Opening

GAZETTEER OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY

VOLUME I. PART I.

HISTORY OF GUJARÁT.

UNDER GOVERNMENT ORDERS.

BOMBAY: PRINTED AT THE GOVERNMENT CENTRAL PRESS. 1896.

Bombay Castle, 14th February 1902.

In further recognition of the distinguished labours of Sir James McNabb Campbell, K.C.I.E., and of the services rendered by those who have assisted him in his work, His Excellency the Governor in Council is pleased to order that the following extract from Government Resolution No. 2885, dated the 11th August 1884, be republished and printed immediately after the title page of Volume I, Part I, of the Gazetteer, and published in every issue:

"His Excellency the Governor in Council has from time to time expressed his entire approval of the Volumes of the Gazetteer already published, and now learns with much satisfaction that the remaining Statistical Accounts have been completed in the same elaborate manner. The task now brought to a close by Mr. Campbell has been very arduous. It has been the subject of his untiring industry for more than ten years, in the earlier part of which period, however, he was occasionally employed on additional duties, including the preparation of a large number of articles for the Imperial Gazetteer. When the work was begun, it was not anticipated that so much time would be required for its completion, because it was not contemplated that it would be carried out on so extensive a scale. Its magnitude may be estimated by the fact that the Statistical Accounts, exclusive of the general chapters yet to be reprinted, embrace twenty-seven Volumes containing on an average 500 pages each. Mr. Campbell could not have sustained the unflagging zeal displayed by him for so long a period without an intense interest in the subjects dealt with. The result is well worthy of the labour expended, and is a proof of the rare fitness of Mr. Campbell on the ground both of literary ability and of power of steady application for the important duty assigned to him. The work is a record of historical and statistical facts and of information regarding the country and the people as complete perhaps as ever was produced on behalf of any Government, and cannot fail to be of the utmost utility in the future administration of the Presidency.

"2. The thanks of Government have already been conveyed to the various contributors, and it is only necessary now to add that they share, according to the importance of their contributions, in the credit which attaches to the general excellence of the work."

The whole series of Volumes is now complete, and His Excellency in Council congratulates Sir James Campbell and all associated with him in this successful and memorable achievement.

H. O. QUIN, Secretary to Government, General Department.

The earliest record of an attempt to arrange for the preparation of Statistical Accounts of the different districts of the Bombay Presidency is in 1843. In 1843 Government called on the Revenue Commissioner to obtain from all the Collectors as part of their next Annual Report the fullest available information regarding their districts. [1] The information was specially to include their own and their Assistants' observations on the state of the cross and other roads not under the superintendence of a separate department, on the passes and ferries throughout the country, on the streets in the principal towns, and on the extension and improvement of internal communications. As from Collectors alone could any knowledge of the state of the district be obtained, the Collectors were desired to include in their Annual Reports observations on every point from which a knowledge of the actual condition of the country could be gathered with the exception of matters purely judicial which were to be supplied by the Judicial Branch of the Administration. Government remarked that, as Collectors and their Assistants during a large portion of the year moved about the district in constant and intimate communication with all classes they possessed advantages which no other public officers enjoyed of acquiring a full knowledge of the condition of the country, the causes of progress or retrogradation, the good measures which require to be fostered and extended, the evil measures which call for abandonment, the defects in existing institutions which require to be remedied, and the nature of the remedies to be applied. Collectors also, it was observed, have an opportunity of judging of the effect of British rule on the condition and character of the people, on their caste prejudices, and on their superstitious observances. They can trace any alteration for the better or worse in dwellings, clothing and diet, and can observe the use of improved implements of husbandry or other crafts, the habits of locomotion, the state of education particularly among the higher classes whose decaying means and energy under our most levelling system compared with that of preceding governments will attract their attention. Finally they can learn how far existing village institutions are effectual to their end, and may be made available for self-government and in the management of local taxation for local purposes.

In obedience to these orders reports were received from the Collectors of Ahmedábád Broach Kaira Thána and Khándesh. Some of the reports, especially that of Mr. J. D. Inverarity, contained much interesting information. These five northern reports were practically the only result of the Circular Letter of 1843.

The question of preparing District Statistical Manuals was not again raised till 1870. In October 1867 the Secretary of State desired the Bombay Government to take steps for the compilation of a Gazetteer of the Presidency on the model of the Gazetteer prepared during that year for the Central Provinces. The Bombay Government requested the two Revenue Commissioners and the Director of Public Instruction to submit a scheme for carrying into effect the orders of the Secretary of State. In reply the officers consulted remarked that the work to be done for the Bombay Presidency would be of a multifarious character; that the article on the commerce of Bombay would require special qualifications in the writer; that again special qualifications would be required for writing accounts of the sacred cities of Násik and Pálitána, of the caves of Ajanta and Ellora, of the histories of Sindh Gujarát and Ahmednagar, and of the Portuguese connection with Western India. The Committee observed that a third form of special knowledge would be required to write accounts of Pársis Khojás and other castes and tribes; that in short the undertaking would be one of much wider scope and greater difficulty than the preparation of the Gazetteer of the Central Provinces. Much thought would be required before the general plan could be laid down, and after the plan was fixed all sorts of questions as to arrangement and treatment of particular parts would be sure to arise. In the Committee's opinion local revenue officers could not as a rule find time to devote to work of this description without neglecting their ordinary duties; but they could correct and amplify such information as a special officer could compile from the published and unpublished records of Government.

In January 1868 the Bombay Government decided that the general supervision and direction of the work should be placed in the hands of a Committee consisting of the Revenue Commissioners, the Director of Public Instruction, and the Commissioner of Customs, and that an Editor should be appointed with a small copying establishment to act under the directions of the Committee. The Editor was to give his entire time to the work and was expected to finish it in about a year. He was to collect and arrange in alphabetical order all recorded information regarding the towns and other places of interest in each Collectorate, and to send printed on half margin each draft when completed to the local officers for verification, additions, and alterations. When the drafts were returned and corrected by the Editor, they were to be laid before the Committee. To enable the Editor to meet such expenses as a fair remuneration for articles contributed by qualified persons, and also to pay for the printing of the work with small accompanying maps, an amount not exceeding Rs. 12,000 was sanctioned for the total expense of the Gazetteer including the payment of the Editor. At the outset it was decided to place a portion of the sum sanctioned not exceeding Rs. 2000, at the disposal of the Commissioner in Sindh to secure the preparation of articles referring to Sindh. The Committee were requested to meet at Poona in June 1868 and to report to Government on the best mode of preparing and editing the Gazetteer and supervising its publication. The Collectors and Political Officers were in the meanwhile requested to ascertain what records in their possession were likely to be useful for the preparation of a Gazetteer and what papers in the possession of others and likely to be useful for the purpose were obtainable within their charge. Collectors and Political Officers were requested to send their replies direct to the Director of Public Instruction who would collect them on behalf of the Committee.

In August 1868 the Bombay Gazetteer Committee, composed of Messrs. A. F. Bellasis Revenue Commissioner N. D. Chairman, Mr. W. H. Havelock Revenue Commissioner S. D. and Sir Alexander Grant, Director of Public Instruction, submitted a report recommending the following arrangements:

(1) That Mr. W. H. Crowe, C.S., then Acting Professor in the Dakhan College, be appointed Editor of the Gazetteer with a monthly remuneration of Rs. 200 out of the Rs. 12,000 sanctioned for the expense of the Gazetteer and that he should at the same time be attached as an Assistant to the Collector of Poona; (2) That Mr. Crowe be allowed an establishment not exceeding Rs. 50 a month chargeable to the grant of Rs. 12,000, and such contingent charges as may be passed by the Committee; (3) That Professor Kero Luxman Chhatre be requested to assist Mr. Crowe on various questions both local and mathematical, and that on the completion of the work a suitable honorarium be granted to Professor Kero; (4) That agreeably to the suggestions of Major Prescott and Colonel Francis, Mr. Light should be directed to compile for the different districts all information in the possession of the Survey Department in communication with the Editor of the Gazetteer who was to work under the Committee's orders; (5) That the above appointments be made at present for one year only, at the end of which from the Committee's progress report, it would be possible to state with approximate definiteness the further time required for the completion of the Gazetteer.

These proposals were sanctioned on the 11th September 1868. Towards the close of 1868 Mr. (now Sir) J. B. Peile took the place of Sir A. Grant on the Committee and Colonel Francis was added to the list of the members. Adhering as far as possible to the arrangement followed in the Gazetteer of the Central Provinces, which had met with the approval of the Secretary of State, Mr. Crowe drew out the following list of subjects which was forwarded to all Collectors Sub-Collectors and Survey Superintendents:

I.--General Description.

(a) Latitude and Longitude. (b) Locality. (c) Boundaries. (d) Aspect. (e) Water-supply. (f) Rivers. (g) Mountains. (h) Area. (i) Altitude.

II.--Climate, Seasons.

(a) Rainfall. (b) Health. (c) Prevailing Diseases.

III.--Geology.

(a) Soils. (b) Minerals. (c) Scientific Details.

IV.--History.

V.--Administration.

(a) Judicial. (b) Revenue. (c) Miscellaneous.

VI.--Revenue.

(a) Imperial. (b) Local.

VII.--Population.

(a) Census. (b) Description of Inhabitants. (c) Castes.

VIII.--Sub-Divisions.

(a) Names of Tálukás. (b) Names of Towns.

IX.--Production.

(a) Agriculture. (b) Forest. (c) Animals. (d) Minerals. (e) Manufactures.

X.--Trade and Commerce.

XI.--Communications.

(a) Roads. (b) Railways. (c) Telegraphs. (d) Post.

XII.--Revenue System and Land Tenures.

XVI.--Education.

(a) Schools. (b) Instruction.

XIV.--Language.

XV.--Architectural Remains and Antiquities.

XVI.--Principal Towns and Villages.

In 1869 the draft articles prepared by Mr. Crowe were submitted to Mr. (now Sir) W. W. Hunter of the Bengal Civil Service who expressed his satisfaction at the progress made. The Committee adopted certain suggestions made by Sir W. Hunter for the arrangement of the work and for obtaining fuller district figures from the Marine, Irrigation, Cotton, and Survey Offices. In March 1870 a further extension of one year was accorded. The Bombay Government directed that each Collector should choose one of his Assistants to correspond with the Editor and obtain for him all possible information from local records. All Heads of Offices were also desired to exert themselves zealously in aiding the prosecution of the work. In 1871 Mr. Crowe's draft article on the Dhárwár District was sent to Mr. Hunter for opinion who in addition to detailed criticism on various points made the following general remarks:

"My own conception of the work is that, in return for a couple of days' reading, the Account should give a new Collector a comprehensive, and, at the same time, a distinct idea of the district which he has been sent to administer. Mere reading can never supersede practical experience in the district administration. But a succinct and well conceived district account is capable of antedating the acquisition of such personal experience by many months and of both facilitating and systematising a Collector's personal enquiries. The Compiler does not seem to have caught the points on which a Collector would naturally consult the Account. In order that the Editor should understand these points it is necessary that he should have had practical acquaintance with district administration and that he should himself have experienced the difficulties which beset an officer on his taking charge of a district or sub-division. The individual points will differ according to the character of the country. For example in deltaic districts the important question is the control of rivers; in dry districts it is the subject of water-supply. But in all cases a District Account besides dealing with the local specialties should furnish an historical narration of its revenue and expenditure since it passed under the British rule, of the sums which we have taken from it in taxes, and of the amount which we have returned to it in the protection of property and person and the other charges of civil government."

Sir William Hunter laid much stress on the necessity of stating the authority on the strength of which any statement is made and of the propriety of avoiding anything like libels on persons or classes. In 1871 Sir W. Hunter was appointed Director General of Statistics to the Government of India. In this capacity he was to be a central guiding authority whose duty it was to see that each of the Provincial Gazetteers contained the materials requisite for the comparative statistics of the Empire. As some of the Bombay District Accounts were incomplete and as it was thought advisable to embody in the District Accounts the results of the general Census of 1872, it was decided, in October 1871, that pending the completion of the census the Gazetteer work should be suspended and that when the results of the census were compiled and classified a special officer should be appointed for a period of six months to revise and complete the drafts. In October 1871, pending the compilation of the census returns, Mr. Crowe was appointed Assistant Collector at Sholápur and the Gazetteer records were left in a room in the Poona Collector's Office. In September 1872 the whole of the Gazetteer records, including thirty-one articles on British Districts and Native States, were stolen by two youths who had been serving in the Collector's Office as peons. These youths finding the Gazetteer office room unoccupied stole the papers piece by piece for the sake of the trifling amount they fetched as waste paper. Search resulted in the recovery in an imperfect state of seven of the thirty-one drafts. The youths were convicted and sentenced to a year's imprisonment in the Poona Reformatory.

In 1873 Mr. Francis Chapman then Chief Secretary to Government took the preparation of the Gazetteer under his personal control. And in June 1873 Mr. James M. Campbell, C.S., was appointed Compiler. An important change introduced by Mr. Chapman was to separate from the preparation of the series of District Manuals certain general subjects and to arrange for the preparation of accounts of those general subjects by specially qualified contributors. The subjects so set apart and allotted were:

These arrangements resulted in the preparation of the following papers each of which on receipt was printed in pamphlet form:

I. Ethnology; II. Meteorology; III. Geology; and IV. Botany.

Of these papers it has not been deemed advisable to reprint Dr. J. Wilson's Paper on Castes as it was incomplete owing to Dr. Wilson's death in 1875. Reprinting was also unnecessary in the case of Mr. Blandford's Geology and of the late Mr. Chambers' Meteorology, as the contents of these pamphlets have been embodied in works specially devoted to the subject of those contributions. Dr. Burgess never prepared his article on the Archæology of the Presidency, but the materials supplied by the late Pandit Bhagvánlál Indraji prevented the evil effect which this failure would otherwise have caused. Dr. Bhagvánlál also ably supplied the deficiency caused by Dr. G. Bühler's failure to contribute an article on the Early History of Gujarát. The notices of the manufactures in the more important industrial centres to some extent supply the blank caused by the absence of Mr. Terry's contribution. Nothing came of the late Mr. Gordon's Account of the Trade of the Presidency.

On the important subject of Botany besides Dr. W. Gray's original contribution, a valuable paper On Useful Trees and Plants was prepared by Dr. J. C. Lisboa, and a detailed account of Kaira field trees by the late Mr. G. H. D. Wilson of the Bombay Civil Service. These three papers together form a separate Botany Volume No. XXV.

The general contributions on History contained in Vol. I. Parts I. and II. are among the most valuable portions of the Gazetteer. Besides the shorter papers by Mr. L. R. Ashburner, C.S.I., on the Gujarát Mutinies of 1857, by Mr. J. A. Baines, C.S.I., on the Maráthás in Gujarát, by Mr. W. W. Loch, I.C.S., on the Musalmán and Marátha histories of Khándesh and the Bombay Dakhan, and by the late Colonel E. W. West, I.S.C., on the modern history of the Southern Marátha districts, there are the Reverend A. K. Nairne's History of the Konkan which is specially rich in the Portuguese period (A.D. 1500-1750), the late Colonel J. W. Watson's Musalmáns of Gujarát with additions by Khán Sáheb Fazl Lutfullah Farídi of Surat, and the important original histories of the Early Dakhan by Professor Rámkrishna Gopál Bhandárkar, C.I.E., Ph.D., and of the Southern Marátha districts by Mr. J. F. Fleet, I.C.S., C.I.E., Ph.D. With these the early history of Gujarát from materials supplied by the late Pandit Bhagvánlál Indraji, Ph.D., is perhaps not unworthy to rank. The work of completing Dr. Bhagvánlál's history was one of special difficulty. No satisfactory result would have been obtained had it not been for the valuable assistance received from Mr. A. M. T. Jackson, M.A., of the Indian Civil Service.

The importance and the interest of the great subject of Population have added several contributions to the Reverend Doctor J. Wilson's original pamphlet of twenty-three pages. Most of these contributions appear in different District Statistical Accounts especially Dr. John Pollen's, I.C.S., accounts in Khándesh, Mr. Cumine's, I.C.S. in Bijápur, Mr. K. Raghunáthji's in Thána and Poona, Assistant Surgeon Shántárám Vináyak's in Sholápur, Mr. P. F. DeSouza's in Kánara, and the late Ráo Bahádur Trimalrao's in Dhárwár. Except the valuable articles contributed in the Statistical Account of Kachh by Major J. W. Wray, Mr. Vináyakráo Náráyanand Ráo Sáheb Dalpatrám Pránjivan Khakhar, in the Account of Káthiáwár by the late Colonel L. C. Barton, and in the Account of Rewa Kántha by Ráo Bahádur Nandshankar Tuljáshankar the early date at which the Gujarát Statistical Accounts were published prevented the preparation of detailed articles on population. This omission has now been supplied in a separate volume No. IX. The chief contributions to this volume are Ráo Bahádur Bhimbhái Kirpárám's Hindus, Khán Sáheb Fazl Lutfullah Farídi's Musalmáns, and Messrs. Kharsetji N. Servai and Bamanji B. Patel's Pársis.

Besides to these general contributors the series of Statistical Accounts owes much of their fullness and practical usefulness to District Officers especially to the labours of the District Compilers who in most cases were either Collectors or Assistant Collectors. The most important contributors of this class were for Ahmedábád Mr. F. S. P. Lely, C.S.; for Kaira Mr. G. F. Sheppard, C.S.; for the Panch Maháls Mr. H. A. Acworth, C.S.; for Thána Messrs. W. B. Mulock, C.S., E. J. Ebden, C.S., W. W. Loch, C.S., and A. Cumine, C.S.; for Kolába Mr. E. H. Moscardi, C.S.; for Ratnágiri Mr. G. W. Vidal, C.S.; for Khándesh Mr. W. Ramsay, C.S., Dr. John Pollen, C.S., and Mr. A. Crawley-Boevey, C.S.; for Násik Messrs. W. Ramsay, C.S., J. A. Baines, C.S., and H. R. Cooke, C.S.; for Ahmednagar Mr. T. S. Hamilton, C.S.; for Poona Messrs. J. G. Moore, C.S., John MacLeod Campbell, C.S., G. H. Johns, C.S., and A. Keyser, C.S.; for Sátára Mr. J. W. P. Muir-Mackenzie, C.S.; for Sholápur Mr. C. E. G. Crawford, C.S.; for Belgaum Mr. G. McCorkell, C.S.; for Dhárwár Messrs. F. L. Charles, C.S., and J. F. Muir, C.S.; for Bijápur Messrs. H. F. Silcock, C.S., A. Cumine, C.S., and M. H. Scott, C.S.; and for Kánara Mr. J. Monteath, C.S., and Colonel W. Peyton. Of the accounts of Native States, the interesting and complete Gazetteer of Baroda is the work of Mr. F. A. H. Elliott, C.S. The chief contributors to the other Statistical Accounts of Native States were for Kachh Colonel L. C. Barton; for Káthiáwár Colonel J. W. Watson and Colonel L. C. Barton; for Pálanpur Colonel J. W. Watson; for Mahi Kántha Colonels E. W. West and P. H. LeGeyt; for Rewa Kántha Colonel L. C. Barton and Ráo Báhádur Nandshankar Tuljáshankar; for Sávantvádi Colonel J. F. Lester; for Jánjira Mr. G. Larcom; for Kolhápur Colonels E. W. West and W. F. F. Waller and Ráo Bahádur Yeshvant M. Kelkar. The names of numerous other contributors both in and out of Government service who gave help in compiling information connected with their districts have been shewn in the body of each District Statistical Account. Of these the learned and most ungrudging assistance received from Dr. J. Gerson DaCunha of Bombay requires special recognition.

The third main source of preparation was the Compiler's head-quarters office. Through the interest which Mr. Francis Chapman took in the Gazetteer the Compiler was able to secure the services as Assistant of Ráo Báhádur Bhimbhái Kirpárám who was Head Accountant in the Kaira Treasury when the Statistical Account of Kaira was under preparation in 1874. Mr. Bhimbhái's minute knowledge of administrative detail, his power of asking for information in the form least troublesome to district establishments, and of checking the information received, together with his talent for directing the work at head-quarters formed one of the most important elements in the success of the Gazetteer arrangements. Besides to the interest taken by Mr. Francis Chapman the Gazetteer owed much to the advice and to the support of Sir W. W. Hunter, who, in spite of the delay and expense which it involved, secured the full record of the survey and other details in which the Bombay revenue system is specially rich.

In addition to Ráo Bahádur Bhimbhái, the members of the Compiler's office whose work entitles them almost to a place among contributors are: Ráo Sáheb Krishnaráo Narsinh, who drafted many of the Land Revenue and Survey Histories; the late Mr. Ganesh Bhikáji Gunjikar, B.A., who drafted many of the Political Histories; the late Mr. Vaikunthrám Manmathrám Mehta, B.A., and Ráo Bahádur Itchárám Bhagvándás, B.A., who drafted many articles on Description, Production, Agriculture, Capital, and Trade; Mr. K. Raghunáthji who prepared many of the fullest caste accounts; Mr. Ratirám Durgárám, B.A., who drafted many papers on places of interest; and Messrs. Yeshvant Nilkanth and Mahádev G. Nádkarni who drafted many of the sections on Population, Agriculture, Capital, and Trade.

Other officers of Government who have had an important share in the satisfactory completion of the Gazetteer are: Mr. J. Kingsmill the former and Mr. Frámroz Rustamji the present Superintendent of the Government Central Press and Mr. T. E. Coleman the Head Examiner, whose unfailing watchfulness has detected many a mistake. Mr. Waite the late Superintendent of the Photozincographic Press and Mr. T. LeMesurier the present Superintendent have supplied a set of most handy, clear, and accurate maps.

A further means adopted for collecting information was the preparation of papers on the different social, economic, and religious subjects which had proved of interest in preparing the earliest District Statistical Accounts. Between 1874 and 1880 forty-nine question papers which are given as an Appendix to the General Index Volume were from time to time printed and circulated. The answers received to these papers added greatly to the fullness and to the local interest of all the later Statistical Accounts.

The Statistical Accounts of the eighteen British districts and eighty-two Native States of the Bombay Presidency, together with the Materials towards a Statistical Account of the Town and Island of Bombay extend over thirty-three Volumes and 17,800 pages. In addition to these Statistical Accounts 475 articles were prepared in 1877-78 for the Imperial Gazetteer.

JAMES MACNABB CAMPBELL.

Bombay Customs House, } 29th May 1896. }

HISTORY OF GUJARÁT.

