved to return from Somanátha he learned that Parama Dev, one of the greatest Rájás of Hindustán, was preparing to intercept him. The Sultán, not deeming it advisable to contend with this chief, went towards Multán through Sindh. In this journey his men suffered much in some places from scarcity of water in others from want of forage. After enduring great difficulties he arrived at Ghazni in A.D. 1029 (H. 417).' This Parama Dev would seem to be the Parmára king of Ábu who could well block the Ajmir-Gujarát route. The route taken by Mahmúd must have passed by Mansúra near Bráhmanábád, Bhátia, and Multán. It must have been in the crossing of the great desert that he suffered so severely from scarcity of water and forage. Ferishta (Briggs, I. 75) says that many of Mahmúd's troops died raging mad from the intolerable heat and thirst. The historian Muhammad Ufi (A.D. 1200) alleges (Elliot, II. 192) that two Hindus disguised as countrymen offered themselves as guides and led the army three days' march out of the right course, where they were saved only by Mahmúd's miraculous discovery of a pool of sweet water. [This tale of the self-sacrificing Bráhman or priest and the miraculous find of water has gathered round Mahmúd as the latest of myth centres. It is Herodotus' (Book III. 154-158) old Zopyrus tale (Rawlinson's Seventh Monarchy, 318); it is revived in honour of the Great Kushán Kanishka, A.D. 78 (Beruni in Elliot, II. 11), of the Sassanian Firoz A.D. 457-483 (Rawlinson's Seventh Monarchy, 318), and of a certain king of Zábulistán or Ghazni of uncertain date (Elliot II. 170). Similarly the puzzling Dabshilím tale seems to be peculiar neither to Gujarát nor to Mahmúd of Ghazni. It seems a repetition of the tale of Dabshilím the man of the royal race, who, according to the Panchatantra or Fables of Pilpai, was chosen successor of Porus after Alexander the Great's Viceroy had been driven out. [Compare Reinaud's Mémoire Sur l'Inde, 127-128.] The Tabakát-i-Násirí (A.D. 1227) adds (Elliot, II. 475) that the guide devoted his life for the sake of Somanátha and this account is adopted by Ferishta, Briggs' Translation, I. 78.

[558] Vasahiis Prákrit for Vasati that is residence. The word is used to mean a group of temples.

[559] Several later mentions of a Tripurushaprásáda show there was only one building of that name. The statement that the great Múlarája I. built a Tripurushaprásáda seems a mistake, due to a confusion with prince Múlarája.

[560] Meaning a large number of Bhils of whom Áshá was the head.

[561] Forbes' Rás Málá (New Ed.), 79.

[562] Probably a Bhíl goddess. The name does not sound Sanskrit.

[563] In one passage the Prabandhachintámani calls these princes half-brothers of Udaya. Further details show that they were half-brothers of one another and sons of Udaya.

[564] This Jayakesi is Jayakesi I. son of Shashthadeva (Suchakesi) the third of the Goa Kádambas. Jayakesi's recorded date A.D. 1052 (S. 974) fits well with the time of Karna (Fleet's Kánarese Dynasties, 91). The Prabandhachintámani tells the following story of the death of Jayakesi. Jayakesi had a favourite parrot whom he one day asked to come out of his cage and dine with him. The parrot said: The cat sitting near you will kill me. The king seeing no cat replied: If any cat kills you I too will die. The parrot left his cage, ate with the king, and was killed by the cat. Jayakesi made ready his funeral pyre, and, in spite of his minister's prayers, taking the dead parrot in his hand laid himself on the funeral pyre and was burned.

[565] Chandrapura is probably Chandávar near Gokarn in North Kánara.

[566] Rás Málá (New Edition), 83.

[567] Kielhorn's Report on Sanskrit Manuscripts for 1881 page 22.

[568] Dussala was sixth in descent from Vigraharája the enemy of Múlarája from whom Karna was fifth in descent.

[569] The date of his installation is given by the author of the Vichárasreni as Vikrama S. 1150.

[570] Ásapála and Kumárapála appear to be local chiefs.

[571] Compare Forbes' Rás Málá, I. 118-153.

[572] Goa Kádámba inscriptions say that Jagaddeva was the cousin of the Goa Kádamba king Vijayárka the nephew of Miyánalladeví and call him by courtesy the younger brother of Vijayárka's son Jayakesi II. He would seem to have been held in esteem by Vijayárka and his son Jayakesi, to have then gone for some time to Siddharája, and after leaving Siddharája to have transferred his services to Permádi. His being called Paramára may be due to his connection with Permádi. Fleet's Kánarese Dynasties, 91.

[573] Seventy-two a favourite number with Indian authors.

[574] Prabandhachintámani and Kumárapálacharita.

[575] Dr. Kielhorn's Report on Sanskrit Manuscripts for 1881 page 22.

[576] The Kumárapálacharita says that the title was assumed on the conquest of Barbaraka. The verse is:

siddho barbarakashvásya siddharájastatobhavat

that is, by him the demon Barbaraka was vanquished, therefore he became Siddharája The Lord of Magical Power.

[577] Ind. Ant. IV. 265.

[578] This Permádi may be the Goa Kádamba chief Permádi Sivachitta (A.D. 1147-1175), who was heir-apparent in the time of Siddharája, or the Sinda chief Permádi who was a cotemporary of Siddharája and flourished in A.D. 1144.

[579] Ind. Ant. IV. 2. Regarding Barbaraka Doctor Bühler remarks in Ind. Ant. VI. 167: 'The Varvarakas are one of the non-Aryan tribes which are settled in great numbers in North Gujarát, Koli, Bhíl, or Mer.' Siddharája's contests with the Barbarakas seem to refer to what Tod (Western India, 173 and 195) describes as the inroads of mountaineers and foresters on the plains of Gujarát during the eleventh and twelfth centuries. To attempt to identify Bhut Barbar or Varvar is hazardous. The name Barbar is of great age and is spread from India to Morocco. Wilson (Works, VII. 176) says: The analogy between Barbaras and barbarians is not in sound only. In all Sanskrit authorities Barbaras are classed with borderers and foreigners and nations not Hindu. According to Sir Henry Rawlinson (Ferrier's Caravan Journeys, 223 note) tribes of Berbers are found all over the east. Of the age of the word Canon Rawlinson (Herodotus, IV. 252) writes: Barbar seems to be the local name for the early race of Accad. In India Ptolemy (A.D. 150; McCrindle's Edn. 146) has a town Barbarei on the Indus and the Periplus (A.D. 247; McCrindle's Ed. 108) has a trade-centre Barbarikon on the middle mouth of the Indus. Among Indian writings, in the Ramáyana (Hall in Wilson's Works, VII. 176 Note *) the Barbaras appear between the Tukháras and the Kambojas in the north: in the Mahábhárata (Muir's Sanskrit Texts, I. 481-2) in one list Var-varas are entered between Sávaras and Sakas and in another list (Wilson's Works, VII. 176) Barbaras come between Kiratas and Siddhas. Finally (As. Res. XV. 47 footnote) Barbara is the northmost of the Seven Konkanas. The names Barbarei in Ptolemy and Barbarikon in the Periplus look like some local place-name, perhaps Bambhara, altered to a Greek form. The Hindu tribe names, from the sameness in sound as well as from their position on the north-west border of India, suggest the Mongol tribe Juán-Juán or Var-Var, known to the western nations as Avars, who drove the Little Yuechi out of Balkh in the second half of the fourth century, and, for about a hundred years, ruled to the north and perhaps also to the south of the Hindu Kush. (Specht in Journal Asiatique 1883. II. 390-410; Howorth in Jour. R. A. S. XXI. 721-810.) It seems probable that some of these Var-Vars passed south either before or along with the White Húnas (A.D. 450-550). Var, under its Mongol plural form Avarti (Howorth, Ditto 722), closely resembles Avartiya one of the two main divisions of the Káthis of Kacch (Mr. Erskine's List in J. Bom. Geo. Soc. II. 59-60 for Aug. 1838). That among the forty-seven clans included under the Avartiyas four (Nos. 30, 35, 42, and 43) are Babariyas, suggests that the Káthis received additions from the Var-Vars at different times and places. Dr. Bühler (Ind. Ant. VI. 186) thinks that the Babaro or Barbar or Var-Var who gave trouble to Siddharája represent some early local non-Aryan tribe. The fact that they are called Rákshasas and Mlecchas and that they stopped the ceremonies at Sidhpur north of Anahilaváda seems rather to point to a foreign invasion from the north than to a local uprising of hill tribes. Though no Musalmán invasion of Gujarát during the reign of Siddharája is recorded a Jesalmir legend (Forbes' Rás Málá, I. 175) tells how Lanja Bijirao the Bhatti prince who married Siddharája's daughter was hailed by his mother-in-law as the bulwark of Anahilaváda against the power of the king who grows too strong. This king may be Báhalim the Indian viceroy of the Ghaznavid Bahrám Sháh (A.D. 1116-1157). Báhalim (Elliot, II. 279; Briggs' Ferista, I. 151) collected an army of Arabs, Persians, Afgháns, and Khiljis, repaired the fort of Nágor in the province of Sewálik, and committed great devastations in the territories of the independent Indian rulers. He threw off allegiance to Ghazni and advancing to meet Bahrám Sháh near Multán was defeated and slain. Except that they were northerners and that Báhalim's is the only known invasion from the north during Siddharája's reign nothing has been found connecting Barbar and Báhalim. At the same time that the Barbar or Var-Var of the Gujarát writers may have been non-Hindu mercenaries from the north-west frontier whom Siddharája admitted as Hindu subjects is made not unlikely by two incidents preserved by the Muhammadan historians. The Tárikh-i-Soráth (Bayley's Gujarát, 35 Note *) tells how in A.D. 1178 from the defeated army of Shaháb-ud-din Ghori the Turkish Afghán and Moghal women were distributed the higher class to high caste and the commoner to low caste Hindus. Similarly how the better class of male captives were admitted among Chakával and Wadhál Rájputs and the lower among Khánts, Kolis, Bábrias, and Mers. Again about thirty years later (A.D. 1210) when his Turk mercenaries, who were not converted to Islám, revolted against Shams-ud-dín Altamsh they seized Delhi and built Hindu temples (Elliot, II. 237-239). These cases seem to make it likely that among Báhalim's mercenaries were some un-Islamised North Indian Var-Vars and that they were admitted into Hinduism by Siddharája and as the story states served him as other Rájputs. Some of the new-comers as noted above seem to have merged into the Káthis. Others founded or joined the Bábariás who give their name to Bábariáváda a small division in the south of Káthiáváda. Though the tribe is now small the 72 divisions of the Bábariás show that they were once important. One of their leading divisions preserves the early form Var (Káthiáwár Gazetteer, 132-133) and supports their separate northern origin, which is forgotten in the local stories that they are descended from Jethvás and Ahirs and have a Bráhman element in their ancestry. (Tod's Western India, 413; Káthiáwár Gazetteer, 132-123.) Of the Var-Vars in their old seats a somewhat doubtful trace remains in the Barbaris a tribe of Hazáráhs near Herat (Bellew in Imp. and As. Quar. Review Oct. 1891 page 328) and in the Panjáb (Ibbetson's Census, 538) Bhábras a class of Panjáb Jains.

[580] Abhayatilaka Gani who revised and completed the Dvyásraya in Vikrama S. 1312 (A.D. 1256) says, in his twentieth Sarga, that a new era was started by Kumárapála. This would seem to refer to the Simha era.

[581] The Kumárapálacharita states that Sajjana died before the temple was finished, and that the temple was completed by his son Parasuráma. After the temple was finished Siddharája is said to have come to Somanátha and asked Parasuráma for the revenues of Sorath. But on seeing the temple on Girnár he was greatly pleased, and on finding that it was called Karna-vihára after his father he sanctioned the outlay on the temple.

[582] Ind. Ant. VI. 194ff. Dr. Bühler (Ditto) takes Avantínátha to mean Siddharája's opponent the king of Málwa and not Siddharája himself.

[583] Archæological Survey Report, XXI. 86.

[584] Jour. B. A. Soc. (1848), 319.

[585] The original verse is mahálayo maháyátrá mahásthánam mahásarah yatkritam siddharájena kriyate tanna kenacit .

[586] These, as quoted by Ráo Sáheb Mahípatrám Rúprám in his Sadhara Jesangh, are, the erection of charitable feeding-houses every yojana or four miles, of Dabhoi fort, of a kunda or reservoir at Kapadvanj, of the Málavya lake at Dholká, of small temples, of the Rudramahálaya, of the Ráni's step-well, of the Sahasralinga lake, of reservoirs at Sihor, of the fort of Sáelá, of the Dasasahasra or ten thousand temples, of the Muna lake at Viramgám, of the gadhs or forts of Dadharapur, Vadhwán Anantapur and Chubári, of the Sardhár lake, of the gadhs of Jhinjhuváda, Virpur, Bhádula, Vásingapura, and Thán, of the palaces of Kandola and Sihi Jagapura, of the reservoirs of Dedádrá and Kírtti-stambha and of Jitpur-Anantpura. It is doubtful how many of these were actually Siddharája's works.

[587] One of the best preserved slabs was sent by Sir John Malcolm when Resident of Málwa to the Museum of the B. B. R. A. S., where it still lies. It has verses in twelfth century Prakrit in honour of a king, but nothing historical can be made out of it.

[588] See above page 170.

[589] Devasúri was born in S. 1134 (A.D. 1078), took díkshá in S. 1152 (A.D. 1096), became a Súri in S. 1174 (A.D. 1118), and died on a Thursday in the dark half of Srávana S. 1226 (A.D. 1170). His famous disciple Hemachandra was born on the fullmoon of Kártika S. 1145 (A.D. 1089), became an ascetic in S. 1150 (A.D. 1094), and died in S. 1229 (A.D. 1173).

[590] The Prákrit local name was Âno, of which the Sanskritised forms would appear to be Arno, Arnava, Ánáka, and Ánalla as given in the Hammíramahákávya. The genealogy of these kings of Sákambhari or Sámbhar is not settled. The Nadol copperplate dated Samvat 1218 gives the name of its royal grantor as Alan and of Alan's father as Máharaja (Tod's Rajasthán, I. 804), the latter apparently a mistake for Anarája which is the name given in the Dvyásraya. Alan's date being V. 1218, the date of his father Ána would fit in well with the early part of Kumárapála's reign. The order of the two names Álhana and Ánalla in the Hammíramahákávya would seem to be mistaken and ought to be reversed.

[591] Kodinár is a town in Gáikwár territory in South Káthiáváda. This temple of Ambiká is noticed as a place of Jain pilgrimage by the sage Jinaprabhasúri in his Tírthakalpa and was a well-known Jain shrine during the Anahilaváda period.

[592] The Kumárapálaprabandha has Kelambapattana and Kolambapattana probably Kolam or Quilon.

[593] The Kumárapálaprabandha says that Udayana was appointed minister and Vágbhata general. Sollá the youngest son of Udayana did not take part in politics.

[594] Kirtane's Hammíramahákávya, 13.

[595] Dhavalakka or Dholka according to the Kumárapálaprabandha.

[596] According to the Kumárapálacharita Kumárapála's sister who was married to Ána having heard her husband speak slightingly of the kings of Gujarát took offence, resented the language, and bandied words with her husband who beat her. She came to her brother and incited him to make an expedition against her husband.

[597] The Dvyásraya does not say that Kumárapála's sister was married to Ána.

[598] This was a common title of the Siláhára kings. Compare Bombay Gazetteer, XIII. 437 note 1.

[599] Ámbadá is his proper name. It is found Sanskritised into Ámrabhata and Ambaka.

[600] This is the Káverí river which flows through Chikhli and Balsár. The name in the text is very like Karabená the name of the same river in the Násik cave inscriptions (Bom. Gaz. XVI. 571) Kaláviní and Karabená being Sanskritised forms of the original Káveri. Perhaps the Káveri is the Akabarou of the Periplus (A.D. 247).

[601] Sausara or Sásar seems the original form from which Samara was Sanskritised. Sásar corresponds with the Mehr name Cháchar.

[602] The Kumárapálacharita says that Samara was defeated and his son placed on the throne.

[603] The translation of the inscription runs: Steps made by the venerable Ámbaka, Samvat 1222. According to the Kumárapálaprabandha the steps were built at a cost of a lákh of drammas a dramma being of the value of about 5 annas. According to the Prabandhachintámani an earthquake occurred when the king was at Girnár on his way to Somanátha. The old ascent of Girnár was from the north called Chhatrasilá that is the umbrella or overhanging rocks. Hemáchárya said if two persons went up together the Chhatrasilá rocks would fall and crush them. So the king ordered Ámrabhata to build steps on the west or Junágadh face at a cost of 63 lákhs of drammas.

[604] The site of Báhadapura seems to be the ruins close to the east of Pálitána where large quantities of conch shell bangles and pieces of brick and tile have been found.

[605] This would appear to be the Kalachuri king Gayá Karna whose inscription is dated 902 of the Chedi era that is A.D. 1152. As the earliest known inscription of Gayá Karna's son Narasimhadeva is dated A.D. 1157 (Chedi 907) the death of Gayá Karna falls between A.D. 1152 and 1157 in the reign of Kumárapála and the story of his being accidentally strangled may be true.

[606] So many marriages on one day points to the people being either Kadva Kunbis or Bharváds among whom the custom of holding all marriages on the same day still prevails.

[607] The text of the inscription is:

(1) ... paushasudígurau adyoha shrímadan- (2) hilapátake [samasta] rájávalíbirájitaparamabhattárakamahá- (3) [rájádhirájanirjita] sákambharíbhúpálashrímadavantináthashrímatku (4) [márapála] ... niyuktamahámátyashríjasodhava-- (5) la shríkaranádau samastamudrávyápáránparipanthayatítyevam (6) kále [pravartamáne mahárájá] dhirájashríkumárapáladevena vija (7) ..... shrímadudayapuro .. rocakánvaye mahárája-- (8) putra ..... mahárájaputravasantapála evam ana (9) ..... likhitá yátrá . adya somagrahanaparvani (10) ... layavane samáhritatírthodake snátvá jagadgu (11) ... sukhapunyajayavriddhaye udayapurakári (12) ...... kárápita devashrí ........

Lines broken below.

[608] Annals of Rájasthán, I. 803.

[609] Rás Málá (New Edition), 154.

[610] Rás Málá (New Edition), 154.

[611] The text is:

yah kauberímá turushkamaindrímá tridivápagám yámyámá vindhyamá sindhum pashcamám yo hásádhayat

[612] It is also interesting, if there is a foundation of fact to the tale, that this is the temple visited by the Persian poet Saádi (A.D. 1200-1230) when he saw the ivory idol of Somanátha whose arms were raised by a hidden priest pulling a cord. According to Saádi on pretence of conversion he was admitted behind the shrine, discovered the cord-puller, threw him into a well, and fled. Compare Journal Royal Asiatic Society Bengal VII.-2 pages 885-886. That Saádi ever visited Somanátha is doubtful. No ivory human image can ever have been the chief object of worship at Somanátha.

[613] From the Prabandhachintámani and the Kumárapálacharita.

[614] The head-quarters of the Dhandhuka sub-division sixty miles south-west of Ahmadábád.

[615] Another reading is Láhiní.

[616] Prabandhachintámani.

[617]

bhavavíjánkurajananá rágádyáh kshayamupágatá yasya . brahmá vá vishnurvá haro jino vá namastasmai . yatra tatra samaye yathá tathá yosi sosyabhidhayá yayá tayá . vítadoshakalushah sa cedbhaváneka eva bhagavannamostu te .

[618] samvat 1229 vaishákhashudi 3 some adyeha shrímadanahillapashthake samastarajávalívirájitamahárájádhirájaparameshvara ajayapáladevakalyánavijayarájye tatpádapadmopajívini mahámátyashrísomeshvare shríkaranádau.

[619] Regarding the remarkable story that not long before their deaths both Hemáchárya and Kumárapála inclined towards if they did not become converts to Islám (Tod's Western India, 184) no fresh information has been obtained. Another curious saying of Tod's (Ditto, 182) also remains doubtful. Kumárapála expelled the tribe of Lár from his kingdom. That this tribe of Lár can have had to do either with Láta or South Gujarát or with the caste of Lád Vánis seems unlikely. The alternative is Pársis from Lar on the Persian Gulf whom Tod (Annals of Rajasthán, I. 235) notices as sending an expedition from Laristhán to Gujarát. In this connection it is worthy of note that Lár remained the seat of a Gueber prince till A.D. 1600 the time of Shah Abas (D'Herbelot Bib. Or. II. 477). A repetition of the Pársi riots (Cambay Gazetteer, VI. 215) may have been the cause of their expulsion from Gujarát.

[620] See the Dvyásraya. A Patan inscription lying at Verával also calls Ajayapála the brother's son of Kumárapála.

[621] It is stated in a grant of Bhíma II. dated S. 1283, that Ajayadeva, as he is there called, made the Sapádalaksha or Sámbhar king tributary. Ind. Ant. VI. 199ff.

[622] The Udayapura inscription mentions Somesvara as the minister of Ajayapála in Samvat 1229 (A.D. 1173). See above page 193.

[623] The abuse of Ajayapála is explained if Tod's statement (Western India, 191) that he became a Musalmán is correct.

[624] Fleet's Kánarese Dynasties, 93.

[625] Chapter II. Verse 57.

[626] We know much less about this event than its importance deserves, for with the exception of a raid made in A.D. 1197 by one of the Ghori generals this victory secured Gujarát from any serious Muhammadan attack for more than a century. We learn from various grants made by Bhímadeva II. (Ind. Ant VI. 195, 198, 200, 201) that Múlarája's regular epithet in the Vamsávalí was "He who overcame in battle the ruler of the Garjjanakas, who are hard to defeat": and Dr. Bühler has pointed out (Ditto, 201) that Garjjanaka is a Sanskritising of the name Ghaznavi. As a matter of fact, however, the leader of the Musalmán army was Muhammad of Ghor, and the battle took place in A.D. 1178 (H. 574). One of the two Muhammadan writers who mentions the invasion (Muhammad 'Ufi, who wrote at Delhi about A.D. 1211) says that Muhammad was at first defeated, but invaded the country a second time two years later "and punished the people for their previous misconduct." But this is only mentioned incidentally as part of an anecdote of Muhammad's equity, and there is some confusion with Muhammad's victory in the second battle of Náráyan (in Jaipur territory) in A.D. 1192, as a better, though slightly later authority, Minháj-us-Siráj, speaks of no second expedition to Gujarát led by Muhammad himself. Minháj-us-Siráj's account of the defeat is as follows (Elliott, II. 294): He (Muhammad) conducted his army by way of Uch and Multán towards Nahrwálá. The Ráí of Nahrwálá, Bhímdeo, was a minor, but he had a large army and many elephants. In the day of battle the Muhammadans were defeated and the Sultán was compelled to retreat. This happened in the year 574 H. (1178 A.D.)". Further on we read (Elliott, II. 300): "In 593 H. (1197 A.D.) he (Muhammad's general Kutb-ud-dín) went towards Nahrwálá, defeated Ráí Bhímdeo, and took revenge on the part of the Sultán." As no conquest of the country is spoken of, this expedition was evidently a mere raid. The only inaccuracy in the account is the mention of Bhíma instead of Múlarája as the king who defeated the first invasion.--(A. M. T. J.)

[627] Sarga II. Verse 47.

[628] Sarga II. Verse 60.

[629] The Vichárasreni also gives S. 1235 as the beginning of his reign.

[630] Elliot's History of India, II. 294. This event properly belongs to the reign of Múlarája. See above page 195 note 5.

[631] Ind. Ant. VI. 207.

[632] Chapter II. Verse 61.

[633] Kielhorn's and Peterson's Reports on Sanskrit Manuscripts.

[634] Ind. Ant. VI. 197.

[635] The text is dattvásmai doshyate yuvarájyam rájyam ciram kuru.

[636] The text is cáhú rána that is cáhumána ránaka. The term Ránaka would show him to be a Chohán chief.

[637] Ánáka survived Kumárapála and served also under Bhímadeva II. Seeing the kingdom of his weak sovereign divided among his ministers and chiefs Ánáka strove till his death to re-establish the central authority of the Solanki dynasty. Káthavate's Kírtikaumudí, xiii.

[638] Rás Málá (New Edition), 200.

[639] Kírtikaumudí, Bombay Sanskrit Series Number XXV.

[640] Ind. Ant. VI. 188 footnote. According to Merutunga a cotemporary chronicler an epigram of Bhíma's minister turned back Subhatavarman.

[641] Ind. Ant. VI. 188.

[642] According to one story Madanarájñí left her husband's house taking Víradhavala with her, and went to live with Deva Rája Pattakíla the husband of her deceased sister. On growing up Víradhavala returned to his father's house. Rás Málá (New Edition), 201.

[643] Dr. Bühler in Ind. Ant. VI. 189.

[644] According to the Kírtikaumudí, Káthavate's Ed. XIV. note 1, under Vastupála low people ceased to earn money by base means; the wicked turned pale; the righteous prospered. All honestly and securely plied their calling. Vastupála put down piracy, and, by building platforms, stopped the mingling of castes in milk shops. He repaired old buildings, planted trees, sank wells, laid out parks, and rebuilt the city. All castes and creeds he treated alike.

[645] Káthavate's Kírtikaumudí, xv.

[646] The use of the date Monday the fullmoon of Vaisakha, Samvat 1288 (A.D. 1232) in the second part of the Forms seems to shew that the work was written in A.D. 1232.

[647] Though the object is to give the form of a treaty of alliance, the author could not have used the names Sinhana and Lavanaprasáda unless such a treaty had been actually concluded between them. Apparently Sinhana's invasion of Gujarát took place but a short time before the book of treaties was compiled. Bhandárkar's Search for Sanskrit Manuscripts (1882-83), 40-41.

[648] Bhandárkar's Search for Sanskrit Manuscripts (1882-83), 40.

[649] According to other accounts Sankha, a Broach chieftain, took up the cause of a certain Sayad or Musalmán merchant with whom Vastupála had quarrelled. In the fight Lunapála a Gola, one of Vastupála's chief supporters, was slain and in his honour Vastupála raised a shrine to the Lord Lunapála. Rás Málá (New Edition), 201-202.

[650] Káthavate's Kírtikaumudí, xv.-xvi.

[651] Káthavate's Kírtikaumudí, xv.-xvi.

[652] The modern Gujaráti Ráná.

[653] Bhímadeva's name is preceded by the names of his ten Chaulukya predecessors in the usual order. The attributes of each are given as in published Chaulukya copperplates. Ind. Ant. VI. 180-213.

[654] Bhandárkar's Search for Sanskrit Manuscripts (1882-83), 39.

[655] Káthavate's Kírtikaumudí, xxiii.

[656] Káthavate's Kírtikaumudí, xxiii.

[657] Káthavate's Kírtikaumudí, xxiii.-xxiv.

[658] Elliot and Dowson, II. 209.

[659] Káthavate's Kírtikaumudí, xxiv.-xxv.

[660] Káthavate's Kírtikaumudí, xx.; J. B. R. A. S. XVIII. Number XLVIII. 28. The Jain writers delight in describing the magnificence of the pilgrimages which Vastupála conducted to the holy places. The details are 4500 carts, 700 palanquins, 1800 camels, 2900 writers, 12,100 white-robed and 1100 naked or sky-clad Jains, 1450 singers, and 3300 bards. Káthavate's Kírtikaumudí, xvi.

[661] Káthavate's Kírtikaumudí, xviii.-xix.

[662] Rás Málá, 202.

[663] Ind. Ant. VI. 191. The word for Mewád is Medapáta the Med or Mher land.

[664] The Karnáta king would probably be Somesvara (A.D. 1252) or his son Narasimha III. (A.D. 1254) of the Hoysala Ballálas of Dvárasamudra. Fleet's Kánarese Dynasties, 64, 69.

[665] These details are mentioned in a grant of land in Mándal in Ahmadábád to Bráhmans to fill a drinking fountain, repair temples, and supply offerings. Ind. Ant. VI. 210-213.

[666] Rás Málá (New Ed.), 212. A Jaina Pattávali or succession list of High-priests notices that the famine lasted for three years from Samvat 1315 (A.D. 1259). The text may be translated as follows: Vikrama Samvat 1315, three years' famine the king (being) Vísaladeva. Bhandarkar's Search for Sanskrit Manuscripts for 1883-84, 15, 323.

[667] See Ep. Ind. I.

[668] The inscription was first noticed by Colonel Tod: Rajasthán, I. 705: Western India, 506.

[669] This is not Sultán Rukn-ud-dín of the slave kings, who ruled from A.D. 1234 to A.D. 1235. Elliot and Dowson, II.

[670] All four dates tally. The middle of A.D. 1264 (Samvat 1320) falls in Hijra 662. As the Valabhi era begins in A.D. 318-319 and the Simha era in A.D. 1113, 945 of Valabhi and 151 of Simha tally with A.D. 1264.

[671] Bombay Government Selections CLII. New Series, 71.

[672] From an unpublished copy in the possession of Ráo Sáheb Dalpatram Pranjiwan Khakhar, late Educational Inspector, Kacch. Only the upper six lines of the inscription are preserved.

[673] Asiatic Researches, XVI. 311; Rás Málá, 213.

[674] Professor Bhandarkar's Report for 1883-84, 17-18.

[675] The bardic story is that king Karna had two Nágar Bráhman ministers Mádhava and Kesava. He slew Kesava and took Mádhava's wife from her husband. In revenge Mádhava went to Delhi and brought the Muhammadans. After the Muhammadan conquest Mádhava presented Alá-ud-dín with 360 horses. In return Mádhava was appointed civil minister with Alaf Khán as military governor commanding a lákh of horsemen, 1500 elephants, 20,000 foot soldiers, and having with him forty-five officers entitled to use kettledrums. Rás Málá, 214.

