Appendix

Appendix

I.

CATHARAN ARGUMENTS TO JUSTIFY THE ATTRIBUTION OF THE OLD TESTAMENT TO THE EVIL PRINCIPLE.

(Archives de l'Inquisition de Carcassonne.--Doat, XXXVI. 91.)

The literature of the Cathari has been so successfully exterminated that anything attributable to the sect is of interest. The following, from a controversial tract, dating probably about the close of the thirteenth century, may be regarded as a fair summary of the reasons alleged by the sect to prove that the Creator, Jehovah, was Satan. There is sufficient identity between them and those given by Moneta (adversus Catharos, Lib. II. c. vi.) to show that they are in some sort the official and customary arguments of the heretics. I omit the counter-arguments of the writer, who generally follows Moneta, though he often reasons independently.

Primo igitur objicitur illud, Geneseos tertio: Ecce Adam quasi unus ex nobis factus est. Hoc dicit Deus de Adam postquam peccavit, et constat quod dicit verum aut falsum: si verum, ergo Adam factus erat similis ei qui loquebatur et eis cum quibus loquebatur. Sed Adam post peccatum factus erat peccator; ergo malus: si dixit falsum, ergo est mendax, ergo sic dicendo peccavit, et sic fuit malus.

Item ad idem. Deus ille dicit, Geneseos primo: Videte ne forte sumat de ligno vitœ etc. Deus autem novi testamenti dicit, Apocalipsis primo: Vincenti dabo edere de ligno vitœ. Ille prohibet, iste promittit, ergo contrarii sunt ad invicem.

Item ad idem, Geneseos primo: Tenebrœ erant super facie abyssi, dixitque Deus: Fiat lux. Ergo Deus veteri testamenti incepit a tenebris et finivit in lucem; ergo est tenebrosus; ergo est malus, qui prius fecit tenebras quam lucem.

Item ad idem, Geneseos tertio: Inimicitias ponam inter te et mulierem et inter semen tuum et semen mulieris. Ecce Deus veteris testamenti seminator est discordiæ et inimicitiæ. Deus autem novi testamenti dator est pacis et solutor inimicitiarum, sicut legitur Coloss. primo: Quoniam in ipso placuit omnem plenitudinem deitatis habitare, et per ipsum reconciliari omnia in ipsum, sive quœ in cœlis, sive quœ in terris sunt. Ecce ille seminat inimicitias, iste vult omnia reconciliare et pacificare in se; Ergo sunt contrarii sibi.

Item, Geneseos tertio: Maledicta terra in opere tuo. Ecce Deus veteri testamenti maledicit terram quam Deus novi testamenti benedicit, psalmo: Benedixisti domine terram tuam: Ergo sunt contrarii.

Item, Genesi: Omnis anima quœ circumcisa non fuerit peribit de populo suo. Apostolus autem e contra prohibet Galatis: si circumcidimini Christo nihil vobis prodest: Ergo iste contrarius illi.

Item ad idem, Exodi undecimo: Postulet unusquisque a vicino suo et unaquœque a vicina sua vasa aurea et argentea. Ecce Deus veteris testamenti præcipit rapinam. Deus autem novi testamenti non rapinam arbitratus est, ut dicit Apostolus: Ergo sunt contrarii.

Item ad idem, Matthæi quinto: Dictum est antiquis: Diliges proximum tuum et odio habebis inimicum tuum. Sed constat quod hoc dictum est a Deo veteris testamenti. Deus autem novi testamenti dicit: Diligite inimicos vestros. Igitur contrariantur sibi invicem.

Item ad idem, Matthæi quinto: Dictum est antiquis: Oculum pro oculo etc. Ego autem dico vobis non resistere malo, sed si quis percusserit etc. Ecce ille Deus vindictam, iste veniam imperat: Ergo sunt contrarii.

Item ad idem, Exodi vicesimo primo dicit Deus veteris testamenti: Si occiderit quispiam proximum suum dabit animam pro anima. Deus autem novi testamenti dicit apud Lucam: Non veni animas perdere sed salvare.