This Volume contains the Articles named below:

I.--Early History of Gujarát (B.C. 319-A.D. 1304).--From materials prepared by the late Pandit Bhagvánlál Indraji, Ph.D., completed with the help of A. M. T. Jackson, Esquire, M.A., of the Indian Civil Service. II.--History of Gujarát, Musalmán Period (A.D. 1297-1760).--Prepared by the late Colonel J. W. Watson, Indian Staff Corps, former Political Agent of Káthiáváda, with additions by Khán Sáheb Fazlullah Lutfulláh Farídi of Surat. III.--History of Gujarát, Marátha Period (A.D. 1760-1819).--By J. A. Baines, Esquire, C.S.I., Late of Her Majesty's Bombay Civil Service. IV.--Disturbances in Gujarát (A.D. 1857-1859).--By L. R. Ashburner, Esquire, C.S.I., Late of Her Majesty's Bombay Civil Service.

Appendices:

I.--The Death of Sultán Bahádur. II.--The Hill Fort of Mándu. III.--Bhinmál or Shrimál. IV.--Java and Cambodia. V.--Arab References. VI.--Greek References.

JAMES M. CAMPBELL.

29th May 1896.

EARLY HISTORY OF GUJARÁT.

PAGE Boundaries and Name 1-5

Ancient Divisions:

Ánartta; Suráshtra; Láta 6-7

Legends:

Ánartta the first Puránic king of Gujarát, and the Yádavas in Dwárika 8-12

Mauryan and Greek Rule (B.C. 319-100):

The Mauryas (B.C. 319-197); The Greeks (B.C. 180-100) 13-19

The Kshatrapas (B.C. 70-A.D. 398):

The Name; Northern Kshatrapas; Western Kshatrapas; Nahapána (A.D. 78-120); Ushavadáta (A.D. 100-120); Nahapána's Era; Málava Era; Chashtana (A.D. 130); The Mevas or Medas; Jayadáman (A.D. 140-143) 20-34

Rudradáman (A.D. 143-158); Sudarsana Lake; The Yaudheyas; Dámázada or Dámájadasrí (A.D. 158-168); Jivadáman (A.D. 178); Rudrasimha I. (A.D. 181-196); Rudrasena (A.D. 203-220); Prithivísena (A.D. 222); Sanghadáman (A.D. 222-226); Dámasena (A.D. 226-236); Dámájadasrí II. (A.D. 236) 35-45

Víradáman (A.D. 236-238); Yasadáman (A.D. 239); Vijayasena (A.D. 238-249); Dámájadasrí (A.D. 250-255); Rudrasena II. (A.D. 256-272); Visvasimha (A.D. 272-278); Bharttridáman (A.D. 278-294); Visvasena (A.D. 294-300); Rudrasimha (A.D. 308-311); Yasadáman (A.D. 320); Dámasiri (A.D. 320); Rudrasena (A.D. 348-376); Simhasena; Skanda; Ísvaradatta (A.D. 230-250); Kshatrapa Family Tree 46-54

The Traikútakas (A.D. 250-450):

Initial Date; Their Race 55-59

The Guptas (G. 90-149; A.D. 410-470):

Dynasty; The founder Gupta (A.D. 319-322 [?]); Ghatotkacha (A.D. 322-349 [?]); Chandragupta I. (A.D. 349-369 [?]; Samudragupta (A.D. 370-395); Chandragupta II. (A.D. 396-415); Kumáragupta (A.D. 416-453); Skandagupta (A.D. 454-470) 60-70

Budhagupta (A.D. 485); Bhánugupta (A.D. 511); The Pushyamitras (A.D. 455); White Huns (A.D. 450-520); Mihirakula (A.D. 512); Yasodharman of Málwa (A.D. 533-34) 71-77

The Valabhis (A.D. 509-766):

Valeh Town (1893); Valabhi in A.D. 630; Valabhi Copperplates; Valabhi Administration (A.D. 500-700); Territorial Divisions; Land Assessment; Religion; Origin of the Valabhis; History 78-86

First Valabhi Grant (A.D. 526); Senápati Bhatárka (A.D. 509-520?); the Maitrakas (A.D. 470-509); Senápati's Sons; Dhruvasena I. (A.D. 526-535); Guhasena (A.D. 539-569); Dharasena II. (A.D. 569-589); Síláditya I. (A.D. 594-609); Kharagraha (A.D. 610-615); Dharasena III. (A.D. 615-620); Dhruvasena II. (Báláditya) (A.D. 620-640); Dharasena IV. (A.D. 640-649); Dhruvasena III. (A.D. 650-656); Kharagraha (A.D. 656-665); Síláditya III. (A.D. 666-675); Síláditya IV. (A.D. 691); Síláditya V. (A.D. 722); Síláditya VI. (A.D. 760); Síláditya VII. (A.D. 766); Valabhi Family Tree; The fall of Valabhi (A.D. 750-770); The importance of Valabhi 87-96

Valabhi and the Gehlots; The Válas of Káthiáváda; The Válas and Káthis; Descent from Kanaksen (A.D. 150); Mewád and the Persians; Válas 97-106

The Chálukyas (A.D. 634-740):

Jayasimhavarmman (A.D. 666-693); Sryásraya Síláditya (heir apparent) (A.D. 669-691); Mangalarája (A.D. 698-731); Pulakesi Janásraya (A.D. 738); Buddhavarmman (A.D. 713?); Nágavarddhana; Chálukya Tree 107-112

The Gurjjaras (A.D. 580-808):

Copperplates; Gurjjara Tree; Dadda I. (c. 585-605 A.D.); Jayabhata I. Vítarága (c. 605-620 A.D.); Dadda II. Prasántarága (c. 620-650 A.D.); Jayabhata II. (c. 650-675 A.D.); Dadda III. Báhusaháya (c. 675-700 A.D.); Jayabhata III. (c. 704-734 A.D.) 113-118

The Ráshtrakútas (A.D. 743-974):

Origin; Name; Early Dynasty (A.D. 450-500); The main Dynasty (A.D. 630-972); Ráshtrakúta Family Tree (A.D. 630-972); Copperplates; Kakka II. (A.D. 747); Krishna and Govinda II. (A.D. 765-795); Dhruva I. (A.D. 795); Govinda III. (A.D. 800-808); Indra (A.D. 808-812); Karka I. (A.D. 812-821); Dantivarmman (Heir Apparent); Govinda (A.D. 827-833); Dhruva I. (A.D. 835-867); Akálavarsha (A.D. 867); Dhruva II. (A.D. 867); Akálavarsha Krishna (A.D. 888); Main Line restored (A.D. 888-974); Krishna Akálavarsha (A.D. 888-914); Indra Nityamvarsha (A.D. 914) 119-134

The Mihiras or Mers (A.D. 470-900):

History; The Chúdásamás (A.D. 900-940); The Jethvás; The Mers; White Húnas; Jhálás 135-147

THE KINGDOM OF ANAHILAVÁDA (A.D. 720-1300).

The Chávadás (A.D. 720-956):

Pañchásar (A.D. 788); Jayasekhara (A.D. 696); Vanarája (A.D. 720-780?); Founding of Anahilaváda (A.D. 746-765); Vanarája's Installation; His Image; Vanarája's Successors (A.D. 780-961); Yogarája (A.D. 806-841); Kshemarája (A.D. 841-880); Chámunda (A.D. 880-908); Ghághada (A.D. 908-937); Chávadá Genealogy 149-155

The Chaulukyas or Solankis (A.D. 961-1242):

Authorities; The name Chaulukya; Múlarája (A.D. 961-996); Chámunda (A.D. 997-1010); Durlabha (A.D. 1010-1022); Bhíma I. (A.D. 1022-1064); Mahmúd's Invasion (A.D. 1024); Somanátha (A.D. 1024) 156-169

Karna (A.D. 1064-1094); Siddharája Jayasingha (A.D. 1094-1143) 170-181

Kumárapála (A.D. 1143-1174); Ajayapála (A.D. 1174-1177); Múlarája II. (A.D. 1177-1179); Bhíma II. (A.D. 1179-1242) 182-197

The Vághelás (A.D. 1219-1304):

Arnorája (A.D. 1170-1200); Lavanaprasáda (A.D. 1200-1233); Víradhavala (A.D. 1233-1238); Vísaladeva (A.D. 1243-1261); Arjunadeva (A.D. 1262-1274); Sárangadeva (A.D. 1275-1296); Karnadeva (A.D. 1296-1304); Vághela Genealogy 198-206

MUSALMÁN PERIOD (A.D. 1297-1760).

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Introduction

Territorial Limits; Sorath; Káthiáváda; Under the Kings (A.D. 1403-1573); Under the Mughals (A.D. 1573-1760); Condition of Gujarát (A.D. 1297-1802) 207-228

Early Musalmán Governors (A.D. 1297-1403):

Alá-ud-dín Khilji Emperor (A.D. 1295-1315); Ulugh Khán (A.D. 1297-1317); Ain-ul-Mulk Governor (A.D. 1318); Order established (A.D. 1318); Muhammad Tughlak Emperor (A.D. 1325-1351); Táj-ul-Mulk Governor (A.D. 1320); Suppression of insurrection (A.D. 1347); Surrender of Girnár and Kachh (A.D. 1350); Fírúz Tughlak Emperor (A.D. 1351-1388); Zafar Khán Governor (A.D. 1371); Farhat-ul-Mulk Governor (A.D. 1376-1391); Muhammad Tughlak II. Emperor (A.D. 1391-1393); Zafar Khán Governor (A.D. 1391-1403) 229-233

Ahmedábád Kings (A.D. 1403-1573):

Muhammad I. (A.D. 1403-1404); Muzaffar (A.D. 1407-1419); Ahmed I. (A.D. 1411-1441); Ahmedábád built (A.D. 1413); Defeat of the Ídar Chief (A.D. 1414); Spread of Islám (A.D. 1414); Expedition against Málwa (A.D. 1417); Chámpáner attacked (A.D. 1418); War with Málwa (A.D. 1422); Defeat of the Ídar Chief (A.D. 1425); Recovery of Máhim (A.D. 1429) and Báglán (A.D. 1431); Muhammad II. (A.D. 1441-1452); Kutb-ud-dín (A.D. 1451-1459); War with Málwa (A.D. 1451) Battle of Kapadvanj (A.D. 1454); War with Nágor (A.D. 1454-1459); War with Chitor (A.D. 1455-1459) 234-242

Mahmúd I. Begada (A.D. 1459-1513); Defeat of a conspiracy (A.D. 1459); Improvement of the soldiery (A.D. 1459-1461); Help given to the king of the Dakhan (A.D. 1461); Expedition against Junágadh (A.D. 1467); Capture of Girnár (A.D. 1472); Disturbances in Chámpáner (A.D. 1472); Conquest of Kachh; Jagat destroyed; Conspiracy (A.D. 1480); War against Chámpáner (A.D. 1482-1484); Capture of Pávágad (A.D. 1484); The Khándesh succession (A.D. 1508); Muzaffar II. (A.D. 1513-1526); Expedition against Ídar (A.D. 1514); Disturbances in Málwa (A.D. 1517); Capture of Mándu (A.D. 1518); War with Chitor (A.D. 1519); Submission of the Rána of Chitor (A.D. 1521); Death of Muzaffar II. (A.D. 1526) 243-252

Sikandar (A.D. 1526); Máhmúd II. (A.D. 1526); Bahádur (A.D. 1527-1536); Portuguese intrigues (A.D. 1526); Khándesh affairs (A.D. 1528); Turks at Diu (A.D. 1526-1530); Capture of Mándu (A.D. 1530); Quarrel with Humáyún (A.D. 1532); Fall of Chitor (A.D. 1535); Mughal conquest of Gujarát (A.D. 1535); The Mughals driven out (A.D. 1536); The Portuguese at Diu (A.D. 1536); Death of Bahádur (A.D. 1536); Muhammad II. Ásíri (A.D. 1536-1554); His escape from control; Choosing of evil favourites; Quarrels among the nobles; Disturbances (A.D. 1545); Death of Mahmúd (A.D. 1554); Ahmed II. (A.D. 1554-1561); Ítimád Khán Regent; Partition of the province; Dissensions; Sultánpur and Nandurbár handed to Khándesh (A.D. 1560); Defeat and death of Sayad Mubárak; Death of Imád-ul-Mulk Rúmi; Daman district ceded to the Portuguese (A.D. 1550); Assassination of Ahmed II. (A.D. 1560); Muzaffar III. (A.D. 1561-1572), a minor; Ítimád Khán and the Fauládis; The Mírzás (A.D. 1571); Defeat of Ítimád Khán; Death of Changíz Khán; Ítimád Khán and the Emperor Akbar (A.D. 1572) 252-264

Mughal Viceroys (A.D. 1573-1758).

Emperor Akbar (A.D. 1573-1605):

Capture of Broach and Surat and advance to Ahmedábád (A.D. 1573); Mirza Ázíz first Viceroy (A.D. 1573-1575); Insurrection quelled by Akbar (A.D. 1573); Mírza Khán second Viceroy (A.D. 1575-1577); Survey by Rája Todar Mal; Shaháb-ud-din third Viceroy (A.D. 1577-1583); Expedition against Junágadh; Ítimád Khán Gujaráti fourth Viceroy (A.D. 1583-1584); Ahmedábád captured by Muzaffar (A.D. 1583); Mírza Abdur Rahím Khán (Khán Khánán) fifth Viceroy (A.D. 1583-1587); Defeat of Muzaffar (A.D. 1584); Ismáíl Kuli Khán sixth Viceroy (A.D. 1587); Mírza Ázíz Kokaltásh seventh Viceroy (A.D. 1588-1592); Refuge sought by Muzaffar in Káthiáváda; Muzaffar attacked by the imperial army; Muzaffar's flight to Kachh and suicide (A.D. 1591-92); Sultán Murád Baksh eighth Viceroy (A.D. 1592-1600); Mirza Ázíz Kokaltásh ninth Viceroy (A.D. 1600-1606) 265-273

Jahángir Emperor (A.D. 1605-1627):

Kalíj Khán tenth Viceroy (A.D. 1606); Sayad Murtaza eleventh Viceroy (A.D. 1606-1609); Mírza Ázíz Kokaltásh twelfth Viceroy (A.D. 1609-1611); Sack of Surat by Malik Âmbar (A.D. 1609); Abdulláh Khán Fírúz Jang thirteenth Viceroy (A.D. 1611-1616); Mukarrab Khán fourteenth Viceroy (A.D. 1616); Elephant-hunting in the Panch Maháls (A.D. 1616); Prince Sháh Jehán fifteenth Viceroy (A.D. 1618-1622); Rebellion of Sháh Jehán (A.D. 1622-23); Sháhi Bágh built at Ahmedábád; Sultán Dáwar Baksh sixteenth Viceroy (A.D. 1622-1624); Saif Khán seventeenth Viceroy (A.D. 1624-1627) 273-277

Sháh Jehán Emperor (A.D. 1627-1658):

Sher Khán Túar eighteenth Viceroy (A.D. 1627-1632); Famine (A.D. 1631-1632); Islám Khán nineteenth Viceroy (A.D. 1632); Disorder (A.D. 1632); Bákar Khán twentieth Viceroy (A.D. 1632); Sipáhdár Khán twenty-first Viceroy (A.D. 1633); Saif Khán twenty-second Viceroy (A.D. 1633-1635); Ázam Khán twenty-third Viceroy (A.D. 1635-1642); The Kolis punished; The Káthis subdued; Revolt of the Jám of Navánagar (A.D. 1640); Ísa Tarkhán twenty-fourth Viceroy (A.D. 1642-1644); Prince Muhammad Aurangzíb twenty-fifth Viceroy (A.D. 1644-1646); Sháistah Khán twenty-sixth Viceroy (A.D. 1646-1648); Prince Muhammad Dárá Shikoh twenty-seventh Viceroy (A.D. 1648-1652); Sháistah Khán twenty-eighth Viceroy (A.D. 1652-1654); Prince Murád Bakhsh twenty-ninth Viceroy (A.D. 1654-1657); Murád Baksh proclaimed emperor (A.D. 1657) Kásam Khán thirtieth Viceroy (A.D. 1657-1659); Victory of Murád and Aurangzíb; Murád confined by Aurangzíb (A.D. 1658) 277-282

Aurangzib Emperor (A.D. 1658-1707):

Sháh Nawáz Khán Safávi thirty-first Viceroy (A.D. 1659); Rebellion of Prince Dárá (A.D. 1659); Prince Dárá defeated (A.D. 1659); Jasavantsingh thirty-second Viceroy (A.D. 1659-1662); Jasavantsingh sent against Shiváji (A.D. 1662); Mahábat Khán thirty-third Viceroy (A.D. 1662-1668); Capture of Navánagar-Islámnagar (A.D. 1664); Surat plundered by Shiváji (A.D. 1664); Copper coinage introduced (A.D. 1668); Khán Jehán thirty-fourth Viceroy (A.D. 1668-1671); Sidi Yákút the Mughal Admiral (A.D. 1670); Mahárája Jasavantsingh thirty-fifth Viceroy (A.D. 1671-1674); Muhammad Amín Khán Umdat-ul-Mulk thirty-sixth Viceroy (A.D. 1674-1683); Increased power of the Bábi family; Revolt of Ídar (A.D. 1679); Mukhtár Khán thirty-seventh Viceroy (A.D. 1683-1684); Famine (A.D. 1684); Shujáât Khán (Kártalab Khán) thirty-eighth Viceroy (A.D. 1684-1703); Mutiny quelled by Shujáât Khán (A.D. 1689); Revolt of Matiás and Momnás (A.D. 1691); Disturbances in Káthiáváda (A.D. 1692) and Márwár; Durgádás Ráthod reconciled to the Emperor (A.D. 1697); Scarcity (A.D. 1698); Prince Muhammad Aâzam thirty-ninth Viceroy (A.D. 1703-1705); Intrigue against and escape of Durgádás Ráthod; Surat (A.D. 1700-1703); Ibráhím Khán fortieth Viceroy (A.D. 1705); Maráthás enter Gujarát; Battle of Ratanpúr and defeat of the Musalmáns (A.D. 1705); Battle of the Bába Piárah Ford and second defeat of the Musalmáns (A.D. 1705); Koli disturbances; Prince Muhammad Bídár Bakht forty-first Viceroy (A.D. 1705-1706); Durgádás Ráthod again in rebellion; Ibráhím Khán forty-second Viceroy (A.D. 1706) 283-295

Fifty Years of Disorder (A.D. 1707-1757):

The Marátha advance to Ahmedábád and levy of tribute (A.D. 1707); Bahádur Sháh I. Emperor (A.D. 1707-1712); Gházi-ud-dín forty-third Viceroy (A.D. 1708-1710); Jahándár Sháh Emperor (A.D. 1712-13); Ásif-ud-daulah forty-fourth Viceroy (A.D. 1712-13); Farrukhsiyar Emperor (A.D. 1713-1719); Shahámat Khán forty-fifth Viceroy (A.D. 1713); Dáud Khán Panni forty-sixth Viceroy (A.D. 1714-15); Religious riots in Ahmedábád (A.D. 1714); Further riots in Ahmedábád (A.D. 1715); Mahárája Ajítsingh forty-seventh Viceroy (A.D. 1715-1716); Disagreement between the Viceroy and Haidar Kúli Khán (A.D. 1715); Khán Daurán Nasrat Jang Bahádur forty-eighth Viceroy (A.D. 1716-1719); Famine (A.D. 1719); Muhammad Sháh Emperor (A.D. 1721-1748); Mahárája Ajítsingh forty-ninth Viceroy (A.D. 1719-1721); Piláji Gáikwár at Songad (A.D. 1719); Decay of imperial power (A.D. 1720); Nizám-ul-Mulk Prime Minister of the Empire (A.D. 1721); Haidar Kúli Khán fiftieth Viceroy (A.D. 1721-1722); Disorder in Ahmedábád (A.D. 1721); His arrival in Gujarát (A.D. 1722); Signs of independence shown by him and his recall (A.D. 1722); Nizám-ul-Mulk fifty-first Viceroy (A.D. 1722); Hámid Khán Deputy Viceroy; Momín Khán Governor of Surat (A.D. 1722); Increase of Marátha power (A.D. 1723) 295-304

Sarbuland Khán fifty-second Viceroy (A.D. 1723-1730); Shujaât Khán appointed Deputy; Nizám-ul-Mulk and Sarbuland Khán; Sarbuland Khán's Deputy defeated (A.D. 1724); the Maráthás engaged as Allies; Battle of Arás; Hámid Khán defeated by Rustam Áli (A.D. 1723); Hámid Khán joined by Maráthás against Rustam Áli; Mubáriz-ul-Mulk sent against the Maráthás (A.D. 1725); Retreat of Hámid Khán and the Maráthás; Ahmedábád entered by Mubáriz-ul-Mulk (A.D. 1725); Defeat of the Maráthás at Sojitra and Kapadvanj (A.D. 1725); Marátha expedition against Vadnagar (A.D. 1725); Tribute paid to the Maráthás (A.D. 1726); Alliance with the Peshwa (A.D. 1727); Baroda and Dabhoi obtained by Piláji Gáikwár (A.D. 1727); Capture of Chámpáner by the Maráthás (A.D. 1728); Grant of tribute to the Peshwa (A.D. 1729); Disturbance raised by Mulla Muhammad Áli at Surat (A.D. 1729); Petlád given in farm (A.D. 1729); Athva fort (A.D. 1730); The Viceroy in Káthiáváda and Kachh (A.D. 1730); Riots at Ahmedábád; Mahárája Abheysingh fifty-third Viceroy (A.D. 1730-1733); The new Viceroy resisted by Mubáriz-ul-Mulk; Battle of Adálaj; The Mahárája defeated by Mubáriz-ul-Mulk (A.D. 1730); Retreat of Mubáriz-ul-Mulk; Government of Abheysingh; Momín Khán, ruler of Cambay (A.D. 1730); The Peshwa and Viceroy against Piláji Gáikwár (A.D. 1731); The withdrawal of the Peshwa; His opponents defeated; Abdúlláh Beg appointed Nizám's Deputy at Broach; The death of Piláji Gáikwár procured by the Viceroy (A.D. 1732); Baroda taken; Famine (A.D. 1732); Affairs at Surat (A.D. 1732); Teghbeg Khán Governor of Surat 305-313