[676] Rás Málá, 222. The Jhálás were firmly fixed in the plains between the Lesser Ran of Kacch and the Gulf of Cambay. The Koli branches of these clans with other tribes of pure or of adulterated aboriginal descent, spread over the Chunvál near Viramgám and appeared in many remote and inaccessible tracts of hill or forest. On the east, under the protection of a line of Rájput princes, the banner of the goddess Káli floated from the hill of Pávágad; while in the west the descendants of Khengár held their famous fortress of Junágadh from within its walls controlling much of the peninsula over which they had maintained undisputed sway. Chiefs of Junágadh origin were scattered over the rest of the peninsula among whom were the Gohils of Gogo and Piram, and of the sea-washed province which from them derived its name of Gohilvád.

[677] The first notice of the exercise of sovereignty by the Musalmán rulers of Gujarát over lands further south than the neighbourhood of Surat is in A.D. 1428, when king Áhmed I. (A.D. 1412-1443) contested with the Dakhan sovereign the possession of Máhim (north latitude 19° 40'; east longitude 72° 47'). As no record remains of a Musalmán conquest of the coast as far south as Danda Rájapuri or Janjira, about fifty miles south of Bombay, it seems probable that the North Konkan fell to the Musalmáns in A.D. 1297 as part of the recognised territories of the lords of Anahilapura (Pátan). Rás Málá, I. 350. One earlier reference may be noted. In A.D. 1422 among the leading men slain in the battle of Sárangpur, about fifty miles north-east of Ujjain in Central India, was Sávant chief of Danda Rájapuri that is Janjíra. Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text), 40, and Farishtah (Persian Text), II. 468.

[678] The details of Akbar's settlement in A.D. 1583 show Sorath with sixty-three subdivisions and Navánagar (Islámnagar) with seventeen. Similarly in the Áin-i-Akbari (A.D. 1590) Sorath with its nine divisions includes the whole peninsula except Jháláváda in the north, which was then part of Áhmedábád. Gladwin, II. 64 and 66-71.

[679] Bird's History of Gujarát, 418.

[680] Naiyad is the present Naiyadkántha about ten miles south-west of Rádhanpur containing Jatvár and Várahi in the west near the Ran and spreading east to Sami and Munjpur thirty to forty miles south-west of Pátan. Hálár is in the north-west of the peninsula; Káthiáváda in the centre; Gohilváda in the south-east; Bábriáváda south-west of Gohilváda; Chorár or Chorvár north-west of Virával; Panchál in the north-east centre; Okhágir or Okhámandal in the extreme west. Nalkántha is the hollow between Káthiáváda and the mainland. Besides these names the author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi gives one more district in Sorath and others in Gujarát. The name he gives in Sorath is Nágher or Nághír which he says is also called Sálgogah. Sálgogah is apparently Siálbet and its neighbourhood, as Kodinár, Mádhúpúr, Chingaria, and Pata in south Káthiáváda are still locally known as Nagher, a tract famous for its fruitfulness. The Mirat-i-Áhmedi contains the following additional local names: For Kadi thirty-five miles north-west of Áhmedábád, Dandái; for Dholka twenty-five miles south-west of Áhmedábád, Práth-Nagri; for Cambay, Támbánagri; for Víramgám forty miles north-west of Áhmedábád, Jháláwár; for Múnjpur twenty-two miles south-east of Rádhanpur and some of the country between it and Patan, Párpas; for the tract ten miles south-east of Rádhanpur to the neighbourhood of Pátan, Kakrez; for the town of Rádhanpur in the Pálanpur Political Superintendency and its neighbourhood, Vágadh; for the town of Pálanpur and its neighbourhood up to Dísa and Dántiváda, Dhándár; for Bálásinor forty-two miles east of Áhmedábád with a part of Kapadvanj in the Kaira district, Masálwada; for Baroda, Párkher; for the subdivision of Jambúsar in the Broach district fifteen miles north-west of Broach city, Kánam; for Alimohan that is Chhota Udepur and the rough lands east of Godhra, Pálwára.

[681] Rás Mála, I. 241.

[682] Maktaa and iktáa, the district administered by a muktia, come from the Arabic root kataá, he cut, in allusion to the public revenue or the lands cut and apportioned for the pay of the officers and their establishments.

[683] Further particulars regarding these village headmen are given below.

[684] Bird's History of Gujarát, 192; Mirat-i-Sikandari, Persian Text, 44.

[685] Elphinstone's History, 76.

[686] In Márwár and in the north and north-east this official was styled tahsíldár and in the Dakhan kamávísdár.

[687] Zakát, literally purification or cleansing, is the name of a tax levied from Muslims for charitable purposes or religious uses. In the endowments-treasury the customs dues from Muslims at 2 1/2 per cent (the technical 1 in 40) as contrasted with the five per cent levied from infidels (the technical 2 in 40) were entered. Hence in these accounts zakát corresponds with customs dues, and is divisible into two kinds khushki zakát or land customs and tari zakát or sea customs.

[688] Bird's History of Gujarát, 93. Though under the Mughal viceroys the state demand was at first realized in grain, at the last the custom was to assess each sub-division, and probably each village, at a fixed sum or jama. The total amount for the sub-division was collected by an officer called majmudár, literally keeper of collections, the village headmen, patels or mukaddams, being responsible each for his own village.

[689] Bird's History of Gujarát, 325.

[690] Bird's History of Gujarát, 341.

[691] Mirat-i-Áhmedi Persian Text page 115.

[692] The title rája is applicable to the head of a family only. The payment of tribute to the Mughals or Maráthás does not affect the right to use this title. Rána and ráv seem to be of the same dignity as rája. Rával is of lower rank. The sons of rájás, ránás, rávs, and rávals are called kuvars and their sons thákurs. The younger sons of thákurs became bhumiás that is landowners or garásiás, that is owners of garás or a mouthful. Jám is the title of the chiefs of the Jádeja tribe both of the elder branch in Kachh and of the younger branch in Navánagar, or Little Kachh in Káthiáváda. Rás Málá, II. 277.

[693] Under the Maráthás the title zamíndár was bestowed on the farmers of the land revenue, and this practice was adopted by the earlier English writers on Gujarát. In consequence of this change small landholders of the superior class, in directly administered districts, came again to be called by their original Hindu name of garásia. Mr. Elphinstone (History, 79 and note 13) includes under the term zamíndár: (1) half-subdued chieftains, (2) independent governors of districts, and (3) farmers of revenue. He also notices that until Aurangzíb's time such chiefs as enjoyed some degree of independence were alone called zamíndárs. But in Colonel Walker's time, A.D. 1805, at least in Gujarát (Bombay Government Selections, XXXIX. 25) the term zamíndár included desáis, majmudárs (district accountants), patels, and talátis (village clerks).

[694] Details of A.D. 1571 given in the Mirat-i-Áhmedi show that the chief nobles were bound to furnish cavalry contingents varying from 4000 to 25,000 horse, and held lands estimated to yield yearly revenues of £160,000 to £1,620,000. Bird's Gujarát, 109-127.

[695] According to the European travellers in India during the seventeenth century, provincial governors, and probably to some extent all large holders of service lands, employed various methods for adding to the profits which the assigned lands were meant to yield them. Of these devices two seem to have been specially common, the practice of supporting a body of horse smaller than the number agreed for, and the practice of purveyance that is of levying supplies without payment. Sir Thomas Roe, from A.D. 1615 to 1618 English ambassador at the court of the emperor Jehángír, gives the following details of these irregular practices: 'The Pátan (that is Patna in Bengal) viceroy's government was estimated at 5000 horse, the yearly pay of each trooper being £20 (Rs. 200), of which he kept only 1500, being allowed the surplus as dead pay. On one occasion this governor wished to present me with 100 loaves of the finest sugar, as white as snow, each loaf weighing fifty pounds. On my declining, he said, 'You refuse these loaves, thinking I am poor; but being made in my government the sugar costs me nothing, as it comes to me gratis.' Sir Thomas Roe in Kerr's Voyages, IX. 282-284. The same writer, the best qualified of the English travellers of that time to form a correct opinion, thus describes the administration of the Musalmán governors of the seventeenth century: 'They practise every kind of tyranny against the natives under their jurisdiction, oppressing them with continual exactions, and are exceedingly averse from any way being opened by which the king may be informed of their infamous proceedings. They grind the people under their government to extract money from them, often hanging men up by the heels to make them confess that they are rich, or to ransom themselves from faults merely imputed with a view to fleece them.' Sir Thomas Roe in Kerr's Voyages, IX. 338.

[696] Of these settlements the principal was that of the Ráthod chief who in the thirteenth century established himself at Ídar, now one of the states of the Mahi Kántha. In the thirteenth century also, Gohils from the north and Sodha Parmárs and Káthis from Sindh entered Gujarát. Rás Mála, II. 269.

[697] Gujarát of about the year A.D. 1300 is thus described: 'The air of Gujarát is healthy, and the earth picturesque; the vineyards bring forth blue grapes twice a year, and the strength of the soil is such that the cotton plants spread their branches like willow and plane trees, and yield produce for several years successively. Besides Cambay, the most celebrated of the cities of Hind in population and wealth, there are 70,000 towns and villages, all populous, and the people abounding in wealth and luxuries.' Elliot's History of India, III. 31, 32, and 43. Marco Polo, about A.D. 1292, says: 'In Gujarát there grows much pepper and ginger and indigo. They have also a great deal of cotton. Their cotton trees are of very great size, growing full six paces high, and attaining to an age of twenty years.' Yule's Edition, II. 328. The cotton referred to was probably the variety known as devkapás Gossypium religiosum or peruvianum, which grows from ten to fifteen feet high, and bears for several years. Royle, 149-150.

[698] Elphinstone's History, 762.

[699] Bird's History of Gujarát, 110, 129, and 130.

[700] The passage from the Mirat-i-Áhmedi, Bird 109, is: 'A sum of 25 lákhs of húns and one kror of ibráhíms, that were two parts greater, being altogether nearly equal to 5 krors and 62 lákhs of rupees, was collected from the Dakhan tribute and the customs of the European and Arab ports.' The word hún, from an old Karnátak word for gold, is the Musalmán name for the coin known among Hindus as varáha or the wild-boar coin, and among the Portuguese as the pagoda or temple coin. Prinsep Ind. Ant. Thomas' Ed. II. U. T. 18. The old specimens of this coin weigh either 60 grains the máda or half pagoda, or 120 grains the hún or full pagoda. Thomas, Chron. Pat. Ks. II. 224, note. The star pagoda, in which English accounts at Madras were formerly kept, weighs 52·56 grains, and was commonly valued at 8s. or Rs. 4 (Prinsep as above). At this rate in the present sum the 25 lákhs of húns would equal one kror (100 lákhs) of rupees. The ibráhími, 'two parts greater than the hún,' would seem to be a gold coin, perhaps a variety of the Persian ashrafi (worth about 9s. English. Marsden, N. O. 455). Taking the two parts of a hún as fánams or sixteenths, this would give the ibráhími a value of Rs. 4 1/4, and make a total customs revenue of 425 lákhs of rupees. This statement of the revenues of the kingdom is, according to the author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi, taken from such times as the power of the Gujarát kings continued to increase. The total revenue of the twenty-five districts (£5,840,000) is the amount recovered in the year A.D. 1571. But the receipts under the head of Tribute must have been compiled from accounts of earlier years. For, as will be seen below, the neighbouring kings ceased to pay tribute after the end of the reign of Bahádur (A.D. 1536). Similarly the customs revenues entered as received from Daman and other places must have been taken from the accounts of some year previous to A.D. 1560.

[701] The remains at Chámpáner in the British district of the Panch Maháls are well known. Of Mehmúdábád, the town of that name in the district of Kaira, eighteen miles south of Áhmedábád, a few ruins only are left. In A.D. 1590 this city is said to have contained many grand edifices surrounded with a wall eleven miles (7 kos) square with at every 3/4 mile (1/2 kos) a pleasure house, and an enclosure for deer and other game. (Áin-i-Akbari: Gladwin, II. 64.) The Mirat-i-Áhmedi makes no special reference to the sovereign's share of the revenue. The greater part of the £5,620,000 derived from tribute and customs would probably go to the king, besides the lands specially set apart as crown domains, which in A.D. 1571 were returned as yielding a yearly revenue of £900,000 (900,000,000 tankás). This would bring the total income of the crown to a little more than 6 1/2 millions sterling.

[702] So Sikandar Lodi emperor of Dehli, A.D. 1488-1517, is reported to have said: 'The magnificence of the kings of Dehli rests on wheat and barley; the magnificence of the kings of Gujarát rests on coral and pearls.' Bird, 132.

[703] The twelve Gujarát ports mentioned by Barbosa are: On the south coast of the peninsula, two: Patenixi (Pátan-Somnáth, now Verával), very rich and of great trade; Surati-Mangalor (Mangrul), a town of commerce, and Diu. On the shores of the gulf of Cambay four: Gogari (Gogha), a large town; Barbesy (Broach); Guandári or Gandar (Gandhár), a very good town; and Cambay. On the western coast five: Ravel (Ránder), a rich place; Surat, a city of very great trade; Denvy (Gandevi), a place of great trade; Baxay (Bassein), a good seaport in which much goods are exchanged; and Tanamayambu (Thána-Máhim), a town of great Moorish mosques, but of little trade. (Stanley's Barbosa, 59-68). The only one of these ports whose identification seems doubtful is Ravel, described by Barbosa (page 67) as a pretty town of the Moors on a good river, twenty leagues south of Gandhár. This agrees with the position of Ránder on the Tápti, nearly opposite Surat, which appears in Al Bírúni (A.D. 1030) as Ráhanur one of the capitals of south Gujarát and is mentioned under the name Ránir, both in the Áin-i-Akbari (A.D. 1590) and in the Mirat-i-Áhmedi for the year A.D. 1571, as a place of trade, 'in ancient times a great city.' In his description of the wealth of Cambay, Barbosa is supported by the other European travellers of the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. According to Nicolo de Conti (A.D. 1420-1444), the town, including its suburbs, was twelve miles in circuit abounding in spikenard, lac, indigo, myrobalans, and silk. Athanasius Nikotin (A.D. 1468-1474) found it a manufacturing place for every sort of goods as long gowns damasks and blankets; and Varthema (A.D. 1503-1508) says it abounds in grain and very good fruits, supplying Africa Arabia and India with silk and cotton stuffs; 'it is impossible to describe its excellence.' Barbosa's account of Áhmedábád is borne out by the statement in the Áin-i-Akbari (Gladwin, II. 63) that the whole number of the suburbs (purás) of the city was 360, and in the Mirat-i-Áhmedi, that it once contained 380 suburbs each of considerable size, containing good buildings and markets filled with everything valuable and rare, so that each was almost a city. Bird, 311.

[704] Gladwin's Áin-i-Akbari, II. 62-63. Compare Terry (Voyage, 80, 131) in 1615: Gujarát a very goodly large and exceeding rich province with, besides its most spacious populous and rich capital Áhmedábád, four fair cities Cambay Baroda Broach and Surat with great trade to the Red Sea, Achin, and other places. At the same time (Ditto, 179-180) though the villages stood very thick, the houses were generally very poor and base, all set close together some with earthen walls and flat roofs, most of them cottages miserably poor little and base set up with sticks rather than timber.

[705] The decrease in the Mughal collections from Gujarát compared with the revenues of the Áhmedábád kings may have been due to Akbar's moderation. It may also have been due to a decline in prosperity. Compare Roe's (1617) account of Toda about fifty miles south-east of Ajmír. It was the best and most populous country Roe had seen in India. The district was level with fertile soil abounding in corn cotton and cattle and the villages were so numerous and near together as hardly to exceed a kos from each other. The town was the best built Roe had seen in India tiled two-storied houses good enough for decent shopkeepers. It had been the residence of a Rájput Rája before the conquests of Akbar Sháh and stood at the foot of a good and strong rock about which were many excellent works of hewn stone, well cut, with many tanks arched over with well-turned vaults and large and deep descents to them. Near it was a beautiful grove two miles long and a quarter of a mile broad all planted with mangoes tamarinds and other fruit trees, divided by shady walks and interspersed with little temples and idol altars with many fountains wells and summer houses of carved stone curiously arched so that a poor banished Englishman might have been content to dwell there. This observation may serve universally for the whole country that ruin and devastation operate everywhere. For since the property of all has become vested in the king no person takes care of anything so that in every place the spoil and devastations of war appear and nowhere is anything repaired. Roe in Kerr's Voyages, IX. 320-321.

[706] Bird's History of Gujarát. Another detailed statement of the revenue of Gujarát given in the Mirat-i-Áhmedi, apparently for the time when the author wrote (A.D. 1760) gives: Revenue from crown lands £2,107,518; tribute-paying divisions or sarkárs £12,700; Mahí Kántha tribute £178,741; Vátrak Kántha tribute £159,768; and Sábar Kántha tribute £121,151; in all £2,579,878: adding to this £20,000 for Kachh, £40,000 for Dungarpur, and £5000 for Sirohi, gives a grand total of £2,644,878. According to a statement given by Bird in a note at page 108 of his History, the revenue of Gujarát under Jehángir (A.D. 1605-1627) averaged £1,250,000; under Aurangzíb (A.D. 1658-1707) £1,519,622; and under Muhammad Sháh (A.D. 1719-1748) £1,218,360. In this passage the revenue under the emperor Akbar (A.D. 1556-1605) is given at £66,845. This total is taken from Gladwin's Áin-i-Akbari. But at vol. II. page 73 of that work there would seem to be some miscalculation; for while the total number of dáms (1/40th of a rupee) is 43,68,02,301, the conversion into rupees is Rs. 10,96,123 instead of Rs. 1,09,20,057 1/2. The corresponding returns given by Mr. Thomas (Rev. of the Mog. Emp. page 52) are under Akbar, A.D. 1594, £1,092,412; under Sháh Jahán, A.D. 1648, £1,325,000; and under Aurangzíb, A.D. 1658 £2,173,220, A.D. 1663-1666 £1,339,500, A.D. 1697 £2,330,500, and A.D. 1707 £1,519,623. The varieties in the currency employed in different parts of the accounts cause some confusion in calculating the Gujarát revenue. Under the Áhmedábád kings the accounts were kept in tánkás or 1/100 of rupees, while under the Mughals dáms or 1/45th of a rupee took the place of tánkás. The revenues from Surat Baroda Broach and other districts south of the Máhi were returned in changízis, a coin varying in value from something over 2/3rds of a rupee to slightly less than 1/2; the revenues from Rádhanpur and Morvi were entered in mahmúdis, a coin nearly identical in value with the changízi, while, as noticed above, the tribute and customs dues are returned in a gold currency, the tribute in huns of about 8s. (Rs. 4) and the customs in ibráhímís of 9s. (Rs. 4 1/2).

[707] Áin-i-Akbari (Gladwin), I. 305. The Áin-i-Akbari mentions four ways of calculating the state share in an unsurveyed field: (1) to measure the land with the crops standing and make an estimate; (2) to reap the crops, collect the grain in barns, and divide it according to agreement; (3) to divide the field as soon as the seed is sown; and (4) to gather the grain into heaps on the field and divide it there.

[708] The men to whom this 2 1/2 per cent was granted are referred to in the Mirat-i-Áhmedi as desáis. Whatever doubt may attach to the precise meaning of the term desái it seems clear that it was as village headmen that the desáis petitioned for and received this grant. These desáis were the heads of villages with whom, as noticed above, the government agent for collecting the revenue dealt, and who, agreeing for the whole village contribution, themselves carried out the details of allotment and collection from the individual cultivators. In the sharehold villages north of the Narbada, the headman who would be entitled to this 2 1/2 per cent was the representative of the body of village shareholders. South of the Narbada, in villages originally colonised by officers of the state, the representatives of these officers would enjoy the 2 1/2 per cent. In south Gujarát the desáis or heads of villages also acted as district hereditary revenue officers; but it was not as district hereditary revenue officers, but as heads of villages, that they received from Akbar this 2 1/2 per cent assignment. In north Gujarát there were desáis who were only district revenue officers. These men would seem to have received no part of Akbar's grant in 1589-90, for as late as A.D. 1706 the emperor Aurangzíb, having occasion to make inquiries into the position of the desáis, found that hitherto they had been supported by cesses and illegal exactions, and ordered that a stop should be put to all such exactions, and a fixed assignment of 2 1/2 per cent on the revenues of the villages under their charge should be allowed them. It does not appear whether the Surat desáis succeeded in obtaining Aurangzíb's grant of 2 1/2 per cent as district revenue officers in addition to Akbar's (A.D. 1589) assignment of 2 1/2 per cent as heads of villages.

[709] Bird's History of Gujarát, 409.

[710] Áhmedábád (A.D. 1583) by Muzaffar Sháh the last king of Gujarát; Cambay (A.D. 1573) by Muhammad Husain Mirza; and Surat (A.D. 1609) by Malik Ambar the famous general of the king of Amednagar. In such unsettled times it is not surprising that the European travellers of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, between Áhmedábád and Cambay found native merchants marching in large weekly caravans which rested at night within a space barricaded by carts. (Kerr, IX. 127 and 201.) The English merchants, on their way from one factory to another, were accompanied by an escort, and, in spite of their guard, were on more than one occasion attacked by large bands of Rájputs. (Kerr, IX. 127, 187, 201, 203.) As regards the state of the different parts of the province, Nicholas Ufflet, who went from Agra to Surat about 1610, describes the north, from Jhálor to Áhmedábád, as throughout the whole way a sandy and woody country, full of thievish beastly men, and savage beasts such as lions and tigers; from Áhmedábád to Cambay the road was through sands and woods much infested by thieves; from Cambay to Broach it was a woody and dangerous journey; but from Broach to Surat the country was goodly, fertile, and full of villages, abounding in wild date trees. (Kerr, VIII. 303.) Passing from the mouth of the Tápti to Surat Mr. Copland (24th Dec. 1613) was delighted to see at the same time the goodliest spring and harvest he had ever seen. 'Often of two adjoining fields, one was as green as a fine meadow, and the other waving yellow like gold and ready to be cut down, and all along the roads were many goodly villages.' (Kerr, IX. 119.) At that time the state of north-east Gujarát was very different. Terry, 1617 (Voyage, 404), describes the passage of nineteen days from Mándu near Dhár to Áhmedábád as short journeys in a wilderness where a way had to be cut and made even and the great space required for the Mughal's camp rid and made plain by grubbing up trees and bushes. And between Cambay and Áhmedábád De la Valle, A.D. 1623 (Travels, Hakluyt Ed. I. 92), resolved to go with the káfila since the insecurity of the ways did not allow him to go alone. Still at that time Gujarát as a whole (see above page 220 note 2) was an exceeding rich province, a description which twenty years later (1638) is borne out by Mandelslo (Travels, French Edition, 56): No province in India is more fertile; none yields more fruit or victuals. With the boast of the author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi (A.D. 1756) that Gujarát was the richest province in India compare Kháfi Khan's (A.D. 1719) remark (Elliot, VII. 530): This rich province which no other province in India can equal.

[711] Orme's Historical Fragments, 12.

[712] The following are some of the notices of Áhmedábád and Cambay by the European travellers of the seventeenth century: Cambay, 1598, trade so great that if he had not seen it he would not have believed it possible (Cæsar Frederick); 1623, indifferent large with sufficiently spacious suburbs and a great concourse of vessels (De la Valle, Hakluyt Edition, I. 66-67); 1638, beyond comparison larger than Surat (Mandelslo, 101-108); 1663-1671, twice as big as Surat (Baldæus in Churchill, III. 506). Áhmedábád, 1598, a very great city and populous (Cæsar Frederick); 1623, competently large with great suburbs, a goodly and great city, with large fair and straight but sadly dusty streets (De la Valle, Hakluyt Edition, I. 95); 1627, large and beautiful with many broad and comely streets, a rich and uniform bazár, and shops redundant with gums perfumes spices silks cottons and calicoes (Herbert's Travels, 3rd Edition, 66); 1638, great manufactures, satin and velvet, silk and cotton (Mandelslo, 80); 1695, the greatest city in India, nothing inferior to Venice for rich silks and gold stuffs (Gemelli Careri in Churchill, IV. 188).

[713] Bird, 411.

[714] The usual explanation of toda garás is the word toda meaning the beam-end above each house door. The sense being that it was a levy exacted from every house in the village. A more likely derivation is toda a heap or money-bag with the sense of a ready-money levy. Toda differed from vol in being exacted from the garás or land once the property of the levier's ancestors.

[715] Somnáth (north latitude 20° 55'; east longitude 70° 23'), the temple of Mahádev 'Lord of the Moon,' near the southern extremity of the peninsula of Káthiáváda.

[716] Anahilaváda (north latitude 23° 48'; east longitude 72° 2'), Nehrwála or Pátan, on the south bank of the Sarasvatí river, sixty-five miles north-east of Ahmedábád, was from A.D. 746 to A.D. 1298 the capital of the Rájput dynasties of Gujarát. As a result of Muhammad Ghori's defeat the Tárikh-i-Sorath (Burgess, 112-113) states that the Turkish Afghán and Mughal prisoners, according to the rule of the Kuraan (XXIV. 25) were distributed, the wicked women to the wicked men and the good women to the good men. Of the male prisoners the better class after having their heads shaved were enrolled among the Chakáwal and Wádhel tribes of Rájputs. The lower class were allotted to the Kolis, Khánts, Bábriás, and Mers. All were allowed to keep their wedding and funeral ceremonies and to remain aloof from other classes.

[717] The Mirat-i-Áhmedi gives an account of an expedition by one Alifkhán a noble of Sultán Sanjar's against Anahilaváda in A.D. 1257. He is said to have built the large stone mosque without the city. Alifkhán returned unsuccessful, but not without levying tribute.

[718] Devgadh near Daulatabad in the Dakhan, about ten miles north-west of Aurangábád (north latitude 19° 57'; east longitude 75° 18'). The Mirat-i-Áhmedi has Devgadh Chandah, which is in the Central Provinces.

[719] Jhálor (north latitude 25° 23'; east longitude 72° 40') in the Rájput state of Jodhpur, seventy miles south-west by south from the city of Jodhpur.

[720] Bayley (Gujarát, 39 note) shows strong ground for holding that, though Gujarát was conquered by Ulugh Khán a brother of Alá-ud-dín, its first governor was not Ulugh Khán but Álp Khán a brother-in-law of Alá-ud-dín. According to this account Ulugh Khán died in A.D. 1299 and Álp Khán at Malik Káfúr's instigation was killed in A.D. 1315. Ziá Barni (Elliot, III. 169) supports this account.

[721] According to Ziá Barni (Elliot, III. 218) Hisám-ud-dín was the mother's brother, according to others he was the brother of Hasan afterwards Khusraw Khán Parmár the favourite of Mubárak Sháh. On coming to Gujarát Hisám-ud-dín collected his Parmár kindred and revolted, but the nobles joining against him seized him and sent him to Dehli. To their disgust Mubárak in his infatuation for Hisám-ud-dín's nephew or brother, after slapping Hisám-ud-dín on the face set him at liberty.

[722] In the Karnátak, probably on the Tungabhadra near Vijayánagar. Briggs' Muhammadan Power in India, I. 418 and 428. Briggs speaks of two Kampilás one on the Ganges and the other on the Tungabhadra near Bijánagar.

[723] Asáwal (north latitude 23° 0'; east longitude 72° 36'), a town of some size, afterwards, A.D. 1413, made the capital of the Musalmán kings of Gujarát and called Áhmedábád.

[724] Girnár (north latitude 21° 30'; east longitude 70° 42'), in the Sorath sub-division of the peninsula of Káthiáváda.

[725] Both the Mirat-i-Áhmedi and the Táríkh-i-Fírúz Sháhi say that the fortress was taken. The Úparkot or citadel of Junágadh, in the plain about two miles west of Mount Girnár, is probably meant.

[726] Nágor (north latitude 27° 10'; east longitude 73° 50'), in the Ráthod state of Jodhpur, eighty miles north-east of Jodhpur city.

[727] The Tabakát-i-Akbari has Khánpur or Kánpur. The place is Khambhoi about twenty miles west of Pátan.

[728] Ídar is the principal state of the Mahi Kántha. The town of Ídar is in north latitude 23° 50' and east longitude 73° 3'.

[729] Junágadh in the Sorath sub-division of Káthiáváda. This is Briggs' Rái of Jehrend. Junágadh was formerly called Jirangad, both names meaning ancient fortress.

[730] Rájpípla is in the Rewa Kántha division of Gujarát.

[731] Sultánpur and Nandurbár now form part of the British district of Khándesh.

[732] Ásir, now Ásírgad (north latitude 21° 26'; east longitude 76° 26'), beyond the north-eastern frontier of Khándesh.

[733] Mándu (north latitude 22° 20'; east longitude 75° 27'), one of the most famous forts in India, the capital of the Pathán dynasty of Málwa, A.D. 1404-1561, stands on the crest of the Vindhyas about twenty-five miles south of Dhár. During a considerable part of the fifteenth century Mándu was either directly or indirectly under Gujarát. An account of Mándu is given in the Appendix.

[734] Ajmír (north latitude 26° 29'; east longitude 74° 43'), the chief town of the district of the same name to which Sámbhar and Dandwána belong.

[735] Delváda and Jháláváda are somewhat difficult. The context suggests either Jhálor in Márwár or Jháláváda in the extreme south-east of Rájputána south of Kotah. The combination Delváda and Jháláváda seems to favour Káthiáváda since there is a Delváda in the south of the peninsula near Diu and a Jháláváda in the north-east. But the Delváda of the text can hardly be near Diu. It apparently is Delváda near Eklingji about twenty miles north of Udepur. The account of Áhmed Sháh's expedition to the same place in A.D. 1431 (below page 239) confirms this identification.

[736] Pánipat (north latitude 29° 23'; east longitude 77° 2'), seventy-eight miles north of Dehli.

[737] Farishtah (II. 355) calls the Ídar chief Ranbal.

[738] Compare Farishtah, II. 355-356. After his death Muhammad was known as Khudáigán-i-Shahíd, Our Lord the Martyr, according to the custom of the Sultáns of Dehli, all of whom had three names, their family name, their throne name, and their after-death name whose letters contain the date of the monarch's decease. Thus the emperor Akbar's after-death title is Ársh Áshiáni, The Holder of the Heavenly Throne; the emperor Jehángír's is Jannat Makáni, The Dweller in Heaven; the emperor Sháh Jehán's is Firdaus Makáni, He Whose Home is Paradise; and the emperor Aurangzíb's is Khuld Makáni, The Occupier of the Eternal Residence. Similarly the after-death title of Muzaffar Sháh, Tátár Khán's father, is Khûdáigán-i-Kabir, The Great Lord.