Item, Joannis primo: Deum nemo vidit unquam, et ad Timotheum: Quem nullus hominum vidit. At e contra Deus veteris testamenti dicit, Deuteron. tertio: Si quis fuerit inter vos propheta etc.; et paulo post: At non talis est servus meus Moyses etc.; et infra: Ore ad os loquitur ei et palam non per ænigmata et figuras Deum vidit.

Item ad idem, Levitici vicesimo sexto: Persequimini inimicos vestros; At e contra, Matthæi quinto: Beati qui persecutionem patiuntur; et iterum: Cum vos persecuti fuerint in unam civitatem, fugite in aliam. Ille præcipit persequi inimicos, iste fugere: Ergo, etc.

Item, Deus veteris testamenti præcipit sibi immolari animalia, et in illis delectatur sacrificiis; Deus autem novi testamenti, secundum aliam translationem dicit in Psalmo: hostiam et oblationem noluisti, corpus autem aptasti mihi; holocaustomata pro peccato tibi non placuerunt. Ille Deus talia præcipit, iste respuit: Ergo, etc.

Item ad idem, Deuteron. decimo tertio: Si surrexerit de medio tuo prophetes etc. et ita interficietur; et iterum: si tibi voluerit persuadere frater tuus etc.; et infra: non parcet ei oculus tuus ut miserearis et occultes eum, sed statim interficies. Deus autem novi testamenti e contra dicit: Estote misericordes etc. Hie præcipit misereri, ille non miserere: Ergo etc.

Deus veteris testamenti dicit: Crescite et multiplicamini, Geneseos octavo. Deus autem novi testamenti dicit, Lucæ decimo octavo: Vœ prœgnantibus et nutrientibus in diebus illis; et in eodem vicesimo: Beatœ steriles quœ non genuerunt. Item, Matthæi quinto: Qui viderit mulierem ad concupiscendam eam etc.

Ecce ille præcipit coitum, iste prohibet omnem coitum, tam uxoris quam mulieris alterius: Igitur sunt sibi contrarii.

Item, Matthæi vicesimo, Lucæ vicesimo secundo: Scitis quoniam principes gentium dominantur eorum, et qui majores sunt, etc. et non ita erit inter vos sicut inter gentes. Ecce iste reprobat principatus et dominationes, ille probat.[529]

Item, Deuteronomii decimoquinto multis gentibus concedit hic usuram; Deus autem novi testamenti prohibet in Lucæ sexto: Date mutuum nihil inde sperantes: Ergo sunt contrarii.

Tentavit Deus veteris testamenti Abraham, Deus novi testamenti neminem tentat; Jac. primo: Ipse intentator malorum est: Ergo sunt contrarii.

Item ad idem, Deus veteris testamenti dicit_: Veniam ad te in caligine nubis;_ Deus autem novi testamenti habitat lucem inaccessibilem ut legitur Hebræor. primo; Ergo sunt contrarii.

Item ad idem, Matthæi quinto: Dictum est antiquis: non perjurabis, reddes autem Deo juramenta tua; ego autem dico vobis non jurare omnino; quod ille concedit iste prohibet; Ergo etc.

Item, Exodi vicesimo primo: Maledictus omnis qui pendet in ligno; Sed Paulus dicit Galat. quarto: Christus nos redemit de maledictione legis, factus pro nobis maledictum; Ergo Deus veteris testamenti, quem dicis patrem Christi, maledixit Christum, sed constat quod pater non maledicit filium, ergo ille non est pater ejus, imo est malus et contrarius cui maledicit.

Item ad idem, Deus veteris testamenti promittit terrain ut ibi; Dabo vobis terram fluentem lac et mel. Ecce deliciæ terrenæ. Deus autem novi testamenti promittit regnum cœlorum, requiem æternam, delicias cœlestes ut ibi: Invenietis requiem animabus vestris. Ergo ipsi sunt diversi et contrarii.