Ratansingh Bhandári Deputy Viceroy (A.D. 1733-1737); Return of the Maráthás; Contest for the government of Gogha; Disturbance at Víramgám (A.D. 1734); Baroda recovered by the Maráthás (A.D. 1734); Change of governor at Víramgám; Failure of Jawán Mard Khán in an attempt on Ídar; Rivalry of Ratansingh Bhandári and Sohráb Khán (A.D. 1735); Battle of Dholi; Defeat and death of Sohráb Khán (A.D. 1735); Rivalry between Ratansingh Bhandári and Momín Khán (A.D. 1735); Marátha affairs; Dámáji Gáikwár and Kántáji (A.D. 1735); Battle of Ánand-Mogri; Defeat of Kántáji; The Maráthás helping Bhávsingh to expel the Víramgám Kasbátis; The country plundered by the Gáikwár and Peshwa; Momín Khán fifty-fourth Viceroy (A.D. 1737); Siege of Ahmedábád; Mahárája Abheysingh fifty-fifth Viceroy (A.D. 1737); The siege of Ahmedábád continued by Momín Khán; Defence of the city by Ratansingh Bhandári; Ahmedábád captured by Momín Khán (A.D. 1738); Momín Khán fifty-sixth Viceroy (A.D. 1738-1743); Prosperity of Ahmedábád (A.D. 1738); Tribute collected by the Viceroy (A.D. 1738); Sher Khán Bábi Deputy Governor of Sorath (A.D. 1738); Tribute collected by the Deputy Viceroy (A.D. 1739); Capture of Bassein by the Maráthás (A.D. 1739); Tribute expedition (A.D. 1740); The Viceroy at Cambay (A.D. 1741); Víramgám surrendered and Pátdi received by Bhávsingh; Siege of Broach by the Maráthás (A.D. 1741); Battle of Dholka; Defeat of the Maráthás (A.D. 1741); Contests between the Musalmáns and Maráthás; Disturbance at Ahmedábád (A.D. 1742); Collection of tribute in Káthiáváda by the Viceroy; Death of Momín Khán (A.D. 1743) 314-326

Fidá-ud-dín acting as Viceroy (A.D. 1743); The Maráthás defeated by Muftakhir Khán; Dámáji Gáikwár's return to Gujarát; Abdúl Ázíz Khán of Junnar Viceroy (by a forged order); Mutiny of the troops; Petlád captured by the Maráthás; Muftakhir Khán fifty-seventh Viceroy (A.D. 1743-1744); Jawán Mard Khán appointed Deputy; The Maráthás in Ahmedábád; Battle of Kim Kathodra; Defeat and death of Abdúl Ázíz Khán (A.D. 1744); Fakhr-ud-daulah fifty-eighth Viceroy (A.D. 1744-1748); Jawán Mard Khán Bábi Deputy Viceroy; Khanderáv Gáikwár called to Sátára; Defeat and capture of the Viceroy by Jawán Mard Khán Bábi; Rangoji disgraced by Khanderáv Gáikwár; Rangoji and Jawán Mard Khán opposed by Punáji Vithal and Fakhr-ud-daulah; Siege of Kapadvanj by Fakhr-ud-daulah (A.D. 1746); The siege raised at the approach of Holkar; Momín Khán II. governor of Cambay (A.D. 1748); Increased strength of Fakhr-ud-daulah's party; Dissensions among the Maráthás; Surat affairs (A.D. 1748); Escape of Mulla Fakhr-ud-din to Bombay; Cession of Surat revenue to the Gáikwár (A.D. 1747); Famine (A.D. 1747); Marátha dissensions; Fall of Borsad 326-332

Mahárája Vakhatsingh fifty-ninth Viceroy (A.D. 1748); Ahmed Sháh Emperor (A.D. 1748-1754); Spread of disorder; Surat affairs (A.D. 1750); Sayad Achchan unpopular; Safdar Muhammad brought back by the Dutch; Retreat of Sayad Achchan; Jawán Mard Khán and the Peshwa (A.D. 1750); The Peshwa and Gáikwár (A.D. 1751); Broach independent (A.D. 1752); Pándurang Pandit repulsed at Ahmedábád (A.D. 1752); Marátha invasion; Return of Jawán Mard Khán; Gallant defence of Ahmedábád; Surrender of Jawán Mard Khán; Ahmedábád taken by the Maráthás (A.D. 1753); Collection of tribute; Mughal coinage discontinued; Failure of an attempt on Cambay (A.D. 1753); The Kolis; Cambay attacked by the Maráthás (A.D. 1754); Alamgír II. (A.D. 1754-1759); Contest with Momín Khán renewed (A.D. 1754); Gogha taken by Momín Khán (A.D. 1755); Ahmedábád recovered by Momín Khán (17th October 1756); Jawán Mard Khán allying himself with the Maráthás; Ahmedábád invested by the Maráthás (A.D. 1756); Momín Khán helped by Ráo of Ídar (A.D. 1757); Successful sally under Shambhurám; Negotiations for peace; Marátha arrangements in Ahmedábád; New coins; Momín Khán at Cambay; Expedition from Kachh against Sindh (A.D. 1758); Tribute levied by the Maráthás; Surat affairs (A.D. 1758); The command of Surat taken by the English (A.D. 1759); Momín Khán's visit to Poona (A.D. 1759); Sadáshiv Rámchandra Peshwa's Viceroy (A.D. 1760); The Maráthás in Káthiáváda (A.D. 1759); Ápa Ganesh Viceroy (A.D. 1761); Battle of Pánipat (A.D. 1761) 332-345

Appendix I.--Death of Sultán Bahádur (A.D. 1526-1536) 347-351

Appendix II.--The Hill Fort of Mándu; Description; History; The Málwa Sultáns (A.D. 1400-1570); The Mughals (A.D. 1570-1720); The Maráthás (A.D. 1720-1820); Notices (A.D. 1820-1895) 352-384.

MARÁTHA PERIOD (A.D. 1760-1819).

History; Siváji's first inroad (A.D. 1664); Siváji's second attack (A.D. 1670); Sáler taken (A.D. 1672); The Narbada crossed (A.D. 1675); Raids by Dábháde (A.D. 1699-1713); Dábháde (A.D. 1716); Dábháde Senápati; the Peshwa's negotiations (A.D. 1717); Dámáji Gáikwár (A.D. 1720); Marátha tribute (A.D. 1723); Kántáji Kadam; Marátha dissensions (A.D. 1725); The Peshwa (A.D. 1726); Cession of tribute (A.D. 1728); Coalition against the Peshwa (A.D. 1730); Defeat of the allies (A.D. 1731); Assassination of Piláji Gáikwár (A.D. 1732); Baroda secured by the Gáikwár (A.D. 1734); The Marátha Deputy Governor (A.D. 1736); Ahmedábád riots (A.D. 1738-1741); Siege of Broach (A.D. 1741); Rangoji prisoner at Borsad (A.D. 1742); Quarrels regarding the Viceroyalty between Dámáji and Rághoji Bhonsle (A.D. 1743-44); Rangoji confined in Borsad (A.D. 1745); the Gáikwár in Surat (A.D. 1747) 385-395

Haribá attacked by Rangoji; Death of Umábái (A.D. 1748); Dámáji deputy in Gujarát; Dámáji against Peshwa; Dámáji Gáikwár arrested (A.D. 1751); The Peshwa and Surat; Release of Dámáji (A.D. 1752); Capture of Ahmedábád (A.D. 1753); Raghunáthráv at Cambay; The Peshwa's deputy at Ahmedábád; Ahmedábád captured by the Nawáb of Cambay; Dámáji and Khanderáv Gáikwár at Ahmedábád; Surrender of the Nawáb; Sayájiráv in Ahmedábád; Peshwa's agent Sadáshiv at Surat; The Marátha demand of tribute from the Nawáb of Cambay; The Nawáb at Poona; Lunáváda plundered by Khanderáv; Expedition against Bálásinor; The estates of Jawán Mard Khán retaken by Dámáji; The Peshwa and the English (A.D. 1761); One of the Jádhav family Senápati; Ghorpade family again Senápati; Intrigues of Rághoba (A.D. 1768); Death of Dámáji Gáikwár (A.D. 1768); Disputed succession; Rághobá Peshwa (A.D. 1774); Rághoba in Gujarát (A.D. 1775); Rághobá defeated; His arrival at Surat; Treaty of Surat (A.D. 1775); Colonel Keating in Gujarát; Rághoba accompanied by Colonel Keating; Rághoba in Cambay (A.D. 1775); Govindráv Gáikwár's army; Advance of the combined forces; Defeat of Fatesingh (A.D. 1775); Retreat of the ministerial general; Colonel Keating at Dabhoi (A.D. 1775); Rághoba and the Gáikwárs; Withdrawal of the British contingent; Negotiations at Poona; Rághoba at Surat (A.D. 1776); Negotiations at Poona (A.D. 1777); Fresh alliance with Rághoba (A.D. 1778) 396-407

The convention of Bhadgaon (A.D. 1779); Negotiation with the Gáikwár; Escape of Rághoba from Sindia (A.D. 1779); League against the English (A.D. 1780); Treaty with Fatesingh Gáikwár; Ahmedábád taken by General Goddard (A.D. 1780); Operations against Sindia and Holkar; Treaty of Sálbái (A.D. 1782); Death of Fatesingh (A.D. 1789); Govindráv detained at Poona (A.D. 1793); Office of Regent at Baroda taken by Govindráv; Ába Shelukar Deputy Governor of Gujarát (A.D. 1796); Disputes between Ába and Govindráv Gáikwár; Gujarát farmed to the Gáikwár (A.D. 1799); Ánandráv Gáikwár (A.D. 1800); British aid to Govindráv's party; The British and the Gáikwár (A.D. 1800); The Gáikwár's minister Rávji; Treaty of Bassein (31st December 1802); Arabs disbanded; Malhárráv in revolt (A.D. 1803); Contingent strengthened (A.D. 1803); Death of Rávji (A.D. 1803); War with Sindia; The revenue collecting force; Renewal of (Gujarát) farm (A.D. 1804); The British and the Gáikwár (A.D. 1805); Káthiáváda tribute; State of Káthiáváda (A.D. 1807); The revenue raid system 407-418

The Maráthás in Sorath; Securities; Bháts and Chárans (A.D. 1807); British intervention; Financial and political settlements (A.D. 1807); Peshwa's share in Káthiáváda; Later arrangements; The Mahi Kántha; Supplementary treaty (A.D. 1808); Okhámandal (A.D. 1809); Disturbances in Káthiáváda (A.D. 1811); The Gáikwár's payment of the pecuniary loan to the British Government (A.D. 1812); Discussions with Poona government about the old claims on the Gáikwár's estate (A.D. 1813-14); Peshwa intrigue in Baroda (A.D. 1814); Okhámandal ceded to the Gáikwár; British aid at Junágadh; Treaty of Poona (A.D. 1817); Treaty with the Gáikwár (A.D. 1817-18); Close of Marátha supremacy (A.D. 1819); General Review 418-432

GUJARÁT DISTURBANCES (A.D. 1857-1859).

The Red Salt Scare (A.D. 1857); The passing of the Pariah dog; Gold hoarding; Seditious native press; Maulvi Saráj-ud-din; Apparent weakness of British rule; Administrative defects; The Courts disliked; The Inám Commission; The army disloyal; Báiza Bái of Gwálior; Pársi riot in Broach (June 1857); Mutiny at Mhow (July 1857); Mutiny at Ahmedábád (July 1857); Mr. Ashburner's force; General Roberts; Rising at Amjera and in the Panch Maháls (July 1857); Mutinies at Abu and Erinpur (A.D. 1857); Disturbance at Ahmedábád (14th September 1857); Rádhanpur disloyal; Arab outbreak at Sunth; Disturbance in Lunáváda; Conspiracy at Dísa; Conspiracy at Baroda; Want of combination; Marátha conspiracy; Gathering at Partábpur and at Lodra; Partial disarming; Náikda revolt (October 1858); Tátia Topi (A.D. 1858); Tátia Topi's defeat at Chhota Udepur (December 1858); Náikda disturbance (A.D. 1858); Wágher outbreak (A.D. 1859); Expedition against Bet (A.D. 1859); Bet Fort taken; Dwárka fort taken; Rising in Nagar Párkar 433-448

APPENDICES.

Bhinmál or Shrimál--Description, People, Objects of Interest, History, Inscriptions 449-488

Java and Cambodia 489-504

Arab References 505-531

Greek References 532-547

Index 549-594

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I. BOUNDARIES AND NAME

The portion of the Bombay Presidency known as Gujarát fills the north-east corner of the coast of Western India.

On the west is the Arabian Sea; on the north-west is the Gulf of Cutch. To the north lie the Little Ran and the Mevád desert; to the north-east Ábu and other outliers of the Árávali range. The east is guarded and limited by rough forest land rugged in the north with side spurs of the Vindhyas, more open towards the central natural highway from Baroda to Ratlám, and southwards again rising and roughening into the northern offshoots from the main range of the Sátpudás. The southern limit is uncertain. History somewhat doubtfully places it at the Tápti. Language carries Gujarát about a hundred miles further to Balsár and Párdi where wild forest-covered hills from the north end of the Sahyádri range stretch west almost to the sea.

The province includes two parts, Mainland Gujarát or Gurjjara-ráshtra and Peninsular Gujarát, the Sauráshtra of ancient, the Káthiáváda of modern history. To a total area of about 72,000 square miles Mainland Gujarát with a length from north to south of about 280 miles and a breadth from east to west varying from fifty to 150 miles contributes 45,000 square miles; and Peninsular Gujarát with a greatest length from north to south of 155 miles and from east to west of 200 miles contributes about 27,000 square miles. To a population of about 9,250,000 Mainland Gujarát contributes 6,900,000 and the Peninsula about 2,350,000.

The richness of Mainland Gujarát the gift of the Sábarmati Mahi Narbada and Tápti and the goodliness of much of Sauráshtra the Goodly Land have from before the beginning of history continued to draw strangers to Gujarát both as conquerors and as refugees.

By sea probably came some of the half-mythic Yádavas (B.C. 1500-500); contingents of Yavanas (B.C. 300-A.D. 100) including Greeks Baktrians Parthians and Skythians; the pursued Pársis and the pursuing Arabs (A.D. 600-800); hordes of Sanganian pirates (A.D. 900-1200); Pársi and Naváyat Musalmán refugees from Khulagu Khán's devastation of Persia (A.D. 1250-1300); Portuguese and rival Turks (A.D. 1500-1600); Arab and Persian Gulf pirates (A.D. 1600-1700); African Arab Persian and Makran soldiers of fortune (A.D. 1500-1800); Armenian Dutch and French traders (A.D. 1600-1750); and the British (A.D. 1750-1812). By land from the north have come the Skythians and Huns (B.C. 200-A.D. 500), the Gurjjaras (A.D. 400-600), the early Jádejás and Káthis (A.D. 750-900), wave on wave of Afghan Turk Moghal and other northern Musalmáns (A.D. 1000-1500), and the later Jádejás and Káthis (A.D. 1300-1500): From the north-east the prehistoric Aryans till almost modern times (A.D. 1100-1200) continued to send settlements of Northern Bráhmans; and since the thirteenth century have come Turk Afghan and Moghal Musalmáns: From the east have come the Mauryans (B.C. 300), the half-Skythian Kshatrapas (B.C. 100-A.D. 300), the Guptas (A.D. 380), the Gurjjars (A.D. 400-600), the Moghals (A.D. 1530), and the Maráthás (A.D. 1750): And from the south the Sátakarnis (A.D. 100), the Chálukyas and Ráshtrakútas (A.D. 650-950), occasional Musalmán raiders (A.D. 1400-1600), the Portuguese (A.D. 1500), the Maráthás (A.D. 1660-1760), and the British (A.D. 1780-1820).

[Gujars.] The name Gujarát is from the Prákrit Gujjara-ratta, the Sanskrit of which is Gurjjara-ráshtra that is the country of the Gujjaras or Gurjjaras. In Sanskrit books and inscriptions the name of the province is written Gurjjara-mandala and Gurjjara-desa the land of the Gurjjaras or Gúrjjaras. The Gurjjaras are a foreign tribe who passing into India from the north-west gradually spread as far south as Khándesh and Bombay Gujarát. The present Gujars of the Panjáb and North-West Provinces preserve more of their foreign traits than the Gujar settlers further to the south and east. Though better-looking, the Panjáb Gujars in language dress and calling so closely resemble their associates the Játs or Jats as to suggest that the two tribes entered India about the same time. Their present distribution shows that the Gujars spread further east and south than the Játs. The earliest Gujar settlements seem to have been in the Panjáb and North-West Provinces from the Indus to Mathurá where they still differ greatly in dress and language from most other inhabitants. From Mathurá the Gujars seem to have passed to East Rájputána and from there by way of Kotah and Mandasor to Málwa, where, though their original character is considerably altered, the Gujars of Málwa still remember that their ancestors came from the Doab between the Ganges and the Jamna. In Málwa they spread as far east as Bhilsa and Saháranpur. From Málwa they passed south to Khándesh and west probably by the Ratlam-Dohad route to the province of Gujarát.

Like the modern Ahirs of Káthiáváda the Gujars seem to have been a tribe of cattle-rearers husbandmen and soldiers who accompanied some conqueror and subsequently were pushed or spread forwards as occasion arose or necessity compelled. In the absence of better authority the order and locality of their settlements suggest that their introduction into India took place during the rule of the Skythian or Kushán emperor Kanerkes or Kanishka (A.D. 78-106) in whose time they seem to have settled as far east as Mathurá to which the territory of Kanishka is known to have extended. Subsequently along with the Guptas, who rose to power about two hundred years later (A.D. 300), the Gujars settled in East Rájputána, Málwa, and Gujarát, provinces all of which were apparently subjugated by the Guptas. It seems probable that in reward for their share in the Gupta conquests the leading Gujars were allotted fiefs and territories which in the declining power of their Gupta overlords they afterwards (A.D. 450-550) turned into independent kingdoms.

The earliest definite reference to a kingdom of North Indian Gujars is about A.D. 890 when the Kashmir king Sankaravarman sent an expedition against the Gurjjara king Alakhána and defeated him. As the price of peace Alakhána offered the country called Takkadesa. This Takkadesa [2] appears to be the same as the Tsehkia of Hiuen Tsiang [3] (A.D. 630-640) who puts it between the Biyás on the east and the Indus on the west thus including nearly the whole Panjáb. The tract surrendered by Alakhána was probably the small territory to the east of the Chináb as the main possessions of Alakhána must have lain further west between the Chináb and the Jehlam, where lie the town of Gujarát and the country still called Gujar-desa the land of the Gujars. [4]

[Northern Gurjjara Kingdom.] As early as the sixth and seventh centuries records prove the existence of two independent Gurjjara kingdoms in Bombay Gujarát one in the north the other in the south of the province. The Northern kingdom is mentioned by Hiuen Tsiang[Hiuen Tsiang's Kiu-che-lo, A.D. 620.] in the seventh century under the name Kiu-che-lo. He writes: 'Going north from the country of Valabhi 1800 li (300 miles) we come to the kingdom of Kiu-che-lo. This country is about 5000 li in circuit, the capital, which is called Pi-lo-mo-lo, is 30 li or so round. The produce of the soil and the manners of the people resemble those of Sauráshtra. The king is of the Kshatriya caste. He is just twenty years old.' [5] Hiuen Tsiang's Kiu-che-lo is apparently Gurjjara, the capital of which Pi-lo-mo-lo is probably Bhilmál or Bhinmál better known as Srimál. [6] Though Hiuen Tsiang calls the king a Kshatriya he was probably a Gujar who like the later Southern Gujars claimed to be of the Kshatriya race.

[Southern Gurjjara Kingdom, A.D. 589-735.] The Southern Gurjjara kingdom in Gujarát, whose capital was at Nándipuri, perhaps the modern Nándod the capital of the Rájpipla State, flourished from A.D. 589 to A.D. 735. [7] The earlier inscriptions describe the Southern Gurjjaras as of the Gurjjara Vansa. Later they ceased to call themselves Gurjjaras and traced their genealogy to the Puránic king Karna.

From the fourth to the eighth century the extensive tract of Central Gujarát between the North and South Gurjjara kingdoms was ruled by the Valabhis. The following reasons seem to show that the Valabhi dynasty were originally Gujars. Though it is usual for inscriptions to give this information none of the many Valabhi copper-plates makes any reference to the Valabhi lineage. Nor does any inscription state to what family Senápati Bhatárka the founder of the dynasty belonged. Hiuen Tsiang describes the Valabhi king as a Kshatriya and as marrying with the kings of Málwa and Kanauj. The Valabhi king described by Hiuen Tsiang is a late member of the dynasty who ruled when the kingdom had been greatly extended and when the old obscure tribal descent may have been forgotten and a Kshatriya lineage invented instead. Intermarriage with Málwa and Kanauj can be easily explained. Rájputs have never been slow to connect themselves by marriage with powerful rulers.

The establishment of these three Gujar kingdoms implies that the Gurjjara tribe from Northern and Central India settled in large numbers in Gujarát. Several Gujar castes survive in Gujarát. Among them are Gujar Vániás or traders, Gujar Sutárs or carpenters, Gujar Sonis or goldsmiths, Gujar Kumbhárs or potters, and Gujar Saláts or masons. All of these are Gujars who taking to different callings have formed separate castes. The main Gujar underlayer are the Lewás and Kadwás the two leading divisions of the important class of Gujarát Kanbis. The word Kanbi is from the Sanskrit Kutumbin, that is one possessing a family or a house. From ancient times the title Kutumbin has been prefixed to the names of cultivators. [8] This practice still obtains in parts of the North-West Provinces where the peasant proprietors are addressed as Grihasthas or householders. As cattle-breeding not cultivation was the original as it still is the characteristic calling of many North Indian Gujars, those of the tribe who settled to cultivation came to be specially known as Kutumbin or householders. Similarly Deccan surnames show that many tribes of wandering cattle-owners settled as householders and are now known as Kunbis. [9] During the last twenty years the settlement as Kunbis in Khándesh of tribes of wandering Wanjára herdsmen and grain-carriers is an example of the change through which the Gujarát Kanbis and the Deccan Kunbis passed in early historic times.