[739] Dhár (north latitude 22° 35'; east longitude 75° 20'), the capital of the state of Dhár thirty-three miles west of Mhow in Central India.

[740] The Tabakát-i-Akbari has Kanthkot a dependency of Kachh. This is probably correct.

[741] The date is doubtful: Farishtah (II. 630) gives A.D. 1412, the Áin-i-Akbari (Blochman's Edition, I. 507) A.D. 1411.

[742] Four Áhmeds who had never missed the afternoon prayer helped to build Áhmedábád: Saint Sheikh Áhmed Khattu, Sultán Áhmed, Sheikh Áhmed, and Mulla Áhmed. Compare Bombay Gazetteer, IV. 249 note 5.

[743] Called in the Tabakát-i-Akbari the Rája of Mandal.

[744] Sidhpur (north latitude 23° 50'; east longitude 72° 20'), on the Sarasvatí, fifty-eight miles north of Áhmedábád.

[745] Chámpáner (north latitude 22° 30'; east longitude 73° 30') in the British district of the Panch Maháls, from A.D. 1483 to A.D. 1560 the chief city of Gujarát, now in ruins.

[746] Modása (north latitude 23° 27'; east longitude 73° 21'), fifty miles north-east of Áhmedábád.

[747] Mirat-i-Sikandari Persian Text, 34, 35; Farishtah, II. 363, 364.

[748] Sankheda is on the left bank of the Or river about twenty miles south-east of Baroda.

[749] Mángni Mákani or Mánki, famous for its witches, eight miles east of Sankheda. Mr. J. Pollen, I.C.S., LL.D. Compare Bom. Gov. Rec. N. S. XXIII. 98.

[750] Dohad (north latitude 22° 50'; east longitude 74° 15'), seventy-seven miles north-east of Baroda, now the chief town of the sub-division of the same name in the British district of the Panch Máháls. Mr. J. Pollen, I.C.S., LL.D.

[751] Jítpur about twelve miles north-east of Bálásinor.

[752] Ujjain (north latitude 23° 10'; east longitude 75° 47'), at different times the capital of Málwa.

[753] Sárangpur about fifty miles north-east of Ujjain.

[754] Ahmednagar (north latitude 23° 34'; east longitude 73° 1') in the native state of Ídar.

[755] Mirat-i-Sikandari Persian Text, 43.

[756] There are two Máhims on the North Konkan coast, one about twenty-two miles north of Bassein (north latitude 19° 40'; east longitude 72° 47'), and the other in the northern extremity of the island of Bombay (north latitude 19° 2'; east longitude 72° 54'). The southern Máhim, to which Farishtah (II. 370-371) is careful to apply the term jaziráh or island, is the town referred to in the text. The northern Máhim, now known as Kelva Máhim, was, as is noted in the text, the head-quarters of a Hindu chief.

[757] Thána (north latitude 19° 11'; east longitude 73° 6'), the head-quarters of the British district of that name, about twenty-four miles north-by-east of Bombay, was from the tenth to the sixteenth century A.D. the chief city in the Northern Konkan.

[758] Báglán, now called Satána, is the northern sub-division of the British district of Násik. In A.D. 1590 the chief commanded 8000 cavalry and 5000 infantry. The country was famous for fruit. Áin-i-Akbari (Gladwin), II. 73. The chief, a Ráthod, was converted to Islám by Aurangzíb (A.D. 1656-1707).

[759] Dúngarpur (north latitude 23° 50'; east longitude 73° 50') in Rájputána, 150 miles north-west of Mhow.

[760] Mirat-i-Sikandari Persian Text, 45, 46.

[761] Godhra (north latitude 22° 45'; east longitude 73° 36'), the chief town of the sub-division of that name in the British district of the Panch Maháls. The Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text, 49) gives, probably rightly, Kothra a village of Sáunli or Savli about twenty miles north of Baroda.

[762] Sultánpur (north latitude 21° 43'; east longitude 74° 40'), in the north of the Sháháda sub-division of the British district of Khándesh, till A.D. 1804 a place of consequence and the head-quarters of a large district.

[763] Kapadvanj (north latitude 23° 2'; east longitude 73° 9'), the chief town of the sub-division of that name in the British district of Kaira.

[764] Dholka (north latitude 22° 42'; east longitude 72° 25'), the chief town of the sub-division of that name in the British district of Áhmedábád.

[765] Sámbhar (north latitude 26° 53'; east longitude 75° 13'), a town in the province of Ajmír, about fifty-one miles north-north-east from the city of Ajmír.

[766] Chitor (north latitude 24° 52'; east longitude 74° 4'), for several centuries before A.D. 1567 the capital of the principality of Udepur.

[767] Sirohi (north latitude 24° 59'; east longitude 72° 56'), the capital of the principality of the same name in the province of Ajmír.

[768] Ábu (north latitude 24° 45'; east longitude 72° 49') in the state of Sirohi.

[769] The Rája is called Krishna Kishan or Kánh Devra. Ábu is still held by the Sirohi Devrás.

[770] Mandisor (north latitude 24° 4'; east longitude 75° 9'), the chief town of a district of the same name in the province of Málwa.

[771] Persian Text, Mirat-i-Sikandari, 75-76.

[772] The Portuguese merchant and traveller Barbosa (A.D. 1511-1514) gives the following details of Mahmúd Begada's cavalry: The Moors and Gentiles of this kingdom are bold riders, mounted on horses bred in the country, for it has a wonderful quantity. They ride on small saddles and use whips. Their arms are very thick round shields edged with silk; each man has two swords, a dagger, and a Turkish bow with very good arrows. Some of them carry maces, and many of them coats-of-mail, and others tunics quilted with cotton. The horses have housings and steel headpieces, and so they fight very well and are light in their movements. The Moorish horsemen are white and of many countries, Turks and Mamelukes, military slaves from Georgia Circassia and Mingrelia, Arabs Persians Khorásánis Turkomans, men from the great kingdom of Dehli, and others born in the country itself. Their pay is good, and they receive it regularly. They are well dressed with very rich stuffs of gold silk cotton and goat's wool, and all wear caps on their heads, and their clothes long, such as morisco shirts and drawers, and leggings to the knee of good thick leather worked with gold knots and embroidery, and their swords richly ornamented with gold and silver are borne in their girdles or in the hands of their pages. Their women are very white and pretty: also very richly decked out. They live well and spend much money. Stanley's Barbosa, 55-56.

[773] Mahmúd's favourite trees were the mango ámbo Mangifera indica, ráen Mimusops hexandra, jámbu Eugenia jambolana, gúlar Ficus glomerata, tamarind ámli Tamarindus indica, and the shrubby phyllanthus áonla Emblica officinalis.

[774] Burhánpur (north latitude 21° 18'; east longitude 76° 20'), under the Musalmáns the capital of Khándesh, now within the limits of the Berárs.

[775] Gondwána, a large hilly tract lying between north latitude 19° 50' and 24° 30' and east longitude 77° 38' and 87° 20'.

[776] The Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text, page 89) gives the hill fort of Bárudar. The Persian r may be a miswritten g and the d a mistake for w that is Baguwar or Baguwarah. The seaport Dûn may be Dungri hill six miles from the coast. But Dûn for Dáhánu a well-known port in north Thána is perhaps more likely. Farishtah (Briggs, IV. 51) gives Bavur for Baru and Dura for Dûn. Compare Tabakát-i-Akbari in Bayley's Gujarát, page 178 note 2.

[777] Girnár the diadem of Káthiáváda. See above page 231 note 2.

[778] Mangifera indica, Mimusops hexandra, Eugenia jambolana, Ficus glomerata, Tamarindus indica, and Emblica officinalis.

[779] Khánts are still found chiefly in Soráth. See Bombay Gazetteer, VIII. 142.

[780] The Tabakát-i-Akbari says they were Játs. Sir H. Elliot (History of India, I. 496) represents the Sumrás to be Agnikula Rájputs of the Parmára stock. The Jádejás had been ruling in Kachh since A.D. 1350-1365.

[781] Dwárka (north latitude 22° 15'; east longitude 69°), on the north-western shore of Káthiáváda, famous for its temple of Krishna.

[782] The Tabakát-i-Akbari has 'To-morrow the sword of adamant shall answer your message.'

[783] Farishtah, II. 396-397.

[784] Mirat-i-Sikandari, 112-114.

[785] Dábhol (north latitude 17° 34'; east longitude 73° 16'), on the north bank of the river Váshishti (called Halewacko and Kalewacko by the early navigators. See Badger's Varthema, page 114 note 1) in the British district of Ratnágiri. About this time, according to Athanasius Nikitin (A.D. 1468-1474), Dábhol was the great meeting place for all nations living along the coast of India and Ethiopia. In A.D. 1501 it was taken by the Portuguese. Between A.D. 1626 and 1630 an English factory was established here, but by the end of the century trade had left Dábhol and has never returned.

[786] Cheul, now Revdanda (north latitude 18° 33'; east longitude 72° 59'), from about A.D. 1500 to 1650 a place of much trade.

[787] Mahmúd Begada greatly impressed travellers, whose strange tales of him made the king well-known in Europe. Varthema (1503-1508) thus describes his manner of living: 'The king has constantly 20,000 horsemen. In the morning when he rises there come to his palace 50 elephants, on each of which a man sits astride, and the said elephants do reverence to the king, and, except this, they have nothing else to do. When the king eats, fifty or sixty kinds of instruments, drums trumpets flageolets and fifes play, and the elephants again do him reverence. As for the king himself, his mustachios under his nose are so long that he ties them over his head as a woman would tie her tresses, and he has a white beard that reaches to his girdle. As to his food, every day he eats poison (Hudibras' Prince whose 'daily food was asp and basilisk and toad'), not that he fills his stomach with it, but he eats a certain quantity, so that when he wishes to destroy any great person he makes him come before him stripped and naked, and then eats certain fruits which are called chofole (jáiphal, nutmeg), like a muscatel nut. He also eats certain leaves called tamboli (pán or betel leaf; like the leaves of a sour orange, and with these he eats lime of oyster shells. When he has chewed this well he spurts it out on the person he wishes to kill, and so in the space of half an hour the victim falls to the ground dead. The Sultán has also three or four thousand women, and every night that he sleeps with one, she is found dead in the morning.' Barbosa (A.D. 1511) goes further (Stanley's Trans. 57), saying that so soaked was the king with poison that if a fly settled on his hand it swelled and immediately fell dead. This was the result of his early training. For, on Varthema's companion asking how it was that the king could eat poison in this manner, certain merchants, who were older than the Sultán, answered that his father had fed him upon poison from his childhood. (Badger's Varthema, 110.) Of the origin of Mahmúd's surname Begada two explanations are given: (1) 'From his mustachios being large and twisted like a bullock's horn, such a bullock being called Begado; (2) that the word comes from the Gujaráti be, two, and gad, a fort, the people giving him this title in honour of his capture of Junágadh (A.D. 1472) and Chámpáner (A.D. 1484).' (Bird's History of Gujarát, 202; Mirat-i-Ahmedi Persian Text, 74.) Varthema's account of the poison-eating is probably an exaggeration of the Sultán's habit of opium-eating to which from his infancy he was addicted. The Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text, 751) speaks of the great physical power of Mahmúd and of his wonderful appetite. Mahmúd's daily food weighed forty sers the ser being 15 bahlulis a little over half a pound. He used to eat about three pounds (5 sers) of parched gram to dessert. For breakfast, after his morning prayer, Mahmúd used to consume a cupfull of pure Makkah honey with a second cupfull of clarified butter and fifty small plantains called sohan kelas. At night they set by his bed two plates of sambúsás or minced mutton sausages. In the morning Mahmúd seeing the empty plates used to give thanks: 'Oh Allah,' he said, 'hadst thou not given this unworthy slave rule over Gujarát, who could have filled his stomach.' His virile powers were as unusual as his appetite. The only woman who could bear his embraces unharmed was a powerful Abyssinian girl who was his great favourite. Of the wealth and weapons kept in store the Mirat-i-Sikandari gives the following details regarding the great expedition against Junágadh (Persian Text, 94): The Sultán ordered the treasurer to send with the army gold coins worth five krors, 1700 Egyptian Allemand Moorish and Khurásáni swords with gold handles weighing 2 1/2 to 3 pounds (4-5 sers), 1700 daggers and poignards with gold handles weighing 1 to 1 1/2 pounds (2-3 sers), and 2000 Arab and Turki horses with gold-embroidered housings. All this treasure of coin and weapons the Sultán spent in presents to his army (Ditto, 94-95).

[788] Ferishtah, II. 404. The Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text, 148, 149) calls the Persian ambassador Ibráhím Khán.

[789] Farishtah, II. 408.

[790] Mirat-i-Sikandari, 166-167; Farishtah, II. 411.

[791] The verse supposed to possess the highest virtue against poison is the last verse of Chap. cvi. of the Kurâán.... Serve the Lord of this House who supplieth them with food against hunger and maketh them free from fear.

[792] Mirat-i-Sikandari (Pers. Manuscript), 174, 175, 194.

[793] Both the Mirat-i-Sikandari (287) and Farishtah (II. 419) place Munga in Nandurbár-Sultánpur. The further reference to Rána Bhím of Pál seems to apply to the same man as the Rána Bhím of Munga. Munga may then be Mohangad that is Chhota Udepur.

[794] Mirat-i-Sikandari Persian Text, 225-226: Farishtah, II. 425-428. The Gujarát Musalmán historians give a somewhat vague application to the word Pál which means a bank or step downwards to the plain. In the Mirat-i-Áhmedi (Páhlanpur Edition, page 168) Pálvaráh, whose climate is proverbially bad, includes Godhra Ali Mohan and Rájpípla that is the rough eastern fringe of the plain land of Gujarát from the Mahi to the Tapti. As the Rája of Nándod or Rájpípla was the leading chief south of Ídar Colonel Watson took references to the Rája of Pál to apply to the Rája of Rájpípla. An examination of the passages in which the name Pál occurs seems to show that the hill country to the east rather than to the south of Pávágad or Chámpáner is meant. In A.D. 1527 Latíf Khán the rival of Bahádur Sháh after joining the Rája Bhím in his kohistan or highlands of Pál when wounded is taken into Hálol. The same passage contains a reference to the Rája of Nándod as some one distinct from the Rája of Pál. In A.D. 1531 Ráisingh of Pál tried to rescue Mahmúd Khilji on his way from Mándu in Málwa to Chámpáner. In A.D. 1551 Násir Khán fled to Chámpáner and died in the Pál hills. These references seem to agree in allotting Pál to the hills of Bária and of Mohan or Chhota Udepur. This identification is in accord with the local use of Pál. Mr. Pollen, I.C.S., LL.D., Political Agent, Rewa Kántha, writes (8th Jan. 1895): Bhíls Kolis and traders all apply the word Pál to the Bária Pál which besides Bária takes in Sanjeli and the Navánagar-Saliát uplands in Godhra.

[795] Purandhar about twenty miles south by east of Poona, one of the greatest of Dakhan hill forts.

[796] Mirat-i-Sikandari, 238, 239; Farishtah, II. 430. According to the Mirat-i-Sikandari (239) the Sultán enquired on which side was the loftiest height. They told him that in the direction of Songad-Chitauri the hill was extremely high. These details show that the cliff scaled by Bahádur was in the extreme south-west of Mándu where a high nearly isolated point stretches out from the main plateau. For details see Appendix II. Mándu.

[797] Mirat-i-Sikandari, 241-242; Farishtah, II. 432.

[798] Halvad is a former capital of the chief of Dhrángadhra in Káthiáváda.

[799] Gágraun in Central India about seventy miles north-east of Ujjain.

[800] Rantanbhúr about seventy-five miles south by east of Jaipur.

[801] Mirat-i-Sikandari Persian Text, 266, 268; Farishtah, II. 439.

[802] A detailed account of the death of Sultán Bahádur is given in the Appendix.

[803] Mirat-i-Sikandari Persian Text, 233. Compare Farishtah, II. 427.

[804] Mirat-i-Sikandari, Persian Text, 292.

[805] A poet of the time, Mulla Muhammad of Astarábád, enshrined the date H. 947 (A.D. 1540) in the words:

SADD BUWAD BAR SÍNAH-O-JÁNAI FIRANGÍ ÍN BINÁI. May this fabric press like a pillar on the breast and the life of the Frank.

Farishtah, II. 447. The letter values that make 947 are: S = 60, d = 4, b = 2, w = 6, d = 4, b = 2, r = 200, s = 60, y = 10, n = 50, h = 5, w = 6, j = 3, a = 1, n = 50, f = 80, r = 200, n = 50, g = 20, y = 10, a = 1, y = 10, n = 50, b = 2, n = 50, a = 1, y = 10. Total 947.

[806] Mirat-i-Sikandari, Persian Text, 326-27.

[807] This Imád-ul-Mulk is different from the Imád-ul-Mulk mentioned above (page 258) as receiving a grant of Broach and Surat. The latter had before this retired to Surat, and was killed there in A.D. 1545. (Bird, 266.) Imád-ul-Mulk II. who attacked Burhán, was originally called Malik Arslán (Bird, 272). He is also called the leader of the Turks and Rúmi. This Imád-ul-Mulk Rúmi, who was the father of Changíz Khán, was ultimately killed in A.D. 1560 at Surat by his own son-in-law Khudáwand or Ikhtiyár Khán.

[808] Mirat-i-Sikandari, Persian Text, 326-27.

[809] This seems to be the palace referred to in the Tabakát-i-Akbari (Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, V. 369): After his second settlement of Gujarát (A.D. 1573, H. 981) Akbar left Áhmedábád for Mehmudábád and rested in the lofty and fine palace of Sultán Mahmúd of Gujarát.

[810] Mirat-i-Sikandari, Persian Text, 332.

[811] For Pál compare note 2 page 253.

[812] The fort of Daman was taken by the Portuguese in A.D. 1530, and, according to Portuguese accounts (Faria y Souza in Kerr's Voyages, VI. 413) the country round was annexed by them in 1558. According to a statement in Bird's History, 128, the districts surrendered by Changíz Khán contained 700 towns (villages) yielding a yearly revenue of £430,000 (Rs. 43,00,000). Sanján, since known as St. John's Head (north latitude 20° 13'; east longitude 72° 47'), between Daman and Bassein, seems to be one of the two Sindáns, the other being in Kachh, mentioned by the ninth to twelfth century Arab geographers. According to Idrísi (Jaubert's Edition, 172) the mainland Sindán was a great town with a large import and export trade and well peopled with rich warlike and industrious inhabitants. Idrísi's (Elliot, I. 85) notice of an island of the same name to the east is perhaps a confused reference to the Kachh Sindán which is generally supposed to be the Sindán of the Arab geographers. In A.D. 842, Sindán then a city of some size, is mentioned by Al-Biláduri (Reinaud's Fragments, 216-217) as having been taken by a Musalmán slave Fazl son of Máhán. This Fazl is related to have sent an elephant from Sindán to the Khalífah Al Maamún the Abbási (A.D. 813-833) and to have built an Assembly Mosque at Sindán. (Al-Biláduri in Elliot, I. 129.)

[813] According to Abul Fazl (Akbarnáma, III. 404; Elliot, V. 730) Muzaffar was a base-born boy of the name of Nathu.

[814] Tabakát-i-Akbari in Elliot's India, V. 339 note 2.

[815] These Mírzás were the great grandsons of a Muhammad Sultán Mírza, the ruler of Khurásán, who, on being driven out of his dominions, sought refuge in India. This prince and his family on the ground of their common descent from Taimûr, were entertained first by Bábar (A.D. 1526-1531), and afterwards by Humáyún (A.D. 1531-1556). Before this quarrel Akbar had treated the Mírzás with great honour. Elliot's History, VI. 122.

[816] The modern game of polo. Lane in his translation of the Thousand and One Nights (I. 76, 1883 Edition) calls it the golf-stick, but the nature of the game described there does not in any way differ from polo. Chaugán is the Persian and As-súlján-wal-kurah the Arabic name for the game.

[817] The emperor Akbar took Muzaffar Sháh with him to Agra, and settled on him the districts of Sárangpur and Ujjain in Málwa with a revenue of Rs. 20,00,000 (50 lákhs of tankás) (Elliot, V. 353). When Mun'im Khán Khán Khánán was going to Bengal, the emperor made Muzaffar over to him. Mun'im Khán gave his daughter Sháhzádah Khánam in marriage to Muzaffar, but shortly afterwards having reason to suspect him imprisoned him, whence Muzaffar finding an opportunity fled to Gujarát in A.D. 1581 (H. 989) according to Farishtah (II. 460), 1583 according to the Mirat-i-Sikandari.

[818] Both the Tabakát-i-Akbari (Elliot, V. 342) and Farishtah (I. 491) name four other nobles Mír Abu Turáb, Sayad Áhmed Bhukhári, Malik Ashraf, and Wajíh-ul-Mulk. The Sayad Áhmed of these two writers is a misprint for the Sayad Hámid of the text.

[819] Mirat-i-Sikandari, 415; Tabakát-i-Akbari in Elliot, V. 343.

[820] These details of the Surat expedition are taken from the Tabakát-i-Akbari in Elliot, V. 343-346 and Abúl Fazl's Akbar-námah in Elliot, VI. 42.

[821] The emperor Jehángír in his Diary (Tuzuk-i-Jehángíri, Persian Text, Sir Sayad Ahmed's Edition, page 196) says that Biharji or Viharji was the hereditary title of the chiefs of Báglán. The personal name of the Baglán Bihárji of his time was Partáp.

[822] According to the Áin-i-Akbari (Blochmann, I. 325) the province of Gujarát over which the Kokaltásh was placed did not pass further south than the river Mahi.

[823] Tuzuki Jehángíri or Jehángír's Memoirs, Pers. Text, Sayad Áhmed Khán's Edition page 20. For Akbar's march compare Tabakát-i-Akbari in Elliot, V. 365 and Blochman's Áin-i-Akbari, I. 325 and note. The Mirat-i-Áhmedi (Pers. Text, 131) records these further details: When starting from his last camp Akbar began to mount his horse on the day of the battle that took place near Áhmedábád. The royal steed unable to bear the weight of the hero laden with the spirit of victory sat down. Rája Bhagwándás Kachwáhah ran up to the rather embarrassed emperor and offered him his congratulations saying: This, your Majesty, is the surest sign of victory. There are also two further signs: the wind blows from our back and the kites and vultures accompany our host.

[824] Tabakát-i-Akbari in Elliot, V. 405.

[825] Mángrúl (north latitude 21° 8'; east longitude 70° 10'), a seaport on the south coast of Káthiáváda, about twenty miles west of Somnáth. This town, which is supposed to be the Monoglossum emporium of Ptolemy (A.D. 150) (see Bird, 115), is spelt Mánglúr by the Muhammadan historians. Barbosa (A.D. 1511-1514), under the name of Surati-mangaler, calls it a 'very good port where many ships from Malabár touch for horses, wheat, rice, cotton goods, and vegetables.' In A.D. 1531 the city was taken by the Portuguese general Sylveira with a vast booty and a great number of prisoners (Churchill's Travels, III. 529). It is incidentally mentioned in the Áin-i-Akbari (A.D. 1590). In A.D. 1638 Mandelslo describes it as famous for its linen cloth, and in A.D. 1700 it is mentioned by Hamilton (New Account, I. 136) as a place of trade.

[826] This has been rendered by Bird, 353, 'the mountain of Dínár,' as if Koh Dínár.

[827] H. 992 (1584 A.D.) according to the Tabakát-i-Akbari (Elliot, V. 428).

[828] Mirat-i-Sikandari, 422. Compare Blochman's Áin-i-Akbari, I. 386.

[829] Mirat-i-Sikandari, 426: Farishtah, I. 503; Elliot, V. 434. In honour of this victory the Khán Khánán built, on the site of the battle, a palace and garden enclosing all with a high wall. This which he named Jítpur the City of Victory was one of the chief ornaments of Áhmedábád. In November 1613 the English merchant Wittington writes (Kerr's Voyages, IX. 127): A kos from Sarkhej is a pleasant house with a large garden all round on the banks of the river which Chon-Chin-Naw (Khán Khánán) built in honour of a great victory over the last king of Gujarát. No person inhabits the house. Two years later (1615) another English merchant Dodsworth (Kerr, IX. 203) describes the field of Victory as strongly walled all round with brick about 1 1/2 miles in circuit all planted with fruit trees and delightfully watered having a costly house called by a name signifying Victory in which Khán Khánán for some time resided. In 1618, the emperor Jehángír (Memoirs Persian Text, 210-213) on his way to Sarkhej visited the Khán-i-Khánán's Bághi Fateh or Garden of Victory which he had built at a cost of two lákhs of rupees ornamenting the garden with buildings and surrounding it with a wall. The natives he notices call it Fateh-Wádi. In 1626 the English traveller Herbert (Travels, 66) writes: Two miles nearer Áhmedábád than Sirkhej are the curious gardens and palace of Khán Khánán where he defeated the last of the Cambay kings and in memory built a stately house and spacious gardens the view whereof worthily attracts the traveller. Mandelslo writing in 1638 is still louder in praise of Tschietbág the Garden of Victory. It is the largest and most beautiful garden in all India because of its splendid buildings and abundance of fine fruits. Its site is one of the pleasantest in the world on the border of a great tank having on the water side many pavilions and a high wall on the side of Áhmedábád. The lodge and the caravanserai are worthy of the prince who built them. The garden has many fruit trees oranges, citrons, pomegranates, dates, almonds, mulberries, tamarinds, mangoes, and cocoanuts so closely planted that all walking in the garden is under most pleasing shade (Mandelslo's Travels, French Ed. 111-112). When (A.D. 1750) the Mirat-i-Áhmedi was written several of the buildings and the remains of the summer house were still to be seen (Bird's History of Gujarát, 375). A few traces of the buildings known as Fateh Bádi or Victory Garden remains 1879). (Áhmedábád Gazetteer, 292.)

[830] Two lákhs of mahmúdis. The mahmúdi varied in value from about one-third to one-half of a rupee. See Introduction page 222 note 2.

[831] Morvi (north latitude 29° 48'; east longitude 70° 50'), a town in Káthiáváda, about twenty-one miles south of Kachh.

[832] Jagat (north latitude 22° 15'; east longitude 69° 1'), the site of the temple of Dwárka, at the western extremity of the peninsula of Káthiáváda.

[833] Verával (north latitude 20° 55'; east longitude 70° 21'), on the south-west coast of Káthiáváda. On the south-east point of Verával bay stood the city of Dev or Mungi Pátan and within its walls the temple of Somanátha.

[834] Jehángír's Memoirs, Persian Text, 23; Blochman's Áin-i-Akbari, I. 470. Bahádur died about A.D. 1614: Jehángír's Memoirs, 134.

[835] Now belonging to His Highness the Gáikwár about twenty-seven miles north-west of Áhmedábád.

[836] Belpár, belonging to the Thákor of Umeta in the Rewa Kántha.

[837] This Mándwa is probably the Mándwa under His Highness the Gáikwár in his district of Atarsumba, but it may be Mándwa on the Narbada in the Rewa Kántha. Atarsumba is about ten miles west of Kapadvanj in the British district of Kaira.

[838] Jehángír's Memoirs, Persian Text, 75.

[839] Now belonging to the Rája of Dharampur, east of the British district of Surat.

[840] In this year (A.D. 1611) the English East India Company sent vessels to trade with Surat. The Portuguese made an armed resistance, but were defeated. The Mughal commander, who was not sorry to see the Portuguese beaten, gave the English a warm reception, and in A.D. 1612-13 a factory was opened in Surat by the English, and in A.D. 1614 a fleet was kept in the Tápti under Captain Downton to protect the factory. In A.D. 1615, Sir Thomas Roe came as ambassador to the emperor Jehángír, and obtained permission to establish factories, not only at Surat but also at Broach, Cambay and Gogha. The factory at Gogha seems to have been established in A.D. 1613. The emperor Jehángír notes in his memoirs (Persian Text, 105) that Mukarrab Khán, viceroy from A.D. 1616-1618, regardless of cost had bought from the English at Gogha a turkey, a lemur and other curiosities. On his return from Jehángír's camp at Áhmedábád in January 1618 Roe obtained valuable concessions from the viceroy. The governor of Surat was to lend ships to the English, the resident English might carry arms, build a house, practise their religion, and settle their disputes. Kerr's Voyages, IX. 253. The Dutch closely followed the English at Surat and were established there in A.D. 1618.

[841] At first Jehángír, who reached Áhmedábád in the hot weather (March A.D. 1618), contented himself with abusing its sandy streets, calling the city the 'abode of dust' gardábád. After an attack of fever his dislike grew stronger, and he was uncertain whether the 'home of the simoom' samumistán, the 'place of sickness' bímáristán, the 'thorn brake' zakumdár, or 'hell' jahánnamábád, was its most fitting name. Even the last title did not satisfy his dislike. In derision he adds the verse, 'Oh essence of all goodnesses by what name shall I call thee.' Elliot's History of India, VI. 358; Jehángír's Memoirs Persian Text, 231. Of the old buildings of Áhmedábád, the emperor (Memoirs, Persian Text, 208-210) speaks of the Kánkariya tank and its island garden and of the royal palaces in the Bhadar as having nearly gone to ruin within the last fifty years. He notes that his Bakhshi had repaired the Kánkariya tank and that the viceroy Mukarrab Khán had partly restored the Bhadar palaces against his arrival. The emperor was disappointed with the capital. After the accounts he had heard it seemed rather poor with its narrow streets, its shops with ignoble fronts, and its dust, though to greet the emperor as he came on elephant-back scattering gold the city and its population had put on their holiday dress. The emperor speaks (Memoirs, Persian Text page 211) of having met some of the great men of Gujarát. Chief among these was Sayad Muhammad Bukhári the representative of Sháhi Álam and the sons of Sháh Wajíh-ud-dín of Áhmedábád. They came as far as Cambay to meet the emperor. After his arrival in the capital Jehángír with great kindness informally visited the house and garden of Sikandar Gujaráti the author of the Mirat-i-Sikandari, to pick some of the author's famous figs off the trees. Jehángír speaks of the historian as a man of a refined literary style well versed in all matters of Gujarát history, who six or seven years since had entered his (the imperial) service (Memoirs, 207-211). On the occasion of celebrating Sháh Jehán's twenty-seventh birthday at Áhmedábád Jehángír records having granted the territory from Mándu to Cambay as the estate of his son Sháh Jehán (Prince Khurram). Memoirs, Persian Text, 210-211. Before leaving Gujarát the emperor ordered the expulsion of the Sevadas or Jain priests, because of a prophecy unfavourable to him made by Mán Sing Sewda (Memoirs, Persian Text, 217).