Item ad idem, Deus novi testamenti dicit Matthæi sexto: Jugum meum suave est et onus meum leve. Deus autem veteris testamenti imponit jugum importabile, Deuteronomii vicesimo octavo, ubi maledixit illos qui non servaverunt illa quæ præceperat, de quo jugo dicit Petrus: cur vos imponere tentatis nobis jugum quod nec vos nec patres vestri portare potuistis? Ergo sunt contrarii; ille enim malus et iste bonus.

Item ad idem, Exodi quarto: si dixerint mei, quod est nomen ejus qui misit me etc. respondit Dominus: sic dices ad eos: qui est misit me ad vos. Ecce Deus veteris testamenti translator est, qui non vult nomen ejus manifestare; sed dicit qui est etc. Ita enim asinus et bos est qui est. Deus autem novi testamenti nomen suum manifestat per angelum suum, Lucæ secundo, et vocabis nomen ejus Jesum.

Deus veteris testamenti dicit Geneseos sexto: Pœnitet me fecisse hominem. Ecce qualis Deus quem pœnitet de opere suo; ergo mutatur. Præterea pœnitentia est de peccato, ergo si pœnitet peccavit; Ergo malus fuit.

Item ad idem, Exodi tricesimo secundo: Postquam filii Israel adoraverunt vitulum, dicit Deus ille Moysi: Dimitte me, ut irascatur furor meus contra eos, et infra: Placatusque est Deus ne faceret malum quod locutus fuerat adversus populum suum. Ecce quod mutatus est Deus veteris testamenti; Deus autem novi testamenti (non) immutatur, juxta illud Jacobi primo: Omne datum est etc.; et infra; Apud quem non est immutatio etc.

Item ad idem, Exodi vicesimo, Deus veteris testamenti dicit: Non mœchaberis, et idem Deus dicit Numerorum duodecimo: Ecce ego suscitabo super te malum de domo tuo, et tollam uxorem tuam et dabo proximo tuo, id est, filio tuo. Ecce non solum mœchationis quam ibi prohibuit, sed etiam incestus est procurator; ille Deus ergo malus et mutabilis.

Item ad idem, Exodi vicesimo primo: non facies tibi sculptile nec aliquam similitudinem, et infra, vicesimo quinto: Facies duo cherubim aurea. Ecce quanta mutabilitas, facies et non facies.

Qualis est Deus ille qui tot millia hominum submersit in diluvio etc.; habetur Geneseos sexto; et in mare rubro, Exodi decimo quinto; et in deserto, et in multis aliis locis. Si dicis quod non est crudelitas punire malos etc. quæro, si erat omnipotens et omnisciens, sciebat omnes peccaturos et futuros malos, et propter hoc damnandos, quare ergo fecierat eos? Nonne crudelis est qui homines ad hoc facit ut perdat?

Item ad idem, Exodi tricesimo secundo: Hoc dicit Dominus; et infra: Ponat vir gladium super femur suum; et infra: Et occiderunt in illa die viginti tria millia. Ecce qualis Deus quos habet clericos et ministros siquidem totius crudelitatis. Deus autem novi testamenti ministros pietatis; unde Joannes in canonica: Qui diligit Deum diligit et fratrem suum. Iste præcipit fratrem diligi, ille occidi.

Item ad idem, Numeror tricesimo quarto; Deus veteris testamenti dixit filiis Israel de gentibus illis qui erant in terra Cham: Si nolueritis occidere eos, erunt clavi in oculis nostris et lanceæ in lateribus. Ecce crudelis Deus qui non vult injurias dimitti. Deus autem novi testamenti dicit Matthæi sexto. Si non dimiseritis hominibus, nec pater vester cœlestis dimittet vobis peccata vestra.

Item ad idem, Geneseos decimo nono, ubi Deus veteris testamenti justum simul et impium occidit, sicut patet in submersione Sodomæ et Gomorrhæ, ubi parvulos et adultos simul extinxit.