[Gujars.] Besides resembling them in appearance and in their skill both as husbandmen and as cattle-breeders the division of Gujarát Kanbis into Lewa and Kadwa seems to correspond with the division of Málwa Gujars into Dáha and Karád, with the Lewa origin of the East Khándesh Gujars, and with the Lawi tribe of Panjáb Gujars. The fact that the head-quarters of the Lewa Kanbis of Gujarát is in the central section of the province known as the Charotar and formerly under Valabhi supports the view that the founder of Valabhi power was the chief leader of the Gujar tribe. That nearly a fourth of the whole Hindu population of Gujarát are Lewa and Kadwa Kanbis and that during the sixth seventh and eighth centuries three Gujar chiefs divided among them the sway of the entire province explain how the province of Gujarát came to take its name from the tribe of Gujars. [10]

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II. ANCIENT DIVISIONS

[Ánartta.] From ancient times the present province of Gujarát consisted of three divisions Ánartta, Suráshtra, and Láta. Ánartta seems to have been Northern Gujarát, as its capital was Ánandapura the modern Vadanagara or Chief City, which is also called Ánarttapura. [11] Both these names were in use even in the times of the Valabhi kings (A.D. 500-770). [12] According to the popular story, in each of the four cycles or yugas Ánandapura or Vadanagara had a different name, Chamatkárapura in the first or Satya-yuga, Ánarttapura in the second or Tretá-yuga, Ánandapura in the third or Dvápara-yuga, and Vriddha-nagara or Vadanagar in the fourth or Káli-yuga. The first name is fabulous. The city does not seem to have ever been known by so strange a title. Of the two Ánarttapura and Ánandapura the former is the older name, while the latter may be its proper name or perhaps an adaptation of the older name to give the meaning City of Joy. The fourth Vriddha-nagara meaning the old city is a Sanskritized form of the still current Vadnagar, the Old or Great City. In the Girnár inscription of Kshatrapa Rudradáman (A.D. 150) the mention of Ánartta and Suráshtra as separate provinces subject to the Pahlava viceroy of Junágadh agrees with the view that Ánartta was part of Gujarát close to Káthiáváda. In some Puránas Ánartta appears as the name of the whole province including Suráshtra, with its capital at the well known shrine of Dwáriká. In other passages Dwáriká and Prabhás are both mentioned as in Suráshtra which would seem to show that Suráshtra was then part of Ánartta as Káthiáváda is now part of Gujarát.

[Suráshtra.] Suráshtra the land of the Sus, afterwards Sanskritized into Sauráshtra the Goodly Land, preserves its name in Sorath the southern part of Káthiáváda. The name appears as Suráshtra in the Mahábhárata and Pánini's Ganapátha, in Rudradáman's (A.D. 150) and Skandagupta's (A.D. 456) Girnár inscriptions, and in several Valabhi copper-plates. Its Prákrit form appears as Suratha in the Násik inscription of Gotamiputra (A.D. 150) and in later Prákrit as Suraththa in the Tirthakalpa of Jinaprabhásuri of the thirteenth or fourteenth century. [13] Its earliest foreign mention is perhaps Strabo's (B.C. 50-A.D. 20) Saraostus and Pliny's (A.D. 70) Oratura. [14] Ptolemy the great Egyptian geographer (A.D. 150) and the Greek author of the Periplus (A.D. 240) both call it Surastrene. [15] The Chinese pilgrim Hiuen Tsiang (A.D. 600-640) mentions Valabhi then large and famous and Suráshtra as separate kingdoms. [16]

[Láta.] Láta is South Gujarát from the Mahi to the Tápti. The name Láta does not appear to be Sanskrit. It has not been found in the Mahábhárata or other old Sanskrit works, or in the cave or other inscriptions before the third century A.D., probably because the Puránas include in Aparánta the whole western seaboard south of the Narbada as far as Goa. Still the name Láta is old. Ptolemy (A.D. 150) uses the form Larike [17] apparently from the Sanskrit Látaka. Vátsyáyana in his Káma-Sutra of the third century A.D. calls it Láta; describes it as situated to the west of Málwa; and gives an account of several of the customs of its people. [18] In Sanskrit writings and inscriptions later than the third century the name is frequently found. In the sixth century the great astronomer Varáhamihira mentions the country of Láta, and the name also appears as Láta in an Ajanta and in a Mandasor inscription of the fifth century. [19] It is common in the later inscriptions (A.D. 700-1200) of the Chálukya Gurjara and Ráshtrakúta kings [20] as well as in the writings of Arab travellers and historians between the eighth and twelfth centuries. [21]

The name Láta appears to be derived from some local tribe, perhaps the Lattas, who, as r and l are commonly used for each other, may possibly be the well known Ráshtrakútas since their great king Amoghavarsha (A.D. 851-879) calls the name of the dynasty Ratta. Lattalura the original city of the Rattas of Saundatti and Belgaum may have been in Láta and may have given its name to the country and to the dynasty. [22] In this connection it is interesting to note that the country between Broach and Dhár in Málwa in which are the towns of Bágh and Tánda is still called Rátha.

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III. LEGENDS

[Ánartta the First Puránic King of Gujarát.] The oldest Puránic legend regarding Gujarát appears to be that of the holy king Ánartta son of Saryáti and grandson of Manu. Ánartta had a son named Revata, who from his capital at Kusasthali or Dwáriká governed the country called Ánartta. Revata had a hundred sons of whom the eldest was named Raivata or Kakudmi. Raivata had a daughter named Revati who was married to Baladeva of Kusasthali or Dwáriká, the elder brother of Krishna. Regarding Revati's marriage with Baladeva the Puránic legends tell that Raivata went with his daughter to Brahmá in Brahma-loka to take his advice to whom he should give the girl in marriage. When Raivata arrived Brahmá was listening to music. As soon as the music was over Raivata asked Brahmá to find the girl a proper bridegroom. Brahmá told Raivata that during the time he had been waiting his kingdom had passed away, and that he had better marry his daughter to Baladeva, born of Vishnu, who was now ruler of Dwáriká. [23] This story suggests that Raivata son of Ánartta lost his kingdom and fled perhaps by sea. That after some time during which the Yádavas established themselves in the country, Raivata, called a son of Revata but probably a descendant as his proper name is Kakudmi, returned to his old territory and gave his daughter in marriage to one of the reigning Yádava dynasty, the Yádavas taking the girl as representing the dynasty that had preceded them. The story about Brahmá and the passing of ages seems invented to explain the long period that elapsed between the flight and the return.

[The Yádavas in Dwáriká.] The next Puránic legends relate to the establishment of the Yádava kingdom at Dwáriká. The founder and namegiver of the Yádava dynasty was Yadu of whose family the Puránas give very detailed information. The family seems to have split into several branches each taking its name from some prominent member, the chief of them being Vrishni, Kukkura, Bhoja, Sátvata, Andhaka, Madhu, Surasena, and Dasárha. Sátvata was thirty-seventh from Yadu and in his branch were born Devaki and Vasudeva, the parents of the great Yádava hero and god Krishna. It was in Krishna's time that the Yádavas had to leave their capital Mathurá and come to Dwáriká. This was the result of a joint invasion of Mathurá on one side by a legendary Deccan hero Kálayavana and on the other by Jarásandha the powerful king of Magadha or Behár, who, to avenge the death of his brother-in-law [24] Kansa killed by Krishna in fulfilment of a prophecy, is said to have invaded the Yádava territory eighteen times.

According to the story Kálayavana followed the fugitive Krishna and his companions as far as Suráshtra where in a mountain cave he was burnt by fire from the eye of the sleeping sage Muchakunda whom he had roused believing him to be his enemy Krishna. According to the Harivansa the fugitive Yádavas quitting Mathurá went to the Sindhu country and there established the city of Dwáriká on a convenient site on the sea shore making it their residence. [25] Local tradition says that the Yádavas conquered this part of the country by defeating the demons who held it.

The leading Yádava chief in Dwáriká was Ugrasena, and Ugrasena's three chief supporters were the families of Yadu, Bhoja, and Andhaka. As the entire peninsula of Káthiáváda was subject to them the Yádavas used often to make pleasure excursions and pilgrimages to Prabhás and Girnár. Krishna and Baladeva though not yet rulers held high positions and took part in almost all important matters. They were in specially close alliance with their paternal aunt's sons the Pándava brothers, kings of Hastinápura or Delhi. Of the two sets of cousins Krishna and Arjuna were on terms of the closest intimacy. Of one of Arjuna's visits to Káthiáváda the Mahábhárata gives the following details: 'Arjuna after having visited other holy places arrived in Aparánta (the western seaboard) whence he went to Prabhás. Hearing of his arrival Krishna marched to Prabhás and gave Arjuna a hearty welcome. From Prabhás they came together to the Raivataka hill which Krishna had decorated and where he entertained his guest with music and dancing. From Girnár they went to Dwáriká driving in a golden car. The city was adorned in honour of Arjuna; the streets were thronged with multitudes; and the members of the Vrishni, Bhoja, and Andhaka families met to honour Krishna's guest.' [26]

Some time after, against his elder brother Baladeva's desire, Krishna helped Arjuna to carry off Krishna's sister Subhadrá, with whom Arjuna had fallen in love at a fair in Girnár of which the Mahábhárata gives the following description: 'A gathering of the Yádavas chiefly the Vrishnis and Andhakas took place near Raivataka. The hill and the country round were rich with fine rows of fruit trees and large mansions. There was much dancing singing and music. The princes of the Vrishni family were in handsome carriages glistening with gold. Hundreds and thousands of the people of Junágadh with their families attended on foot and in vehicles of various kinds. Baladeva with his wife Revati moved about attended by many Gandharvas. Ugrasena was there with his thousand queens and musicians. Sámba and Pradyumna attended in holiday attire and looked like gods. Many Yádavas and others were also present with their wives and musicians.'

Some time after this gathering Subhadrá came to Girnár to worship and Arjuna carried her off. Eventually Vasudeva and Baladeva consented and the runaways were married with due ceremony. The large fair still held in Mágh (February-March) in the west Girnár valley near the modern temple of Bhavanáth is perhaps a relic of this great Yádava fair.

The Yádava occupation of Dwáriká was not free from trouble. When Krishna was at Hastinápura on the occasion of the Rájasúya sacrifice performed by Yudhishthira, Sálva king of Mrittikávatí in the country of Saubha led an army against Dwáriká. He slew many of the Dwáriká garrison, plundered the city and withdrew unmolested. On his return Krishna learning of Sálva's invasion led an army against Sálva. The chiefs met near the sea shore and in a pitched battle Sálva was defeated and killed. [27] Family feuds brought Yádava supremacy in Dwáriká to a disastrous end. The final family struggle is said to have happened in the thirty-sixth year after the war of the Mahábhárata, somewhere on the south coast of Káthiáváda near Prabhás or Somnáth Pátan the great place of Bráhmanical pilgrimage. On the occasion of an eclipse, in obedience to a proclamation issued by Krishna, the Yádavas and their families went from Dwáriká to Prabhás in state well furnished with dainties, animal food, and strong drink. One day on the sea shore the leading Yádava chiefs heated with wine began to dispute. They passed from words to blows. Krishna armed with an iron rod [28] struck every one he met, not even sparing his own sons. Many of the chiefs were killed. Baladeva fled to die in the forests and Krishna was slain by a hunter who mistook him for a deer. When he saw trouble was brewing Krishna had sent for Arjuna. Arjuna arrived to find Dwáriká desolate. Soon after Arjuna's arrival Vasudeva died and Arjuna performed the funeral ceremonies of Vasudeva Baladeva and Krishna whose bodies he succeeded in recovering. When the funeral rites were completed Arjuna started for Indraprastha in Upper India with the few that were left of the Yádava families, chiefly women. On the way in his passage through the Panchanada [29] or Panjáb a body of Ábhíras attacked Arjuna with sticks and took several of Krishna's wives and the widows of the Andhaka Yádava chiefs. After Arjuna left it the deserted Dwáriká was swallowed by the sea. [30]

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IV. MAURYAN AND GREEK RULE

(B.C. 319-100.)

After the destruction of the Yádavas a long blank occurs in the traditional history of Gujarát. It is probable that from its seaboard position, for trade and other purposes, many foreigners settled in Káthiáváda and South Gujarát; and that it is because of the foreign element that the Hindu Dharmasástras consider Gujarát a Mlechchha country and forbid visits to it except on pilgrimage. [31] The fact also that Asoka (B.C. 230) the great Mauryan king and propagator of Buddhism chose, among the Buddhist Theras sent to various parts of his kingdom, a Yavana Thera named Dhamma-rakhito as evangelist for the western seaboard, [32] possibly indicates a preponderating foreign element in these parts. It is further possible that these foreign settlers may have been rulers. In spite of these possibilities we have no traditions between the fall of the Yádavas and the rise of the Mauryas in B.C. 319.

Gujarát history dates from the rule of the Mauryan dynasty, the only early Indian dynasty the record of whose rule has been preserved in the writings of the Bráhmans, the Buddhists, and the Jains. This fulness of reference to the Mauryas admits of easy explanation. The Mauryas were a very powerful dynasty whose territory extended over the greater part of India. Again under Mauryan rule Buddhism was so actively propagated that the rulers made it their state religion, waging bloody wars, even revolutionizing many parts of the empire to secure its spread. Further the Mauryas were beneficent rulers and had also honourable alliances with foreign, especially with Greek and Egyptian, kings. These causes combined to make the Mauryans a most powerful and well remembered dynasty.

Inscriptions give reason to believe that the supremacy of Chandragupta, the founder of the Mauryan dynasty (B.C. 319), extended over Gujarát. According to Rudradáman's inscription (A.D. 150) on the great edict rock at Girnár in Káthiáváda, a lake called Sudarsana [33] near the edict rock was originally made by Pushyagupta of the Vaisya caste, who is described as a brother-in-law of the Mauryan king Chandragupta. [34] The language of this inscription leaves no doubt that Chandragupta's sway extended over Girnár as Pushyagupta is simply called a Vaisya and a brother-in-law of king Chandragupta and has no royal attribute, particulars which tend to show that he was a local governor subordinate to king Chandragupta. The same inscription [35] states that in the time of Asoka (B.C. 250) his officer Yavanarája Tusháspa adorned the same Sudarsana lake with conduits. This would seem to prove the continuance of Mauryan rule in Girnár for three generations from Chandragupta to Asoka. Tusháspa is called Yavanarája. The use of the term rája would seem to show that, unlike Chandragupta's Vaisya governor Pushyagupta, Tusháspa was a dignitary of high rank and noble family. That he is called Yavanarája does not prove Tusháspa was a Greek, though for Greeks alone Yavana is the proper term. The name Tusháspa rather suggests a Persian origin from its close likeness in formation to Kersháshp, a name still current among Bombay Pársis. Evidence from other sources proves that Asoka held complete sway over Málwa, Gujarát, and the Konkan coast. All the rock edicts of Asoka hitherto traced have been found on the confines of his great empire. On the north-west at Kapurdigiri and at Shabazgarhi in the Baktro-Páli character; in the north-north-west at Kálsi, in the east at Dhauli and Jangada; in the west at Girnár and Sopára, and in the south in Maisur all in Maurya characters. The Girnár and Sopára edicts leave no doubt that the Gujarát, Káthiáváda, and North Konkan seaboard was in Asoka's possession. The fact that an inland ruler holds the coast implies his supremacy over the intervening country. Further it is known that Asoka was viceroy of Málwa in the time of his father and that after his father's death he was sovereign of Málwa. The easy route from Mandasor (better known as Dasapur) to Dohad has always secured a close connection between Málwa and Gujarát. South Gujarát lies at the mercy of any invader entering by Dohad and the conquest of Káthiáváda on one side and of Upper Gujarát on the other might follow in detail. As we know that Káthiáváda and South Gujarát as far as Sopára were held by Asoka it is not improbable that Upper Gujarát also owned his sway. The Maurya capital of Gujarát seems to have been Girinagara or Junágadh in Central Káthiáváda, whose strong hill fort dominating the rich province of Sorath and whose lofty hills a centre of worship and a defence and retreat from invaders, combined to secure for Junágadh its continuance as capital under the Kshatrapas (A.D. 100-380) and their successors the Guptas (A.D. 380-460). The southern capital of the Mauryas seems to have been Sopára near Bassein in a rich country with a good and safe harbour for small vessels, probably in those times the chief centre of the Konkan and South Gujarát trade.

Buddhist and Jain records agree that Asoka was succeeded, not by his son Kunála who was blind, but by his grandsons Dasaratha and Samprati. The Barábar hill near Gayá has caves made by Asoka and bearing his inscriptions; and close to Barábar is the Nágárjuna hill with caves made by Dasaratha also bearing his inscriptions. In one of these inscriptions the remark occurs that one of the Barábar caves was made by Dasaratha 'installed immediately after.' As the caves in the neighbouring hill must have been well known to have been made by Asoka this 'after' may mean after Asoka, or the 'after' may refer solely to the sequence between Dasaratha's installation and his excavation of the cave. In any case it is probable that Dasaratha was Asoka's successor. Jaina records pass over Dasaratha and say that Asoka was succeeded by his grandson Samprati the son of Kunála. In the matter of the propagation of the Jain faith, Jain records speak as highly of Samprati as Buddhist records speak of Asoka. [36] Almost all old Jain temples or monuments, whose builders are unknown, are ascribed to Samprati who is said to have built thousands of temples as Asoka is said to have raised thousands of stupas. In his Pátaliputra-kalpa Jinaprabhasuri the well known Jaina Áchárya and writer gives a number of legendary and other stories of Pátaliputra. Comparing Samprati with Asoka in respect of the propagation of the faith in non-Áryan countries the Áchárya writes: 'In Pátaliputra flourished the great king Samprati son of Kunála lord of Bharata with its three continents, the great Arhanta who established viháras for Sramanas even in non-Áryan countries.' [37] It would appear from this that after Asoka the Mauryan empire may have been divided into two, Dasaratha ruling Eastern India, and Samprati, whom Jaina records specially mention as king of Ujjain, ruling Western India, where the Jain sect is specially strong. Though we have no specific information on the point, it is probable, especially as he held Málwa, that during the reign of Samprati Gujarát remained under Mauryan sway. With Samprati Mauryan rule in Gujarát seems to end. In later times (A.D. 500) traces of Mauryan chiefs appear in Málwa and in the North Konkan. The available details will be given in another chapter.

After Samprati, whose reign ended about B.C. 197, a blank of seventeen years occurs in Gujarát history. The next available information shows traces of Baktrian-Greek sway over parts of Gujarát. In his description of Surastrene or Suráshtra the author of the Periplus (A.D. 240) says: 'In this part there are preserved even to this day memorials of the expedition of Alexander, old temples, foundations of camps, and large wells.' [38] As Alexander did not come so far south as Káthiáváda and as after Alexander's departure the Mauryas held Káthiáváda till about B.C. 197, it may be suggested that the temples camps and wells referred to by the author of the Periplus were not memorials of the expedition of Alexander but remains of later Baktrian-Greek supremacy.

Demetrius, whom Justin calls the king of the Indians, is believed to have reigned from B.C. 190 to B.C. 165. [39] On the authority of Apollodorus of Artamita Strabo (B.C. 50-A.D. 20) names two Baktrian-Greek rulers who seem to have advanced far into inland India. He says: 'The Greeks who occasioned the revolt of Baktria (from Syria B.C. 256) were so powerful by the fertility and advantages of the country that they became masters of Ariana and India.... Their chiefs, particularly Menander, conquered more nations than Alexander. Those conquests were achieved partly by Menander and partly by Demetrius son of Euthydemus king of the Baktrians. They got possession not only of Pattalene but of the kingdoms of Saraostus and Sigerdis, which constitute the remainder of the coast.' [40] Pattalene is generally believed to be the old city of Pátál in Sindh (the modern Haidarábád), while the subsequent mention of Saraostus and Sigerdis as kingdoms which constitute the remainder of the coast, leaves almost no doubt that Saraostus is Suráshtra and Sigerdis is Ságaradvípa or Cutch. The joint mention of Menander (B.C. 126) and Demetrius (B.C. 190) may mean that Demetrius advanced into inland India to a certain point and that Menander passed further and took Sindh, Cutch, and Káthiáváda. The discovery in Cutch and Káthiáváda of coins of Baktrian kings supports the statements of Justin and Strabo. Dr. Bhagvánlál's collecting of coins in Káthiáváda and Gujarát during nearly twenty-five years brought to light among Baktrian-Greek coins an obolus of Eucratides (B.C. 180-155), a few drachmæ of Menander (B.C. 126-110), many drachmæ and copper coins of Apollodotus (B.C. 110-100), but none of Demetrius. Eucratides was a contemporary of Demetrius. Still, as Eucratides became king of Baktria after Demetrius, his conquests, according to Strabo of a thousand cities to the east of the Indus, must be later than those of Demetrius.

As his coins are found in Káthiáváda Eucratides may either have advanced into Káthiáváda or the province may have come under his sway as lord of the neighbouring country of Sindh. Whether or not Eucratides conquered the province, he is the earliest Baktrian-Greek king whose coins have been found in Káthiáváda and Gujarát. The fact that the coins of Eucratides have been found in different parts of Káthiáváda and at different times seems to show that they were the currency of the province and were not merely imported either for trade or for ornament. It is to be noticed that these coins are all of the smallest value of the numerous coins issued by Eucratides. This may be explained by the fact that these small coins were introduced by Eucratides into Káthiáváda to be in keeping with the existing local coinage. The local silver coins in use before the time of Eucratides are very small, weighing five to seven grains, and bear the Buddhist symbols of the Svastika, the Trident, and the Wheel. Another variety has been found weighing about four grains with a misshapen elephant on the obverse and something like a circle on the reverse. [41] It was probably to replace this poor currency that Eucratides introduced his smallest obolus of less weight but better workmanship.

The end of the reign of Eucratides is not fixed with certainty: it is believed to be about B.C. 155. [42] For the two Baktrian-Greek kings Menander and Apollodotus who ruled in Káthiáváda after Eucratides, better sources of information are available. As already noticed Strabo (A.D. 20) mentions that Menander's conquests (B.C. 120) included Cutch and Suráshtra. [43] And the author of the Periplus (A.D. 240) writes: 'Up to the present day old drachmæ bearing the Greek inscriptions of Apollodotus and Menander are current in Barugaza (Broach).' [44] Menander's silver drachmæ have been found in Káthiáváda and Southern Gujarát. [45] Though their number is small Menander's coins are comparatively less scarce than those of the earliest Kshatrapas Nahapána and Chashtana (A.D. 100-140). The distribution of Menander's coins suggests he was the first Baktrian-Greek king who resided in these parts and that the monuments of Alexander's times, camps temples and wells, mentioned by the author of the Periplus [46] were camps of Menander in Suráshtra. Wilson and Rochette have supposed Apollodotus to be the son and successor of Menander, [47] while General Cunningham believes Apollodotus to be the predecessor of Menander. [48] Inferences from the coins of these two kings found in Gujarát and Káthiáváda support the view that Apollodotus was the successor of Menander. The coins of Apollodotus are found in much larger numbers than those of Menander and the workmanship of Apollodotus' coins appears to be of a gradually declining style. In the later coins the legend is at times undecipherable. It appears from this that for some time after Apollodotus until Nahapána's (A.D. 100) coins came into use, the chief local currency was debased coins struck after the type of the coins of Apollodotus. Their use as the type of coinage generally happens to the coins of the last king of a dynasty. The statement by the author of the Periplus that in his time (A.D. 240) the old drachmæ of Apollodotus and Menander were current in Barugaza, seems to show that these drachmæ continued to circulate in Gujarát along with the coins of the Western Kshatrapas. The mention of Apollodotus before Menander by the author of the Periplus may either be accidental, or it may be due to the fact that when the author wrote fewer coins of Menander than of Apollodotus were in circulation.