[842] This was probably the gold ashrafi or seraph of which Hawkins (1609-1611) says, 'Serraffins Ekberi, which be ten rupees a-piece.' Thomas Chron. Pat. Kings of Dehli, 425.

[843] The peaked masonry tomb over Aurangzíb's after-birth with its mosque, enclosure, and intact endowment is one of the curiosities of Dohad. In a letter to his eldest son Muhammad Muâzzam then (A.D. 1704) viceroy of Gujarát the aged Aurangzíb writes: My son of exalted rank, the town of Dohad, one of the dependencies of Gujarát, is the birth-place of this sinner. Please to consider a regard for the inhabitants of that town incumbent on you, and continue in office its decrepid old Faujdár. In regard to that old man listen not to the whisperings of those suffering from the disease of self-interest: "Verily they have a sickness in their hearts and Allah addeth to their ailments." (Letters of the Emperor Aurangzíb: Persian Text, Cawnpur Edition, Letter 31.)

[844] Elliot, VII. 24.

[845] The words used in the text is tuyúl. In meaning it does not differ from jágir.

[846] This is one of the first mentions in history of peninsular Gujarát as Káthiáváda, or as anything other than Sorath or Sauráshtra. The district referred to was probably united to the eastern possessions of the Kháchar Káthis and Panchál.

[847] The author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi says that in his time, A.D. 1746-1762, these Navánagar koris were current even in Áhmedábád, two koris and two-thirds being equal to one imperial rupee. They were also called jámis. The Mirat-i-Áhmedi (Persian Text, 225) calls them mahmúdis. The legend on the reverse was the name of the Gujarát Sultán Muzaffar and on the obverse in Gujaráti the name of the Jám. Usually two mahmúdis and sometimes three went to the imperial rupee. The author says that in Áhmedábád up to his day (A.D. 1756) the account for ghi clarified butter was made in mahmúdis. When the order for melting the mahmúdis was passed a mint was established at Junágadh but was afterwards closed to suit the merchants from Diu and other parts who transmitted their specie to Áhmedábád.

[848] The traveller Mandelslo, who was in Áhmedábád in 1638, says: No prince in Europe has so fine a court as the governor of Gujarát. Of none are the public appearances so magnificent. He never goes out without a great number of gentlemen and guards on foot and horse. Before him march many elephants with housings of brocade and velvet, standards, drums, trumpets, and cymbals. In his palace he is served like a king and suffers no one to appear before him unless he has asked an audience. (Travels, French Edition, 151.) Of the general system of government be says: The viceroy is absolute. It is true he summons leading lords of the country to deliberate on judgments and important matters. But they are called to ascertain their views not to adopt them. On the one hand the king often changes his governors that they may not grow overpowerful. On the other hand the governors knowing they may be recalled at any time take immense sums from the rich merchants especially from the merchants of Áhmedábád against whom false charges are brought with the view of forcing them to pay. As the governor is both civil and criminal judge if the merchants did not temper his greed they would be ruined beyond remedy. (Ditto, 150.) The frequent changes of viceroys in Gujarát is explained by Terry, 1615-17 (Voyage to East Indies, 364): To prevent them from becoming popular the king usually removes his viceroys after one year sending them to a new government remote from the old one. Terry adds a curious note: When the king sends any one to a place of government they never cut their hair till they return into his presence as if they desired not to appear beautiful except in the king's sight. As soon as he sees them the king bids them cut their hair (Ditto, 365). It does not seem to have been cheating to keep up fewer horse than the number named. Terry (Voyage to East Indies, 391) says: He who hath the pay of five or six thousand must always have one thousand or more in readiness according to the king's need of them, and so in proportion all the rest.

[849] Mirat-i-Áhmedi Persian Text, II. 46-47. Pinjárás are cotton teasers, Mansúris are Pinjárás who worship Mansúr a tenth century (3rd century Hijrah) saint.

[850] Mirat-i-Áhmedi Persian Text, 237.

[851] Jhábua, now under the Bhopáwar Agency.

[852] Mirat-i-Áhmedi Persian Text, 249.

[853] Mirat-i-Áhmedi, Persian Text, 274, 279.

[854] Ráygad (north latitude 18° 14'; east longitude 73° 30'), the name given in A.D. 1662 to Rairi, a hill fortress in the Mahád sub-division of the Kolába collectorate. Shiváji took the place and made it his capital in A.D. 1662.

[855] Janjira (north latitude 17° 59' to 18° 32') that is Jazírah the Island, on the western coast, about forty-four miles south of Bombay.

[856] Another post of Islámábád was at Punádra in the parganah of Ázamábád on the Wátrak about twenty-one miles east-south-east of Áhmedábád. Ázamábád was built by Ázam Khán during his viceroyalty (A.D. 1635-1642) and at his request by permission of the emperor Sháh Jehán was erected into a parganah. For the pay of the garrison twelve villages were attached from the neighbouring parganahs of Bahyal and Kapadvanj.

[857] The Mirat-i-Áhmedi (Persian Text, 311) adds that Bahlol's following of Kasbátis was so poorly equipped that he had to mount many of them, for whom he could not find horses, on bullocks. The sense of security in the mind of the Ídar chief bred by contempt at the sight of this motley crowd was the chief cause of Bahlol's success.

[858] The zakát or purification is the tax required by law to be given annually to the poor. It is levied on camels, oxen, buffaloes, sheep, goats, horses, asses, mules, and gold or silver whether in money or ornaments or vessels. The tax is not levied on any one who owns less than a minimum of five camels, thirty oxen, forty-five sheep, five horses, two hundred dirhems or twenty dinárs. The proportion to income is generally one-fortieth; the amount may be paid either in kind or in money. Compare Stanley Lane Poole's Arabian Society in the Middle Ages, 14.

[859] This Sámprah according to the Mirat-i-Áhmedi, Persian Text, II. 127, was a small police post or thána in Parganah Bahyal, twenty miles north-east of Áhmedábád. It is now in the Gáekwár's territory. Bahyal was under Pátan, so in the text the place is described as under Pátan.

[860] The surkh or little black-dotted red seed of the Abrus precatorius is called ghúngchi in Hindi and cock's-eye, chashmi-i-khurús, in Persian. As a weight the seed is known as a rati 96 going to the tola. It is used in weighing precious stones. Blochmann's Áin-i-Akbari, I. 16 note 1 and Mirat-i-Áhmedi Persian Text, 366.

[861] Sinor in Baroda territory on the right bank of the Narbada about thirty miles south of Baroda.

[862] Mirat-i-Áhmedi, Persian Text, 372.

[863] Mirat-i-Áhmedi, Persian Text, 427-434.

[864] Arhar-Mátar is according to the Mirat-i-Áhmedi (Persian Text, II. 126) the present Kaira sub-division of Mátar. The Mirat-i-Áhmedi places it twenty miles south-west of Áhmedábád. It is four miles south-west of Kaira.

[865] In the beginning of Ajítsingh's administration the Sacrifice Íd of the Musalmáns very nearly ended in a riot. An overzealous police officer belonging to the Kálúpúr section of Áhmedábád, hoping to please the Hindu viceroy, by force deprived some of the Sunni Bohorás of that quarter of a cow which they had purchased for the sacrifice. The Bohorás in a mass appealed to the Kázi who not succeeding in his representation to the viceroy was obliged to allay the popular excitement by publicly sacrificing a cow after the Íd prayers. Mirat-i-Áhmedi Royal Asiatic Society MS., I. 567-568.

[866] This is the first known mention of Gohilváda, the Gohils country, as a separate district.

[867] During the governorship of Haidar Kúli at Surat the Mirat-i-Áhmedi (Royal Asiatic Society MS., I. 567-568) notices the death of Mulla Abdul Ghafúr the founder of the wealthy family of the Mullás of Surat. Haidar Kúli confiscated Abdul Ghafúr's property representing to the emperor that the Mulla died issueless. But the Mulla's son Abdúl Hye proceeding to Dehli not only obtained from the emperor an order of restitution of property but the title of chief of merchants, Umda-tut-Tujjár, and an elephant.

[868] The sum is 6,75,000 mahmúdis. Like the changízi (see above page 222 note 2) the mahmúdi seems to have varied in value from one-third to one-half of a rupee.

[869] See note 1 page 312. The author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi (Persian Text Royal Asiatic Society's Library Edition, I. 658) says Trimbakráv was slain. This seems an oversight as in another passage (Ditto, 738-739, see below page 312) he states that Trimbakráv was killed in 1731. The latter statement is in agreement with Grant Duff (History of the Maráthás, I. 364).

[870] The amount was 1,25,000 mahmúdis.

[871] Kasbátis are the descendants of the Musalmán garrisons of some towns of north Gujarát. The Kasbátis of Víramgám were originally Tánk Rájputs.

[872] See note on page 306.

[873] Pátdi (north latitude 23° 10'; east longitude 71° 44'), at the south-east angle of the Ran of Cutch, fifty-two miles west of Áhmedábád.

[874] The Máhi-marátib was a banner having the likeness of a fish at its top.

[875] Of the death at the age of nine years of this son of Saint Sháh-i-Álam the Mirat-i-Áhmedi (Printed Persian Text, II. 26) gives the following details: Malik Seif-ud-dín, the daughter's son of Sultán Áhmed I., had a son who he believed was born to him by the prayer of Saint Sháh-i-Álam. This boy who was about nine years old died. Malik Seif-ud-dín ran to Sháh-i-Álam, who used then to live at Asáwal, two or three miles east of Áhmedábád, and in a transport of grief and rage said to the Saint: 'Is this the way you deceive people? Surely you obtained me the gift of that boy to live and not to die? This I suppose is how you will keep your promise of mediating for our sinful souls before Alláh also?' The Saint could give no reply and retired to his inner apartments. The stricken father went to the Saint's son Sháh Bhíkan, who, going in to his father, entreated him to restore the Malik's boy to life. The Saint asked his son 'Are you prepared to die for the boy?' Sháh Bhíkan said 'I am ready.' The Saint, going into an inner room, spread his skirts before Alláh crying 'Rájanji,' a pet name by which the Saint used to address Alláh, meaning Dear King or Lord, 'Rájanji, here is a goat for a goat; take thou this one and return the other.' Lamentations in the Saint's harem showed that half of the prayer was granted and the Malik on returning to his house found the other half fulfilled.

[876] See above page 256. The Portuguese details have been obtained through the kindness of Dr. Gerson DaCunha.

[877] The following Persian verses are carved on the Âlamgír gateway:

In the time of Álamgír Aurangzíb (A.D. 1658-1707), the ruler of the World, This gate resembling the skies in altitude was built anew. In the year A.H. 1079 (A.D. 1668) the work of renewal was begun and completed By the endeavour of the exalted Khán Muhammad Beg Khán. From the accession of this Emperor of the World Aurangzíb. This was the eleventh year by way of writing and history.

[878] Mr. Fergusson (Indian Architecture, page 543) says: "The pillars appear to have been taken from a Jain building." But the refinement on the square capital of each pillar of the Hindu Singh-múkh or horned face into a group of leaves of the same outline shows that the pillars were specially carved for use in a Muslim building. The porch on the north side of the tomb enclosure is described (Ditto, page 543) as composed of pillars avowedly re-erected from a Jain building. This note of Mr. Fergusson's must have gone astray, as the north porch of Hoshang's tomb enclosure is in the plain massive pointed arch and square-shafted style of the tomb and of the great mosque. Mr. Fergusson's note apparently belongs to the second and smaller Jámá Masjid, about a hundred yards east of the Sea or Sagár lake, the pillars of whose colonnade and porch are still enlivened by rows of the lucky face of the Hindu old horny.

[879] Hoshang's great mosque has the following much damaged Persian inscription:

The mosque of exalted construction, the temple of heavenly altitude, Whose every thick pillar is a copy of the (pillars of the) Sacred Temple (the Temple of Makkah). On account of the greatness of its dignity, like the pigeons of the Temple of Makkah, Sacred angels of high degree are always engaged in hovering around it, The result of the events born of the merciless revolution of the skies. When the sun of his life came as far as the balcony (i. e. was ready to set). Áazam Humáyún (that is Malik Mughi's) said ... The administration of the country, the construction of buildings, and the driving back of enemies Are things which I leave you (the son of Áazam Humáyún) as parting advice with great earnestness. The personification of the kindness of Providence, the Sultán Alá-ud-dín (Mehmúd I. A.D. 1436-1469), who is The outcome of the refulgence of the Faith, and the satisfier of the wants of the people, In the year A.H. 858. (A.D. 1454), In the words of the above parting advice, finished the construction of this building.

[880] This Jámá Mosque has the following Persian inscription dated H. 835 (A.D. 1431):

With good omens, at a happy time, and in a lucky and well-started year, On the 4th of the month of Alláh (Ramazán) on the great day of Friday, In the year 835 and six months from the Hijrah (A.D. 1431) Counted according to the revolution of the moon in the Arabian manner, This Islamic mosque was founded in this world, The top of whose dome rubs its head against the green canopy of Heaven. The construction of this high mosque was due to Mughís-ud-dín-wad-dunya (Malik Mughís), the father of Mehmúd I. of Málwa (A.D. 1436-1469), the redresser of temporal and spiritual wrongs. Ulugh (brave), Áazam (great), Humáyún (august), the Khán of the seven climes and the nine countries. By the hands of his enterprise this so great mosque was founded, That some call it the House of Peace, others style it the Kaábah. This good building was completed on the last of the month of Shawwál (A.H. 835, A.D. 1431). May the merit of this good act be inserted in the scroll of the Khán's actions! In this centre may the praises of the sermon read (in the name) of Mehmúd Sháh Be everlasting, so long as mountains stand on the earth and stars in the firmament.

[881] The following Persian inscription carved on the entrance arch shows that though it may have been repaired by Báz Bahádur, the building of the palace was fifty years earlier (H. 914, A.D. 1508):

"In the time of the Sultán of Nations, the most just and great, and the most knowing and munificent Khákán Násir Sháh Khilji (A.D. 1500-1512). Written by Yúsuf, the year (H. 914) (A.D. 1508)."

[882] Translations of its two much-admired Persian inscriptions are given below pages 370-371.

[883] On the Tárápúr gateway a Persian inscription of the reign of the emperor Akbar (A.D. 1556-1605) states that the royal road that passed through this gateway was repaired by Táhir Muhammad Hasan Imád-ud-dín.

[884] The Persian references and extracts in this section are contributed by Khán Sáheb Fazl-ul-láh Lutfulláh Farídi of Surat.

[885] Sir John Malcolm in Eastwick's Handbook of the Panjáb, 119. This reference has not been traced. Farishtah (Elliot, VI. 563) says Mándu was built by Anand Dev of the Bais tribe, who was a contemporary of Khusrao Parwíz the Sassanian (A.D. 591-621).

[886] The date is uncertain. Compare Elphinstone's History, 323; Briggs' Farishtah, I. 210-211; Tabakát-i-Násiri in Elliot, II. 328. The conquest of Mándu in A.D. 1227 is not Mándu in Málwa as Elphinstone and Briggs supposed, but Mandúr in the Siwálik Hills. See Elliot, Vol. II. page 325 Note 1. The Persian text of Farishtah (I. 115), though by mistake calling it Mándu (not Mándu), notes that it was the Mandu in the Siwálik hills. The poetical date-script also terms it Biládi-Siwálik or the Siwálik countries. The date of the conquest of the Siwálik Mándu by Altamsh is given by Farishtah (Ditto) as A.H. 624 (A.D. 1226). The conquest of Málwa by Altamsh, the taking by him of Bhilsah and Ujjain, and the destruction of the temple of Maha Káli and of the statue or image of Bikramájit are given as occurring in A.H. 631 (A.D. 1233). The Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text, 13) notices an expedition made in A.D. 1395 by Zafar Khán (Muzaffar I. of Gujarát) against a Hindu chief of Mándu, who, it was reported, was oppressing the Musalmáns. A siege of more than twelve months failed to capture the fort.

[887] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 170.

[888] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 168. According to the Wákiat-i-Mushtáki (Elliot, IV. 553) Diláwar Khán, or as the writer calls him Amín Sháh, through the good offices of a merchant whom he had refrained from plundering obtained the grant of Mándu, which was entirely desolate. The king sent a robe and a horse, and Amín gave up walking and took to riding. He made his friends ride, enlisted horsemen, and promoted the cultivation of the country (Elliot, IV. 552). Farishtah (Pers. Text, II. 460-61) states that when Sultán Muhammad, the son of Fírúz Tughlak, made Khwájah Sarwar his chief minister with the title of Khwájah Jehán, and gave Zafar Khán the viceroyalty of Gujarát and Khizr Khán that of Multán, he sent Diláwar Khán to be governor of Málwa. In another passage Farishtah (II. 461) states that one of Diláwar's grandfathers, Sultán Shaháb-ud-dín, came from Ghor and took service in the court of the Dehli Sultáns. His son rose to be an Amír, and his grandson Diláwar Khán, in the time of Sultán Fírúz, became a leading nobleman, and in the reign of Muhammad, son of Fírúz, obtained Málwa in fief. When the power of the Tughlaks went to ruin Diláwar assumed the royal emblems of the umbrella and the red-tent.

[889] Diláwar Khán Ghori, whose original name was Husein, was one of the grandsons of Sultán Shaháb-ud-dín Muhammad bin Sám. He was one of the nobles of Muhammad, the son of Fírúz Tughlak, who after the death of that monarch, settled in and asserted his power over Málwa. (Pers. Text Faristah, II. 460). The emperor Jehángír (who calls him Âmíd Sháh Ghori) attributes to him the construction of the fort of Dhár. He says (Memoirs Pers. Text, 201-202): Dhár is one of the oldest cities of India. Rája Bhoj, one of the famous ancient Hindu kings, lived in this city. From his time up to this a thousand years have passed. Dhár was also the capital of the Muhammadan rulers of Málwa. When Sultán Muhammad Tughlak (A.D. 1325) was on his way to the conquest of the Dakhan he built a cut-stone fort on a raised site. Its outline is very elegant and beautiful, but the space inside is empty of buildings. Âmíd Sháh Ghori, known as Diláwar Khán, who in the days of Sultán Muhammad the son of Sultán Fírúz, king of Dehli, gained the independent rule of Málwa, built outside this fort an assembly mosque, which has in front of it fixed in the ground a four-cornered iron column about four feet round. When Sultán Bahádur of Gujarát took Málwa (A.D. 1530-31) he wished to carry this column to Gujarát. In digging it up the pillar fell and broke in two, one piece measuring twenty-two feet the other thirteen feet. As it was lying here uncared-for, I (Jehángír) ordered the big piece to be carried to Ágra to be put up in the courtyard of the shrine of him whose abode is the heavenly throne (Akbar), to be utilised as a lamp post. The mosque has two gates. In front of the arch of one gate they have fixed a stone tablet engraved with a prose passage to the effect that Âhmíd Sháh Ghori in the year H. 808 (A.D. 1405) laid the foundation of this mosque. On the other arch they have written a poetic inscription of which the following verses are a part:

The liege lord of the world. The star of the sphere of glory. The stay of the people. The sun of the zenith of perfection. The bulwark of the law of the Prophet, Ámíd Sháh Dáúd. The possessor of amiable qualities, the pride of Ghor. Diláwar Khán, the helper and defender of the Prophet's faith. The chosen instrument of the exalted Lord, who in the city of Dhár constructed the assembly mosque In a happy and auspicious moment on a day of lucky omen. Of the date 808 years have passed (A.D. 1405) When this fabric of Hope was completed.

[890] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 169.

[891] When fellow-nobles in the court of the Tughlak Sultán, Zafar Khán (Sultán Muzaffar of Gujarát) and Diláwar Khán bound themselves under an oath to be brothers in arms. Farishtah, Pers. Text II. 462.

[892] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 173; Elphinstone's History, 678.

[893] Though their temples were turned into mosques the Jains continued to prosper under the Ghoris. At Deogarh in Lalitpura in Jhánsi in the North-West Provinces an inscription of Samvat 1481, that is of A.D. 1424, records the dedication of two Jaina images by a Jain priest named Holi during the reign of Sháh Alambhaka of Mandapapura, that is of Sháh Alp Khán of Mándu that is Sultán Hoshang Ghori. Archæological Survey of India, New Series, II. 120.

[894] Farishtah, Pers. Text II. 464-65.

[895] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 176, 178, 180, 181, 183.

[896] Farishtah, Pers. Text II. 466-67.

[897] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 180. In connection with the Tárápúr Gate Farishtah says (Pers. Text, II. 468): The fort of Mándu is built on the top of a mountain, and the line of its fortification is about twenty-eight miles in length. In place of a moat it is surrounded by a deep chasm, so that it is impossible to use missiles against it. Within the fort water and provisions are abundant and it includes land enough to grow grain for the garrison. The extent of its walls makes it impossible for an army to invest it. Most of the villages near it are too small to furnish supplies to a besieging force. The south or Tárápúr gate is exceedingly difficult of access. A horseman can hardly approach it. From whichever side the fort may be attempted, most difficult heights have to be scaled. The long distances and intervening hills prevent the watchers of the besieging force communicating with each other. The gate on the side of Delhi is of easier access than the other gates.

[898] It follows that Farishtah (Briggs, IV. 196) is mistaken in stating that Hoshang's son Muhammad gave Mándu the name of Shádiábád, the Abode of Joy.

[899] Farishtah, Pers. Text II. 472-475. It seems to follow that from the first the monument to Hoshang in Hoshangábád was an empty tomb. Compare Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 180-190.

[900] The following more detailed, but also more confused, story is told in the Wákiat-i-Mushtáki (Elliot, IV. 552-54): A man named Mehmúd, son of Mughís Khilji, came to Hoshang and entered his service. He was a treacherous man, who secretly aspired to the throne. He became minister, and gave his daughter in marriage to the king. [Farishtah, Pers. Text, II. 474, says: "Malik Mughís gave his daughter (Mehmúd's sister) in marriage, not to Hoshang, but to Hoshang's son Muhammad Shah."] His father Malik Mughís, coming to know of his son's ambitious designs, informed the king of them. Hereupon Mehmúd feigned illness, and to deceive the king's physicians shut himself in a dark room and drank the blood of a newly killed goat. When the physicians came Mehmúd rose hastily, threw up the blood into a basin, and tossing back his head rolled on the floor as if in pain. The physicians called for a light. When they saw that what Mehmúd had spat up was blood they were satisfied of his sickness, and told the king that Mehmúd had not long to live. The king refrained from killing a dying man. This strange story seems to be an embellishment of a passage in Farishtah (Pers. Text, II. 477). When Khán Jehán, that is Malik Mughís the father of Mehmúd, was ordered by Sultán Muhammad to take the field against the Rájput rebels of Nádoti (Hároti?) many of the old nobles of Málwa went with him. In their absence the party hostile to the Khiljis represented to Sultán Muhammad that Mehmúd Khilji was plotting his death. On hearing that the Sultán was enraged against him Mehmúd secluded himself from the Court on pretence of illness. At the same time he worked secretly and bribed Sultán Muhammad's cup-bearer to poison his master. On the death of Sultán Muhammad the party of nobles opposed to Mehmúd, concealing the fact of Muhammad's death, sent word that Muhammad had ordered him immediately to the palace, as he wanted to send him on an embassy to Gujarát. Mehmúd, who knew that the Sultán was dead, returned word to the nobles that he had vowed a life-long seclusion as the sweeper of the shrine of his patron Sultán Hoshang, but that if the nobles came to him and convinced him that the good of his country depended on his going to Gujarát he was ready to go and see Sultán Muhammad. The nobles were caught in their own trap. They went to Mehmúd and were secured and imprisoned by him.

[901] Farishtah, Pers. Text, II. 480.

[902] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 196. These titles mean: The Chief of Nobles, the Great, the August.

[903] It is related that one of the pious men in the camp of Sultán Ahmed of Gujarát had a warning dream, in which the Prophet (on whom be peace) appeared to him and said: "The calamity of (spirit of) pestilence is coming down from the skies. Tell Sultán Ahmed to leave this country." This warning was told to Sultán Ahmed, but he disregarded it, and within three days pestilence raged in his camp. Farishtah Pers. Text, II. 484.

[904] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 205, gives 230 minarets and 360 arches. This must have been an addition in the Text used by Briggs. These details do not apply to the building. The Persian text of Farishtah, II. 485, mentions 208 columns or pillars (duyast o hasht ustuwánah). No reference is made either to minarets or to arches.

[905] Farishtah, Pers. Text II. 487.

[906] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 207. Malcolm's Central India, I. 32. In A.D. 1817 Sir John Malcolm (Central India, I. 32 Note) fitted up one of Mehmúd's palaces as a hot-weather residence.

[907] Of the siege of Kumbhalmer a curious incident is recorded by Farishtah (Pers. Text, II. 485). He says that a temple outside the town destroyed by Mehmúd had a marble idol in the form of a goat. The Sultán ordered the idol to be ground into lime and sold to the Rájputs as betel-leaf lime, so that the Hindus might eat their god. The idol was perhaps a ram, not a goat. The temple would then have been a Sun-temple and the ram, the carrier or váhana of the Sun, would have occupied in the porch a position similar to that held by the bull in a Mahádeva temple.

[908] Ruins of Mándu, 13.

[909] In the end of A.H. 846 (A.D. 1442) Mehmúd built a seven-storeyed tower and a college opposite the Jámá Mosque of Hoshang Sháh. Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 210; Persian Text, II. 488.

[910] Compare Briggs' Farishtah, IV 323.

[911] Gladwin's Áin-i-Akbari, II. 41.

[912] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 210; Farishtah, Persian Text II. 488.

[913] Memoirs of the emperor Jehángír (Pers. Text) Sir Sayad Áhmed's Edition, page 188, eleventh year of Jehángír, A.D. 1617.

[914] Herbert's Khán Jehan is doubtless Mehmúd's father the minister Malik Mughís, Khán Jehán Aâzam Humáyún. It cannot be Khán Jehán Pir Muhammad, Akbar's general, who after only a few months' residence was slain in Mándu in A.D. 1561; nor can it be Jehángír's great Afghán general, Khán Jehán Lodi (A.D. 1600-1630), as he was not in Mándu until A.D. 1628, that is more than a year after Herbert left India. Compare Herbert's Travels, 107-118; Elliot, VI. 249-323, VII. 7, 8, and 21; and Blochman's Áin-i-Akbari, 503-506.

[915] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 214.

[916] Ruins of Mándu, 13. Farishtah has three mentions of colleges. One (Pers. Text, II. 475) as the place where the body of Hoshang was carried, probably that prayers might be said over it. In another passage in the reign of Mehmúd I. (Pers. Text, II. 480) he states that Mehmúd built colleges in his territories which became the envy of Shíráz and Samarkand. In a third passage he mentions a college (page 488) near the Victory Tower.

[917] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 217. A different but almost incredible account of the capture of the royal belt is given in the Mirat-i-Sikandari, Pers. Text, 159: When Sultán Kutb-ud-dín, son of Sultán Muhammad, defeated Sultán Mehmúd Khilji at the battle of Kapadvanj, there was such a slaughter as could not be exceeded. By chance, in the heat of the fray, which resembled the Day of Judgment, the wardrobe-keeper of Sultán Kutb-ud-dín, in whose charge was the jewelled belt, was by the restiveness of his horse carried into the ranks of the enemy. The animal there became so violent that the wardrobe-keeper fell off and was captured by the enemy, and the jewelled belt was taken from him and given to Sultán Mehmúd of Málwa. The author adds: This jewelled waistband was in the Málwa treasury at the time the fortress of Mándu was taken by the strength of the arm of Sultán Muzaffar (A.D. 1531). Sultán Mehmúd sent this belt together with a fitting sword and horse to Sultán Muzaffar by the hands of his son.

[918] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 209.

[919] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 234-235: Pers. Text, II. 503.

[920] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 236.

[921] Ruins of Mándu, 6.

[922] Farishtah Pers. Text, II. 504-505.

[923] Farishtah Pers. Text, II. 505.

[924] Farishtah Pers. Text, II. 507.

[925] Wákiat-i-Mushtáki in Elliot, IV. 554-556. Probably these are stock tales. The Gujarát historians give Muzaffar and Muhammad the Gold-giver (A.D. 1441-1451) credit for the horse scrupulosity. See Mirat-i-Sikandari Pers. Text, 178.

[926] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 236-239; Wákiat-i-Jehángíri in Elliot, VI. 349-350; Wákiat-i-Mushtáki in Elliot, IV. 554-55; Malcolm's Central India, I. 35-36. The Mirat-i-Sikandari (Pers. Text, 160) has the following notice of Ghiás-ud-dín: The Sultáns of Mándu had reached such a pitch of luxury and ease that it is impossible to imagine aught exceeding it. Among them Sultán Ghiás-ud-dín was so famous for his luxurious habits, that at present (A.D. 1611) if any one exceeds in luxury and pleasure, they say he is a second Ghiás-ud-dín. The orders of the Sultán were that no event of a painful nature or one in which there was any touch of sadness should be related to him. They say that during his entire reign news of a sad nature was only twice conveyed to him: once when his son-in-law died and once when his daughter was brought before him clothed in white. On this occasion the Sultán is related to have simply said: "Perhaps her husband is dead." This he said because the custom of the people of India is that when the husband of a woman dies she gives up wearing coloured clothes. The second occasion was when the army of Sultán Bahlol Lodi plundered several of the districts of Chanderi. Though it was necessary to report this to the Sultán, his ministers were unable to communicate it to him. They therefore asked a band of actors (bhánds) to assume the dress of Afgháns, and mentioning the districts to represent them as being pillaged and laid waste. Sultán Ghiás-ud-dín exclaimed in surprise: "But is the governor of Chanderi dead that he does not avenge upon the Afgháns the ruin of his country!"

[927] Compare Catalogue of Indian Coins, The Mahomedan States, pages LIV. LV. and 118-121.

[928] Farishtah Pers. Text, II. 507.

[929] Farishtah (Pers. Text, II. 508) detailing how Násir-ud-dín came to power, says: There was a difference between Násir-ud-dín and his brother Alá-ud-dín. The mother of these princes, Khurshíd Ráni, who was the daughter of the Hindu chief of Báglána, had taken Alá-ud-dín the younger brother's side. After killing his father Násir-ud-dín ordered his mother to be dragged out of the harím and Alá-ud-dín and his children to be slaughtered like lambs.

[930] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 238-239. Farishtah holds that Násir-ud-dín's murder of his father is not proved. He adds (Pers. Text, II. 515) that Násir-ud-dín was at Dhár where he had gone to quell the rebellion of the nobles when the news of Ghiás-ud-dín's death reached him. He argues that as a parricide cannot flourish more than a year after his father's murder, and as Násir-ud-dín ruled for years after that event, he could not have killed his father.

[931] Farishtah Pers. Text, II. 516.

[932] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 243. The emperor Jehángír (Memoirs Pers. Text, 181) says that Násir-ud-dín had a disease which made him feel so hot that he used to sit for hours in water.

[933] Wákiat-i-Jehángíri in Elliot, VI. 350. Farishtah (Pers. Text, II. 517-18) says that Násir-ud-dín died of a burning-fever he had contracted by hard drinking and other evil habits, that he showed keen penitence before his death, and bequeathed his kingdom to his third son Mehmúd. The emperor Jehángír (Memoirs Pers. Text, 181) confirms the account of the Wákiat as to the manner of Násir-ud-dín's death.

[934] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 243.

[935] The emperor Jehángír thus describes (Memoirs Pers. Text, 181) his visit to Násir-ud-dín's grave. It is related that when during his reign Sher Khán Afghán Súr (A.D. 1540-1555) visited Násir-ud-dín's grave he ordered his attendants to flagellate the parricide's tomb: When I visited the sepulchre I kicked his grave and ordered those with me to do the same. Not satisfied with this I ordered his bones to be dug out and burned and the ashes to be thrown into the Narbada.

[936] Wákiat-i-Jehángíri in Elliot, VI. 350. The emperor Jehángír (Memoirs Pers. Text, 202) refers to the well-known bridge and water-palace about three miles north of Ujjain as the work of Násir-ud-dín. He says: On Sunday I reached Saádulpur near Ujjain. In this village is a river house with a bridge on which are alcoves both built by Násir-ud-dín Khilji (A.D. 1500-1512). Though the bridge is not specially praiseworthy the water-courses and cisterns connected with it have a certain merit.

[937] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 246.

[938] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 247-249. Malcolm's (Central India, I. 38) writes the Rájput's name Maderay. The Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text, 149-155), gives the form Medáni Rai, the Lord of the Battlefield, a title which the author says (page 149) Mehmúd conferred on the Rájput in acknowledgment of his prowess.

[939] The Mirat-i-Sikandari (Pers. Text, 154) gives the following details of Mehmúd's flight: Sultán Mehmúd, on pretence of hunting left Mándu and remained hunting for several days. The Hindus, whom Medáni Rái had placed on guard over him, slept after the fatigue of the chase. Only some of the more trusted guards remained. Among them was a Rájput named Krishna, a Málwa zamíndár who was attached to the Sultán. Mehmúd said to Krishna: "Can you find me two horses and show me the way to Gujarát that I may get aid from Sultán Muzaffar to punish these rascals? If you can, do so at once, and, Alláh willing, you shall be handsomely rewarded." Krishna brought two horses from the Sultán's stables. Mehmúd rode on one and seated his dearest of wives, Ráni Kannya Kuar, on the other. Krishna marched in front. In half the night and one day they reached the Gujarát frontier.

[940] Tárikh-i-Sher Sháhi in Elliot, IV. 386. The Mirat-i-Sikandari (Pers. Text, 160) gives the following details of the banquet: Sultán Mehmúd showed great hospitality and humility. After the banquet as he led the Sultán over the palaces, they came to a mansion in the centre of which was a four-cornered building like the Kaâbah, carved and gilded, and round it were many apartments. When Sultán Muzaffar placed his foot within the threshold of that building the thousand beauties of Sultán Mehmúd's harím, magnificently apparelled and jewelled, all at once opened the doors of their chambers and burst into view like húris and fairies. When Muzaffar's eyes fell on their charms he bowed his head and said: "To see other than one's own harím is sinful." Sultán Mehmúd replied: "These are mine, and therefore yours, seeing that I am the slave purchased by your Majesty's kindness." Muzaffar said: "They are more suitable for you. May you have joy in them. Let them retire." At a signal from Sultán Mehmúd the ladies vanished.

[941] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 250-262.

[942] Farishtah Pers. Text. II. 527. According to the Mirat-i-Sikandari (Pers. Text, 161) Mehmúd marched against Gágraun first, and slew Hemkaran, a partisan of Medáni Rái, in a hand-to-hand fight. On this the Rána and Medáni Rái joined their forces against Mehmúd.

[943] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 262-263.

[944] Persian Edition, 239.

[945] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 267-68. Sultán Bahádur apparently surprised the party in charge of the Tárápúr or Southern Gate.

[946] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 269; Mirat-i-Áhmedi, Persian Text, I. 76.

[947] Briggs' Farishtah, II. 77.

[948] Abul Fazl's Akbar Námah in Elliot, VI. 14; Briggs' Farishtah, II. 77.

[949] Abul Fazl's Akbar Námah in Elliot, V. 192.

[950] Abul Fazl's Akbar Námah in Elliot, VI. 15; Briggs' Farishtah, II. 80-81.

[951] Abul Fazl's Akbar Námah in Elliot, VI. 18. According to Farishtah (Pers. Text, II. 532) Mallu, the son of Mallu, was a native of Málwa and a Khilji slave noble. Mallu received his title of Kádir Sháh from Sultán Mehmúd III. of Gujarát (A.D. 1536-1544) at the recommendation of his minister Imád-ul-Mulk who was a great friend of Mallu. Mirat-i-Sikandari, Persian Text, 298.

[952] Farishtah Pers. Text, II. 532.

[953] Tárikh-i-Sher Sháh in Elliot, IV. 391; Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 271-72.

[954] Farishtah (Pers. Text, 533-34) refers to the following circumstance as the cause of Kádir Sháh's suspicion. On his way to Sher Sháh's darbár at Ujjain Kádir saw some Mughal prisoners in chains making a road. One of the prisoners seeing him began to sing:

Mará mí bín darín ahwál o fikrí khíshtan mí kun!

In this plight thou seest me to-day, Thine own turn is not far away.

When Kádir Sháh escaped, Sher Sháh on hearing of his flight exclaimed:

Bá má chi kard dídí Mallû Ghulám-i-gídí.

Thus he treats us with scorn, Mallu the slave base born.

To this one of Sher Sháh's men replied:

Kaul-i-Rasúl bar hakk Lá khaira fil abídi.

The words of the Prophet are true, No good can a slave ever do.

[955] Tárikh-i-Sher Sháhi in Elliot, IV. 397.

[956] Tárikh-i-Alfi in Elliott, V. 168; Elphinstone's India, 402-403.

[957] Tárikh-i-Alfi in Elliot, V. 168.

[958] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 276.

[959] When Báz Bahádur attacked the Gonds their chief was dead, and his widow, Ráni Durgávati, was ruling in his place. The Ráni led the Gonds against the invaders, and hemming them in one of the passes, inflicted on them such a defeat that Báz Bahádur fled from the field leaving his baggage and camp in her hands. Farishtah Pers. Text, II. 538.

[960] According to Farishtah (Pers. Text, II. 538) Báz Bahádur was already an adept in music.

[961] Malcolm's Central India, I. 39; Ruins of Mándu, 30.

[962] Briggs' Farishtah, II. 210.

[963] Blochman's Áin-i-Akbari, 321.

[964] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 211.

[965] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 216.

[966] Tabakát-i-Akbari in Elliot, V. 291.

[967] Tabakát-i-Akbari in Elliot, V. 330-31.

[968] Blochman's Áin-i-Akbari, 375.

[969] The emperor Jehángír thus describes (Memoirs Pers. Text, 372) a visit to this building: On the third day of Amardád (July 1617) with the palace ladies I set out to see Nílkanth, which is one of the pleasantest places in Mándu fort. Sháh Budágh Khán, who was one of the trusted nobles of my august father, built this very pleasing and joy-giving lodge during the time he held this province in fief (A.D. 1572-1577). I remained at Nílkanth till about an hour after nightfall and then returned to my state quarters.

[970] An officer who distinguished himself under Humáyún, one of Akbar's commanders of Three Thousand, long governor of Mándu, where he died. Blochman's Áin-i-Akbari, 372.

[971] When opposed to Ârab the word Âjam signifies all countries except Arabia, and in a narrow sense, Persia. The meaning of the word Âjam is dumbness, the Arabs so glorying in the richness of their own tongue as to hold all other countries and nations dumb.

[972] The stones on which this inscription is carved have been wrongly arranged by some restorer. Those with the latter portion of the inscription come first and those with the beginning come last. Múnshi Abdur Rahím of Dhár.

[973] The maternal uncle of Naushírwán (A.D. 586-635) the Sassanian, Shirwán Sháh was ruler of a district on Mount Caucasus. Al Masúdi, Arabic Text Prairies d'Or, II. 4, and Rauzat-us-Safa, Persian Text, I. 259.

[974] Blochman's Áin-i-Akbari, 353.

[975] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 279.

[976] Blochman's Áin-i-Akbari, 429.

[977] Gladwin's Áin-i-Akbari, II. 41.

[978] Blochman's Áin-i-Akbari, 31.

[979] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 169, 181, 190.

[980] Nineteen kos, taking the kos to be two miles.

[981] The emperor Jehángír's Memoirs, Pers. Text, Sir Sayad Áhmed's Edition, 178-203.

[982] Literally single-men. The Ahadís were a corps of men who stood immediately under the emperor's orders. Blochman's Áin-i-Akbari, 20 note 1.

[983] This scattering of gold silver or copper coin, called in Arabic and Persian nisár, is a common form of offering. The influence of the evil eye or other baneful influence is believed to be transferred from the person over whom the coin is scattered to the coin and through the coin to him who takes it.

[984] This feat of Núr Jehán's drew from one of the Court poets the couplet:

Núr Jehán gar chih ba súrat zanast Dar safi Mardán zani sher afkanast.

Núr Jehán the tiger-slayer's woman Ranks with men as the tiger-slaying woman.

Sherafkan, that is tiger-slayer, was the title of Núr Jehán's first husband Ali-Kuli Istajlu.

[985] Tuzuk-i-Jehángíri Pers. Text, 187.

[986] Tuzuk-i-Jehángíri Pers. Text, 189.

[987] The miskál which was used in weighing gold was equal in weight to ninety-six barleycorns. Blochman's Áin-i-Akbari, 36.

[988] Tuzuk-i-Jehángíri Pers. Text, 195.

[989] Tuzuk-i-Jehángíri Pers. Text, 195.

[990] Tuzuk-i-Jehángíri Pers. Text, 192-194.

[991] Tuzuk-i-Jehángíri Pers. Text, 190.

[992] Tuzuk-i-Jehángíri Pers. Text, 192.

[993] Tuzuk-i-Jehángíri Pers. Text, 194-5.

[994] A Voyage to East India, 181. Terry gives April 1616, but Roe seems correct in saying March 1617. Compare Wákiat-i-Jehángíri in Elliot, VI. 351.

[995] Akbarpur lies between Dharampuri and Waisar. Malcolm's Central India, I. 84 note.

[996] Carriages may have the old meaning of things carried, that is baggage. The time taken favours the view that wagons or carts were forced up the hill. For the early seventeenth century use of carriages in its modern sense compare Terry (Voyage, 161). Of our wagons drawn with oxen ... and other carriages we made a ring every night; also Dodsworth (1614), who describes a band of Rájputs near Baroda cutting off two of his carriages (Kerr's Voyages, IX. 203); and Roe (1616), who journeyed from Ajmír to Mándu with twenty camels four carts and two coaches (Kerr, IX. 308). Terry's carriages seem to be Roe's coaches, to which Dela Valle (A.D. 1623) Hakluyt's Edition, (I. 21) refers as much like the Indian chariots described by Strabo (B.C. 50) covered with crimson silk fringed with yellow about the roof and the curtains. Compare Idrísi (A.D. 1100-1150), but probably from Al Istakhiri, A.D. 960: Elliot, I. 87). In all Nahrwala or north Gujarát the only mode of carrying either passengers or goods is in chariots drawn by oxen with harness and traces under the control of a driver. When in 1616 Jehángír left Ajmír for Mándu the English carriage presented to him by the English ambassador Sir Thomas Roe was allotted to the Sultánah Núr Jehán Begam. It was driven by an English coachman. Jehángír followed in the coach his own men had made in imitation of the English coach. Corryat (1615, Crudities III., Letters from India, unpaged) calls the English chariot a gallant coach of 150 pounds price.

[997] Kerr's Voyages, IX. 335; Wákiat-i-Jehángíri in Elliot, VI. 377.

[998] Roe writing from Ajmír in the previous year (29th August 1616) describes Mándu as a castle on a hill, where there is no town and no buildings. Kerr, IX. 267.

[999] Roe in Kerr's Travels, IX. 313.

[1000] Roe in Kerr's Travels, IX. 314.

[1001] Compare Wákiat-i-Jehángíri in Elliot, VI. 377.

[1002] Roe in Kerr's Travels, IX. 314.

[1003] Roe in Kerr's Travels, IX. 321.

[1004] Roe in Kerr's Travels, IX. 335.

[1005] Corryat's Crudities, III. Extracts (unpaged). This Master Herbert was Thomas, brother of Sir Edward Herbert, the first Lord Herbert. It seems probable that this Thomas supplied his cousin Sir Thomas Herbert who was travelling in India and Persia in A.D. 1627 with his account of Mándu. See below pages 381-382.

[1006] Corryat's Crudities, III. Extracts (unpaged).

[1007] Terry's Voyage, 183; Roe in Kerr, IX. 335.

[1008] Roe in Kerr, IX. 335.

[1009] Wákiat-i-Jehángíri in Elliot, VI. 349.

[1010] Wákiat-i-Jehángiri in Elliot, VI. 350.

[1011] Terry's Voyage, 228.

[1012] Terry's Voyage, 69.

[1013] Terry's Voyage, 183.

[1014] Terry's Voyage, 186, 198.

[1015] Terry's Voyage, 198, 205.

[1016] Roe in Kerr's Voyages, IX. 337; Pinkerton's Voyages, VIII. 35.

[1017] Terry's Voyage, 403.

[1018] Corryat's Crudities, III. Letter 2. Extracts unpaged.

[1019] Roe in Kerr's Voyages, IX. 343.

[1020] Roe in Kerr's Travels, IX. 340-343.

[1021] Roe in Kerr's Travels, IX. 344.

[1022] Terry's Voyage, 377. Terry's details seem not to agree with Roe's who states (Kerr's Voyages, IX. 344 and Pinkerton's Voyages, VIII. 37): I was invited to the drinking, but desired to be excused because there was no avoiding drinking, and their liquors are so hot that they burn out a man's very bowels. Perhaps the invitation Roe declined was to a private drinking party after the public weighing was over.

[1023] Roe in Kerr's Voyage, IX. 347; Elphinstone's History, 494. Kerr (IX. 347) gives September 2 but October 2 is right. Compare Pinkerton's Voyages, VIII. 39.

[1024] Ruins of Mándu, 57. As the emperor must have passed out by the Dehli Gate, and as Roe's lodge was two miles from Báz Bahádur's palace, the lodge cannot have been far from the Dehli Gate. It is disappointing that, of his many genial gossipy entries Jehángír does not devote one to Roe. The only reference to Roe's visit is the indirect entry (Wa'kiat-i-Jehángíri in Elliot, VI. 347) that Jehángír gave one of his nobles a coach, apparently a copy of the English coach, with which, to Jehángír's delight, Roe had presented him.

[1025] Roe in Kerr's Voyages, IX. 353.

[1026] Terry's Voyage, 180.

[1027] Terry's Voyage, 181.

[1028] Wákiat-i-Jehángíri in Elliot, VI. 383.

[1029] Wákiat-i-Jehángíri in Elliot, VI. 387.

[1030] Elphinstone's History, 496-97. Compare Dela Valle (Hakluyt Edition, I. 177) writing in A.D. 1622, Sultán Khurram after his defeat by Jehángír retired to Mándu.

[1031] Dela Valle's Travels, Hakluyt Edition, I. 97.

[1032] Elphinstone's History, 507.

[1033] Herbert's Travels, 84. Corryat's Master Herbert was as already noticed named like the traveller Thomas. The two Thomases were distant relations, both being fourth in descent from Sir Richard Herbert of Colebroke, who lived about the middle of the fifteenth century. A further connection between the two families is the copy of complimentary verses "To my cousin Sir Thomas Herbert," signed Ch. Herbert, in the 1634 and 1665 editions of Herbert's Travels, which are naturally, though somewhat doubtfully, ascribed to Charles Herbert, a brother of our Master Thomas. It is therefore probable that after his return to England Sir Thomas Herbert obtained the Mándu details from Master Thomas who was himself a writer, the author of several poems and pamphlets. Corryat's tale how, during the water-famine at Mándu, Master Herbert annexed a spring or cistern, and then bound a servant of the Great King who attempted to share in its use, shows admirable courage and resolution on the part of Master Thomas, then a youth of twenty years. The details of Thomas in his brother Lord Herbert's autobiography give additional interest to the hero of Corryat's tale of a Tank. Master Thomas was born in. A.D. 1597. In 1610, when a page to Sir Edward Cecil and a boy of thirteen, in the German War especially in the siege of Juliers fifteen miles north-east of Aix-la-Chapelle, Master Thomas showed such forwardness as no man in that great army surpassed. On his voyage to India in 1617, in a fight with a great Portuguese carrack, Captain Joseph, in command of Herbert's ship Globe, was killed. Thomas took Joseph's place, forced the carrack aground, and so riddled her with shot that she never floated again. To his brother's visit to India Lord Herbert refers as a year spent with the merchants who went from Surat to the Great Mughal. After his return to England Master Thomas distinguished himself at Algiers, capturing a vessel worth £1800. In 1622, when Master Thomas was in command of one of the ships sent to fetch Prince Charles (afterwards King Charles I.) from Spain, during the return voyage certain Low Countrymen and Dunkirkers, that is Dutch and Spanish vessels, offended the Prince's dignity by fighting in his presence without his leave. The Prince ordered the fighting ships to be separated; whereupon Master Thomas, with some other ships got betwixt the fighters on either side, and shot so long that both Low Countrymen and Dunkirkers were glad to desist. Afterwards at divers times Thomas fought with great courage and success with divers men in single fight, sometimes hurting and disarming his adversary, sometimes driving him away. The end of Master Thomas was sad. Finding his proofs of himself undervalued he retired into a private and melancholy life, and after living in this sullen humour for many years, he died about 1642 and was buried in London in St. Martin's near Charing Cross.

[1034] Khafi Khán in Elliot, VII. 218.

[1035] Malcolm's Central India, I. 64.

[1036] Malcolm's Central India, I. 78.

[1037] Malcolm's Central India, I. 100.

[1038] Malcolm's Central India, I. 106.

[1039] Central India, II. 503.

[1040] Ruins of Mándu, 43: March 1852 page 34.

[1041] Ruins of Mándu, 43: March 1852 page 34.

[1042] Malcolm's Central India, II. 503.

[1043] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 235 note *.

[1044] Indian Architecture, 541.

[1045] Ruins of Mándu, 9.

[1046] Ruins of Mándu, 9.

[1047] Ruins of Mándu, 13, 25, 35. Some of these extracts seem to belong to a Bombay Subaltern, who was at Mándu about A.D. 1842, and some to Captain Claudius Harris, who visited the hill in April 1852. Compare Ruins of Mándu, 34.

[1048] Murray's Handbook of the Panjáb, 118.

[1049] Surat was known as Báb-ul-makkah or the Gate of Makka on account of its being the starting place of the ships annually conveying the Muhammadan pilgrims of India to the shrine of their Prophet.

[1050] Sardeshmukhi or ten per cent on the revenue. The chauth was nominally one-fourth, but both these claims were fluctuating in their proportions to the total revenue.

[1051] Now the capital of the Rája of Rájpipla.

[1052] Chauth and Sardeshmukhi as settled in 1699.

[1053] On the western skirts of the Dáng forests.

[1054] Now in the British districts of the Panch Maháls.

[1055] The Muhammadan account is given in the Musalmán portion of this history. Grant Duff's description differs considerably.

[1056] The Marátha practice was to base their demands on the standard or tankha assessment (which was seldom if ever collected), so that by this means they evaded all possibility of claims against them for over-collections.

[1057] At Gala about twelve miles above Surat in the territory of the Gáikwár.

[1058] Tálegaon in the north-west of Poona, now a station on the railway to Bombay.

[1059] Broach was constituted part of the Nizám's personal estate on his resigning the viceroyalty in 1722.

[1060] At the mouth of the Tápti, now belonging to the little Muhammadan state of Sachin.

[1061] Now in the Ahmednagar district.

[1062] In the Surat district some thirty miles east of the city.

[1063] A celebrated hill fort south of Chámpáner in the Panch Maháls district.

[1064] Oriental Memoirs.

[1065] Known as Daskroi.

[1066] The rite of passing cakes from village to village or of passing a dog from village to village is in such complete accord with magical and religious rites practised all over India that it seems hardly possible to accept either as meaningless or as accidental the passing of cakes and of a dog from one part of the country to another on the brink of the Mutinies. Knowing how suitable such a rite is to the state of feeling as well as to the phase of belief prevalent among the plotters of rebellion in Northern India it seems difficult to suppose that the passing of the cakes and the passing of the dog were not both sacramental; that is designed to spread over the country a spirit which had by religious or magical rites been housed in the dog and in the cakes. The cake-spirit, like the sugar-spirit of the Thags, was doubtless Káli, the fierce longing for unbridled cruelty, which worked on the partaker of the Thag sugar with such power that he entered with zest and without remorse on any scheme however cowardly and cruel. Like the Thags those who ate the Mutiny cakes would by partaking become of one spirit, the spirit of the indwelling Káli, and, in that spirit would be ready to support and to take part in any scheme of blood which the leaders of Mutiny might devise and start. Similarly by religious rites the Central India dog, possibly the dog of Báiza Bái of Gwálior (See Text page 437), had been made the home of some fierce war-spirit, apparently of the dog-formed Khandoba the Marátha Sword God and Dog of War. The inspired dog and the inspired dogs-meat were passed through the land in the confidence that through them the spirit of unrest would pervade every village of Gujarát. Since the Mutinies, by the magic of letters, Káli has passed from the wafer into the leaflet, and the paid political propagandist has taken the place of Khandoba's pariah dog.

The correctness of the view suggested above is supported if not established by certain passages in Kaye's Sepoy War, I. 632-642. Chuni says; 'The circulating of cakes was supposed to foretell disturbance and to imply an invitation to the people to unite for some secret purpose.' According to the king of Delhi's physician (page 636) some charm attached to the cakes. The people thought they were made by some adept in the secret arts to keep unpolluted the religion of the country. Another authority (page 637) says; 'The first circulation of the cakes was on the authority of a pandit who said the people would rise in rebellion if cakes were sent round and that the person in whose name the cakes were sent would rule India.' The secret comes out in Sitárám Báwá's evidence (pages 646-648); 'The cakes in question were a charm or jádu which originated with Dása Báwa the guru or teacher of Nána Sáheb. Dása told Nána Sáheb he would make a charm and as far as the magic cakes should be carried so far should the people be on his side. He then took lotusseed-dough called makána and made an idol of it. He reduced the idol to very small pills and having made an immense number of cakes he put a pillet in each and said that as far as the cakes were carried so far would the people determine to throw off the Company's yoke.' With this making of a cake as a sacramental home of Durga or Káli compare the Buddhist of Tibet offering in a human skull to the Máháráni or Queen, that is to Durga or Káli, a sacramental cake made of black-goat's fat, wine, dough, and butter. (Waddell's Buddhism in Tibet, 365.). As to the effect of sharing in Durga's mutiny cakes compare the statement of the Thag Faringia (Sleeman's Ramaseeana, page 216); The sugar sacrament, gur-tapávani, changes our nature. Let a man once taste the sacramental sugar and he will remain a Thag however skilful a craftsman, however well-to-do. The Urdu proverb says Tapauni-ki-dhaunika gur jisne kháyá wuh waisá huá Who eats the sugar of the sacramental Vase as he is so he remains. The Thags are tools in the hand of the god they have eaten. (Compare Ramaseeana, 76.)--J. M. C.

[1067] Rova in the south-east corner of Sirohi: Mandeta in Ídar in the Máhi Kántha. P. FitzGerald Esq. Political Agent Máhi Kántha.

[1068] The translations of the inscriptions and the bulk of the history are the work of Mr. A. M. T. Jackson of the Indian Civil Service.

[1069] Finch in Kerr's Voyages, VIII. 301. Thirty years later the traveller Tavernier (Ball's Edition, II. 87) has: Bargant (Wangam in Jodhpur ?) to Bimál 15 kos: Bimál to Modra 15 kos. Of Jhálor Ufflet has left the following description. Jhálor is a castle on the top of a steep mountain three kos in ascent by a fair stone causeway broad enough for two men. At the end of the first kos is a gate and a place of guard where the causeway is enclosed on both sides with walls. At the end of the second kos is a double gate strongly fortified; and at the third kos is the castle which is entered by three successive gates. The first is very strongly plated with iron, the second not so strong with places above for throwing down melted lead or boiling oil, and the third is thickly beset with iron spikes. Between each of these gates are spacious places of arms and at the inner gate is a strong portcullis. A bowshot within the castle is a splendid pagoda, built by the founders of the castle and ancestors of Ghazni (Gidney) Khán who were Gentiles. He turned Muhammadan and deprived his elder brother of this castle by the following stratagem. Having invited him and his women to a banquet which his brother requited by a similar entertainment he substituted chosen soldiers well armed instead of women, sending them two and two in a dhuli or litter who getting in by this device gained possession of the gates and held the place for the Great Mughal to whom it now (A.D. 1611) appertains being one of the strongest situated forts in the world. About half a kos within the gate is a goodly square tank cut out of the solid rock said to be fifty fathoms deep and full of excellent water. Quoted by Finch in Kerr's Voyages, VIII. 300-301.

[1070] The names of these gateways are Surajpul about six miles (4 kos) east of Bhinmál near Khánpur at the site of a temple of Mahádev; Sávidár about six miles (4 kos) to the south near a temple of Hanumán; Dharanidhar near Vandar about six miles (4 kos) west of Bhinmál at the site of a large well; Kishánbivao about six miles (4 kos) to the north near Nartan at the site of a large well and stones. Rattan Lal Pandit.

[1071] The Shrimáli Bráhm-Bháts are of the following subdivisions: Dhondaleshvar, Hár, Hera, Loh, Poeshsha, Pitalia, and Varing. They say Shrimál is their original home.

[1072] The local explanation of Reh-bári is liver out of the way. Their subdivisions are; Ál, Barod, Bougaro, Dagalla, Gansor, Gongala, Kalotra, Karamtha, Nangu, Panna, Pramára, Roj. All are strong dark full-bearded men.

[1073] The importance of Bhinmál as a centre of population is shown not only by the Shrimáli Bráhmans and Vánis who are spread all over Gujarát, but by the Porwárs a class of Vánis now unrepresented in their native town who are said to take their name from a suburb of Bhinmál. Oswáls, almost all of whom are Shrávaks or followers of the Jain religion, have practically spread from Bhinmál. The origin of the name Osvál is (Trans. Roy. As. Soc. III. 337) from Osi the Mother or Luck of Osianagar an ancient town and still a place of pilgrimage about eighteen miles north of Jodhpur. The Oswáls were originally Rájputs of several classes including Pawárs but mainly Solankis and so apparently (Tod's Western India, 209) of Gurjjara origin. Equally of Gurjjara origin are the Shrimáli Vánis who hold a specially high place among Western Indian Jains. The care taken by the Jains to secure foreign conquerors within their fold is notable. The Tirthankar is a Rája who by piety and other virtues attained moksha or absorption. The fifty-four worshipfuls uttamapurushas, the twenty-four tirthankars, the twelve chakravartis, the nine báladevas, and the nine vásudevas are Rájás, most of them great conquerors (Trans. Royal Asiatic Society. III. 338-341). The local story is that the Solankis were called to help the people of Shrimál to resist the Songara Rájputs of Jhálor who took Bhinmál about A.D. 1290. Before that the Shrimális and Solankis were enemies. This tradition of hostility is interesting as it may go back to A.D. 740 when Múlarája Solanki transferred the seat of power from Bhinmál to Anahilaváda Pátan. (See Below page 469.) A class who trace to Bhinmál are the Pitals or Kalbis of Márwár (Márwár Castes, 41). They claim descent from Rájput men and Bráhman women. In support of the tradition the women still keep separate neither eating with nor using the same vessels as their husbands.

[1074] These dancing girls hold land. They are said to have been brought by the Songara Rájputs, who according to the local account retreating from Alá-ud-dín Khilji (A.D. 1290) took Bhinmál from the Shrimáli Bráhmans.

[1075] The Jatiyas all Hindus of the three subdivisions Baletta, Sunkaria, and Talvaria came from Mándu near Dhár in Central India. The name is locally derived from jatukarta a skin.