The silver coins both of Menander and Apollodotus found in Gujarát and Káthiáváda are of only one variety, round drachmæ. The reason that of their numerous large coins, tetradrachmæ didrachmæ and others, drachmæ alone have been found in Gujarát is probably the reason suggested for the introduction of the obolus of Eucratides, namely that the existing local currency was so poor that coins of small value could alone circulate. Still the fact that drachmæ came into use implies some improvement in the currency, chiefly in size. The drachmæ of both the kings are alike. The obverse of Menander's coins has in the middle a helmeted bust of the king and round it the Greek legend BASILEÔS SÔTÊROS MENANDROY Of the king the Saviour Menander. On the reverse is the figure of Athene Promachos surrounded by the Baktro-Páli legend Mahárájasa Trádátasa Menandrasa that is Of the Great king the Saviour Menander, and a monogram. [49] The drachmæ of Apollodotus have on the obverse a bust with bare filleted head surrounded by the legend BASILEÔS SÔTÊROS APOLLODOTOY Of the king the Saviour Apollodotus. Except in the legend the reverse with two varieties of monogram [50] is the same as the reverse of the drachmæ of Menander. The legend in Baktro-Páli character is Mahárájasa Rájátirájasa Apaladatasa that is Of the Great king the over-king of kings Apaladata. During his twenty-five years of coin-collecting Dr. Bhagvánlál failed to secure a single copper coin of Menander either in Gujarát or in Káthiáváda. Of the copper coins of Apollodotus a deposit was found in Junágadh, many of them well preserved. [51] These coins are of two varieties, one square the other round and large. Of the square coin the obverse has a standing Apollo with an arrow in the right hand and on the top and the two sides the Greek legend BASILEÔS SÔTÊROS KAI PhILOPATOROS APOLLODOTOY that is Of the King Saviour and Fatherlover Apollodotus. On the reverse is the tripod of Apollo with a monogram [52] and the letter drí in Baktro-Páli on the left and the legend in Baktro-Páli characters Mahárájasa Trádátasa Apaladatasa. The round coin has also, on the obverse, a standing Apollo with an arrow in the right hand; behind is the same monogram as in the square coin and all round runs the Greek legend BASILEÔS SÔTÊROS APOLLODOTOY. On the reverse is the tripod of Apollo with on its right and left the letters di and u in Baktro-Páli and all round the Baktro-Páli legend Mahárájasa Trádátasa Apaladatasa. The reason why so few copper coins of Apollodotus have been found in Gujarát perhaps is that these copper coins were current only in the time of Apollodotus and did not, like his silver drachmæ, continue as the currency of the country with the same or an imitated die. The date of the reign of Apollodotus is not fixed. General Cunningham believes it to be B.C. 165-150, [53] Wilson and Gardner take it to be B.C. 110-100. [54] Though no Indian materials enable us to arrive at any final conclusion regarding this date the fact that Apollodotus' coins continued to be issued long after his time shows that Apollodotus was the last Baktrian-Greek ruler of Gujarát and Káthiáváda. After Apollodotus we find no trace of Baktrian-Greek rule, and no other certain information until the establishment of the Kshatrapas about A.D. 100. The only fact that breaks this blank in Gujarát history is the discovery of copper coins of a king whose name is not known, but who calls himself Basileus Basileon Soter Megas that is King of Kings the Great Saviour. These coins are found in Káthiáváda and Cutch as well as in Rájputána the North-West Provinces and the Kábul valley, a distribution which points to a widespread Indian rule. The suggestion may be offered that this king is one of the leaders of the Yaudheyas whose constitution is said to have been tribal, that is the tribe was ruled by a number of small chiefs who would not be likely to give their names on their coins. [55]

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V. THE KSHATRAPAS

(B.C. 70-A.D. 398.)

With the Kshatrapas (B.C. 70) begins a period of clearer light, and, at the same time, of increased importance, since, for more than three centuries, the Kshatrapas held sway over the greater part of Western India. Till recently this dynasty was known to orientalists as the Sáh dynasty a mistaken reading of the terminal of their names which in some rulers is Simha Lion and in others, as in Rudra Sena (A.D. 203-220) son of Rudra Simha, Sena Army. [56]

[Two Dynasties.] The sway of the rulers who affix the title Kshatrapa to their names extended over two large parts of India, one in the north including the territory from the Kábul valley to the confluence of the Ganges and the Jamná; the other in the west stretching from Ajmir in the north to the North Konkan in the south and from Málwa in the east to the Arabian Sea in the west. The former may be called the Northern the latter the Western Kshatrapas.

[The Name.] Besides as Kshatrapa, in the Prákrit legends of coins and in inscriptions the title of these dynasties appears under three forms Chhatrapa, [57] Chhatrava, [58] and Khatapa. [59] All these forms have the same meaning namely Lord or Protector of the warrior-race, the Sanskrit Kshatra-pa. [60] It is to be noted that the title Kshatrapa appears nowhere as a title of any king or royal officer within the whole range of Sanskrit literature, or indeed on any inscription, coin, or other record of any Indian dynasty except the Northern and the Western Kshatrapas. According to Prinsep Kshatrapa is a Sanskritized form of Satrapa, a term familiar to the Grecian history of ancient Persia and used for the prefect of a province under the Persian system of government. As Prinsep further observes Satrapa had probably the same meaning in Ariana that Kshatrapa had in Sanskrit, the ruler feeder or patron of the kshatra or warrior class, the chief of a warlike tribe or clan. [61] Prinsep further notes the Persian kings were often in need of such chiefs and as they entrusted the chiefs with the government of parts of their dominions the word came to mean a governor. So during the anarchy which prevailed on the Skythian overthrow of Greek rule in Baktria [62] (B.C. 160) several chiefs of Malaya, Pallava, Ábhíra, Meda, and other predatory tribes came from Baktria to Upper India, and each established for himself a principality or kingdom. Subsequently these chiefs appear to have assumed independent sovereignty. Still though they often call themselves rájás or kings with the title Kshatrapa or Mahákshatrapa, if any Baktrian king advanced towards their territories, they were probably ready to acknowledge him as Overlord. Another reason for believing these Kshatrapa chiefs to have been foreigners is that, while the names of the founders of Kshatrapa sovereignty are foreign, their inscriptions and coins show that soon after the establishment of their rule they became converts to one or other form of the Hindu religion and assumed Indian names. [63]

[Northern Kshatrapas, B.C. 70-A.D. 78.] According to inscriptions and coins Northern Kshatrapa rule begins with king Maues about B.C. 70 and ends with the accession of the Kushán king Kanishka about A.D. 78. Maues probably belonged to the Saka tribe of Skythians. If the Maues of the coins may be identified with the Moga of the Taxila plate the date of king Patika in the Taxila plate shows that for about seventy-five years after the death of Maues the date of his accession continued to be the initial year of the dynasty. From their connection with the Sakas, arriving in India during the reign of the Saka Maues and for nearly three quarters of a century accepting the Saka overlordship, the Kshatrapas, though as noted above their followers were chiefly Malayas, Pallavas, Ábhíras, and Medas, appear to have themselves come to be called Sakas and the mention of Saka kings in Puránic and other records seems to refer to them. After lasting for about 150 years the rule of the Northern Kshatrapas seems to have merged in the empire of the great Kushán Kanishka (A.D. 78).

Though recently found inscriptions and coins show that the Kshatrapas ruled over important parts of India including even a share of the western seaboard, nothing is known regarding them from either Indian or foreign literary sources. What little information can be gleaned is from their own inscriptions and coins. Of the Northern Kshatrapas this information is imperfect and disconnected. It shows that they had probably three or four ruling branches, one in the Kábul valley, a second at Taxila near Attak on the North-West Panjáb frontier, a third at Behát near Saháranpur or Delhi, and a fourth at Mathurá. The last two were perhaps subdivisions of one kingdom; but probably those at Kábul and at Taxila were distinct dynasties. An inscription found in Mathurá shows a connection either by marriage or by neighbourhood between the Behát and Mathurá branches. This is a Baktro-Páli inscription recording the gift of a stúpa by Nandasiriká daughter of Kshatrapa Rájavula and mother of Kharaosti Yuvarája. Kharaosti is the dynastic name of the prince, his personal name appears later in the inscription as Talama (Ptolemy ?). From his dynastic name, whose crude form Kharaosta or Kharaottha may be the origin of the Prakrit Chhaharáta and the Sanskritised Kshaharáta, this Talama appears to be a descendant of the Kshatrapa Kharaosti whose coins found at Taxila call him Artaputa that is the son of Arta apparently the Parthian Ortus.

The same Baktro-Páli Mathurá inscription also mentions with special respect a Kshatrapa named Patika, [64] who, with the title of Kusulaka or Kozolon, ruled the Kábul valley with his capital first at Nagaraka and later at Taxila.

The same inscription further mentions that the stúpa was given while the Kshatrapa Sudása son of the Mahákshatrapa Rájavula was ruling at Mathurá. The inference from the difference in the titles of the father and the son seems to be that Sudása was ruling in Mathurá as governor under his father who perhaps ruled in the neighbourhood of Delhi where many of his coins have been found. While the coins of Sudása have the legend in Nágarí only, Rájavula's coins are of two varieties, one with the legend in Baktro-Páli and the other with the legend in Nágarí, a fact tending to show that the father's territories stretched to the far north.

Though Kharaosti is mentioned as a Yuvarája or prince heir-apparent in the time of his maternal uncle Sudása, the inscription shows he had four children. It is curious that while the inscription mentions Nandasiriká as the mother of Kharaosti Yuvarája, nothing is said about her husband. Perhaps he was dead or something had happened to make Nandasiriká live at her father's home.

[Western Kshatrapas, A.D. 70-398.] Another inscription of Sudása found by General Cunningham at Mathurá is in old Nágarí character. Except that they have the distinctive and long continued Kshatrapa peculiarity of joining ya with other letters the characters of this inscription are of the same period as those of the inscriptions of the great Indo-Skythian or Kushán king Kanishka. This would seem to show that the conquest of Mathurá by Kanishka took place soon after the time of Kshatrapa Sudása. It therefore appears probable that Nahapána, the first Kshatrapa ruler of Gujarát and Káthiáváda, the letters of whose inscriptions are of exactly the same Kshatrapa type as those of Sudása, was a scion of the Kharaosti family, who, in this overthrow of kingdoms, went westwards conquering either on his own account or as a general sent by Kanishka. Nahapána's [65] advance seems to have lain through East Rájputána by Mandasor [66] in West Málwa along the easy route to Dohad as far as South Gujarát. From South Gujarát his power spread in two directions, by sea to Káthiáváda and from near Balsár by the Dáng passes to Násik and the Deccan, over almost the whole of which, judging from coins and inscriptions, he supplanted as overlord the great Ándhra kings of the Deccan. No evidence is available to show either that East Málwa with its capital at Ujjain or that North Gujarát formed part of his dominions. All the information we have regarding Nahapána is from his own silver coins and from the inscriptions of his son-in-law Ushavadáta at Násik and Kárle and of his minister Ayáma (Sk. Áryaman) at Junnar. Nahapána's coins are comparatively rare. The only published specimen is one obtained by Mr. Justice Newton. [67] Four others were also obtained by Dr. Bhagvánlál from Káthiáváda and Násik.

[Kshatrapa I. Nahapána, A.D. 78-120.] The coins of Nahapána are the earliest specimens of Kshatrapa coins. Though the type seems to have been adopted from the Baktrian-Greek, the design is original and is not an imitation of any previous coinage. The type seems adopted in idea from the drachma of Apollodotus (B.C. 110-100). On the obverse is a bust with a Greek legend round it and on the reverse a thunderbolt and an arrow probably as on the reverse of the coins of Apollodotus [68] representing the distinctive weapons of Athene Promachos and of Apollo. In addition to the Baktro-Páli legend on the Apollodotus drachma, the reverse of Nahapána's coin has the same legend in Nágarí, since Nágarí was the character of the country for which the coin was struck. The dress of the bust is in the style of the over-dress of Nahapána's time. The bust, facing the right, wears a flat grooved cap and has the hair combed in ringlets falling half down the ear. The neck shows the collar of the coat. The workmanship of the coins is good. The die seems to have been renewed from time to time as the face altered with age. Of Dr. Bhagvánlál's four coins one belongs to Nahapána's youth, another to his old age, and the remaining two to his intervening years. In all four specimens the Greek legend is imperfect and unreadable. The letters of the Greek legend are of the later period that is like the letters on the coins of the great Skythian king Kadphises I. (B.C. 26). One of the coins shows in the legend the six letters L L O D O-S. These may be the remains of the name Apollodotus (B.C. 110-100). Still it is beyond doubt that the letters are later Greek than those on the coins of Apollodotus. Until the legend is found clear on some fresher specimen, it is not possible to say anything further. In three of the coins the Baktro-Páli legend on the reverse runs:

Raño Chhaharátasa Nahapánasa.

Of king Chhaharáta Nahapána.

The fourth has simply

Raño Chhaharátasa.

Of king Chhaharáta.

The old Nágarí legend is the same in all:

Raño Kshaharátasa Nahapánasa.

Of king Kshaharáta Nahapána.

The Chhaharáta of the former and the Kshaharáta of the latter are the same, the difference in the initial letter being merely dialectical. As mentioned above Kshaharáta is the family name of Nahapána's dynasty. It is worthy of note that though Nahapána is not styled Kshatrapa in any of his coins the inscriptions of Ushavadáta at Násik repeatedly style him the Kshaharáta Kshatrapa Nahapána. [69]

[Ushavadáta, A.D. 100-120.] Ushavadáta was the son-in-law of Nahapána being married to his daughter Dakhamitá or Dakshamitrá. Ushavadáta bears no royal title. He simply calls himself son of Díníka and son-in-law of Nahapána, which shows that he owed his power and rank to his father-in-law, a position regarded as derogatory in India, where no scion of any royal dynasty would accept or take pride in greatness or influence obtained from a father-in-law. [70] Násik Inscription XIV. shows that Ushavadáta was a Saka. His name, as was first suggested by Dr. Bhau Dáji, is Prákrit for Rishabhadatta. From the many charitable and publicly useful works mentioned in various Násik and Kárle inscriptions, as made by him in places which apparently formed part of Nahapána's dominions, Ushavadáta appears to have been a high officer under Nahapána. As Nahapána seems to have had no son Ushavadáta's position as son-in-law would be one of special power and influence. Ushavadáta's charitable acts and works of public utility are detailed in Násik Inscriptions X. XII. and XIV. The charitable acts are the gift of three hundred thousand cows; of gold and of river-side steps at the Bárnása or Banás river near Ábu in North Gujarát; of sixteen villages to gods and Bráhmans; the feeding of hundreds of thousands of Bráhmans every year; the giving in marriage of eight wives to Bráhmans at Prabhás in South Káthiáváda; the bestowing of thirty-two thousand cocoanut trees in Nanamgola or Nárgol village on the Thána seaboard on the Charaka priesthoods of Pinditakávada, Govardhana near Násik, Suvarnamukha, and Rámatírtha in Sorpáraga or Sopára on the Thána coast; the giving of three hundred thousand cows and a village at Pushkara or Pokhar near Ajmir in East Rájputána; making gifts to Bráhmans at Chechina or Chichan near Kelva-Máhim on the Thána coast; and the gift of trees and 70,000 kárshápanas or 2000 suvarnas to gods and Bráhmans at Dáhánu in Thána. The public works executed by Ushavadáta include rest-houses and alms-houses at Bharu Kachha or Broach, at Dasapura or Mandasor in North Málwa, and gardens and wells at Govardhana and Sopára; free ferries across the Ibá or Ambiká, the Páráda or Pár, the Damaná or Damanganga, the Tápi or Tápti, the Karabená or Káveri, and the Dáhánuká or Dáhánu river. Waiting-places and steps were also built on both banks of each of these rivers. These charitable and public works of Ushavadáta savour much of the Bráhmanic religion. The only Buddhist charities are the gift of a cave at Násik; of 3000 kárshápanas and eight thousand cocoanut trees for feeding and clothing monks living in the cave; and of a village near Kárle in Poona for the support of the monks of the main Kárle cave. Ushavadáta himself thus seems to have been a follower of the Bráhmanical faith. The Buddhist charities were probably made to meet the wishes of his wife whose father's religion the Buddhist wheel and the Bodhi tree on his copper coins prove to have been Buddhism. The large territory over which these charitable and public works of Ushavadáta spread gives an idea of the extent of Nahapána's rule. The gift of a village as far north as Pokhara near Ajmir would have been proof of dominion in those parts were it not for the fact that in the same inscription Ushavadáta mentions his success in assisting some local Kshatriyas. It is doubtful if the northern limits of Nahapána's dominions extended as far as Pokhar. The village may have been given during a brief conquest, since according to Hindu ideas no village given to Bráhmans can be resumed. The eastern boundary would seem to have been part of Málwa and the plain lands of Khándesh Násik and Poona; the southern boundary was somewhere about Bombay; and the western Káthiáváda and the Arabian sea.

[Nahapána's Era.] Nahapána's exact date is hard to fix. Ushavadáta's Násik cave Inscriptions X. and XII. give the years 41 and 42; and an inscription of Nahapána's minister Ayáma at Junnar gives the year 46. The era is not mentioned. They are simply dated vase Sk. varshe that is in the year. Ushavadáta's Násik Inscription XII. records in the year 42 the gift of charities and the construction of public works which must have taken years to complete. If at that time Ushavadáta's age was 40 to 45, Nahapána who, as Inscription X. shows, was living at that time, must have been some twenty years older than his son-in-law or say about 65. The Junnar inscription of his minister Ayáma which bears date 46 proves that Nahapána lived several years after the making of Ushavadáta's cave. The bust on one of his coins also shows that Nahapána attained a ripe old age.

Nahapána cannot have lived long after the year 46. His death may be fixed about the year 50 of the era to which the three years 41, 42, and 46 belong. He was probably about 75 years old when he died. Deducting 50 from 75 we get about 25 as Nahapána's age at the beginning of the era to which the years 41, 42, and 46 belong, a suitable age for an able prince with good resources and good advisers to have established a kingdom. It is therefore probable that the era marks Nahapána's conquest of Gujarát. As said above, Nahapána was probably considered to belong to the Saka tribe, and his son-in-law clearly calls himself a Saka. It may therefore be supposed that the era started by Nahapána on his conquest of Gujarát was at first simply called Varsha; that it afterwards came to be called Sakavarsha or Sakasamvatsara; and that finally, after various changes, to suit false current ideas, about the eleventh or twelfth century the people of the Deccan styled it Sáliváhana Saka mixing it with current traditions regarding the great Sátaváhana or Saliváhana king of Paithan. If, as mentioned above, Nahapána's conquest of Gujarát and the establishment of his era be taken to come close after the conquest of Mathurá by Kanishka, the Gujarát conquest and the era must come very shortly after the beginning of Kanishka's reign, since Kanishka conquered Mathurá early in his reign. As his Mathurá inscriptions [71] give 5 as Kanishka's earliest date, he must have conquered Mathurá in the year 3 or 4 of his reign. Nahapána's expedition to and conquest of Gujarát was probably contemporary with or very closely subsequent to Kanishka's conquest of Mathurá. So two important eras seem to begin about four years apart, the one with Kanishka's reign in Upper India, the other with Nahapána's reign in Western India. The difference being so small and both being eras of foreign conquerors, a Kushán and a Saka respectively, the two eras seem to have been subsequently confounded. Thus, according to Dr. Burnell, the Javanese Saka era is A.D. 74, that is Kanishka's era was introduced into Java, probably because Java has from early times been connected with the eastern parts of India where Kanishka's era was current. On the other hand the astrological works called Karana use the era beginning with A.D. 78 which we have taken to be the Western era started by Nahapána. The use of the Saka era in Karana works dates from the time of the great Indian astronomer Varáha Mihira (A.D. 587). As Varáha Mihira lived and wrote his great work in Avanti or Málwa he naturally made use of the Saka era of Nahapána, which was current in Málwa. Subsequent astronomers adopted the era used by the master Varáha Mihira. Under their influence Nahapána's A.D. 78 era passed into use over the whole of Northern and Central India eclipsing Kanishka's A.D. 74 era. On these grounds it may be accepted that the dates in the Násik inscriptions of Ushavadáta and in Ayáma's inscription at Junnar are in the era founded by Nahapána on his conquest of Gujarát and the West Deccan. This era was adopted by the Western Kshatrapa successors of Nahapána and continued on their coins for nearly three centuries. [72]

[The Málava Era, B.C. 56.] The question arises why should not the dates on the Western Kshatrapa coins belong to the era which under the incorrect title of the Vikrama era is now current in Gujarát and Málwa. Several recently found Málwa inscriptions almost prove that what is called the Vikrama era beginning with B.C. 56 was not started by any Vikrama, but marks the institution of the tribal constitution of the Málavas. [73] Later the era came to be called either the era of the Málava lords [74] or Málava Kála that is the era of the Málavas. About the ninth century just as the Saka era became connected with the Saliváhana of Paithan, this old Málava era became connected with the name of Vikramáditya, the great legendary king of Ujain.