[1076] According to a local story there was a hermitage of Jangams near the temple of Jagamdeva the Sun-God and a hermitage of Bharatis near Chandeshvar's shrine. In a fight between the rival ascetics many were slain and the knowledge where their treasure was stored passed away. When repairs were made in A.D. 1814 (S. 1870) the Bharati hermitage was cleared. Two large earthen pots were found one of which still stands at the door of Chandeshvar's temple. These pots contained the treasure of the Bharatis. In A.D. 1814 nothing but white dust was found. Most of the dust was thrown away till a Jain ascetic came and examined the white dust. The ascetic called for an iron rod, heated the rod, sprinkled it with the white dust, and the iron became gold.

[1077] According to Alberuni (A.D. 1030) the Brahmasiddhánta was composed by Brahmagupta the son of Jishnu from the town of Bhillamála between Multán and Anhilwára. Sachau's Translation, I. 153. Another light of the college was the Sanskrit poet Magha, the son of Srímálí parents, who is said to have lived in the time of Bhoj Rája of Ujjain (A.D. 1010-1040). Márwár Castes, 68.

[1078] The local account explains the origin of the name Kanak which also means gold by the story of a Bhil who was drowned on the waxing fifth of Bhádarwa. The Bhil's wife who was with him failing to drown herself prepared a funeral pyre. Mahádeva pleased with the woman's devotion restored her husband to life and made his body shine like gold. As a thankoffering the Bhil enlarged the tank and built a shrine to Kirait Mahádeva.

[1079] The local explanation of the name Yaksha's Pool is that Rávana went to Abaka the city of the great Yaksha Kuvera god of wealth and stole Pushpak Kuvera's vimán or carrier. Kuvera in sorrow asked his father what he should do to recover his carrier. The father said Worship in Shrimál. Kuvera came to Shrimál and worshipped Brahma who appeared to him and said: When Rámchandra destroys Ravana he will bring back Pushpak.

[1080] No local tradition throws light on the reason why this figure is called a Yaksha. The holding a head in his hand suggests that he may have been a guardian Bhairav in some Buddhist temple and so remembered as a guardian or Yaksha. Or he may have been supposed to be a statue of the builder of the temple and so have been called a Yaksha since that word was used for a race of skilful architects and craftsmen. Troyer's Rajatarangíní, I. 369. In the Vrijji temples in Tirhut which Buddhist accounts make older than Buddhism the objects of worship were ancestral spirits who were called Yakshas. If the Buddhist legends of Saka settlements in Tirhut during Gautama's lifetime (A.D. 540) have any historical value these Vrijjis were Sakas. As (J. As. Ser. VI. Tom. II. page 310) Yaka is a Mongol form of Saka the ancestral guardians would be Sakas. Compare in Eastern Siberia the Turki tribe called Yakuts by the Russians and Sokhas by themselves, Ency. Brit. XXIV. 725. This would explain why the mythic Yaksha was a guardian, a builder, and a white horseman. It would explain why the name Yaksha was given to the Baktrian Greeks who built stupas and conquered India for Asoka (J. As. Ser. VII. Vol. VI. page 170; Heeley in Indian Antiquary, IV. 101). It further explains how the name came to be applied to the Yuechi or Kusháns who like the Yavanas were guardians white horsemen and builders. In Sindh and Kachh the word Yaksha seems to belong to the white Syrian horsemen who formed the strength of Muhammad Kásim's army, A.D. 712. (Tod's Western India, 197; Reinaud's Fragments, 191; Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 404-409).

[1081] The measurements are: Height 4'; head round the brow to behind the ear the back of the head not being cut free, 2' 6''; height of head-dress, 8''; length of face, 10''; length of ringlets or wig curls from the crown of the head, 2'; breadth of face, 9''; across the shoulders, 2' 3''; throat to waistband, 1'; waistband to loose hip-belt or kandora, 1' 3''; right shoulder to elbow, 1'; elbow to wrist, 9''; head in the right hand 5'' high 7'' across top; hip to broken knee, 1'; knee to ankle, 1' 5''; foot broken off. Left shoulder to broken upper arm, 8''; left leg broken off leaving a fracture which shows it was drawn back like the right leg.

[1082] The Jains call the guardian figures at Sánchi Bhairavas. Massey's Sánchi, pages 7 and 25. Bhairava is revered as a guardian by the Buddhists of Nepál and Tibet. Compare Burgess' Bauddha Rock Temples, page 96. A connection between Bhairav and the Sun is shown by the practice among Ajmir Gujar women of wearing round the neck a medal of Bhairava before marriage and of the Sun after marriage.

[1083] The Egyptians Romans and Parthians are the three chief wig-wearers. Some of the Parthian kings (B.C. 250-A.D. 240) had elaborate hair like peruques and frizzled beards. In Trajan's time (A.D. 133), fashions changed so quickly that Roman statues were hairless and provided with wigs. Gobineau Histoire Des Perses, II. 530. Compare Wagner's Manners, 69. The number of wigs in the Elephanta sculptures, probably of the sixth or early seventh century, is notable. In the panel of Siva and Párvati in Kailas are several figures with curly wigs. Burgess' Elephanta, page 33; in the marriage panel one figure has his hair curled like a barrister's wig, Ditto 31; in the Ardhanarishwara compartment Garuda and two other figures have wigs, Ditto 22; the dwarf demon on which one of the guardians of the Trimurti leans has a wig, Ditto 14-15; finally in the west wing wigged figures uphold the throne, Ditto 47. Gandharvas in the Bráhmanic Rávan cave at Elura probably of the seventh century have curly wigs: Fergusson and Burgess, 435. Wigged images also occur in some of the Elura Buddhist caves of the sixth or seventh centuries: Ditto, 370-371. In Ajanta caves I. II. and XXXIV. of the sixth and seventh centuries are cherubs and grotesques with large wigs. Among the Bágh carvings and paintings of the sixth or seventh century are a king with baggy hair if not a wig and small human heads with full wigs: MS. Notes. Finally at the Chandi Sewa temple in Java of about the seventh century the janitor and other figures have large full-bottomed wigs curled all over. Indian Ant. for Aug. 1876, 240-241. On the other hand except the curly haired or Astrakan-capped music boys in Sánchi no trace of wigs seems to occur in the Bhilsa Sánchi or Bhárut sculptures between the third century after and the third century before the Christian era. Compare Cunningham's Bharut and Bhilsa; Massey's Sánchi; Fergusson's Tree and Serpent Worship.

[1084] The ten feet of the pillars are thus divided: pedestal 2', square block 2', eightsided belt 18'', sixteensided belt 18'', round band 2', horned face belt 6'', double disc capital 6''.

[1085] This according to another account is Násik town.

[1086] Hariya Bráhman is said to mean a descendant of Hariyaji, a well known Bráhman of Shrimál, so rich that he gave every member of his caste a present of brass vessels.

[1087] This tradition seems correct. In the temple of Lakshmí near the Tripolia or Triple gateway in Pátan are two standing images of chámpa Michelia champaca wood one a man the other a woman black and dressed. The male image which is about three feet high and thirteen inches across the shoulders is of the Sun Jagat Shám that is Jagat Svámi the World Lord: the female image, about 2' 6'' high and 9'' across the shoulders is Ranadevi or Randel the Sun's wife. Neither image has any writing. They are believed to be about 1000 years old and to have been secretly brought from Bhinmál by Shrimál Bráhmans about A.D. 1400. Ráo Bahádur Himatlál Dharajlál. Compare (Rájputána Gazetteer, II. 282) in the temple of Bálárikh at Bálmer about a hundred miles south-west of Jodhpur a wooden image of the sun.

[1088] The details are: From Kausika 500, from the Ganges 10,000, from Gaya 500, from Kálinjar 700, from Mahendra 300, from Kundad 1000, from Veni 500, from Surpárak 808, from Gokarn 1000, from Godávari 108, from Prabhás 122, from the hill Ujjayan or Girnár 115, from the Narbada 110, from Gometi 79, and from Nandivardhan 1000.

[1089] According to one account (Márwár Castes, 61) these Sindh Bráhmans are represented by the present Pushkar Bráhmans. In proof the Pushkars are said to worship Sarika as Untadevi riding on a camel. This must be a mistake. The Pushkars are almost certainly Gujars.

[1090] Details are given above under Objects. The local legends confuse Shripunj and Jagsom. It seems probable that Jagsom was not the name of a king but is a contraction of Jagatsvámi the title of the Sun. This Shripunj, or at least the restorer or founder of Shrimál, is also called Kanak, who according to some accounts came from the east and according to others came from Kashmír. Kanak is said also to have founded a town Kankávati near the site of the present village of Chhakla about eleven miles (7 kos) east of Bhinmál. This recollection of Kanak or Kanaksen is perhaps a trace of the possession of Márwár and north Gujarát by the generals or successors of the great Kushán or Saka emperor Kanak or Kanishka the founder of the Saka era of A.D. 78. According to the local Bháts this Kanak was of the Janghrabal caste and the Pradiya branch. This caste is said still to hold 300 villages in Kashmír. According to local accounts the Shrimáli Bráhmans, and the Dewala and Devra Rájputs all came from Kashmir with Kanak. Tod (Western India, 213) notices that the Annals of Mewar all trace to Kanaksen of the Sun race whose invasion is put at A.D. 100. As the Shrimális and most of the present Rájput chiefs are of the Gujar stock which entered India about A.D. 450 this tracing to Kanishka is a case of the Hindu law that the conqueror assimilates the traditions of the conquered that with the tradition he may bind to his own family the Srí or Luck of his predecessors.

[1091] According to a local tradition the people in despair at the ravages of Sarika turned for help to Devi. The goddess said: Kill buffaloes, eat their flesh, and wear their hides and Sarika will not touch you. The people obeyed and were saved. Since then a dough buffalo has taken the place of the flesh buffalo and unwashed cloth of the bleeding hide. Another version sounds like a reminiscence of the Tartar origin of Krishna. The goddess Khamangiri persuaded the Lord Krishna to celebrate his marriage clad in the raw hide of a cow. In the present era unwashed cloth has taken the place of leather. MS. Note from Mr. Ratan Lall Pandit.

[1092] The tradition recorded by Tod (Western India, 209) that the Gurjjaras are descended from the Solankis of Anahilaváda, taken with the evidence noted in the section on History that the Chávadás or Chápas and the Parihárs are also Gurjjaras makes it probable that the Choháns are of the same origin and therefore that the whole of the Agnikulas were northern conquerors who adopting Hinduism were given a place among Rájputs or Kshatriyás.

[1093] Epigraphia Indica, II. 40-41.

[1094] According to Katta, a Bráhma-Bhát of remarkable intelligence, the Osváls include Rájputs of a large number of tribes, Aadas, Bhátis, Boránas, Buruds, Chováns, Gehlots, Gohils, Jádavs, Makvánás, Mohils, Parmárs, Ráhtors, Shálas, Tilars. They are said to have been converted to the Jain religion in Osianagara in Samvat Bia Varsh 22 that is in A.D. 165.

[1095] Indian Antiquary, VIII. 237.

[1096] Elliot, I. 432.

[1097] Indian Antiquary, XI. 156 and VI. 59.

[1098] Indian Antiquary, XII. 156.

[1099] Jour. R. A. S. XIV. 19ff.

[1100] Indian Antiquary, XII. 190 and XVIII. 91.

[1101] Beal's Buddhist Records, II. 270.

[1102] Indian Antiquary, VI. 63. That the name Bhilmál should have come into use while the Gurjjaras were still in the height of their power is strange. The explanation may perhaps be that Bhilmál may mean the Gurjjara's town the name Bhil or bowman being given to the Gurjjaras on account of their skill as archers. So Chápa the original name of the Chávadás is Sanskritised into Chapotkatas the strong bowmen. So also, perhaps, the Chápa or Chaura who gave its name to Chápanir or Chámpaner was according to the local story a Bhil. Several tribes of Mewár Bhils are well enough made to suggest that in their case Bhil may mean Gurjjara. This is specially the case with the Lauriyah Bhils of Nerwer, the finest of the race, whose name further suggests an origin in the Gurjjara division of Lor. Compare Malcolm's Trans. Bombay As. Soc. I. 71.

[1103] The Madhuban Grant: Epigraphia Indica, I. 67.

[1104] Reinaud, Mémoire Sur L'Inde, 337, in quoting this reference through Alberuni (A.D. 1031) writes Pohlmal between Multán and Anhalwara.

[1105] Indian Antiquary, VIII. 237.

[1106] Elliot, I. 440-41.

[1107] Indian Antiquary, XI. 109.

[1108] Arch. Surv. West. India, X. 91.

[1109] Tanka may be the northern half of the Broach District. Traces of the name seem to remain in the two Tankáriás, one Sitpore Tankária in north Broach and the other in Ámod. The name seems also to survive in the better known Tankári the port of Jambusar on the Dhádhar. This Tankári is the second port in the district of Broach and was formerly the emporium for the trade with Málwa. Bombay Gazetteer, II. 413-569.

[1110] Indian Antiquary, VI. 59 and XI. 156.

[1111] Indian Antiquary, XII. 156.

[1112] See the Udaipur prasasti in Ep. Ind. I. and the Harsha Inscription in ditto.

[1113] See the Baroda grant of A.D. 812-13. Indian Antiquary, XII. 156.

[1114] Elliot, I. 4.

[1115] Indian Antiquary, XII. 179.

[1116] Rajatarangíní, 149.

[1117] B. B. R. A. Soc. Jourl. XVIII. 239.

[1118] Elliot, I. 13.

[1119] Indian Antiquary, XIX. 233.

[1120] According to Cunningham (Ancient Geography, 313) the coins called Tâtariya dirhams stretch from the fifth and sixth to the eleventh century. They are frequently found in Kábul probably of the ninth century. In the tenth century Ibn Haukal (A.D. 977) found them current in Gandhára and the Panjáb where the Boar coin has since ousted them. They are rare in Central India east of the Arávali range. They are not uncommon in Rájputána or Gujarát and were once so plentiful in Sindh, that in A.D. 725 the Sindh treasury had eighteen million Tatariya dirhams. (See Dowson in Elliot's History, I. 3.) They are the rude silver pieces generally known as Indo-Sassanian because they combine Indian letters with Sassanian types. A worn fire temple is the supposed Ass-head which has given rise to the name Gadiya Paisa or Ass money.

[1121] Indian Antiquary, XII. 190 and XVIII. 91.

[1122] Jour. R. A. S. XIV. 19.

[1123] B. B. R. A. S. Jourl. XVIII. 239.

[1124] Kielhorn in Epig. Indica, I. 122.

[1125] Hoernle in Ind. Antiq. XIX. 233.

[1126] Details given in Khándesh Gazetteer, XII. 39.

[1127] Râs Mâlâ, 44.

[1128] Râs Mâlâ, 210ff.

[1129] Râs Mâlâ, 211.

[1130] Srí Bháunagar Prá. I. No. 30 of the list of Sanskrit Inscriptions dated Sam. 1218.

[1131] Srí Râs Mâlâ, 161ff.

[1132] Râs Mâlâ, 211.

[1133] Inscriptions 9 and 10 are not dated in any king's reign.

[1134] Compare Tod's Rajasthán, I.

[1135] Read Srî Jagatsvâmi.

[1136] Evidently the name of his office, but the abbreviation is not intelligible.

[1137] i.e. "Errors excepted."

[1138] Sir Stamford Raffles' Java, II. 83. From Java Hindus passed to near Banjar Massin in Borneo probably the most eastern of Hindu settlements (Jour. R. A. Soc. IV. 185). Temples of superior workmanship with Hindu figures also occur at Waahoo 400 miles from the coast. Dalton's Diaks of Borneo Jour. Asiatique (N. S.) VII. 153. An instance may be quoted from the extreme west of Hindu influence. In 1873 an Indian architect was found building a palace at Gondar in Abyssinia. Keith Johnson's Africa, 269.

[1139] Raffles' Java, II. 65-85. Compare Lassen's Indische Alterthumskunde, II. 10, 40; IV. 460.

[1140] Raffles' Java, II. 87.

[1141] Compare Tod's Annals of Rájasthán (Third Reprint), I. 87. The thirty-nine Chohán successions, working back from about A.D. 1200 with an average reign of eighteen years, lead to A.D. 498.

[1142] Compare Note on Bhinmál page 467.

[1143] According to Cunningham (Ancient Geography, 43 and Beal's Buddhist Records, I. 109 note 92) the site of Hastinagara or the eight cities is on the Swát river eighteen miles north of Pesháwar. In Vedic and early Mahábhárata times Hastinapura was the capital of Gandhára (Hewitt Jour. Roy. As. Soc. XXI. 217). In the seventh century it was called Pushkalávatí. (Beal's Buddhist Records, I. 109.) Taxila, the capital of the country east of the Indus, was situated about forty miles east of Attok at Sháhderi near Kálaka-sarai (Cunningham's Ancient Geography, 105). According to Cunningham (Ditto 109), Taxila continued a great city from the time of Alexander till the fifth century after Christ. It was then laid waste apparently by the great White Húna conqueror Mihirakula (A.D. 500-550). A hundred years later when Hiuen Tsiang visited it the country was under Kashmir, the royal family were extinct, and the nobles were struggling for power (Beal's Buddhist Records, I. 136). Rumadesa. References to Rumadesa occur in the traditions of Siam and Cambodia as well as in those of Java. Fleets of Rúm are also noted in the traditions of Bengal and Orissa as attacking the coast (Fergusson's Architecture, III. 640). Coupling the mention of Rúm with the tradition that the Cambodian temples were the work of Alexander the Great Colonel Yule (Ency. Brit. Article Cambodia) takes Rúm in its Musalmán sense of Greece or Asia Minor. The variety of references suggested to Fergusson (Architecture, III. 640) that these exploits are a vague memory of Roman commerce in the Bay of Bengal. But the Roman rule was that no fleet should pass east of Ceylon (Reinaud Jour. As. Ser. VI. Tom. I. page 322). This rule may occasionally have been departed from as in A.D. 166 when the emperor Marcus Aurelius sent an ambassador by sea to China. Still it seems unlikely that Roman commerce in the Bay of Bengal was ever active enough to gain a place as settler and coloniser in the traditions of Java and Cambodia. It was with the west not with the east of India that the relations of Rome were close and important. From the time of Mark Antony to the time of Justinian, that is from about B.C. 30 to A.D. 550, their political importance as allies against the Parthians and Sassanians and their commercial importance as controllers of one of the main trade routes between the east and the west made the friendship of the Kusháns or Sakas who held the Indus valley and Baktria a matter of the highest importance to Rome. How close was the friendship is shown in A.D. 60 by the Roman General Corbulo escorting the Hyrkanian ambassadors up the Indus and through the territories of the Kusháns or Indo-Skythians on their return from their embassy to Rome. (Compare Rawlinson's Parthia, 271.) The close connection is shown by the accurate details of the Indus valley and Baktria recorded by Ptolemy (A.D. 166) and about a hundred years later (A.D. 247) by the author of the Periplus and by the special value of the gifts which the Periplus notices were set apart for the rulers of Sindh. One result of this long continued alliance was the gaining by the Kushán and other rulers of Pesháwar and the Panjáb of a knowledge of Roman coinage astronomy and architecture. Certain Afghán or Baktrian coins bear the word Roma apparently the name of some Afghán city. In spite of this there seems no reason to suppose that Rome attempted to overlord the north-west of India still less that any local ruler was permitted to make use of the great name of Rome. It seems possible that certain notices of the fleets of Rúm in the Bay of Bengal refer to the fleets of the Arab Al-Rami that is Lambri or north-west Sumatra apparently the Romania of the Chaldean breviary of the Malabár Coast. (Yule's Cathay, I. lxxxix. note and Marco Polo, II. 243.)

[1144] Compare Fergusson's Architecture, III. 640; Yule in Ency. Brit. Cambodia.

[1145] Java, I. 411. Compare Fergusson's Architecture, III. 640.

[1146] See Yule in Jour. Roy. As. Soc. (N. S.), I. 356; Fergusson's Architecture, III. 631.

[1147] Of the Java remains Mr. Fergusson writes (Architecture, III. 644-648): The style and character of the sculptures of the great temple of Boro Buddor are nearly identical with those of the later caves of Ajanta, on the Western Gháts, and in Sálsette. The resemblance in style is almost equally close with the buildings of Takht-i-Bahi in Gandhára (Ditto, 647). Again (page 637) he says: The Hindu immigrants into Java came from the west coast of India. They came from the valley of the Indus not from the valley of the Ganges. Once more, in describing No. XXVI. of the Ajanta caves Messrs. Fergusson and Burgess (Rock-cut Temples, 345 note 1) write: The execution of these figures is so nearly the same as in the Boro Buddor temple in Java that both must have been the work of the same artists during the latter half of the seventh century or somewhat later. The Buddhists were not in Java in the fifth century. They must have begun to go soon after since there is a considerable local element in the Boro Buddor.

[1148] Traditions of expeditions by sea to Java remain in Márwár. In April 1895 a bard at Bhinmál related how Bhojrája of Ujjain in anger with his son Chandrabau drove him away. The son went to a Gujarát or Káthiáváda port obtained ships and sailed to Java. He took with him as his Bráhman the son of a Magh Pandit. A second tale tells how Vikram the redresser of evils in a dream saw a Javanese woman weeping, because by an enemy's curse her son had been turned into stone. Vikram sailed to Java found the woman and removed the curse. According to a third legend Chandrawán the grandson of Vir Pramár saw a beautiful woman in a dream. He travelled everywhere in search of her. At last a Rishi told him the girl lived in Java. He started by sea and after many dangers and wonders found the dream-girl in Java. The people of Bhinmál are familiar with the Gujaráti proverb referred to below; Who goes to Java comes not back. MS. Notes, March 1895.

[1149] Another version is:

Je jáe Jáve te phari na áve Jo phari áve to parya parya kháve Etalu dhan láve.

Who go to Java stay for aye. If they return they feast and play Such stores of wealth their risks repay.

[1150] Compare Crawford (A.D. 1820) in As. Res. XIII. 157 and Lassen Ind. Alt. II. 1046.