It might be supposed that the Málavas who gave its name to the Málava era were the kings of the country now called Málwa. But it is to be noted that no reference to the present Málwa under the name of Málavadesa occurs in any Sanskrit work or record earlier than the second century after Christ. The original Sanskrit name of the country was Avanti. It came to be called Málava from the time the Málava tribe conquered it and settled in it, just as Káthiáváda and Meváda came to be called after their Káthi and Meva or Meda conquerors. The Málavas, also called Málayas, [75] seem like the Medas to be a foreign tribe, which, passing through Upper India conquered and settled in Central India during the first century before Christ. The mention in the Mudrárákshasa [76] of a Málaya king among five Upper Indian kings shows that in the time of the Mauryas (B.C. 300) a Málaya kingdom existed in Upper India which after the decline of Maurya supremacy spread to Central India. By Nahapána's time the Málavas seem to have moved eastwards towards Jaipur, as Ushavadáta defeated them in the neighbourhood of the Pushkar lake: but the fact that the country round Ujain was still known to Rudradáman as Avanti, shows that the Málavas had not yet (A.D. 150) entered the district now known as Málava. This settlement and the change of name from Avanti to Málava probably took place in the weakness of the Kshatrapas towards the end of the third century A.D. When they established their sway in Central India these Málavas or Málayas like the ancient Yaudheyas (B.C. 100) and the Káthis till recent times (A.D. 1818) seem to have had a democratic constitution. [77] Their political system seems to have proved unsuited to the conditions of a settled community. To put an end to dissensions the Málava tribe appears to have framed what the Mandasor inscription terms a sthiti or constitution in honour of which they began a new era. [78] It may be asked, Why may not Nahapána have been the head of the Málavas who under the new constitution became the first Málava sovereign and his reign-dates be those of the new Málava era? Against this we know from a Násik inscription of Ushavadáta [79] that Nahapána was not a Málava himself but an opponent of the Málavas as he sent Ushavadáta to help a tribe of Kshatriyas called Uttamabhadras whom the Málavas had attacked. Further a chronological examination of the early ruling dynasties of Gujarát does not favour the identification of the Kshatrapa era with the Málava era. The available information regarding the three dynasties the Kshatrapas the Guptas and the Valabhis, is universally admitted to prove that they followed one another in chronological succession. The latest known Kshatrapa date is 310. Even after this we find the name of a later Kshatrapa king whose date is unknown but may be estimated at about 320. If we take this Kshatrapa 320 to be in the Vikrama Samvat, its equivalent is A.D. 264. In consequence of several new discoveries the epoch of the Gupta era has been finally settled to be A.D. 319. It is further settled that the first Gupta conqueror of Málwa and Gujarát was Chandragupta II. [80] the date of his conquest of Málwa being Gupta 80 (A.D. 399). Counting the Kshatrapa dates in the Samvat era this gives a blank of (399 - 264 = ) 135 years between the latest Kshatrapa date and the date of Chandragupta's conquest of Gujarát to fill which we have absolutely no historical information. On the other hand in support of the view that the Kshatrapa era is the Saka era the Káthiáváda coins of the Gupta king Kumáragupta son of Chandragupta dated 100 Gupta closely resemble the coins of the latest Kshatrapa kings, the workmanship proving that the two styles of coin are close in point of time. Thus taking the Kshatrapa era to be the Saka era the latest Kshatrapa date is 320 + 78 = A.D. 398, which is just the date (A.D. 399) of Chandragupta's conquest of Málwa and Gujarát. For these reasons, and in the absence of reasons to the contrary, it seems proper to take the dates in Ushavadáta's and Ayáma's inscriptions as in the era which began with Nahapána's conquest of Gujarát, namely the Saka era whose initial date is A.D. 78.

[Kshatrapa II. Chashtana, A.D. 130.] After Nahapána's the earliest coins found in Gujarát are those of Chashtana. Chashtana's coins are an adaptation of Nahapána's coins. At the same time Chashtana's bust differs from the bust in Nahapána's coins. He wears a mustache, the cap is not grooved but plain, and the hair which reaches the neck is longer than Nahapána's hair. In one of Chashtana's coins found by Mr. Justice Newton, the hair seems dressed in ringlets as in the coins of the Parthian king Phraates II. (B.C. 136-128). [81] On the reverse instead of the thunderbolt and arrow as in Nahapána's coins, Chashtana's coins have symbols of the sun and moon in style much like the sun and moon symbols on the Parthian coins of Phraates II., the moon being a crescent and the sun represented by eleven rays shooting from a central beam. To the two on the reverse a third symbol seems to have been added consisting of two arches resting on a straight line, with a third arch over and between the two arches, and over the third arch an inverted semicircle. Below these symbols stretches a waving or serpentine line. [82]

[Chashtana's Coins, A.D. 130.] The same symbol appears on the obverse of several very old medium-sized square copper coins found in Upper India. These coins Dr. Bhagvánlál took to be coins of Asoka. They have no legend on either side, and have a standing elephant on the obverse and a rampant lion on the reverse. As these are the symbols of Asoka, the elephant being found in his rock inscriptions and the lion in his pillar inscriptions, Dr. Bhagvánlál held them to be coins of Asoka. The arch symbol appears in these coins over the elephant on the obverse and near the lion on the reverse but in neither case with the underlying zigzag line. [83] So also a contemporary coin bearing in the Asoka character the clear legend Vatasvaka shows the same symbol, with in addition a robed male figure of good design standing near the symbol saluting it with folded hands. The position of the figure (Ariana Antiqua, Plate XV. Fig. 30) proves that the symbol was an object of worship. In Chashtana's coins we find this symbol between the sun and the moon, a position which suggests that the symbol represents the mythical mountain Meru, the three semicircular superimposed arches representing the peaks of the mountain and the crescent a Siddha-silâ or Siddhas' seat, which Jaina works describe as crescent-shaped and situated over Meru. The collective idea of this symbol in the middle and the sun and moon on either side recalls the following; sloka:

Yávadvícítarangánvahati suranadí jánhaví púrnatoyá. Yávaccákáshamárge tapati dinakaro bháskaro lokapálah Yávadvajrendunílasphatikamanishilá vartate merushrrimnge. Távattvam pútrapautraih svajanaparivrito jíva shammoh prasádat.

Mayest thou by the favour of Sambhu live surrounded by sons grandsons and relations so long as the heavenly Ganges full of water flows with its waves, so long as the brilliant sun the protector of the universe shines in the sky, and so long as the slab of diamond moonstone lapis lazuli and sapphire remains on the top of Meru.

Dr. Bird's Kanheri copperplate has a verse with a similar meaning regarding the continuance of the glory of the relic shrine of one Pushya, so long as Meru remains and rivers and the sea flow. [84] The meaning of showing Meru and the sun and moon is thus clear. The underlying serpentine line apparently stands for the Jáhnaví river or it may perhaps be a representation of the sea. [85] The object of representing these symbols on coins may be that the coins may last as long as the sun, the moon, mount Meru, and the Ganges or ocean. Against this view it may be urged that the coins of the Buddhist kings of Kuninda (A.D. 100), largely found near Saháranpur in the North-West Provinces, show the arch symbol with the Buddhist trident over it, the Bodhi tree with the railing by its side, and the serpentine line under both the tree and the symbol, the apparent meaning being that the symbol is a Buddhist shrine with the Bodhi tree and the river Niranjana of Buddha Gaya near it. The same symbol appears as a Buddhist shrine in Andhra coins [86] which make it larger with four rows of arches, a tree by its side, and instead of the zigzag base line a railing. This seems a different representation perhaps of the shrine of Mahábodhi at Buddha Gaya. These details seem to show that popular notions regarding the meaning of this symbol varied at different times. [87]

Such of the coins of Chashtana as have on the reverse only the sun and the moon bear on the obverse in Baktro-Páli characters a legend of which the four letters Raño jimo alone be made out. An illegible Greek legend continues the Baktro-Páli legend. The legend on the reverse is in old Nágarí character:

Rájño Kshatrapasa Ysamotikaputra(sa Cha)shtanasa.

Of the king Kshatrapa Chashtana son of Ysamotika.

The variety of Chashtana's coins which has the arch symbol on the reverse, bears on the obverse only the Greek legend almost illegible and on the reverse the Baktro-Páli legend ca.tanasa Chatanasa meaning. Of Chashtana and in continuation the Nágarí legend:

Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Ysamotikaputrasa Chashtanasa.

Of the king the great Kshatrapa Chashtana son of Ysamotika.

[Chashtana's Father.] The name Zamotika is certainly not Indian but foreign apparently a corruption of some such form as Psamotika or Xamotika. Further the fact that Zamotika is not called Kshatrapa or by any other title, would seem to show that he was an untitled man whose son somehow came to authority and obtained victory over these parts where (as his earlier coins with the sun and the moon show) he was at first called a Kshatrapa and afterwards (as his later coins with the third symbol show) a Mahákshatrapa or great Kshatrapa. We know nothing of any connection between Nahapána and Chashtana. Still it is clear that Chashtana obtained a great part of the territory over which [Chashtana, A.D. 130.] Nahapána previously held sway. Though Chashtana's coins and even the coins of his son and grandson bear no date, we have reason to believe they used a nameless era, of which the year 72 is given in the Junágadh inscription of Chashtana's grandson Rudradáman. [89] Though we have no means of ascertaining how many years Rudradáman had reigned before this 72 it seems probable that the beginning of the reign was at least several years earlier. Taking the previous period at seven years Rudradáman's succession may be tentatively fixed at 65. Allowing twenty-five years for his father Jayadáman and his grandfather Chashtana (as they were father and son and the son it is supposed reigned for some years with his father [90]) Chashtana's conquest of Gujarát comes to about the year 40 which makes Chashtana contemporary with the latter part of Nahapána's life. Now the Tiastanes whom Ptolemy mentions as having Ozene for his capital [91] is on all hands admitted to be Chashtana and from what Ptolemy says it appears certain that his capital was Ujjain. Two of Chashtana's coins occur as far north as Ajmir. As the Chashtana coins in Dr. Gerson DaCunha's collection were found in Káthiáváda he must have ruled a large stretch of country. The fact that in his earlier coins Chashtana is simply called a Kshatrapa and in his latter coins a Mahákshatrapa leads to the inference that his power was originally small. Chashtana was probably not subordinate to Nahapána but a contemporary of Nahapána originally when a simple Kshatrapa governing perhaps North Gujarát and Málwa. Nor was Chashtana a member of Nahapána's family as he is nowhere called Kshaharáta which is the name of Nahapána's family. During the lifetime of Nahapána Chashtana's power would seem to have been established first over Ajmir and Mewád. Perhaps Chashtana may have been the chief of the Uttamabhadra Kshatriyas, whom, in the year 42, Ushavadáta went to assist when they were besieged by the Málayas or Málavas [92]; and it is possible that the Málavas being thus driven away Chashtana may have consolidated his power, taken possession of Málwa, and established his capital at Ujjain.

[Deccan Recovered by the Andhras, A.D. 138.] On Nahapána's death his territory, which in the absence of a son had probably passed to his son-in-law Ushavadáta, seems to have been wrested from him by his Ándhra neighbours, as one of the attributes of Gautamíputra Sátakarni is exterminator of the dynasty of Khakharáta (or Kshaharáta). That North Konkan, South Gujarát, and Káthiáváda were taken and incorporated with Ándhra territory appears from Gautamíputra's Násik inscription (No. 26) where Suráshtra and Aparánta are mentioned as parts of his dominions. These Ándhra conquests seem to have been shortlived. Chashtana appears to have eventually taken Káthiáváda and as much of South Gujarát as belonged to Nahapána probably as far south as the Narbada. Mevád, Málwa, North and South Gujarát and Káthiáváda would then be subject to him and justify the title Mahákshatrapa on his later coins.

[The Mevas or Medas.] The bulk of Chashtana's army seems to have consisted of the Mevas or Medas from whose early conquests and settlements in Central Rájputána the province seems to have received its present name Meváda. If this supposition be correct an inference may be drawn regarding the origin of Chashtana. The Mathurá inscription of Nandasiriká, daughter of Kshatrapa Rájavula and mother of Kharaosti Yuvarája, mentions with respect a Mahákshatrapa Kuzulko Patika who is called in the inscription Mevaki that is of the Meva tribe. The inscription shows a relation between the Kharaostis (to which tribe we have taken Kshaharáta Nahapána to belong) and Mevaki Patika perhaps in the nature of subordinate and overlord. It proves at least that the Kharaostis held Patika in great honour and respect.

The Taxila plate shows that Patika was governor of Taxila during his father's lifetime. After his father's death when he became Mahákshatrapa, Patika's capital was Nagaraka in the Jallálábád or Kábul valley. The conquest of those parts by the great Kushán or Indo-Skythian king Kanishka (A.D. 78) seems to have driven Patika's immediate successors southwards to Sindh where they may have established a kingdom. The Skythian kingdom mentioned by the author of the Periplus as stretching in his time as far south as the mouths of the Indus may be a relic of this kingdom. Some time after their establishment in Sindh Patika's successors may have sent Chashtana, either a younger member of the reigning house or a military officer, with an army of Mevas through Umarkot and the Great Ran to Central Rájputána, an expedition which ended in the settlement of the Mevas and the change of the country's name to Meváda. Probably it was on account of their previous ancestral connection that Nahapána sent Ushavadáta to help Chashtana in Meváda when besieged by his Málava neighbours. That Ushavadáta went to bathe and make gifts [93] at Pushkara proves that the scene of the Uttamabhadras' siege by the Málayas was in Meváda not far from Pushkara.

Chashtana is followed by an unbroken chain of successors all of the dynasty of which Chashtana was the founder. As the coins of Chashtana's successors bear dates and as each coin gives the name of the king and of his father they supply a complete chronological list of the Kshatrapa dynasty.

[Kshatrapa III. Jayadáman, A.D. 140-143.] Of Chashtana's son and successor Jayadáman the coins are rare. Of three specimens found in Káthiáváda two are of silver and one of copper. Both the silver coins were found in Junágadh [94] but they are doubtful specimens as the legend is not complete. Like Chashtana's coins they have a bust on the obverse and round the bust an incomplete and undecipherable Greek legend. The reverse has the sun and the moon and between them the arched symbol with the zigzag under-line. All round the symbols on the margin within a dotted line is the legend in Baktro-Páli and Devanágarí. Only three letters raño cha ña of the Baktro-Páli legend can be made out. Of the Nágarí legend seven letters Rájno Kshatrapasa Ja can be made out. The remaining four letters Dr. Bhagvánlál read Yadámasa. [95] The copper coin which is very small and square has on the obverse in a circle a standing humped bull looking to the right and fronting an erect trident with an axe. In style the bull is much like the bull on the square hemidrachmæ of Apollodotus (B.C. 110-100). Round the bull within a dotted circle is the legend in Greek. It is unfortunate the legend is incomplete as the remaining letters which are in the Skythian-Greek style are clearer than the letters on any Kshatrapa coin hitherto found. The letters that are preserved are S T R X Y. The reverse has the usual moon and sun and between them the arched symbol without the zigzag under-line. All round within a dotted circle is the Nágarí legend:

Rájno Kshatra(pasa) Jayadámasa.

Of the king Kshatrapa Jayadáman.

Though the name is not given in any of these coins, the fact that Chashtana was Jayadáman's father has been determined from the genealogy in the Gunda inscription of Rudrasimha I. the seventh Kshatrapa, [96] in the Jasdhan inscription of Rudrasena I. the eighth Kshatrapa, [97] and in the Junágadh cave inscription [98] of Rudradáman's son Rudrasimha. All these inscriptions and the coins of his son Rudradáman call Jayadáman Kshatrapa not Mahákshatrapa. This would seem to show either that he was a Kshatrapa or governor of Káthiáváda under his father or that his father's territory and his rank as Mahákshatrapa suffered some reduction. [99] The extreme rarity of his coins suggests that Jayadáman's reign was very short. It is worthy of note that while Zamotika and Chashtana are foreign names, the names of Jayadáman and all his successors with one exception [100] are purely Indian.

[Kshatrapa IV. Rudradáman, A.D. 143-158.] Jayadáman was succeeded by his son Rudradáman who was probably the greatest of the Western Kshatrapas. His beautiful silver coins, in style much like those of Chashtana, are frequently found in Káthiáváda. On the obverse is his bust in the same style of dress as Chashtana's and round the bust is the Greek legend incomplete and undecipherable. The reverse has the usual sun and moon and the arched symbol with the zigzag under-line. The old Nágarí legend fills the whole outer circle. None of Rudradáman's coins shows a trace of the Baktro-Páli legend. The Nágarí legend reads:

Rájno Kshatrapasa Jayadámaputrasa Rájno Mahákshatrapasa Rudradámasa.

Of the king the great Kshatrapa Rudradáman son of the king the Kshatrapa Jayadáman.

None of Rudradáman's copper coins have been found. Except Jayadáman none of the Kshatrapas seem to have stamped their names on any but silver coins. [101]

An inscription on the Girnár rock gives us more information regarding Rudradáman than is available for any of the other Kshatrapas. The inscription records the construction of a new dam on the Sudarsana lake close to the inscription rock in place of a dam built in the time of the Maurya king Chandragupta (B.C. 300) and added to in the time of his grandson the great Asoka (B.C. 240) which had suddenly burst in a storm. The new dam is recorded to have been made under the orders of Suvishákha son of Kulaipa a Pahlava by tribe, who was 'appointed by the king to protect the whole of Ánarta and Suráshtra.' Pahlava seems to be the name of the ancient Persians and Parthians [102] and the name Suvishákha as Dr. Bhau Dáji suggests may be a Sanskritised form of Syávaxa. [103] One of the Kárle inscriptions gives a similar name Sovasaka apparently a corrupt Indian form of the original Persian from which the Sanskritised Suvishákha must have been formed. Sovasaka it will be noted is mentioned in the Kárle inscription as an inhabitant of Abulámá, apparently the old trade mart of Obollah at the head of the Persian Gulf. This trade connection between the Persian Gulf and the Western Indian seaboard must have led to the settlement from very early times of the Pahlavas who gradually became converted to Buddhism, and, like the Pársis their modern enterprising representatives, seem to have advanced in trade and political influence. Subsequently the Pahlavas attained such influence that about the fifth century a dynasty of Pallava kings reigned in the Dekhan, Hindu in religion and name, even tracing their origin to the great ancient sage Bháradvája. [104]

[Sudarsana Lake, A.D. 150.] The statement in Rudradáman's Sudarsana lake inscription, that Ánarta and Suráshtra were under his Pahlava governor, seems to show that Rudradáman's capital was not in Gujarát or Káthiáváda. Probably like his grandfather Chashtana Rudradáman held his capital at Ujjain. The poetic eulogies of Rudradáman appear to contain a certain share of fact. One of the epithets 'he who himself has earned the title Mahákshatrapa' indicates that Rudradáman had regained the title of Mahákshatrapa which belonged to his grandfather Chashtana but not to his father Jayadáman. Another portion of the inscription claims for him the overlordship of Ákarávanti, [105] Anúpa, [106] Ánarta, Suráshtra, Svabhra, [107] Maru, [108] Kachchha, [109] Sindhu-Sauvíra, [110] Kukura, [111] Aparánta, [112] and Nisháda; [113] that is roughly the country from Bhilsa in the east to Sindh in the west and from about Ábu in the north to the North Konkan in the south including the peninsulas of Cutch and Káthiáváda. The inscription also mentions two wars waged by Rudradáman, one with the Yaudheyas the other with Sátakarni lord of Dakshinápatha. Of the Yaudheyas the inscription says that they had become arrogant and untractable in consequence of their having proclaimed their assumption of the title of Heroes among all Kshatriyas. Rudradáman is described as having exterminated them. These Yaudheyas were known as a warlike race from the earliest times and are mentioned as warriors by Pánini. [114]

[The Yaudheyas.] Like the Málavas these Yaudheyas appear to have had a democratic constitution. Several round copper coins of the Yaudheyas of about the third century A.D. have been found in various parts of the North-West Provinces from Mathurá to Saháranpur. These coins which are adapted from the type of Kanishka's coins [115] have on the obverse a standing robed male figure extending the protecting right hand of mercy. On the reverse is the figure of a standing Kártikasvámi and round the figure the legend in Gupta characters of about the third century:

Yaudheya Ganasya.

Of the Yaudheya tribe. [116]

That the Girnár inscription describes Rudradáman as the exterminator of 'the Yaudheyas' and not of any king of the Yaudheyas confirms the view that their constitution was tribal or democratic. [117]

The style of the Yaudheya coins being an adaptation of the Kanishka type and their being found from Mathurá to Saháranpur where Kanishka ruled is a proof that the Yaudheyas wrested from the successors of Kanishka the greater part of the North-West Provinces. This is not to be understood to be the Yaudheyas' first conquest in India. They are known to be a very old tribe who after a temporary suppression by Kanishka must have again risen to power with the decline of Kushán rule under Kanishka's successors Huvishka (A.D. 100-123) or Vasudeva (A.D. 123-150 ?) the latter of whom was a contemporary of Rudradáman. [118] It is probably to this increase of Yaudheya power that Rudradáman's inscription refers as making them arrogant and intractable. Their forcible extermination is not to be understood literally but in the Indian hyperbolic fashion.

The remark regarding the conquest of Sátakarni lord of Dakshinápatha is as follows: 'He who has obtained glory because he did not destroy Sátakarni, the lord of the Dekhan, on account of there being no distance in relationship, though he twice really conquered him.' [119] As Sátakarni is a dynastic name applied to several of the Ándhra kings, the question arises Which of the Sátakarnis did Rudradáman twice defeat? Of the two Western India kings mentioned by Ptolemy one Tiastanes with his capital at Ozene or Ujjain [120] has been identified with Chashtana; the other Siri Ptolemaios or Polemaios, with his royal seat at Baithana or Paithan, [121] has been identified with the Pulumáyi Vásishthíputra of the Násik cave inscriptions. These statements of Ptolemy seem to imply that Chashtana and Pulumáyi were contemporary kings reigning at Ujjain and Paithan. The evidence of their coins also shows that if not contemporaries Chashtana and Pulumáyi were not separated by any long interval. We know from the Násik inscriptions and the Puránas that Pulumáyi was the successor of Gautamíputra Sátakarni and as Gautamíputra Sátakarni is mentioned as the exterminator of the Kshaharáta race (and the period of this extermination has already been shown to be almost immediately after Nahapána's death), there is no objection to the view that Chashtana, who was the next Kshatrapa after Nahapána, and Pulumáyi, who was the successor of Gautamíputra, were contemporaries. We have no positive evidence to determine who was the immediate successor of Pulumáyi, but the only king whose inscriptions are found in any number after Pulumáyi is Gautamíputra Yajña Srí Sátakarni. His Kanheri inscription recording gifts made in his reign and his coin found among the relics of the Sopára stúpa built also in his reign prove that he held the North Konkan. The Sopára coin gives the name of the father of Yajñasrí. Unfortunately the coin is much worn. Still the remains of the letters constituting the name are sufficient to show they must be read caturapana Chaturapana. [122] A king named Chaturapana is mentioned in one of the Nánághát inscriptions where like Pulumáyi he is called Vásishthíputra and where the year 13 of his reign is referred to. [123] The letters of this inscription are almost coeval with those in Pulumáyi's inscriptions. The facts that he was called Vásishthíputra and that he reigned at least thirteen years make it probable that Chaturapana was the brother and successor of Pulumáyi. Yajñasrí would thus be the nephew and second in succession to Pulumáyi and the contemporary of Rudradáman the grandson of Chashtana, whom we have taken to be a contemporary of Pulumáyi. A further proof of this is afforded by Yajñasrí's silver coin found in the Sopára stúpa. All other Ándhra coins hitherto found are adapted from contemporary coins of Ujjain and the Central Provinces, the latter probably of the Sungas. But Gautamíputra Yajñasrí Sátakarni's Sopára coin is the first silver coin struck on the type of Kshatrapa coins; it is in fact a clear adaptation of the type of the coins of Rudradáman himself which proves that the two kings were contemporaries and rivals. An idea of the 'not distant relationship' between Rudradáman and Yajñasrí Sátakarni mentioned in Rudradáman's Girnár inscription, may be formed from a Kanheri inscription recording a gift by a minister named Satoraka which mentions that the queen of Vásishthíputra Sátakarni was born in the Kárdamaka dynasty and was connected apparently on the maternal side with a Mahákshatrapa whose name is lost. If the proper name of the lost Vásishthíputra be Chaturapana, his son Yajñasrí Sátakarni would, through his mother being a Mahákshatrapa's granddaughter, be a relative of Rudradáman.