[1151] The following details summarise the available evidence of Gujarát Hindu enterprise by sea. According to the Greek writers, though it is difficult to accept their statements as free from exaggeration, when, in B.C. 325, Alexander passed down the Indus the river showed no trace of any trade by sea. If at that time sea trade at the mouth of the Indus was so scanty as to escape notice it seems fair to suppose that Alexander's ship-building and fleet gave a start to deep-sea sailing which the constant succession of strong and vigorous northern tribes which entered and ruled Western India during the centuries before and after the Christian era continued to develope. ((Alexander built his own boats on the Indus. (McCrindle's Alexander, 77.) He carried (pages 93 and 131) these boats to the Hydaspes: on the Jhelum (134 note 1) where he found some country boats he built a flotilla of gallies with thirty oars: he made dockyards (pages 156-157): his crews were Phoenikians, Cyprians, Karians, and Egyptians.)) According to Vincent (Periplus, I. 25, 35, 254) in the time of Agatharcides (B.C. 200) the ports of Arabia and Ceylon were entirely in the hands of the people of Gujarát. During the second century after Christ, when, under the great Rudradáman (A.D. 143-158), the Sinh or Kshatrapa dynasty of Káthiáváda was at the height of its power, Indians of Tientço, that is Sindhu, brought presents by sea to China (Journal Royal Asiatic Society for January 1896 page 9). In A.D. 166 (perhaps the same as the preceding) the Roman emperor Marcus Aurelius sent by sea to China ambassadors with ivory rhinoceros' horn and other articles apparently the produce of Western India (DeGuignes' Huns, I. [Part I.] 32). In the third century A.D. 247 the Periplus (McCrindle, 17, 52, 64, 96, 109) notices large Hindu ships in the east African Arab and Persian ports and Hindu settlements on the north coast of Sokotra. About a century later occurs the doubtful reference (Wilford in Asiatic Researches, IX. 224) to the Diveni or pirates of Diu who had to send hostages to Constantine the Great (A.D. 320-340) one of whom was Theophilus afterwards a Christian bishop. Though it seems probable that the Kshatrapas (A.D. 70-400) ruled by sea as well as by land fresh seafaring energy seems to have marked the arrival on the Sindh and Káthiávád coasts of the Juan-Juan or Avars (A.D. 390-450) and of the White Húnas (A.D. 450-550). During the fifth and sixth centuries the ports of Sindh and Gujarát appear among the chief centres of naval enterprise in the east. How the sea ruled the religion of the newcomers is shown by the fame which gathered round the new or revised gods Siva the Poseidon of Somnáth and Krishna the Apollo or St. Nicholas of Dwárka. (Compare Tod's Annals of Rájasthán, I. 525.) In the fifth century (Yule's Cathay, I. lxxviii.) according to Hamza of Ispahán, at Hira near Kufa on the Euphrates the ships of India and China were constantly moored. In the early sixth century (A.D. 518-519) a Persian ambassador went by sea to China (Ditto, I. lxxiv.) About the same time (A.D. 526) Cosmas (Ditto, I. clxxviii.) describes Sindhu or Debal and Orhota that is Soratha or Verával as leading places of trade with Ceylon. In the sixth century, apparently driven out by the White Húnas and the Mihiras, the Jats from the Indus and Kachh occupied the islands in the Bahrein gulf, and perhaps manned the fleet with which about A.D. 570 Naushiraván the great Sassanian (A.D. 531-574) is said to have invaded the lower Indus and perhaps Ceylon. ((Reinaud's Mémoire Sur L'Inde, 125. The statement that Naushiraván received Karáchi from the king of Seringdip (Elliot's History, I. 407: Tabari, II. 221) throws doubt on this expedition to Ceylon. At the close of the sixth century Karáchi or Diul Sindhi cannot have been in the gift of the king of Ceylon. It was in the possession of the Sáharái kings of Aror in Upper Sindh perhaps of Sháhi Tegin Devaja shortened to Shahindev. (Compare Cunningham Oriental Congress, I. 242.) According to Garrez (J. As. Ser. VI. Tom. XIII. 182 note 2) this Serendip is Surandeb that is Syria and Antioch places which Naushiraván is known to have taken. Several other references that seem to imply a close connection between Gujarát and Ceylon are equally doubtful. In the Mahábhárata (A.D. 100-300?) the Sinhalas bring vaidúryas (rubies?) elephants' housings and heaps of pearls. The meaning of Sainhalaka in Samudragupta's inscription (A.D. 395) Early Gujarát History page 64 and note 5 is uncertain. Neither Mihirakula's (A.D. 530) nor Lalitáditya's (A.D. 700) conquest of Ceylon can be historical. In A.D. 1005 when Abul Fatha the Carmatian ruler of Multán was attacked by Máhmud of Ghazni he retired to Ceylon. (Reinaud's Mémoire, 225). When Somnáth was taken (A.D. 1025) the people embarked for Ceylon (Ditto, 270).)) About the same time (Fergusson Architecture, III. 612) Amrávati at the Krishna mouth was superseded as the port for the Golden Chersonese by the direct voyage from Gujarát and the west coast of India. In A.D. 630 Hiuen Tsiang (Beal's Buddhist Records, II. 269) describes the people of Suráshtra as deriving their livelihood from the sea, engaging in commerce, and exchanging commodities. He further notices that in the chief cities of Persia Hindus were settled enjoying the full practice of their religion (Reinaud's Abulfeda, ccclxxxv.) That the Jat not the Arab was the moving spirit in the early (A.D. 637-770) Muhammadan sea raids against the Gujarát and Konkan coasts is made probable by the fact that these seafaring ventures began not in Arabia but in the Jat-settled shores of the Persian Gulf, that for more than fifty years the Arab heads of the state forbad them, and that in the Mediterranean where they had no Jat element the Arab was powerless at sea. (Compare Elliot, I. 416, 417.) That during the seventh and eighth centuries when the chief migrations by sea from Gujarát to Java and Cambodia seem to have taken place, Chinese fleets visited Diu (Yule's Cathay, lxxix.), and that in A.D. 759 Arabs and Persians besieged Canton and pillaged the storehouses going and returning by sea (DeGuignes' Huns, I. [Pt. II.] 503) suggest that the Jats were pilots as well as pirates. ((Compare at a later period (A.D. 1342) Ibn Batuta's great ship sailing from Kandahár (Gandhár north of Broach) to China with its guard of Abyssinians as a defence against pirates. Reinaud's Abulfeda, cdxxv.)) On the Sindh Kachh and Gujarát coasts besides the Jats several of the new-come northern tribes showed notable energy at sea. It is to be remembered that as detailed in the Statistical Account of Thána (Bombay Gazetteer, XIII. Part II. 433) this remarkable outburst of sea enterprise may have been due not only to the vigour of the new-come northerners but to the fact that some of them, perhaps the famous iron-working Turks (A.D. 580-680), brought with them the knowledge of the magnet, and that the local Bráhman, with religious skill and secrecy, shaped the bar into a divine fish-machine or machiyantra, which, floating in a basin of oil, he consulted in some private quarter of the ship and when the stars were hid guided the pilot in what direction to steer. Among new seafaring classes were, on the Makrán and Sindh coasts the Bodhas Kerks and Meds and along the shores of Kachh and Káthiáváda the closely connected Meds and Gurjjaras. In the seventh and eighth centuries the Gurjjaras, chiefly of the Chápa or Chávadá clan, both in Dwárka and Somnáth and also inland, rose to power, a change which, as already noticed, may explain the efforts of the Jats to settle along the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea. About A.D. 740 the Chápas or Chávadás, who had for a century and a half been in command in Dwárka and Somnáth, established themselves at Anahilaváda Pattan. According to their tradition king Vanarája (A.D. 720-780) and his successor Yogarája (A.D. 806-841) made great efforts to put down piracy. Yogarája's sons plundered some Bengal or Bot ships which stress of weather forced into Verával. The king said 'My sons with labour we were raising ourselves to be Chávadás of princely rank; your greed throws us back on our old nickname of Choras or thieves.' Yogarája refused to be comforted and mounted the funeral pyre. Dr. Bhagvánlál's History, 154. This tale seems to be a parable. Yogarája's efforts to put down piracy seem to have driven large bodies of Jats from the Gujarát coasts. In A.D. 834-35, according to Ibn Alathyr (A.D. 834), a fleet manned by Djaths or Jats made a descent on the Tigris. The whole strength of the Khiláfat had to be set in motion to stop them. Those who fell into the hands of the Moslems were sent to Anararbe on the borders of the Greek empire (Renaud's Fragments, 201-2). As in the legend, the Chávadá king's sons, that is the Chauras Mers and Gurjjaras, proved not less dangerous pirates than the Jats whom they had driven out. ((As an example of the readiness with which an inland race of northerners conquer seamanship compare the Franks of the Pontus who about A.D. 279 passed in a few years from the Pontus to the Mediterranean ports and leaving behind them Malta the limit of Greek voyages sailed through Gibraltar to the Baltic. Gibbon, I. 404-405.)) About fifty years later, in A.D. 892, Al-Biláduri describes as pirates who scoured the seas the Meds and the people of Sauráshtra that is Devpatan or Somnáth who were Choras or Gurjjaras. ((Reinaud's Mémoire Sur L'Inde, 200. The traders of Chorwár, that is of the old Chaura or Chápa country near Virával and Mangrul, are now known in Bombay as Chápadias. The received explanation of Chápadia is the roofed men it is said in derisive allusion to their large and heavy headdress. But as the Porbandar headdress is neither specially large nor ungraceful the common explanation can be hardly more than a pun. This suggests that the name Chápadia is a trace of the early Chápa tribe of Gurjjaras who also gave their name to Chápanir. Tod's (Western India, 250, 256) description of the Chauras race with traditions of having come from the Red Sea and as a nautical Arabia is the result of taking for Sokotra Sankodwára that is Bet to the north of Dwárka.)) Biláduri (Reinaud Sur L'Inde, 169) further notices that the Jats and other Indians had formed the same type of settlement in Persia which the Persians and Arabs had formed in India. During the ninth and tenth centuries the Gujarát kingdom which had been established in Java was at the height of its power. (Ditto, Abulfeda, ccclxxxviii.) Early in the tenth century (A.D. 915-930) Masudi (Yule's Marco Polo, II. 344; Elliot, I. 65) describes Sokotra as a noted haunt of the Indian corsairs called Bawárij which chase Arab ships bound for India and China. The merchant fleets of the early tenth century were not Arab alone. The Chauras of Anahilaváda sent fleets to Bhot and Chin (Rás Mála, I. 11). Nor were Mers and Chauras the only pirates. Towards the end of the tenth century (A.D. 980) Grahári the Chúdásamá, known in story as Graharipu the Ahir of Sorath and Girnár, so passed and repassed the ocean that no one was safe (Ditto, I. 11). In the eleventh century (A.D. 1021) Alberuni (Sachau, II. 104) notes that the Bawárij, who take their name from their boats called behra or bira, were Meds a seafaring people of Kachh and of Somnáth a great place of call for merchants trading between Sofala in east Africa and China. About the same time (A.D. 1025) when they despaired of withstanding Máhmud of Ghazni the defenders of Somnáth prepared to escape by sea, ((According to Abulfeda A.D. 1334 (Reinaud's Abulfeda, cccxlix.) some of the besieged fled to Ceylon. Farishtah (Briggs' Muhammadan Powers, I. 75) records that after the fall of Somnáth Máhmud intended to fit out a fleet to conquer Ceylon and Pegu. According to Bird (Mirát-i-Ahmedi, 146) Ceylon or Sirandip remained a dependency of Somnáth till A.D. 1290 when the king Vijayabáhu became independent.)) and after his victory Máhmud is said to have planned an expedition by sea to conquer Ceylon (Tod's Rajasthán, I. 108). In the twelfth century Idrísi (A.D. 1135) notices that Tatariya dirhams, that is the Gupta (A.D. 319-500) and White Húna (A.D. 500-580) coinage of Sindh and Gujarát, were in use both in Madagascar and in the Malaya islands (Reinaud's Mémoires, 236), and that the merchants of Java could understand the people of Madagascar (Ditto, Abulfeda, cdxxii). ((The common element in the two languages may have been the result of Gujarát settlements in Madagascar as well as in Java and Cambodia. This is however doubtful as the common element may be either Arabic or Polynesian.)) With the decline of the power of Anahilaváda (A.D. 1250-1300) its fleet ceased to keep order at sea. In A.D. 1290 Marco Polo (Yule's Ed. II. 325, 328, 341) found the people of Gujarát the most desperate pirates in existence. More than a hundred corsair vessels went forth every year taking their wives and children with them and staying out the whole summer. They joined in fleets of twenty to thirty and made a sea cordon five or six miles apart. Sokotra was infested by multitudes of Hindu pirates who encamped there and put up their plunder to sale. Ibn Batuta (in Elliot, I. 344-345) fifty years later makes the same complaint. Musalmán ascendancy had driven Rájput chiefs to the coast and turned them into pirates. The most notable addition was the Gohils who under Mokheráji Gohil, from his castle on Piram island, ruled the sea till his power was broken by Muhammad Tughlak in A.D. 1345 (Rás Mála, I. 318). Before their overthrow by the Muhammadans what large vessels the Rájput sailors of Gujarát managed is shown by Friar Oderic, who about A.D. 1321 (Stevenson in Kerr's Voyages, XVIII. 324) crossed the Indian ocean in a ship that carried 700 people. How far the Rájputs went is shown by the mention in A.D. 1270 (Yule's Cathay, 57 in Howorth's Mongols, I. 247) of ships sailing between Sumena or Somnáth and China. Till the arrival of the Portuguese (A.D. 1500-1508) the Ahmedábád Sultáns maintained their position as lords of the sea. ((When in A.D. 1535 he secured Bahádur's splendid jewelled belt Humáyún said These are the trappings of the lord of the sea. Bayley's Gujarát, 386.)) In the fifteenth century Java appears in the state list of foreign bandars which paid tribute (Bird's Gujarát, 131), the tribute probably being a cess or ship tax paid by Gujarát traders with Java in return for the protection of the royal navy. ((Compare in Bombay Public Diary 10, pages 197-207 of 1736-37, the revenue headings Surat and Cambay with entries of two per cent on all goods imported and exported from either of these places by traders under the Honourable Company's protection.)) In east Africa, in A.D. 1498 (J. As. Soc. of Bengal, V. 784) Vasco da Gama found sailors from Cambay and other parts of India who guided themselves by the help of the stars in the north and south and had nautical instruments of their own. In A.D. 1510 Albuquerque found a strong Hindu element in Java and Malacca. Sumatra was ruled by Parameshwara a Hindu whose son by a Chinese mother was called Rájput (Commentaries, II. 63; III. 73-79). After the rule of the sea had passed to the European, Gujarát Hindus continued to show marked courage and skill as merchants seamen and pirates. In the seventeenth century the French traveller Mandelslo (A.D. 1638, Travels 101, 108) found Achin in north Sumatra a great centre of trade with Gujarát. During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the Sanganians or Sangar Rájputs of Mándvi in Kachh and of Navánagar in north Káthiáváda were much dreaded. In A.D. 1750 Grose describes the small cruisers of the Sanganians troubling boats going to the Persian Gulf, though they seldom attacked large ships. Between A.D. 1803 and 1808 (Low's Indian Navy, I. 274) pirates from Bet established themselves in the ruined temple at Somnáth. In 1820, when the English took Bet and Dwárka from the Wághels, among the pirates besides Wághels were Badhels a branch of Ráhtors, Bhattis, Khárwás, Lohánás, Makwánás, Ráhtors, and Wagharis. A trace of the Chauras remained in the neighbouring chief of Aramra. ((These Badhels seem to be Hamilton's (A.D. 1720) Warels of Chance (New Account, I. 141). This Chance is Chách near Diu apparently the place from which the Bhátiás get their Bombay name of Cháchiás. Towards the close of the eighteenth century Bhátiás from Chách seem to have formed a pirate settlement near Dáhánu on the Thána coast. Major Price (Memoirs of a Field Officer, 322) notes (A.D. 1792 June) the cautionary speed with which in travelling from Surat to Bombay by land they passed Dáhánu through the Chánsiáh jungle the district of a piratical community of that name.)) Nor had the old love of seafaring deserted the Káthiáváda chiefs. In the beginning of the present century (A.D. 1825) Tod (Western India, 452; compare Rás Mála, I. 245) tells how with Biji Singh of Bhávnagar his port was his grand hobby and shipbuilding his chief interest and pleasure; also how Ráo Ghor of Kachh (A.D. 1760-1778) built equipped and manned a ship at Mándvi which without European or other outside assistance safely made the voyage to England and back to the Malabár Coast where arriving during the south-west monsoon the vessel seems to have been wrecked. ((According to Sir. A. Burnes (Jl. Bombay Geog. Soc. VI. (1835) 27, 28) the special skill of the people of Kachh in navigation and ship-building was due to a young Rájput of Kachh. Rámsingh Málani, who about a century earlier had gone to Holland and learned those arts. See Bombay Gazetteer, V. 116 note 2.))

[1152] Crawford (A.D. 1820) held that all Hindu influence in Java came from Kalinga or north-east Madras. Fergusson (Ind. Arch. 103, Ed. 1876) says: The splendid remains at Amrávati show that from the mouths of the Krishna and Godávari the Buddhist of north and north-west India colonised Pegu, Cambodia, and eventually the Island of Java. Compare Tavernier (A.D. 1666: Ball's Translation, I. 174.) Masulipatam is the only place in the Bay of Bengal from which vessels sail eastwards for Bengal, Arrakan, Pegu, Siam, Sumatra, Cochin China, and the Manillas and west to Hormuz, Makha, and Madagascar. Inscriptions (Indian Antiquary, V. 314; VI. 356) bear out the correctness of the connection between the Kalinga coast and Java which Java legends have preserved. As explained in Dr. Bhandarkar's interesting article on the eastern passage of the Sakas (Jour. B. B. R. A. S. XVII.) certain inscriptions also show a Magadhi element which may have reached Java from Sumatra and Sumatra from the coast either of Bengal or of Orissa. Later information tends to increase the east and south Indian share. Compare Notices et Extraits des Manuscripts de la Bibliotheque Nationale Vol. XXVII. (Partie II) 2 Fasicule page 350.

[1153] Compare Hiuen Tsiang in Beal's Buddhist Records, II. 222 note 102. Táhia may be Tochara that is Baktria, but the Panjáb seems more likely. Compare Beal's Life of Hiuen Tsiang, 136 note 2.

[1154] Idrísi A.D. 1135 (Elliot, I. 92) has a Romala a middling town on the borders of the desert between Multán and Seistán. Cunningham (Ancient Geog. 252) has a Romaka Bazaar near where the Nára the old Indus enters the Ran of Kachh.

[1155] Cunningham's Num. Chron. 3rd Ser. VIII. 241. The Mahábhárata Romakas (Wilson's Works, VII. 176: Cunningham's Anc. Geog. 187) may have taken their name from one of these salt stretches. Ibn Khurdádbah (A.D. 912) mentions Rumála (Elliot, I. 14, 87, 92, 93) as one of the countries of Sindh. In connection with the town Romala Al Idrísi A.D. 1153 (Elliot, I. 74, 93) has a district three days' journey from Kalbata.

[1156] Cunningham's Numismatic Chronicle 3rd Ser. VIII. 236. The date of Kárur is uncertain. Fergusson (Arch. III. 746) puts it at A.D. 544. It was apparently earlier as in an inscription of A.D. 532 Yasodharmman king of Málwa claims to hold lands which were never held by either Guptas or Húnas. Cunningham Num. Chron. 3rd Ser. VIII. 236. Compare History Text, 76, 77.

[1157] Jour. As. Soc. Bl. VII. (Plate I.) 298; Burnes' Bokhára, III. 76; Elliot's History, I. 405. Diu which is specially mentioned as a Sáharái port was during the seventh and eighth centuries a place of call for China ships. Yule's Cathay, I. lxxix.

[1158] Phra like the Panjáb Porus of the embassy to Augustus in B.C. 30 (though this Porus may be so called merely because he ruled the lands of Alexander's Porus) may seem to be the favourite Parthian name Phraates. But no instance of the name Phraates is noted among White Húna chiefs and the use of Phra as in Phra Bot or Lord Buddha seems ground for holding that the Phra Thong of the Cambodia legend means Great Lord.

[1159] Epigraphia Indica, I. 67.

[1160] In A.D. 637 raiders attacked Thána from Oman and Broach and Sindh from Bahrein. Reinaud's Mémoire Sur L'Inde, 170, 176.

[1161] The passage of a Chinese army from Magadha to the Gandhára river about A.D. 650 seems beyond question. The emperor sent an ambassador Ouang-h-wuentse to Srí Harsha. Before Ouang-h-wuentse arrived Srí Harsha was dead (died A.D. 642), and his place taken by an usurping minister (Se-na-fu-ti) Alana-chun. The usurper drove off the envoy, who retired to Tibet then under the great Songbtsan. With help from Tibet and from the Rája of Nepál Ouang returned, defeated Alana, and pursued him to the Gandhára river (Khien-to-wei). The passage was forced, the army captured, the king queen and king's sons were led prisoners to China, and 580 cities surrendered, the magistrates proclaimed the victory in the temple of the ancients and the emperor raised Ouang to the rank of Tch'ao-sau-ta-fore. Journal Asiatique Ser. IV. Tom. X. pages 81-121. The translator thinks the whole war was in the east of India and that the mention of the Gandhára river is a mistake. The correctness of this view is doubtful. It is to be remembered that this was a time of the widest spread of Chinese power. They held Balk and probably Bamian. Yule's Cathay, I. lxviii. Compare Julien in Jour. As. Soc. Ser. IV. Tom. X. 289-291.

[1162] Regarding these disturbances see Beal's Life of Hiuen Tsiang, 155; Max Müller's India, 286. The Arab writers (A.D. 713) notice to what a degraded state Chach had reduced the Jats. In comparing the relative importance of the western and eastern Indian strains in Java it is to be remembered that the western element has been overlaid by a late Bengal and Kalinga layer of fugitives from the Tibetan conquest of Bengal in the eighth century, the Babu with the Gurkha at his heels, and during the ninth and later centuries by bands of Buddhists withdrawing from a land where their religion was no longer honoured.

[1163] In A.D. 116 after the capture of Babylon and Ctesiphon Hadrian sailed down the Tigris and the Persian Gulf, embarked on the waters of the South Sea, made inquiries about India and regretted he was too old to get there. Rawlinson's Ancient Monarchies, VI. 313.

[1164] Reinaud's Abulfeda, cccxc.

[1165] The origin of the name Kámboja seems to be Kámbojápura an old name of Kábul preserved almost in its present form in Ptolemy's (A.D. 160) Kaboura. The word is doubtfully connected with the Achæmenian Kambyses (B.C. 529-521) the Kambujiya of the Behistun inscription. In the fifth of the Asoka edicts (B.C. 240) Kámboja holds the middle distance between Gandhára or Pesháwar and Yona or Baktria. According to Yáska, whose uncertain date varies from B.C. 500 to B.C. 200, the Kambojas spoke Sanskrit (Muir's Sanskrit Texts, II. 355 note 145). In the last battle of the Mahábhárata, A.D. 100 to 300 (Jl. Roy. As. Soc. [1842] VII. 139-140), apparently from near Bamian the Kambojas ranked as Mlechchhas with Sakas Daradas and Húnas. One account (Fergusson, III. 665) places the original site of the Kambojas in the country round Taxila east of the Indus. This is probably incorrect. A trace of the Kambojas in their original seat seems to remain in the Kaumojas of the Hindu Kush.

[1166] See Hunter's Orissa, I. 310.

[1167] Yavana to the south-west of Siam. Beal's Life of Hiuen Tsiang, xxxii.

[1168] Quoted in Bunbury's Ancient Geography, II. 659. Bunbury suggests that Pausanias may have gained his information from Marcus Aurelius' (A.D. 166) ambassador to China.

[1169] Jour. Bengal Soc. VII. (I.) 317.

[1170] Remusat Nouveaux Melanges Asiatiques, I. 77 in Jour. Asiatique Series, VI. Tom. XIX. page 199 note 1; Fergusson's Architecture, III. 678.

[1171] Barth in Journal Asiatique Ser. VI. Tom. XIX. page 150.

[1172] Barth in Journal Asiatique, X. 57.

[1173] Barth in Jour. As. Ser. VI. Tom. XIX. page 190; Journal Royal Asiatic Society, XIV. (1882) cii.

[1174] Barth in Journal Asiatique Ser. VI. Tom. XIX. pages 181, 186.

[1175] Mr. Fergusson (Architecture page 666) and Colonel Yule (Ency. Brit. Cambodia) accept the local Buddhist rendering of Nakhonwat as the City Settlement. Against this it is to be noted (Ditto ditto) that nagara city corrupts locally into Angkor. Nagara therefore can hardly also be the origin of the local Nakhon. Farther as the local Buddhists claim the temple for Buddha they were bound to find in Nakhon some source other than its original meaning of Snake. The change finds a close parallel in the Nága that is snake or Skythian now Nágara or city Bráhman of Gujarát.

[1176] Barth in Journal Asiatique Ser. VI. Tom. XIX. 190.

[1177] Yule's Marco Polo, II. 108; Reinaud's Abulfeda, cdxvi.

[1178] Barth in Journal Asiatique Ser. VI. Tom. XIX. 174.

[1179] Mr. Fergusson at first suggested the fourth century as the period of migration to Cambodia. He afterwards came to the conclusion that the settlers must have been much the same as the Gujarát conquerors of Java. Architecture, III. 665-678.

[1180] Fergusson, Architecture, 665. Compare Tree and Serpent Worship, 49, 50. The people of Cambodia seem Indian serpent worshippers: they seem to have come from Taxila.

[1181] The name Khmer has been adopted as the technical term for the early literature and arts of the peninsula. Compare Barth J. As. Ser. VI. Tom. XIX. 193; Renan in ditto page 75 note 3 and Ser. VII. Tom. VIII. page 68; Yule in Encyclopædia Britannica Art. Cambodia. The resemblance of Cambodian and Kábul valley work recalls the praise by Chinese writers of the Han (B.C. 206-A.D. 24) and Wei (A.D. 386-556) dynasties of the craftsmen of Kipin, that is Kophene or Kamboja the Kábul valley, whose skill was not less remarkable in sculpturing and chiselling stone than in working gold silver copper and tin into vases and other articles. Specht in Journal Asiatique, II. (1883), 333 and note 3. A ninth century inscription mentions the architect Achyuta son of Ráma of Kámboja. Epigraphia Indica, I. 243.

[1182] Reinaud's Abulfeda, cdxxi.; Sachau's Alberuni, I. 210.

[1183] Fergusson's Architecture, III. 666.

[1184] For the joint Kedarite-Ephthalite rule in Kashmir see Cunningham's Ninth Oriental Congress, I. 231-2. The sameness of names, if not an identity of rulers, shows how close was the union between the Ephthalites and the Kedarites. The coins preserve one difference depicting the Yuechi or Kedarite ruler with bushy and the White Húna or Ephthalite ruler with cropped hair.

[1185] About A.D. 700 Urumtsi Kashgar Khoten and Kuche in the Tarim valley became Tibetan for a few years. Parker's Thousand Years of the Tartars, 243. In A.D. 691 the western Turks who for some years had been declining and divided were broken by the great eastern Turk conqueror Mercho. The following passage from Masúdi (Prairies D'Or, I. 289) supports the establishment of White Húna or Mihira power in Tibet. The sons of Amúr (a general phrase for Turks) mixed with the people of India. They founded a kingdom in Tibet the capital of which they called Med.

[1186] Encyclopædia Britannica Articles Tibet and Turkestan.

[1187] Both Ibn Haukal and Al Istakhri (A.D. 950) call the Bay of Bengal the sea of Tibet. Compare Reinaud's Abulfeda, ccclviii.; Encyclopædia Britannica Article Tibet page 345.

[1188] Yule's Cathay, I. lxxxi.

[1189] Ency. Brit. China, 646.

[1190] Thisrong besides spreading the power of Tibet (he was important enough to join with Mámún the son of the great Harun-ar-Rashid (A.D. 788-809) in a league against the Hindus) brought many learned Hindus into Tibet, had Sanskrit books translated, settled Lamaism, and built many temples. It is remarkable that (so far as inscriptions are read) the series of Nakhonwat temples was begun during Thisrong's reign (A.D. 803-845).

[1191] Yule's Marco Polo, II. 39-42; J. R. A. Soc. I. 355.

[1192] Yule Jour. R. A. Soc. (N. S.) I. 356.

[1193] Compare Yule in Jour. R. A. S. (N. S.) I. 355. Kandahár in south-west Afghanistán is another example of the Kedarite or Little Yuechi fondness for giving to their colonies the name of their parent country.

[1194] Compare Yule's Marco Polo, II. 82-84.

[1195] Yule in Ency. Brit. Art. Cambodia, 724, 725, 726.

[1196] Fa Hian (A.D. 400) about fifty miles north-west of Kanauj found a dragon chapel (Beal's Buddhist Records, I. 40) of which a white-eared dragon was the patron. The dragon, he notes, gives seasonable showers and keeps off all plagues and calamities. At the end of the rains the dragon turns into a little white-eared serpent and the priests feed him. At the deserted Kapilavastu in Tirhut Fa Hian was shown a tank and in it a dragon who, he says, constantly guards and protects a tower to Buddha and worships there night and morning (Ditto, I. 50).

Sung-Yun (A.D. 519) notices (Beal's Buddhist Records, I. 69) in Swát (Udyána) a tank and a temple with fifty priests called the temple of the Nága Rája because the Nága supplies it with funds. In another passage (Ditto, 92) he notices that in a narrow land on the border of Posse (Fars) a dragon had taken his residence and was stopping the rain and piling the snow. Hiuen Tsiang (Ditto, I. 20) notes that in Kucha, north of the Tarim river east of the Bolor mountains, the Shen horses are half dragon horses and the Shen men half dragon men. In Aksu, 150 miles west of Kucha, fierce dragons molest travellers with storms of flying sand and gravel (Ditto, 25); the hot lake or Johai, 100 miles north-east of Aksu, is jointly inhabited by dragons and fish; scaly monsters rise to the surface and travellers pray to them (Ditto, 26). An Arhat (page 63) prays that he may become a Nágarája. He becomes a Nágarája, kills the real Nágarája, takes his palace, attaches the Nágas to him, and raises winds and tempests; Kanishka comes against him and the Arhat takes the form of a Bráhman and knocks down Kanishka's towers. A great merit-flame bursts from Kanishka's shoulders and the Bráhman Nágarája apologises. His evil and passionate spirit, the fruit of evil deeds in a former birth, had made the Arhat pray to be a Nágarája. If clouds gathered the monks knew that the Nágarája meant mischief. The convent gong was beaten and the Nágarája pacified (or scared) Ditto, 64-66. Nágas were powerful brutes, cloud-riding wind-driving water-walking brutes, still only brutes. The account of the Nága or dragon of Jelalábád (in Kambojia) is excellent. In Buddha's time the dragon had been Buddha's milkman. He lost his temper, laid flowers at the Dragon's cave, prayed he might become a dragon, and leaped over the cliff. He laid the country waste and did so much harm that Tathágata (or Buddha) converted him. The Nága asked Buddha to take his cave. Buddha said No. I will leave my shadow. If you get angry look at my shadow and it will quiet you (Ditto, 94). Another typical dragon is Apalála of the Swát river (Ditto, 68). In the time of Kasyapa Buddha Apalála was a weaver of spells named Gangi. Gangi's spells kept the dragons quiet and saved the crops. But the people were thankless and paid no tithes. May I be born a dragon, cursed Gangi, poisonous and ruinous. He was born the dragon of the Swát valley, Apalála, who belched forth a salt stream and burned the crops. The ruin of the fair and pious valley of Swát reached Sakya's (Buddha's) ears. He passed to Mangala and beat the mountain side with Indra's mace. Apalála came forth was lectured and converted. He agreed to do no more mischief on condition that once in twelve years he might ruin the crops. (Ditto, 122.) In a lake about seven miles west of Takshasilá, a spot dear to the exiled Kambojan, lived Elápatra the Nágarája, a Bhikshu or ascetic who in a former life had destroyed a tree. When the crops wanted rain or fair weather, the Shamans or medicine-men led the people to pray at Elápatra's tank (page 137). In Kashmir, perhaps the place of halt of the Kambojan in his conquests eastwards, in old times the country was a dragon lake. ((Kashmir has still a trace of Gandhára. Compare (Ency. Brit. Art. Kashmir page 13: The races of Kashmir are Gandháras, Khasás, and Daradas.))) Madhyantika drove out the waters but left one small part as a house for the Nága king (I. 150). What sense have these tales? In a hilly land where the people live in valleys the river is at once the most whimsical and the most dangerous force. Few seasons pass in which the river does not either damage with its floods or with its failure and at times glaciers and landslips stop the entire flow and the valley is ruined. So great and so strange an evil as the complete drying of a river must be the result of some one's will, of some one's temper. The Dragon is angry he wants a sacrifice. Again the river ponds into a lake, the lake tops the earth bank and rushes in a flood wasting as only a dragon can waste. For generations after so awful a proof of power all doubts regarding dragons are dead. (Compare Drew's Cashmere and Jummoo, 414-421.) In India the Chinese dragon turns into a cobra. In China the cobra is unknown: in India than the cobra no power is more dreaded. How can the mighty unwieldy dragon be the little silent cobra. How not? Can the dragon be worshipful if he is unable to change his shape. To the spirit not to the form is worship due. Again the worshipped dragon becomes the guardian. The great earth Bodhisattva transforms himself into a Nágarája and dwells in lake Anavatapta whose flow of cool water enriches the world (Buddhist Records, II. 11). In a fane in Swát Buddha takes the form of a dragon and the people live on him (125). A pestilence wasted Swát. Buddha becomes the serpent Suma, all who taste his flesh are healed of the plague (126). A Nága maiden, who for her sins has been born in serpent shape and lives in a pool, loves Buddha who was then a Sakya chief. Buddha's merit regains for the girl her lost human form. He goes into the pool slays the girl's snake-kin and marries her. Not even by marriage with the Sakya is her serpent spirit driven out of the maiden. At night from her head issues a nine-crested Nága. Sakya strikes off the nine crests and ever since that blow the royal family has suffered from headaches (132). This last tale shows how Buddhism works on the coarser and fiercer tribes who accept its teaching. The converts rise to be men though a snake-head may peep out to show that not all of the old leaven is dead. In other stories Buddha as the sacramental snake shows the moral advance in Buddhism from fiend to guardian worship. The rest of the tales illustrate the corresponding intellectual progress from force worship to man, that is mind, worship. The water force sometimes kindly and enriching sometimes fierce and wasting becomes a Bodhisattva always kindly though his goodwill may have to give way to the rage of evil powers. So Bráhmanism turns Náráyana the sea into Siva or Somnáth the sea ruler. In this as in other phases religion passes from the worship of the forces of Nature to which in his beginnings man has to bow to the worship of Man or conscious Mind whose growth in skill and in knowledge has made him the Lord of the forces. These higher ideals are to a great extent a veneer. The Buddhist evangelist may dry the lake; he is careful to leave a pool for the Nágarája. In times of trouble among the fierce struggles of pioneers and settlers the spirit of Buddha withdraws and leaves the empty shrine to the earlier and the more immortal spirit of Force, the Nágarája who has lived on in the pool which for the sake of peace Buddha refrained from drying.

[1197] Mr. Fergusson (Architecture, 219) places the Káshmir temples between A.D. 600 and 1200 and allots Mártand the greatest to about A.D. 750. The classical element, he says, cannot be mistaken. The shafts are fluted Grecian Doric probably taken from the Gandhára monasteries of the fourth and fifth centuries. Fergusson was satisfied (Ditto, 289) that the religion of the builders of the Káshmir temples was Nága worship. In Cambodia the Bráhman remains were like those of Java (Ditto, 667). But the connection between the Nakhonwat series and the Káshmir temples was unmistakeable (Ditto, 297, 665). Nága worship was the object of both (Ditto, 677-679). Imperfect information forced Fergusson to date the Nakhonwat not earlier than the thirteenth century (Ditto, 660, 679). The evidence of the inscriptions which (J. As. Ser. VI. Tom. XIX. page 190) brings back the date of this the latest of a long series of temples to the ninth and tenth centuries adds greatly to the probability of some direct connection between the builders of the Mártand shrine in Káshmir and of the great Nakhonwat temple at Angkor.

[1198] Ency. Brit. Art. Tibet, 344.

[1199] Ency. Brit. Art. Cambodia.

[1200] Yule's Marco Polo, II. 45, 47.

[1201] Contributed by Khán Sáheb Fazlulláh Lutfulláh Farídi of Surat.

[1202] This account which is in two parts is named Silsilát-ut-Tawáríkh, that is the Chain of History. The first part was written in A.D. 851-52 by Sulaimán and has the advantage of being the work of a traveller who himself knew the countries he describes. The second part was written by Abu Zeid-al-Hasan of Siráf on the Persian Gulf about sixty years after Sulaimán's account. Though Abu Zeid never visited India, he made it his business to read and question travellers who had been in India. Abul Hasan-el-Masúdi (A.D. 915-943) who met him at Basrah is said to have imparted to and derived much information from Abu Zeid. Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 2.

[1203] Ahmed bin Yahyâ, surnamed Abu Jaâfar and called Biláduri or Bilázuri from his addiction to the electuary of the Malacca bean (bilázur) or anacardium, lived about the middle of the ninth century of the Christian era at the court of Al-Mutawakkil the Abbási, as an instructor to one of the royal princes. He died A.H. 279 (A.D. 892-93). His work is styled the Futúh-ul-Buldán The Conquest of Countries. He did not visit Sindh, but was in personal communication with men who had travelled far and wide.

[1204] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 115-116.

[1205] The reason of Umar's dislike for India is described by Al Masúdi (Murúj Arabic Text, Cairo Edition, III. 166-171), to have originated from the description of the country by a philosopher to whom Umar had referred on the first spread of Islám in his reign. The philosopher said: India is a distant and remote land peopled by rebellious infidels. Immediately after the battle of Kadesiah (A.D. 636) when sending out Utbah, his first governor to the newly-founded camp-town of Basrah Umar is reported to have said: I am sending thee to the land of Al-Hind (India) as governor. Remember it is a field of the fields of the enemy. The third Khalífah Usmán (A.D. 643-655) ordered his governor of Irák to depute a special officer to visit India and wait upon the Khalífah to report his opinion of that country. His report of India was not encouraging. He said: Its water is scarce, its fruits are poor, and its robbers bold. If the troops sent there are few they will be slain; if many they will starve. (Al-Biláduri in Elliot, I. 116.)