Rudradáman's other epithets seem to belong to the usual stock of Indian court epithets. He is said 'to have gained great fame by studying to the end, by remembering understanding and applying the great sciences such as grammar, polity, music, and logic'. Another epithet describes him as having 'obtained numerous garlands at the Svayamvaras of kings' daughters,' apparently meaning that he was chosen as husband by princesses at several svayamvaras or choice-marriages a practice which seems to have been still in vogue in Rudradáman's time. As a test of the civilized character of his rule it may be noted that he is described as 'he who took, and kept to the end of his life, the vow to stop killing men except in battle.' Another epithet tells us that the embankment was built and the lake reconstructed by 'expending a great amount of money from his own treasury, without oppressing the people of the town and of the province by (exacting) taxes, forced labour, acts of affection (benevolences) and the like.'

As the Kshatrapa year 60 (A.D. 138) has been taken to be the date of close of Chashtana's reign, and as five years may be allowed for the short reign [124] of Jayadáman, the beginning of the reign of Rudradáman may be supposed to have been about the year 65 (A.D. 143). This Girnár inscription gives 72 as the year in which Rudradáman was then reigning and it is fair to suppose that he reigned probably up to 80. The conclusion is that Rudradáman ruled from A.D. 143 to 158. [125]

[Kshatrapa V. Dámázada or Dámájadasrí, A.D. 158-168.] Rudradáman was succeeded by his son Dámázada or Dámájadasrí regarding whom all the information available is obtained from six coins obtained by Dr. Bhagvánlál. [126] The workmanship of all six coins is good, after the type of Rudradáman's coins. On the obverse is a bust in the same style as Rudradáman's and round the bust is an illegible Greek legend. Like Rudradáman's coins these have no dates, a proof of their antiquity, as all later Kshatrapa coins have dates in Nágarí numerals. The reverse has the usual sun and moon and between them the arched symbol with the zigzag under-line. Around them in three specimens is the following legend in old Nágarí:

Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Rudradámaputrasa [127] Rájñah Kshatrapasa Dámáysadasa.

Of the king the Kshatrapa Dámázada [128] son of the king the Kshatrapa Rudradáman.

The legend on the other three is:

Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Rudradámnahputrasa Rájñah Kshatrapasa Dámájadasriyah.

Of the king the Kshatrapa Dámájadasrí son of the king the great Kshatrapa Rudradáma.

Dámázada and Dámájadasrí seem to be two forms of the same name, Dámázada with ysa for Z being the name first struck, and Dámájadasrí, with the ordinary ja for Z, and with Srí added to adorn the name and make it more euphonic, being the later form. It will be noted that, except by his son Jivadáman, Dámázada or Dámájadasrí is not called a Mahákshatrapa but simply a Kshatrapa. His coins are very rare. The six mentioned are the only specimens known and are all from one find. He may therefore be supposed to have reigned as heir-apparent during the life-time of Rudradáman, or it is possible that he may have suffered loss of territory and power. His reign seems to have been short and may have terminated about 90 that is A.D. 168 or a little later.

[Kshatrapa VI. Jivadáman, A.D. 178.] Dámázada or Dámájadasrí was succeeded by his son Jivadáman. All available information regarding Jivadáman is from four rare coins obtained by Pandit Bhagvánlál, which for purposes of description, he has named A, B, C, and D. [129] Coin A bears date 100 in Nágarí numerals, the earliest date found on Kshatrapa coins. On the obverse is a bust in the usual Kshatrapa style with a plump young face of good workmanship. Round the bust is first the date 100 in Nágarí numerals and after the date the Greek legend in letters which though clear cannot be made out. In these and in all later Kshatrapa coins merely the form of the Greek legend remains; the letters are imitations of Greek by men who could not read the original. On the reverse is the usual arched symbol between the sun and the moon, the sun being twelve-rayed as in the older Kshatrapa coins. Within the dotted circle in the margin is the following legend in old Nágarí:

Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Dámasriyahputrasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Jivadámnah.

Of the king the Kshatrapa Jivadáman son of the king the great Kshatrapa Dámasrí.

Coin B has the bust on the obverse with a face apparently older than the face in A. Unfortunately the die has slipped and the date has not been struck. Most of the Greek legend is very clear but as in coin A the result is meaningless. The letters are K I U I U Z K N S Y L perhaps meant for Kuzulka. On the reverse are the usual three symbols, except that the sun has seven instead of twelve rays. The legend is:

Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Dámajadasaputrasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Jivadámasa.

Of the king the great Kshatrapa Jivadáman son of the king the great Kshatrapa Dámajada.

Coin C though struck from a different die is closely like B both on the obverse and the reverse. Neither the Greek legend nor the date is clear, though enough remains of the lower parts of the numerals to suggest the date 118. Coin D is in obverse closely like C. The date 118 is clear. On the reverse the legend and the symbols have been twice struck. The same legend occurs twice, the second striking having obliterated the last letters of the legend which contained the name of the king whose coin it is:

Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Dámajadasaputrasa.

Of the son of the king the great Kshatrapa Dámájada.

In these four specimens Dámasrí or Dámájada is styled Mahákshatrapa, while in his own coins he is simply called Kshatrapa. The explanation perhaps is that the known coins of Dámasrí or Dámajada belong to the early part of his reign when he was subordinate to his father, and that he afterwards gained the title of Mahákshatrapa. Some such explanation is necessary as the distinction between the titles Kshatrapa and Mahákshatrapa is always carefully preserved in the earlier Kshatrapa coins. Except towards the close of the dynasty no ruler called Kshatrapa on his own coins is ever styled Mahákshatrapa on the coins of his son unless the father gained the more important title during his lifetime.

The dates and the difference in the style of die used in coining A and in coining B, C, and D are worth noting as the earliest coin has the date 100 and C and D the third and fourth coins have 118. If Jivadáman's reign lasted eighteen years his coins would be common instead of very rare. But we find between 102 and 118 numerous coins of Rudrasimha son of Rudradáman and paternal uncle of Jivadáman. These facts and the difference between the style of A and the style of B, C, and D which are apparently imitated from the coins of Rudrasimha and have a face much older than the face in A, tend to show that soon after his accession Jivadáman was deposed by his uncle Rudrasimha, on whose death or defeat in 118, Jivadáman again rose to power.

[Kshatrapa VII. Rudrasimha I. A.D. 181-196.] Rudrasimha the seventh Kshatrapa was the brother of Dámajadasrí. Large numbers of his coins have been found. Of thirty obtained by Dr. Bhagvánlál, twenty have the following clearly cut dates: 103, 106, 108, 109, 110, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, and 118. As the earliest year is 103 and the latest 118 it is probable that Rudrasimha deposed his nephew Jivadáman shortly after Jivadáman's accession. Rudrasimha appears to have ruled fifteen years when power again passed to his nephew Jivadáman.

The coins of Rudrasimha are of a beautiful type of good workmanship and with clear legends. The legend in old Nágarí character reads:

Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Rudradámaputrasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Rudrasimhasa.

Of the king the great Kshatrapa Rudrasimha son of the king the great Kshatrapa Rudradáma.

Rudrasimha had also a copper coinage of which specimens are recorded from Málwa but not from Káthiáváda. Pandit Bhagvánlál had one specimen from Ujjain which has a bull on the obverse with the Greek legend round it and the date 117. The reverse seems to have held the entire legend of which only five letters rudrasi.mhasa (Rudrasimhasa) remain. This coin has been spoilt in cleaning.

To Rudrasimha's reign belongs the Gunda inscription carved on a stone found at the bottom of an unused well in the village of Gunda in Hálár in North Káthiáváda. [130] It is in six well preserved lines of old Nágarí letters of the Kshatrapa type. The writing records the digging and building of a well for public use on the borders of a village named Rasopadra by the commander-in-chief Rudrabhúti an Ábhíra son of Senápati Bápaka. The date is given both in words and in numerals as 103, 'in the year' of the king the Kshatrapa Svámi Rudrasimha, apparently meaning in the year 103 during the reign of Rudrasimha. The genealogy given in the inscription is: 1 Chashtana; 2 Jayadáman; 3 Rudradáman; 4 Rudrasimha, the order of succession being clearly defined by the text, which says that the fourth was the great grandson of the first, the grandson of the second, and the son of the third. It will be noted that Dámájadasrí and Jivadáman the fifth and sixth Kshatrapas have been passed over in this genealogy probably because the inscription did not intend to give a complete genealogy but only to show the descent of Rudrasimha in the direct line.

[Kshatrapa VIII. Rudrasena, A.D. 203-220.] The eighth Kshatrapa was Rudrasena, son of Rudrasimha, as is clearly mentioned in the legends on his coins. His coins like his father's are found in large numbers. Of forty in Dr. Bhagvánlál's collection twenty-seven bear the following eleven [131] dates, 125, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 138, 140, 142. The coins are of the usual Kshatrapa type closely like Rudrasimha's coins. The Nágarí legend reads:

Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Rudrasimhasa putrasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Rudrasenasa.

Of the king the great Kshatrapa Rudrasena son of the king the great Kshatrapa Rudrasimha.

Two copper coins square and smaller than the copper coins of Rudrasimha have been found in Ujjain [132] though none are recorded from Káthiáváda. On their obverse these copper coins have a facing bull and on the back the usual symbols and below them the year 140, but no legend. Their date and their Kshatrapa style show that they are coins of Rudrasena.

Besides coins two inscriptions one at Muliyásar the other at Jasdan give information regarding Rudrasena. The Muliyásar inscription, now in the library at Dwárka ten miles south-west of Muliyásar, records the erection of an upright slab by the sons of one Vánijaka. This inscription bears date 122, the fifth of the dark half of Vaishákha in the year 122 during the reign of Rudrasimha. [133] The Jasdan inscription, on a stone about five miles from Jasdan, belongs to the reign of this Kshatrapa. It is in six lines of old Kshatrapa Nágarí characters shallow and dim with occasional engraver's mistakes, but on the whole well-preserved. The writing records the building of a pond by several brothers (names not given) of the Mánasasa gotra sons of Pranáthaka and grandsons of Khara. The date is the 5th of the dark half of Bhádrapada 'in the year' 126. [134] The genealogy is in the following order:

Mahákshatrapa Chashtana. Kshatrapa Jayadáman. Mahákshatrapa Rudradáman. Mahákshatrapa Rudrasimha. Mahákshatrapa Rudrasena.

Each of them is called Svámi Lord and Bhadramukha Luckyfaced. [135] As Rudrasena's reign began at least as early as 122, the second reign of Jivadáman is narrowed to four years or even less. As the latest date is 142 Rudrasena's reign must have lasted about twenty years.

[Kshatrapa IX. Prithivísena A.D. 222.] After Rudrasena the next evidence on record is a coin of his son Prithivísena found near Amreli. Its workmanship is the same as that of Rudrasena's coins. It is dated 144 that is two years later than the last date on Rudrasena's coins. The legend runs:

Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Rudrasenasa putrasa Rájñah Kshatrapasa Prithivísenasa.

Of the king the Kshatrapa Prithivísena son of the king the great Kshatrapa Rudrasena.

As this is the only known specimen of Prithivísena's coinage; as the earliest coin of Prithivísena's uncle the tenth Kshatrapa Sanghadáman is dated 144; and also as Prithivísena is called only Kshatrapa he seems to have reigned for a short time perhaps as Kshatrapa of Suráshtra or Káthiáváda and to have been ousted by his uncle Sanghadáman.

[Kshatrapa X. Sanghadáman, A.D. 222-226.] Rudrasena was succeeded by his brother the Mahákshatrapa Sanghadáman. His coins are very rare. Only two specimens have been obtained, of which one was in the Pandit's collection the other in the collection of Mr. Vajeshankar Gavrishankar. [136] They are dated 145 and 144. The legend in both reads:

Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Rudrasimhasa putrasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Sanghadámna.

Of the king the great Kshatrapa Sanghadáman son of the king the great Kshatrapa Rudrasimha.

These two coins seem to belong to the beginning of Sanghadáman's reign. As the earliest coins of his successor Dámasena are dated 148 Sanghadáman's reign seems not to have lasted over four years. [137]

[Kshatrapa XI. Dámasena, A.D. 226-236.] Sanghadáman was succeeded by his brother Dámasena, whose coins are fairly common, of good workmanship, and clear lettering. Of twenty-three specimens eleven have the following dates: 148, 150, 153, 155, 156, 157, 158. The legend runs:

Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Rudrasimhasa putrasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Dámasenasa.

Of the king the great Kshatrapa Dámasena son of the king the great Kshatrapa Rudrasimha.

Dámasena seems to have reigned ten years (148-158) as coins of his son Víradáman are found dated 158.

[Kshatrapa XII. Dámájadasrí II. A.D. 236.] Dámájadasrí the twelfth Kshatrapa is styled son of Rudrasena probably the eighth Kshatrapa. Dámájadasrí's coins are rare. [138] The legend runs:

Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Rudrasenaputrasa Rajñah Kshatrapas Dámájadasriyah.

Of the king the Kshatrapa Dámájadasrí son of the king the great Kshatrapa Rudrasena.

Five specimens, the only specimens on record, are dated 154. [139] As 154 falls in the reign of Dámasena it seems probable that Dámájadasrí was either a minor or a viceroy or perhaps a ruler claiming independence, as about this time the authority of the main dynasty seems to have been much disputed.

After Dámasena we find coins of three of his sons Víradáman Yasadáman and Vijayasena. Víradáman's coins are dated 158 and 163, Yasadáman's 160 and 161, and Vijayasena's earliest 160. Of the three brothers Víradáman who is styled simply Kshatrapa probably held only a part of his father's dominions. The second brother Yasadáman, who at first was a simple Kshatrapa, in 161 claims to be Mahákshatrapa. The third brother Vijayasena, who as early as 160, is styled Mahákshatrapa, probably defeated Yasadáman and secured the supreme rule.

[Kshatrapa XIII. Víradáman, A.D. 236-238.] Víradáman's coins are fairly common. Of twenty-six in Pandit Bhagvánlál's collection, nineteen were found with a large number of his brother Vijayasena's coins. The legend reads:

Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Dámasenasa putrasa Rájñah Kshatrapasa Víradámnah.

Of the king the Kshatrapa Víradáman son of the king the great Kshatrapa Dámasena.

Of the twenty-six ten are clearly dated, six with 158 and four with 160.

[Kshatrapa XIV. Yasadáman, A.D. 239.] Yasadáman's coins are rare. Pandit Bhagvánlál's collection contained seven. [140] The bust on the obverse is a good imitation of the bust on his father's coins. Still it is of inferior workmanship, and starts the practice which later Kshatrapas continued of copying their predecessor's image. On only two of the seven specimens are the dates clear, 160 and 161. The legend on the coin dated 160 is:

Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Dámasenasa putrasa Rájñah Kshatrapasa Yasadámnah.

Of the king the great Kshatrapa Yasadáman son of the king the great Kshatrapa Dámasena.

On the coin dated 161 the legend runs:

Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Dámasenasa putrasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Yasadámnah.

Of the king the great Kshatrapa Yasadáman son of the king the great Kshatrapa Dámasena.

[Kshatrapa XV. Vijayasena, A.D. 238-249.] Vijayasena's coins are common. As many as 167 were in the Pandit's collection. Almost all are of good workmanship, well preserved, and clearly lettered. On fifty-four of them the following dates can be clearly read, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 170, and 171. This would give Vijayasena a reign of at least eleven years from 160 to 171 (A.D. 238-249). The legend reads:

Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Dámasenaputrasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Vijayasenasa.

Of the king the great Kshatrapa Vijayasena son of the king the great Kshatrapa Dámasena.

In two good specimens of Vijayasena's coins with traces of the date 166 he is styled Kshatrapa. This the Pandit could not explain. [141]

[Kshatrapa XVI. Dámájadasrí, A.D. 250-255.] Vijayasena was succeeded by his brother Dámájadasrí III. called Mahákshatrapa on his coins. His coins which are comparatively uncommon are inferior in workmanship to the coins of Vijayasena. Of seven in the Pandit's collection three are dated 174, 175, and 176.

After Dámájadasrí come coins of Rudrasena II. son of Víradáman, the earliest of them bearing date 178. As the latest coins of Vijayasena are dated 171, 173 may be taken as the year of Dámájadasrí's succession. The end of his reign falls between 176 and 178, its probable length is about five years. The legend on his coins reads:

Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Dámasenaputrasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Dádmájadasriyah.

Of the king the great Kshatrapa Dámájadasrí son of the king the great Kshatrapa Dámasena.

[Kshatrapa XVII. Rudrasena II. A.D. 256-272.] Dámájadasrí III. was succeeded by Rudrasena II. son of Dámájadasrí's brother Víradáman the thirteenth Kshatrapa. Rudrasena II.'s coins like Vijayasena's are found in great abundance. They are of inferior workmanship and inferior silver. Of eighty-four in Dr. Bhagvánlál's collection eleven bore the following clear dates: 178, 180, 183, 185, 186, 188, and 190. The earliest of 178 probably belongs to the beginning of Rudrasena's reign as the date 176 occurs on the latest coins of his predecessor. The earliest coins of his son and successor Visvasimha are dated 198. As Visvasimha's coins are of bad workmanship with doubtful legend and date we may take the end of Rudrasena II.'s reign to be somewhere between 190 and 198 or about 194. This date would give Rudrasena a reign of about sixteen years, a length of rule supported by the large number of his coins. The legend reads:

Rájño Kshatrapasa Víradámaputrasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Rudrasenasa.

Of the king the great Kshatrapa Rudrasena son of the king the Kshatrapa Víradáma.

[Kshatrapa XVIII. Visvasimha, A.D. 272-278.] Rudrasena was succeeded by his son Visvasimha. In style and abundance Visvasimha's coins are on a par with his father's. They are carelessly struck with a bad die and in most the legend is faulty often omitting the date. Of fifty-six in the Pandit's collection only four bear legible dates, one with 198, two with 200, and one with 201. The date 201 must be of the end of Visvasimha's reign as a coin of his brother Bharttridáman is dated 200. It may therefore be held that Visvasimha reigned for the six years ending 200 (A.D. 272-278). The legend reads:

Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Rudrasenaputrasa Rájñah Kshatrapasa Visvasimhasa.

Of the king the Kshatrapa Visvasimha son of the king the great Kshatrapa Rudrasena.

It is not known whether Visvasimha's loss of title was due to his being subordinate to some overlord, or whether during his reign the Kshatrapas suffered defeat and loss of territory. The probable explanation seems to be that he began his reign in a subordinate position and afterwards rose to supreme rule.

[Kshatrapa XIX. Bharttridáman, A.D. 278-294.] Visvasimha was succeeded by his brother Bharttridáman. [142] His coins which are found in large numbers are in style and workmanship inferior even to Visvasimha's coins. Of forty-five in the Pandit's collection seven bear the dates 202, 207, 210, 211, and 214. As the earliest coin of his successor is dated 218, Bharttridáman's reign seems to have lasted about fourteen years from 202 to 216 (A.D. 278-294). Most of the coin legends style Bharttridáman Mahákshatrapa though in a few he is simply styled Kshatrapa. This would seem to show that like his brother Visvasimha he began as a Kshatrapa and afterwards gained the rank and power of Mahákshatrapa.

In Bharttridáman's earlier coins the legend reads:

Rajño Mahákshatrapasa Rudrasenaputrasa Rajñah Kshatrapasa Bhartridámnah.

Of the king the Kshatrapa Bharttridáman son of the king the great Kshatrapa Rudrasena.

In the later coins the legend is the same except that mahákshatrapasa the great Kshatrapa takes the place of kshatrapasa the Kshatrapa.

[Kshatrapa XX. Visvasena, A.D. 294-300.] Bharttridáman was succeeded by his son Visvasena the twentieth Kshatrapa. His coins are fairly common, and of bad workmanship, the legend imperfect and carelessly struck, the obverse rarely dated. Of twenty-five in Dr. Bhagvánlál's collection, only three bear doubtful dates one 218 and two 222. The legend reads:

Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Bhartridáma putrasa Rájñah Kshatrapasa Visvasenasa.

Of the king the Kshatrapa Visvasena son of the king the Mahákshatrapa Bharttridáman.

It would seem from the lower title of Kshatrapa which we find given to Visvasena and to most of the later Kshatrapas that from about 220 (A.D. 298) the Kshatrapa dominion lost its importance.

A hoard of coins found in 1861 near Karád on the Krishna, thirty-one miles south of Sátára, suggests [143] that the Kshatrapas retained the North Konkan and held a considerable share of the West Dakhan down to the time of Visvasena (A.D. 300). The hoard includes coins of the six following rulers: Vijayasena (A.D. 238-249), his brother Dámájadasrí III. (A.D. 251-255), Rudrasena II. (A.D. 256-272) son of Víradáman, Visvasimha (A.D. 272-278) son of Rudrasena, Bharttridáman (A.D. 278-294) son of Rudrasena II., and Visvasena (A.D. 296-300) son of Bharttridáman. It may be argued that this Karád hoard is of no historical value being the chance importation of some Gujarát pilgrim to the Krishna. The following considerations favour the view that the contents of the hoard furnish evidence of the local rule of the kings whose coins have been found at Karád. The date (A.D. 238-249) of Vijayasena, the earliest king of the hoard, agrees well with the spread of Gujarát power in the Dakhan as it follows the overthrow both of the west (A.D. 180-200) and of the east (A.D. 220) Sátakarnis, while it precedes the establishment of any later west Dakhan dynasty: (2) All the kings whose coins occur in the hoard were Mahákshatrapas and from the details in the Periplus (A.D. 247), the earliest, Vijayasena, must have been a ruler of special wealth and power: (3) That the coins cease with Visvasena (A.D. 296-300) is in accord with the fact that Visvasena was the last of the direct line of Chashtana, and that with or before the close of Visvasena's reign the power of the Gujarát Kshatrapas declined. The presumption that Kshatrapa power was at its height during the reigns of the kings whose coins have been found at Karád is strengthened by the discovery at Amrávati in the Berárs of a hoard of coins of the Mahákshatrapa Rudrasena (II. ?) (A.D. 256-272) son of the Mahákshatrapa Dámájadasrí. [144]

[Kshatrapa XXI. Rudrasimha, A.D. 308-311.] Whether the end of Chashtana's direct line was due to their conquest by some other dynasty or to the failure of heirs is doubtful. Whatever may have been the cause, after an interval of about seven years (A.D. 300-308) an entirely new king appears, Rudrasimha son of Jívadáman. As Rudrasimha's father Jívadáman is simply called Svámi he may have been some high officer under the Kshatrapa dynasty. That Rudrasimha is called a Kshatrapa may show that part of the Kshatrapa dominion which had been lost during the reign of Visvasena was given to some distant member or scion of the Kshatrapa dynasty of the name of Rudrasimha. The occurrence of political changes is further shown by the fact that the coins of Rudrasimha are of a better type than those of the preceding Kshatrapas. Rudrasimha's coins are fairly common. Of twelve in Dr. Bhagvánlál's collection five are clearly dated, three 230, one 231, and one 240. This leaves a blank of seven years between the last date of Visvasena and the earliest date of Rudrasimha. The legend reads:

Svámi Jívadáma putrasa Rajñah Kshatrapasa Rudrasimhasa.

Of the king the Kshatrapa Rudrasimha son of Svámi Jívadáman.

[Kshatrapa XXII. Yasadáman, A.D. 320.] Rudrasimha was succeeded by his son Yasadáman whose coins are rather rare. Of three in Dr. Bhagvánlál's collection two are dated 239, apparently the first year of Yasadáman's reign as his father's latest coins are dated 240. Like his father Yasadáman is simply called Kshatrapa. The legend reads:

Rájñah Kshatrapasa Rudrasimhaputrasa Rájñah Kshatrapasa Yasadámnah.

Of the king the Kshatrapa Yasadáman son of the king the Kshatrapa Rudrasimha.

[Kshatrapa XXIII. Dámasiri, A.D. 320.] The coins found next after Yasadáman's are those of Dámasiri who was probably the brother of Yasadáman as he is mentioned as the son of Rudrasimha. The date though not very clear is apparently 242. Only one coin of Dámasiri's is recorded. In the style of face and in the form of letters it differs from the coins of Yasadáman, with which except for the date and the identity of the father's name any close connection would seem doubtful. The legend on the coin of Dámasiri reads:

Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Rudrasimhasaputrasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Dámasirisa.

Of the king the great Kshatrapa Dámasiri son of the king the great Kshatrapa Rudrasimha.

It will be noted that in this coin both Rudrasimha and Dámasiri are called great Kshatrapas, while in his own coin and in the coins of his son Yasadáman, Rudrasimha is simply styled Kshatrapa. It is possible that Dámasiri may have been more powerful than Yasadáman and consequently taken to himself the title of Mahákshatrapa. The application of the more important title to a father who in life had not enjoyed the title is not an uncommon practice among the later Kshatrapas. The rarity of Dámasiri's coins shows that his reign was short.

After Dámasiri comes a blank of about thirty years. The next coin is dated 270. The fact that, contrary to what might have been expected, the coins of the later Kshatrapas are less common than those of the earlier Kshatrapas, seems to point to some great political change during the twenty-seven years ending 270 (A.D. 321-348).

[Kshatrapa XXIV. Rudrasena, A.D. 348-376.] The coin dated 270 belongs to Svámi Rudrasena son of Svámi Rudradáman both of whom the legend styles Mahákshatrapas. The type of the coin dated 270 is clearly adapted from the type of the coins of Yasadáman. Only two of Rudrasena's coins dated 270 are recorded. But later coins of the same Kshatrapa of a different style are found in large numbers. Of fifty-four in the Pandit's collection, twelve have the following dates 288, 290, 292, 293, 294, 296, and 298. The difference in the style of the two sets of coins and the blank between 270 and 288 leave no doubt that during those years some political change took place. Probably Rudrasena was for a time overthrown but again came to power in 288 and maintained his position till 298. Besides calling both himself and his father Mahákshatrapas Rudrasena adds to both the attribute Svámi. As no coin of Rudrasena's father is recorded it seems probable the father was not an independent ruler and that the legend on Rudrasena's coins is a further instance of a son ennobling his father. The legend is the same both in the earlier coins of 270 and in the later coins ranging from 288 to 298. It reads:

Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Svámi Rudradámaputrasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Svámi Rudrasenasa.

Of the king the great Kshatrapa Svámi Rudrasena son of the king the great Kshatrapa Svámi Rudradáman.

[Kshatrapa XXV. Rudrasena, A.D. 378-388.] After Rudrasena come coins of Kshatrapa Rudrasena son of Satyasena. These coins are fairly common. Of five in the Pandit's collection through faulty minting none are dated. General Cunningham mentions coins of Kshatrapa Rudrasena dated 300, 304, and 310. [145] This would seem to show that he was the successor of Rudrasena son of Rudradáman and that his reign extended to over 310. The legend on these coins runs:

Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Svámi Satyasenaputrasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Svámi Rudrasenasa.

Of the king the great Kshatrapa Svámi Rudrasena son of the king the great Kshatrapa Svámi Satyasena.

Of Rudrasena's father Satyasena no coin is recorded and as this Rudrasena immediately succeeds Rudrasena IV. son of Rudradáman, there is little doubt that Satyasena was not an actual ruler with the great title Mahákshatrapa, but that this was an honorific title given to the father when his son attained to sovereignty. General Cunningham records that a coin of this Rudrasena IV. was found along with a coin of Chandragupta II. in a stúpa at Sultánganj on the Ganges about fifteen miles south-east of Mongir. [146]

[Kshatrapa XXVI. Simhasena.] With Rudrasena IV. the evidence from coins comes almost to a close. Only one coin in Dr. Bhagvánlál's collection is clearly later than Rudrasena IV. In the form of the bust and the style of the legend on the reverse this specimen closely resembles the coins of Rudrasena IV. Unfortunately owing to imperfect stamping it bears no date. The legend reads:

Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Svámi Rudrasenasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa svasríyasya Svámi Simhasenasa.

Of the king the great Kshatrapa Svámi Simhasena, sister's son of the king the great Kshatrapa Svámi Rudrasena.

This legend would seem to show that Rudrasena IV. left no issue and was succeeded by his nephew Simhasena. The extreme rarity of Simhasena's coins proves that his reign was very short.

[Kshatrapa XXVII. Skanda.] The bust and the characters in one other coin show it to be of later date than Simhasena. Unfortunately the legend is not clear. Something like the letters rájño kshatrapasa Rájño Kshatrapasa may be traced in one place and something like putrasa skanda Putrasa Skanda in another place. Dr. Bhagvánlál took this to be a Gujarát Kshatrapa of unknown lineage from whom the Kshatrapa dominion passed to the Guptas.

[Ísvaradatta, A.D. 230-250.] Along with the coins of the regular Kshatrapas coins of a Kshatrapa of unknown lineage named Ísvaradatta have been found in Káthiáváda. In general style, in the bust and the corrupt Greek legend on the obverse, and in the form of the old Nágarí legend on the reverse, Ísvaradatta's coins closely resemble those of the fifteenth Kshatrapa Vijayasena (A.D. 238-249). At the same time the text of the Nágarí legend differs from that on the reverse of the Kshatrapa coins by omitting the name of the ruler's father and by showing in words Ísvaradatta's date in the year of his own reign. The legend is:

Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Ísvaradattasa varshe prathame.

In the first year of the king the great Kshatrapa Ísvaradatta.

Most of the recorded coins of Ísvaradatta have this legend. In one specimen the legend is

Varshe dvitíye.

In the second year.

It is clear from this that Ísvaradatta's reign did not last long. His peculiar name and his separate date leave little doubt that he belonged to some distinct family of Kshatrapas. The general style of his coins shows that he cannot have been a late Kshatrapa while the fact that he is called Mahákshatrapa seems to show he was an independent ruler. No good evidence is available for fixing his date. As already mentioned the workmanship of his coins brings him near to Vijayasena (A.D. 238-249). In Násik Cave X. the letters of Inscription XV. closely correspond with the letters of the legends on Kshatrapa coins, and probably belong to almost the same date as the inscription of Rudradáman on the Girnár rock that is to about A.D. 150. The absence of any record of the Ándhras except the name of the king Madharíputa Sirisena or Sakasena (A.D. 180), makes it probable that after Yajñasrí Gautamíputra (A.D. 150) Ándhra power waned along the Konkan and South Gujarát seaboard. According to the Puránas the Ábhíras succeeded to the dominion of the Ándhras. It is therefore possible that the Ábhíra king Ísvarasena of Násik Inscription XV. was one of the Ábhíra conquerors of the Ándhras who took from them the West Dakhan. A migration of Ábhíras from Ptolemy's Abiria in Upper Sindh through Sindh by sea to the Konkan and thence to Násik is within the range of possibility. About fifty years later king Ísvaradatta [147] who was perhaps of the same family as the Ábhíra king of the Násik inscription seems to have conquered the kingdom of Kshatrapa Vijayasena, adding Gujarát, Káthiáváda, and part of the Dakhan to his other territory. In honour of this great conquest he may have taken the title Mahákshatrapa and struck coins in the Gujarát Kshatrapa style but in an era reckoned from the date of his own conquest. Ísvaradatta's success was shortlived. Only two years later (that is about A.D. 252) the Mahákshatrapa Dámájadasrí won back the lost Kshatrapa territory. The fact that Ísvaradatta's recorded coins belong to only two years and that the break between the regular Kshatrapas Vijayasena and Dámájadasrí did not last more than two or three years gives support to this explanation. [148]

The following table gives the genealogy of the Western Kshatrapas:

[The Kshatrapa Family Tree.] THE WESTERN KSHATRAPAS.

I. Nahapána, King, Kshaharáta, Kshatrapa (A.D. 100-120 ?). -------------------------------------- II. Chashtana, son of Zamotika, King, Mahákshatrapa (A.D. 100-130). | III. Jayadáman, King, Kshatrapa (A.D. 130-140). | IV. Rudradáman, King, Mahákshatrapa (A.D. 143-158 circa). | -----------------------------------------------+----------------------------- | | V. VII. Dámázada or Dámájadasrí, Rudrasimha, King, Kshatrapa King, Mahákshatrapa (A.D. 168 circa). (A.D. 180-196 circa). | | | ------------------------------------------+----------------- | | | | VI. VIII. X. XI. Jivadáman, Rudrasena, Sanghadáman, Dámasena, King, Mahákshatrapa King, Mahákshatrapa King, Mahákshatrapa King, Mahákshatrapa (A.D. 178, A.D. 196 circa). (A.D. 200-220 circa). (A.D. 222-226 circa). (A.D. 226-236 circa). ----------------------+------------------------- | | | | IX. XII. | Prithivísena, King, Kshatrapa Dámájadasrí II. King, Kshatrapa | (A.D. 222 circa). (A.D. 232 circa). | | -----------------------------------------------------------------------------|------- | | | | XIII. XIV. XV. XVI. Víradáman, Yasadáman II. Vijayasena, Dámájadasrí III. King, Kshatrapa King, Kshatrapa King, Kshatrapa and King, Mahákshatrapa (A.D. 236, 238 circa). (A.D. 238, 239 circa). Mahákshatrapa (A.D. 251-255 circa). | (A.D. 238-249 circa). XVII. Rudrasena II. King, Mahákshatrapa (A.D. 256-272 circa). | ------------+---------------------- | | XVIII. XIX. Visvasimha, Bharttridáman, King, Kshatrapa King, Kshatrapa and (A.D. 272-278 circa). Mahákshatrapa (A.D. 278-294 circa). | XX. Visvasena, King, Kshatrapa (A.D. 296-300 circa). | XXI. Rudrasimha son of Svámi Jívadáman, King, Kshatrapa (A.D. 308, 309, 318 circa). | -------------------------+------------------------- | | XXII. XXIII. Yasadáman II. King, Kshatrapa Dámasiri, King, Mahákshatrapa (A.D. 318 circa). (A.D. 320 circa). --------------------------------------------------------- XXIV. Svámi Rudrasena III. King, Mahákshatrapa son of king Mahákshatrapa, Svámi Rudradáma, (A.D. 348, 366-376 circa). --------------------------------------------------------- XXV. Svámi Rudrasena IV. King, Mahákshatrapa, son of king Mahákshatrapa, Svámi Satyasena, (A.D. 378-388 circa). --------------------------------------------------------- XXVI. Svámi Simhasena King, Mahákshatrapa, sister's son of king Mahákshatrapa Svámi Rudrasena (XXV). --------------------------------------------------------- XXVII. Skanda ----?

Spotted a typo or a problem in this chapter? Tell us

VI. THE TRAIKÚTAKAS

(A.D. 250-450.)

[Two Plates.] The materials regarding the Traikútakas, though meagre, serve to show that they were a powerful dynasty who rose to consequence about the time of the middle Kshatrapas (A.D. 250). All the recorded information is in two copperplates, one the Kanheri copperplate found by Dr. Bird in 1839, [149] the other a copperplate found at Párdi near Balsár in 1885. [150] Both plates are dated, the Kanheri plate 'in the year two hundred and forty-five of the increasing rule of the Traikútakas'; the Párdi plate in Samvat 207 clearly figured. The Kanheri plate contains nothing of historical importance; the Párdi plate gives the name of the donor as Dahrasena or Dharasena 'the illustrious great king of the Traikútakas.' Though it does not give any royal name the Kanheri plate expressly mentions the date as the year 245 of the increasing rule of the Traikútakas. The Párdi plate gives the name of the king as 'of the Traikútakas' but merely mentions the date as Sam. 207. This date though not stated to be in the era of the Traikútakas must be taken to be dated in the same era as the Kanheri plate seeing that the style of the letters of both plates is very similar.

The initial date must therefore have been started by the founder of the dynasty and the Kanheri plate proves the dynasty must have lasted at least 245 years. The Párdi plate is one of the earliest copper-plate grants in India. Neither the genealogy nor even the usual three generations including the father and grandfather are given, nor like later plates does it contain a wealth of attributes. The king is called 'the great king of the Traikútakas,' the performer of the asvamedha or horse-sacrifice, a distinction bespeaking a powerful sovereign. It may therefore be supposed that Dahrasena held South Gujarát to the Narbadá together with part of the North Konkan and of the Ghát and Dakhan plateau.

[Initial Date.] What then was the initial date of the Traikútakas? Ten Gujarát copper-plates of the Gurjjaras and Chalukyas are dated in an unknown era with Sam. followed by the date figures as in the Párdi plate and as in Gupta inscriptions. The earliest is the fragment from Sankhedá in the Baroda State dated Sam. 346, which would fall in the reign of Dadda I. of Broach. [151] Next come the two Kaira grants of the Gurjjara king Dadda Prasántarága dated Sam. 380 and Sam. 385 [152]; and the Sankhedá grant of Ranagraha dated Sam. 391 [153]; then the Kaira grant of the Chalukya king Vijayarája or Vijayavarman dated Samvatsara 394 [154]; then the Bagumrá grant of the Sendraka chief Nikumbhallasakti [155]; two grants from Navsári and Surat of the Chalukya king Síláditya Sryásraya dated 421 and 443 [156]; two the Navsári and Kávi grants of the Gurjjara king Jayabhata dated respectively Sam. 456 and Sam. 486 [157]; and a grant of Pulakesi dated Samvat 490. [158]

Of these the grant dated 421 speaks of Síláditya Sryásraya as Yuvarája or heir-apparent and as the son of Jayasimhavarmman. The plate further shows that Jayasimhavarmman was brother of Vikramáditya and son of Pulakesi Vallabha 'the conqueror of the northern king Harshavardhana.' The name Jayasimhavarmman does not occur in any copperplate of the main line of the Western Chalukyas of the Dakhan. That he is called Mahárája or great king and that his son Síláditya is called Yuvarája or heir-apparent suggest that Jayasimhavarmman was the founder of the Gujarát branch of the Western Chalukyas and that his great Dakhan brother Vikramáditya was his overlord, a relation which would explain the mention of Vikramáditya in the genealogy of the copper-plate. Vikramáditya's reign ended in A.D. 680 (Saka 602). [159] Supposing our grant to be dated in this last year of Vikramáditya, Samvat 421 should correspond to Saka 602, which gives Saka 181 or A.D. 259 as the initial date of the era in which the plate is dated. Probably the plate was dated earlier in the reign of Vikramáditya giving A.D. 250. In any case the era used cannot be the Gupta era whose initial year is now finally settled to be A.D. 319.

The second grant of the same Síláditya is dated Samvat 443. In it, both in an eulogistic verse at the beginning and in the text of the genealogy, Vinayáditya Satyásraya Vallabha is mentioned as the paramount sovereign which proves that by Samvat 443 Vikramáditya had been succeeded by Vinayáditya. The reign of Vinayáditya has been fixed as lasting from Saka 602 to Saka 618 that is from A.D. 680 to A.D. 696-97. [160] Taking Saka 615 or A.D. 693 to correspond with Samvat 443, the initial year of the era is A.D. 250.

The grant of Pulakesivallabha Janásraya dated Samvat 490, mentions Mangalarasaráya as the donor's elder brother and as the son of Jayasimhavarmman. And a Balsár grant whose donor is mentioned as Mangalarája son of Jayasimhavarmman, apparently the same as the Mangalarasaráya of the plate just mentioned, is dated Saka 653. [161] Placing the elder brother about ten years before the younger we get Samvat 480 as the date of Mangalarája, which, corresponding with Saka 653 or A.D. 730-31, gives A.D. 730 minus 480 that is A.D. 250-51 as the initial year of the era in which Pulakesi's grant is dated. In the Navsári plates, which record a gift by the Gurjjara king Jayabhata in Samvat 456, Dadda II. the donor of the Kaira grants which bear date 380 and 385, is mentioned in the genealogical part at the beginning as 'protecting the lord of Valabhi who had been defeated by the great lord the illustrious Harshadeva.' Now the great Harshadeva or Harsha Vardhana of Kanauj whose court was visited by the Chinese pilgrim Hiuen Tsiang between A.D. 629 and 645, reigned according to Reinaud from A.D. 607 to about A.D. 648. Taking A.D. 250 as the initial year of the era of the Kaira plates, Dadda II.'s dates 380 and 385, corresponding to A.D. 630 and 635, fall in the reign of Harshavardhana.

These considerations seem to show that the initial date of the Traikútaka era was at or about A.D. 250 which at once suggests its identity with the Chedi or Kalachuri era. [162] The next question is, Who were these Traikútakas. The meaning of the title seems to be kings of Trikúta. Several references seem to point to the existence of a city named Trikúta on the western seaboard. In describing Raghu's triumphant progress the Rámáyana and the Raghuvamsa mention him as having established the city of Trikúta in Aparánta on the western seaboard. [163] Trikútakam or Trikútam, a Sanskrit name for sea salt seems a reminiscence of the time when Trikúta was the emporium from which Konkan salt was distributed over the Dakhan. The scanty information regarding the territory ruled by the Traikútakas is in agreement with the suggestion that Junnar in North Poona was the probable site of their capital and that in the three ranges that encircle Junnar we have the origin of the term Trikúta or Three-Peaked.

[Their Race or Tribe.] Of the race or tribe of the Traikútakas nothing is known. The conjecture may be offered that they are a branch of the Ábhíra kings of the Puránas, one of whom is mentioned in Inscription XV. of Násik Cave X. which from the style of the letters belongs to about A.D. 150 to 200. The easy connection between Násik and Balsár by way of Peth (Peint) and the nearness in time between the Násik inscription and the initial date of the Traikútakas support this conjecture. The further suggestion may be offered that the founder of the line of Traikútakas was the Ísvaradatta, who, as noted in the Kshatrapa chapter, held the overlordship of Káthiáváda as Mahákshatrapa, perhaps during the two years A.D. 248 and 249, a result in close agreement with the conclusions drawn from the examination of the above quoted Traikútaka and Chalukya copperplates. As noted in the Kshatrapa chapter after two years' supremacy Ísvaradatta seems to have been defeated and regular Kshatrapa rule restored about A.D. 252 (K. 174) by Dámájadasrí son of Vijayasena. The unbroken use of the title Mahákshatrapa, the moderate and uniform lengths of the reigns, and the apparently unquestioned successions suggest, what the discovery of Kshatrapa coins at Karád near Sátára in the Dakhan and at Amrávati in the Berárs seems to imply, that during the second half of the third century Kshatrapa rule was widespread and firmly established. [164] The conjecture may be offered that Rudrasena (A.D. 256-272) whose coins have been found in Amrávati in the Berárs spread his power at the expense of the Traikútakas driving them towards the Central Provinces where they established themselves at Tripura and Kálanjara. [165] Further that under Bráhman influence, just as the Gurjjaras called themselves descendants of Karna the hero of the Mahábhárata, and the Pallavas claimed to be of the Bháradvája stock, the Traikútakas forgot their Ábhíra origin and claimed descent from the Haihayas. Again as the Valabhis (A.D. 480-767) adopted the Gupta era but gave it their own name so the rulers of Tripura seem to have continued the original Traikútaka era of A.D. 248-9 under the name of the Chedi era. The decline of the Kshatrapas dates from about A.D. 300 the rule of Visvasena the twentieth Kshatrapa son of Bharttridáman. The subsequent disruption of the Kshatrapa empire was probably the work of their old neighbours and foes the Traikútakas, who, under the name of Haihayas, about the middle of the fifth century (A.D. 455-6) rose to supremacy and established a branch at their old city of Trikúta ruling the greater part of the Bombay Dakhan and South Gujarát and probably filling the blank between A.D. 410 the fall of the Kshatrapas and A.D. 500 the rise of the Chálukyas.

About 1887 Pandit Bhagvánlál secured nine of a hoard of 500 silver coins found at Daman in South Gujarát. All are of one king a close imitation of the coins of the latest Kshatrapas. On the obverse is a bust of bad workmanship and on the reverse are the usual Kshatrapa symbols encircled with the legend:

Mahárájendravarmaputra Parama Vaishnava Srí Mahárája Rudragana.

The devoted Vaishnava the illustrious king Rudragana son of the great king Indravarma.

At Karád, thirty-one miles south of Sátára, Mr. Justice Newton obtained a coin of this Rudragana, with the coins of many Kshatrapas including Visvasimha son of Bharttridáman who ruled up to A.D. 300. This would favour the view that Rudragana was the successful rival who wrested the Dakhan and North Konkan from Visvasimha. The fact that during the twenty years after Visvasimha (A.D. 300-320) none of the Kshatrapas has the title Mahákshatrapa seems to show they ruled in Káthiáváda as tributaries of this Rudragana and his descendants of the Traikútaka family. The Dahrasena of the Párdi plate whose inscription date is 207, that is A.D. 457, may be a descendant of Rudragana. The Traikútaka kingdom would thus seem to have flourished at least till the middle of the fifth century. Somewhat later, or at any rate after the date of the Kanheri plate (245 = A.D. 495), it was overthrown by either the Mauryas or the Guptas. [166]

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Introduction

I. BOUNDARIES AND NAME

II. ANCIENT DIVISIONS

III. LEGENDS

IV. MAURYAN AND GREEK RULE

V. THE KSHATRAPAS

VI. THE TRAIKÚTAKAS