[1206] Sir H. Elliot's History of India, I. 116.

[1207] Sir H. Elliot (Hist. of India) transliterates this as Básia. But neither Básea nor his other supposition (Note 4 Ditto) Budha seem to have any sense. The original is probably Bátiah, a form in which other Arab historians and geographers also allude to Baet, the residence of the notorious Bawárij who are referred to a little farther on as seafarers and pirates. Ditto, I. 123.

[1208] This important expedition extended to Ujjain. Details Above page 109 and also under Bhínmál. Raids by sea from Sindh were repeated in A.D. 758, 760, 755, and perhaps A.D. 830. Reinaud's Fragments, 212. See Above Bhagvánlál's Early History page 96 note 3.

[1209] Details Above pages 94-96.

[1210] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 129.

[1211] Sir Henry Elliot (History of India, I. 129) calls it Kállari though (Ditto note 3) he says the text has Máli.

[1212] Sir H. Elliot's History of India, I. 129.

[1213] Ibni Khurdádbah a Musalmán of Magian descent as his name signifies, died H. 300 (A.D. 912). He held high office under the Abbási Khalífahs at Baghdád (Elliot's History of India, I. 13).

[1214] Abul Hasan Al Masudi, a native of Baghdád, who visited India about A.D. 915 and wrote his "Meadows of Gold" (Murúj-uz-zahab) about A.D. 950-51 and died A.D. 956 in Egypt. (Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 23-25.)

[1215] Abu Is-hák Al Istakhri, a native (as his cognomen signifies) of Persepolis who flourished about the middle of the tenth century and wrote his Book of Climes (Kitábul Akálím) about A.H. 340 (A.D. 951). Elliot's History of India, I. 26.

[1216] See Appendix A. Volume I. Sir Henry Elliot's History of India.

[1217] Elliot's History of India, 394, where Sir Henry Elliot calculates a parsang or farsang (Arabic farsakh) to be 3 1/2 miles. Al Bírúni, however, counts four kroh or miles to a farsakh. Sachau's Al Bírúni Arabic Text, chapter 18 page 97.

[1218] Sir Henry Elliot (History of India, I. 403) locates Surabáya somewhere near Surat. The mouth of the Tápti is still known in Surat as the Bára.

[1219] Ibni Haukal (Muhammad Abul Kásim) a native of Baghdád, left that city in H. 331 (A.D. 943), returned to it H. 358 (A.D. 968), and finished his work about H. 366 (A.D. 976). Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 31.

[1220] Elliot, I. 34.

[1221] Sir Henry Elliot (History of India, I. 363) correctly takes Fámhal to be a misreading for Anhal that is Anhilwára. Al Bírúni (A.D. 970-1039) uses the name Anhilwára without any Arab peculiarity of transliteration or pronunciation. Sachau's Arabic Text, 100. Al Idrísi (end of the eleventh century) styles Anhilwára "Nahrwára" (Elliot, I. 84) an equally well known name.

[1222] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 34.

[1223] M. Gildemeister's Latin translation of Ibni Haukal's Ashkál-ul-Bilád (Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 39).

[1224] Abu Rihán Al Bírúni was a native of Balkh in Central Asia. He accompanied Mahmúd of Ghazni to India in his expeditions and acquired an accurate knowledge of Sanskrit. His acquaintance with this language and Greek and his love of enquiry and research together with his fairness and impartiality, make his Indica a most valuable contribution to our information on India in the end of the tenth and beginning of the eleventh centuries. He finished his work after the death of his patron in A.D. 1030-31. See Sachau's Preface to the Arabic Text of the Indica, ix.

[1225] Al Bírúni makes his farsakh of four miles. Sachau's Arabic Text, 97.

[1226] Sir Henry Elliot's translation and transliteration of Rahanjúr (History of India, I. 61) are, be it said with all respect to the memory of that great scholar, inaccurate. He cannot make anything of the word (note 3) while in the Arabic Text of Sachau (page 100) the first letter is a plain r and not d. From the context also the ancient town of Rándir seems to be meant. It is plainly written Rahanjúr and is very likely the copyist's mistake for the very similar form Ráhandúr.

[1227] Sachau's Arabic Text of Al Bírúni, 98 and Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 61.

[1228] Elphinstone's History of India, Book V. Chapter I. 263 Note 25 (John Murray's 1849 Edition) on the authority of Captain MacMurdo and Captain Alexander Burnes inclines to the opinion that Debal was somewhere near the site of the modern Karáchi.

[1229] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 65. Sachau's Text of Al Bírúni, chapter 18 page 102.

[1230] Al Biláduri uses the word Barija for a strong built war vessel. Sir Henry Elliot derives the word from the Arabic and gives an interesting note on the subject in his Appendix I. 539. The word is still used in Hindustáni as beda (by'dA) to signify a boat or bark.

[1231] Sachau's Arabic Text, 102.

[1232] According to Richardson (Arabic Dictionary voce myrrh) though rendered gum by all translators. According to the Makhzan the word mukl (Urdu gughal) is Balsamodendron and Bádrud the corruption of Báruz (Urdu biroza) is balsam or bezoar.

[1233] Sachau's Arabic Text page 99 chapter 18.

[1234] After giving the distances in days or journeys the Text (page 102 Sachau's Text of Al Bírúni) does not particularise the distances of the places that follow in journeys or farsakhs.

[1235] Elliot's History of India, I. 67.

[1236] Abu Abdallah Muhammad Al Idrísi, a native of Ceuta in Morocco and descended from the royal family of the Idrísis of that country, settled at the court of Roger II. of Sicily, where and at whose desire he wrote his book The Nuzhat-ul-Mushták or The Seeker's Delight. Elliot's History of India, I: 74. Almost all Al Idrísi's special information regarding Sindh and Western India is from Al-Jauhari governor of Khurásán (A.D. 892-999), whose knowledge of Sindh and the Indus valley is unusually complete and accurate. Compare Reinaud's Abulfeda, lxiii.

[1237] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 77.

[1238] Bombay Gazetteer, II. 69.

[1239] Elliot's History of India, I. 76.

[1240] Elliot's History of India, I. 79.

[1241] Elliot's History of India, I. 79.

[1242] Elliot's History of India, I. 84.

[1243] The details of Kulámmali given by Al Kazwíni (A.D. 1263-1275) seem to show it is Quilon on the Malabár Coast. When a ruler died his successor was always chosen from China.

[1244] Elliot (I. 363-364) on the authority of Al Istakhri thinks that all the names Ámhal, Fámhal, Kámhal, and Mámhal are faulty readings of Anhal (Anhil)wára owing to irregularity in the position or absence of diacritical points.

[1245] This is probably Ránder, a very natural Arab corruption. Instance Al Bírúni's Ranjhur. See page 507 note 11 and page 520.

[1246] Rumála is mentioned at pages 14, 87, 92 and 93 volume I. of Elliot. It is first mentioned (page 14) by Ibni Khurdádbah (A.D. 912) as one of the countries of Sindh. It is next mentioned by Al Idrísi (end of the eleventh century according to Elliot, I. 74) as one of the places of the eighth section describing the coast of India, but is mentioned along with Nahrwára, Kandhár, and Kalbata (?). At page 92 (Ditto) the same writer (Idrísi) says that Kalbata and Rumála are on the borders of the desert which separates Multán from Sijistán. Again at page 93 (Ditto) Idrísi gives the distance between Kalbata and Rumála as a distance of three days.

[1247] Elliot's History of India, I. 84.

[1248] Sir H. Elliot's History of India, I. 85.

[1249] Elliot, I. 90-93.

[1250] Elliot's History of India, I. 89.

[1251] Zakariah Ibni Muhammad Al Kazwíni, a native of Kazwín (Kasbin) in Persia, wrote his Ásár-ul-Bilád or "Signs or Monuments of Countries" about A.H. 661 (A.D. 1263) compiling it chiefly from the writings of Al Istakhri (A.D. 951) and Ibni Haukal (A.D. 976). He also frequently quotes Misâr bin Muhalhil, a traveller who (A.D. 942) visited India and China. Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 94.

[1252] Barbier De Meynard's Text of Al Masúdi's Les Prairies D'Or, I. 382.

[1253] Sir Henry Elliot misreads Tamraz for Al Bírúni's Arabic form of Narmaza. He says: It comes from the city of Tamraz and the eastern hills; it has a south-easterly course till it falls into the sea near Báhruch about 60 yojanas to the east of Somnáth. The literal translation of the text of Al Bírúni (see Sachau's Al Bírúni's India, 130) is that given above: It is hard to believe that the accurate Al Bírúni while in one place (see Sachau's Text, 99) giving the name of the Narbada faultlessly, should in another place fall into the error of tracing it from Tirmiz a city of Central Asia. A comparison of Elliot's version with the text sets the difficulty at rest. Compare Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 49 and note 3 ditto and Sachau's Arabic Text of Al Bírúni, 180 chapter 25.

[1254] Compare Sachau's Al Bírúni with Sir Henry Elliot, I. 49, who is silent as to the distance.

[1255] See Ahmedábád Gazetteer, IV. 338; also Elliot's History of India, I. 356-357.

[1256] See Appendix Elliot's History of India, I. 363.

[1257] Al Istakhri in Elliot (History of India), I. 27.

[1258] Al Istakhri in Elliot (History of India), I. 30.

[1259] Ibni Haukal in Elliot (History of India), I. 32-34.

[1260] Ibni Haukal in Elliot (History of India), I. 34-38.

[1261] Ibni Haukal in Elliot (History of India), I. 39.

[1262] Ibni Haukal in Elliot (History of India), I. 40.

[1263] Al Bírúni in Elliot (History of India), I. 61.

[1264] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 77.

[1265] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 79.

[1266] Bánia seems to be a copyist's error for Bazána or Náráyana. The distances agree and the fact that to this day the neighbourhood of Jaipur is noted for its flocks of sheep bears additional testimony to the correctness of the supposition.

[1267] Al Idrísi in Elliot's History of India, I. 84.

[1268] Al Idrísi in Elliot's History of India, I. 9. The Balháras or Ráshtrakútas lost their power in A.D. 974. The only explanation of Idrísi's (A.D. 1100) Balháras at Anhilwára is that Idrísi is quoting from Al Bírúni A.D. 950.

[1269] Farishtah Persian Text Lithographed Bombay Edition, I. 57.

[1270] Farishtah Persian Text Lithographed Bombay Edition, IV. 48. The Rauzat-us-Safa states that it was at Somnáth the Ghaznavide wanted to fix his capital (IV. 42 Persian Text, Lakhnau Edition). Anahilaváda seems more likely.

[1271] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, II. 155.

[1272] The Jámi-ûl-Hikáyát in Elliot (History of India), II. 162.

[1273] Elliot's History of India, II. 200.

[1274] Elliot's History of India, II. 229-30.

[1275] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, III. 74.

[1276] Sachau's Text, 102.

[1277] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 87.

[1278] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 88.

[1279] Elliot's History of India, III. 260.

[1280] Bayley's Gujarát, 81.

[1281] Elliot's History of India, IV. 39; History of Gujarát, 81.

[1282] Bayley's Gujarát, 90.

[1283] Al Biláduri (A.D. 892) in Elliot's History of India, I. 116.

[1284] Al Biláduri (A.D. 892) in Elliot's History of India, I. 126. Details of this far-stretching affliction of Sindh, Kachh, the Chávadás, Chitor, Bhínmál, and Ujjain are given above, History 109.

[1285] Ibni Khurdádbah in Elliot (History of India), I. 14.

[1286] Al Bírúni in Elliot (History of India, I. 49-66), and Sachau's Arabic Text, 100.

[1287] Barbier DeMeynard's Arabic Text of Les Prairies D'Or, I. 239.

[1288] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 87.

[1289] Elliot's History of India, III. 256-260.

[1290] Al Istakhri in Elliot (History of India), I. 27.

[1291] Al Istakhri in Elliot (History of India), I. 30.

[1292] Prairies D'Or (Barbier DeMeynard's Arabic Text), I. 253-54.

[1293] Prairies D'Or (Arabic Text), III. 47.

[1294] Ibni Haukal in Elliot (History of India), I. 34.

[1295] Ibni Haukal in Elliot (History of India), I. 38.

[1296] Ibni Haukal in Elliot (History of India), I. 39.

[1297] Rashíd-ud-dín from Al Bírúni in Elliot's History of India, I. 66 and Sachau's Arabic Text, chapter 18 pages 99-102.

[1298] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 67.

[1299] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 77.

[1300] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 84.

[1301] Tazjiyat-ul-Amsar in Elliot, III. 32.

[1302] Saâdi's patron mentioned by him in his Garden of Roses.

[1303] The word dínár is from the Latin denarius (a silver coin worth 10 oz. of brass) through the Greek dênarion. It is a Kuráanic word, the ancient Arabic equivalent being mithkál. The dínár sequin or ducat varied in value in different times. In Abu Haúfah's (the greatest of the four Sunni Jurisconsults') time (A.D. 749) its value ranged from 10 to 12 dirhams. Then from 20 to 25 dirhams or drachmas. As a weight it represented a drachma and a half. Though generally fluctuating, its value may be assessed at 9s. or 10 francs to half a sovereign. For an elaborate article on the Dínár see Yule's Cathay, II. 439; Burton's Alf Leilah, I. 32. The word Dirham is used in Arabic in the sense of "silver" (vulg. siller) the Greek drachmê and the drachuma of Plautus. This silver piece was 9 3/4d. and as a weight 66 1/2 grains. Sir Henry Elliot does not speak more at length of the dínár and the dirham than to say (History of India, I. 461) that they were introduced in Sindh in the reign of Abdul Malik (A.D. 685) and Elliot, VII. 31) that the dínár was a Rúm and the dirham a Persian coin. The value of the dínár in modern Indian currency may be said to be Rs. 5 and that of the dirham nearly annas 4.

[1304] Wassáf gives the date of this event as A.D. 1298, but the Tárikh-i-Alái of Amír Khusrao places it at A.D. 1300. See Elliot's History of India, III. 43 and 74.

[1305] Elliot's History of India, III. 256-57.

[1306] Al Masúdi in Elliot (History of India), I. 24.

[1307] Prairies D'Or, II. 85.

[1308] He was called a Hairam or Hairamah in the language of the country. Al Masúdi's Murúj Arabic Text Cairo Edition, II. 56.

[1309] Al Masúdi's Murúj Arabic Text Cairo Edition, II. 56-57.

[1310] One born in India of an Arab father and an Indian mother probably from the Gujaráti word Ádh-besra meaning mixed blood. This seems the origin of the Bais Rájput. The performer in the case in the text was a Hindu. Al Masúdi (Murúj Arabic Text II. 57 Cairo Edition) says that the singular of Bayásirah is Besar.

[1311] Al Istakhri in Elliot (History of India), I. 27.

[1312] Al Istakhri in Elliot (History of India), I. 30.

[1313] Ibni Haukal in Elliot (History of India), I. 33-34.

[1314] Ibni Haukal in Elliot (History of India), I. 38.

[1315] Ibni Haukal in Elliot (History of India), I. 38.

[1316] Al Bírúni Sachau's Arabic Text, 102; Elliot's History of India, I. 39, 66.

[1317] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 77.

[1318] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 77, 85.

[1319] Al Kazwíni in Elliot (History of India), I. 97.

[1320] Though Al Kazwíni wrote in the thirteenth century, he derives his information of India from Misâar bin Muhalhil, who visited India about A.D. 942. Elliot (History of India), I. 94.

[1321] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 87.

[1322] Tárikh-i-Fírúz Sháhi by Ziá Barni (Elliot's History of India), III. 264-65.

[1323] Rashíd-ud-dín (A.D. 1310) from Al Birúni in Elliot's History of India, I. 65.

[1324] Rashíd-ud-dín (A.D. 1310) from Al Birúni in Elliot's History of India, I. 49.

[1325] Rashíd-ud-dín (A.D. 1310) from Al Birúni in Elliot's History of India, I. 66.

[1326] Written A.D. 1600 (Elliot, I. 213).

[1327] Táríkh-i-Maâsumi in Elliot, I. 16.

[1328] Tuhfat-ul-Kirám in Elliot, I. 344.

[1329] Táríkh-i-Maâsumi in Elliot, I. 217.

[1330] Tárikh-i-Maâsumi in Elliot, I. 218.

[1331] Tárikh-i-Táhiri (Elliot's History of India), I. 267-68.

[1332] Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal for February 1838, 102.

[1333] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 268.

[1334] Tárikh-i-Fírúz Sháhi in Elliot, II. 260.

[1335] In his Arabic Text of the Murúj (Prairies D'Or, Cairo Edition) Al Masúdi writes the name of the Kanauj king as Farwarah. (If the F stands for P and the w for m, as is quite possible in Arab writing, then this can be Parmárah the Arab plural for Parmár.) At volume I. page 240 the word Farwarah is twice used. Once: "And the king of Kanauj, of the kings of Sindh (India) is Farwarah." Again at the same page (240): "And Farwarah he who is king of Kanauj is opposed to Balhara." Then at page 241: Farwarah is again used in the beginning of the account quoted by Elliot in I. 23.

[1336] Elliot's History of India, I. 23. In the Cairo Edition of the Arabic Text of Al Masúdi's Murúj (Prairies D'Or) vol. I. page 241 is the original of this account.

[1337] Elliot's History of India, I. 33.

[1338] Elliot's History of India. I. 45.

[1339] Elliot's History of India, I. 49.

[1340] Elliot, I. 90.

[1341] Elliot's History of India, I. 147.

[1342] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 15.

[1343] Táj-ul-Mâásir in Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, II. 222. 'After staying some time at Dehli he (Kutb-ud-dín) marched in A.D. 1194 (H. 590) towards Kol and Banâras passing the Jumna which from its exceeding purity resembled a mirror.' It would seem to place Kol near Banâras.

[1344] Al Masúdi's Prairies D'Or (Arabic Text), I. 168.

[1345] Al Masúdi in Elliot (History of India), I. 19, 20, 21 and Prairies D'Or, I. 178.

[1346] Al Masúdi Arabic Text Prairies D'Or, (I. 381); Al Masúdi in Elliot (History of India), I. 24.

[1347] That is an Arab dirhem and a half. Al Istakhri in Elliot (History of India), I. 27. These Tártariyya dirhems are mentioned by almost all Arab writers. Al Idrísi says they were current in Mansúrah in Sindh and in the Malay archipelago. See Elliot, I. 3 note 4. According to Sulaimán (A.D. 851) the Tártariya dirham weighed "a dirham and a half of the coinage of the king." Elliot, I. 3. Al Masúdi (Prairies D'Or, I. 382) calls these "Tátiriyyah" dirhams, giving them the same weight as that given by Sulaimán to the Tártariyah dirhams. Ibni Haukal calls it the Titari dirhem and makes its weight equal to "a dirham and a third" (Elliot, I. 85).

[1348] Kumlah is rauma salt land. There is a Rúm near Kárur about sixty miles south-east of Multán. Al Idrísi (A.D. 1135) has a Rumálah three days from Kalbata the salt range. Elliot, I. 92.

[1349] Probably Okhámandal. See Appendix vol. I. page 390 Elliot's History of India.

[1350] Sachau's Arabic Text of Al Bírúni's Indica, 99.

[1351] Persian Text Bombay Edition of 1832, I. 53.

[1352] Sachau's Arabic Text of Al Bírúni, 100.

[1353] Elliot's History of India, I. 84.

[1354] Al Biláduri in Elliot (History of India), I. 129. The word sáj in the Arabic text means besides a teak-spar (which seems to be an improbable present to be sent to a Khalifáh), a large black or green turban or sash.

[1355] Ibni Khurdádbha in Elliot (History of India), I. 14 and 15.

[1356] De Meynard's Arabic Text of Les Prairies D'Or, III. 47-48.

[1357] Al Istakhri in Elliot (History of India), I. 27 and 30.

[1358] Ibni Haukal in Elliot (History of India), I. 34 and 38.

[1359] Al Bírúni in Elliot, I. 66.

[1360] Al Idrísi in Elliot, I. 77-85.

[1361] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 403 Appendix.

[1362] Lee's Ibni Batuta, 166.

[1363] Al Masúdi in Elliot (History of India), I. 21.

[1364] Rashid-ud-dín from Al Bírúni in Elliot, I. 68.

[1365] Al Idrísi in Elliot, I. 89.

[1366] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 65; Sachau's Arabic Text of Al Bírúni, 102.

[1367] Elliot's History of India, I. 67.

[1368] Sachau's Text of Al Bírúni, 252.

[1369] Sachau's Arabic Text, 253.

[1370] Sachau's Arabic Text, 253 chapter 58.

[1371] It appears that at the time of his expedition to Somnáth Mahmúd had not adopted the title of Sultán.

[1372] Sachau's Arabic Text, 253 chapter 58.

[1373] Sachau's Text, 253 chapter 58.

[1374] The Táríkh-i-Kámil. Ibni Asír (A.D. 1160-1232) is a voluminous and reliable historian. Ibni Khallikán, the author of the famous biographical dictionary, knew and respected Asír always alluding to him as "our Sheikh." See Elliot, II. 245.

[1375] From the term 'sculptured' it would seem the idol was of stone. It is curious how Ibni Asír states a little further that a part of the idol was "burned by Mehmúd." See Elliot, II. 471. The Tárikh-i-Alfi says (Elliot, II. 471) that the idol was cut of solid stone. It however represents it as hollow and containing jewels, in repeating the somewhat hackneyed words of Mahmúd when breaking the idol regardless of the handsome offer of the Bráhmans, and finding it full of jewels.

[1376] The Rauzat-us-Safa (Lithgd. Edition, IV. 48) speaks of Mahmúd's project of making Somnáth his capital and not Anhilwára as stated by Farishtah (I. 57, Original Persian Text). The Rauzát-us-Safa says that when Mahmúd had conquered Somnáth he wished to fix his residence there for some years as the country was very large and had a great many advantages including mines of pure gold and rubies brought from Sarandíb or Ceylon which he represents as a dependency of Gujarát. At last he yielded to his minister's advice and agreed to return to Khurásán.

[1377] Prairies D'Or (DeMeynard's Arabic Text, I. 381); also Al Masúdi in Elliot (History of India. I. 24).

[1378] Al Istakhri in Elliot (History of India), I. 27.

[1379] Al Istakhri in Elliot (History of India), I. 30.

[1380] Ibni Haukal in Elliot (History of India), I. 34, 39.

[1381] Thus in Sachau's Arabic Text page 102, but Elliot (I. 66) spells the word Sufára in his translation. It might have assumed that form in coming from the Arabic through Rashíd-ud-dín's Persian version from which Sir Henry Elliot derives his account.

[1382] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 77 and 85.

[1383] Al Bilázuri in Elliot, I. 116.

[1384] Barbier DeMeynard's Text of Masúdi's Prairies D'Or, I. 330 and 381.

[1385] Sachau's Arabic Text of Al Bírúni, chapters 18, 99, 102 and Elliot's History of India, I. 60-61, 66-67.

[1386] Al Idrísi in Elliot, 1-89.

[1387] Al Idrísi says the real tabáshír is extracted from the root of the reed called sharki. Sarki is Gujaráti for reed. It is generally applied to the reeds growing on river banks used by the poor for thatching their cottages. Tabáshír is a drug obtained from the pith of the bamboo and prescribed by Indian physicians as a cooling drink good for fever.

[1388] The name Barádah in Arabic orthography bears a close resemblance to Barâbah, Bárlabah, Barlabah, all three being the forms or nearly the forms in which the word Walabah or Walabi would be written by an Arab, supposing the diacritical points to be, as they often are, omitted. Besides as Barádah the word has been read and miswritten Nárand or Bárand and Bárad or Barid. In the shikastah or broken hand Nárand or Bárand would closely resemble Bárlabah or Báradah. Al Bilázuri in Elliot's History of India I. 127, writes the word Nárand or Bárand. Sir Henry Elliot (History, I. 444) reads the word Barada and would identify the place with the Barda hills inland from Porbandar in south-west Káthiávád. The objection to this is that the word used by the Arab writers was the name of a town as well as of a coast tract, while the name of Barda is applied solely to a range of hills. On the other hand Balaba the coast and town meets all requirements.

[1389] Reigned A.D. 754-775.

[1390] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, II. 246 and Frag. Arabes 3, 120, 212; Weil's Geschichte der Chalifen, II. 115.

[1391] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 444.

[1392] Sir Henry Elliot (History of India, I. 445) identifies Kandhár with Kandadár in north-west Káthiávád.

[1393] Sachau's Original Text, 205.

[1394] Sachau's Original Text, 17-94.

[1395] Details above in Dr. Bhagvánlál's History, 96 note 3.

[1396] Elliot's History of India, I. 7.

[1397] Elliot's History of India, I. 22, 24, 25.

[1398] Elliot's History of India, I. 34.

[1399] Elliot's History of India, I. 86.

[1400] Al Masúdi Les Prairies D'Or, II. chapter 18 page 85.

[1401] Giving an account of the diviners and jugglers of India Abu Zaid says: These observations are especially applicable to Kanauj, a large country forming the empire of Jurz. Abu Zaid in Elliot's History of India, I. 10. References given in the History of Bhínmál show that the Gurjjara power spread not only to Kanauj but to Bengal.

[1402] Ibni Khurdádbah in Elliot's History of India, I. 13.

[1403] Al Masúdi in Elliot (History of India), I. 25.

[1404] Ibni Haukal in Elliot (History of India), I. 34.

[1405] Al Bírúni in Elliot (History of India), I. 67.

[1406] Al Bírúni in Elliot (History of India), I. 59.

[1407] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 76.

[1408] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 86.

[1409] The merchant Sulaimán (851 A.D.) in Elliot's History of India, I. 5.

[1410] Ibni Khurdádbah in Elliot (History of India), I. 13.

[1411] Al Masúdi in Elliot (History of India), I. 23.

[1412] Al Masúdi in Elliot (History of India), I. 25.

[1413] Ibni Khurdádbah in Elliot's History of India, I. 14.

[1414] Al Masúdi in History of India by Sir Henry Elliot, I. 25.

[1415] Lane's Notes on his Translation of the Alf Leilah, III. 80.

[1416] Al Masúdi's Murúj (Arabic Text Cairo Edition, I. 221).

[1417] The merchant Sulaimán (Elliot's History of India), I. 4 and 5.

[1418] See page 519 note 8.

[1419] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 11.

[1420] Ibni Khurdádbah in Elliot's History of India, I. 14.

[1421] Ibni Khurdádbah in Elliot's History of India, I. 15.

[1422] Al Masúdi (Elliot's History of India), I. 23.

[1423] Barbier De Meynard's Arabic Text of Les Prairies D'Or, III. 47-48.

[1424] Barbier De Meynard's Arabic Text of Les Prairies D'Or, I. 239.

[1425] Barbier De Meynard's Arabic Text of Les Prairies D'Or, I. 253.

[1426] Barbier De Meynard's Arabic Text of Les Prairies D'Or, I. 384.

[1427] Ibni Haukal (Ashkál-ul-Bilád) and Elliot's History of India, I. 39.

[1428] Elliot's History of India, III. 33.

[1429] Mámhal is by some numbered among the cities of India. Al Idrísi in Elliot, I. 84.

[1430] Al Idrísi in Elliot, I. 79.

[1431] Al Idrísi in Elliot, I. 85.

[1432] Al Idrísi in Elliot's History of India, I. 85.

[1433] Al Idrísi in Elliot's History of India, I. 85.

[1434] Rashíd-ud-dín in Elliot's History of India, I. 67-68.

[1435] Ibni Haukal (A.D. 968) in Elliot, I. 39.

[1436] Al Idrísi (A.D. 968) in Elliot, I. 84 and 87.

[1437] Al Idrísi speaking of Cambay in Elliot's History of India, I. 84.

[1438] Al Idrísi in Elliot, I. 85.

[1439] Al Idrísi in Elliot, I. 88.

[1440] Al Masúdi in Elliot's History of India, I. 9.

[1441] Ibni Haukal in Elliot, I. 35.

[1442] Ibni Haukal in Elliot, I. 39.

[1443] Al Idrísi in Elliot's History of India, I. 88.

[1444] Rashíd-ud-dín (A.D. 1310) in Elliot's History of India, I. 67. The passage seems to be a quotation from Al Bírúni (A.D. 1031).

[1445] Ibni Haukal in Elliot's History of India, I. 34-38, also Al Kazwíni, I. 97.

[1446] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 29.

[1447] The merchant Sulaimán in Elliot's History of India, I. 7.

[1448] The merchant Sulaimán in Elliot's History of India, I. 6.

[1449] The merchant Sulaimán in Elliot's History of India, I. 7.

[1450] Abu Zaid in Elliot's History of India, I. 10.

[1451] Abu Zaid in Elliot's History of India, I. 9-10.

[1452] Abu Zaid in Elliot's History of India, I. 11.

[1453] Ibni Khurdádbah in Elliot, I. 17.

[1454] See Elliot, I. 76, where Al Idrísi calls the first class 'Sákariá' the word being a transliteration of the Arabic Thákariyah or Thákurs.

[1455] The Arabic plural of the word Barahman.

[1456] Ibni Khurdádbah in Elliot's History of India, I. 13-17.

[1457] Text Les Prairies D'Or, I. 149-154 and Elliot's History of India, I. 19.

[1458] Arabic Text Les Prairies D'Or, I. 149-154, and Elliot's History of India, I. 20.

[1459] Al Masúdi's Prairies D'Or, I. 169, and Elliot's History of India, I. 20.

[1460] Rashíd-ud-dín from Al Bírúni in Elliot's History of India, I. 67-68.

[1461] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 76.

[1462] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 85.

[1463] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 87.

[1464] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 88.

[1465] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 88.

[1466] Contributed by Mr. A. M. T. Jackson, M.A., I.C.S.

[1467] We learn from Pliny (VI. 22) that Palaisimoundou was the name of a town and a river in Ceylon, whence the name was extended to the whole island.

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