Item ad idem, Judicum vicesimo legitur quod cum filii Israel vellent pugnare contra filios Benjamin proper scelus quod commiserant in uxorem cujusdam fratris sui, consuluerunt Dominum si pugnandum esset contra eos, et quis esset dux belli, et expressit illis Judas, et quod pugnandum esset; unde sub hac fiducia inierunt bellum et occiderunt ex eis in primo conflictu viginti duo millia, in secundo octodecim millia, in tertio pauciores. Ecce quam crudelis et deceptor Deus, qui sic eos decepit ut perirent.

Item, Exodi quinto dicit Deus veteris testamenti: Indurabo cor Pharaonis et non dimittet populum; ecce crudelis Deus qui indurat ut occidat. Item, mendax Deus qui dicit non dimittet, et postea dimisit.

Item ad idem, Numerorum decimo quinto: Deus ille lapidare præcepit quemdam colligendum ligna in Sabbato, consultus super hoc a Moysi et Aaron. Deus autem novi testamenti excusat discipulos fricantes spicas Sabbato; Ecce quam contrarii iste et ille!

In Genesi promisit Deus ille se daturum terram Chanaan Abrahæ, nec tamen dedit, ergo fuit mendax.... Quod autem objiciunt de illis qui egressi sunt de Ægypto, quibus et promisit per Moysen terram illam, et tamen omnes prostrati sunt in deserto.

Ad idem, Exodi tricesimo secundo: Domine ostende mihi faciem tuam et Dominus respondit: Ego ostendam tibi omne bonum, et postea ostendit ei omnia posteriora, id est, turpitudinem. Ecce qualis Deus!

Ad idem, Geneseos undecimo de Gigantibus qui ædificabant turrim, dixit ille Deus: non desistent a cogitationibus suis donec eas opere compleverint; et tamen sequitur ibidem: Et cessaverunt ædificare. Ecce quam mendax Deus!

Ad idem, Geneseos XXXII. dicit angelus Dei ad Jacob: Nequaquam vocaberis ultra Jacob, sed Israel erit nomen tuum. Et postea dicit in Exodo: Ego sum Deus Abraham, Isaac, et Jacob; et ita sibi contradicit; mendax igitur est ille Deus.

Dicit ille Deus: Quis decipiet nolis Achab?... Ego ero spiritus mendax in ore omnium prophetarum ... Egredere et fac, decipies enim et prævalebis ... Dedit Deus spiritum mendacii in ore omnium prophetarum. Ecce qualis Deus: si esset Deus veritatis constat quod non diceret: quis decipiet etc.

II.

BULL OF GREGORY IX. ORDERING AN EPISCOPAL INQUISITION.

(Archives de l'Inquisition de Carcassonne.--Doat, XXXII, fol. 103.)

Gregorius episcopus servus servorum Dei venerabilibus fratribus suffraganeis ecclesiæ Bisuntinensis salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Ad capiendas vulpes parvulas, hæreticos videlicet qui moliuntur in partibus Burgundiæ tortuosis anfractibus vineam Domini demoliri, et penitus eliminandas ab ipsa suscepti cura regiminis nos hortatur. Ad nostram siquidem audientiam noveritis pervenisse quod quidam hæretici in vestris diocesibus constituti, qui metu mortis falso ad ecclesiam catholicam revertentes necnon et plures alii de hæretica pravitate convicti, ad errorem pravitatis ejusdem, quam a se abdicasse penitus videbantur, ut gravius scindere valeant catholicam unitatem sæpius revertuntur. Ne igitur per tales sub falsa conversionis specie catholicæ fidei professores corrumpere contingat, universitati vestræ per apostolica scripta præcipiendo mandamus, quatinus hujusmodi pestilentes, postquam fuerint de jam dicta pravitate convicti, si aliter puniti non fuerint, ita quod quilibet vestrum in suo diocesi ut ipsis det vexatio intellectum, in perpetuo carcere recludatis, de bonis ipsorum, si qua fortassis habent sibi vitæ necessaria prout consuevit talibus ministrantes; alioquin noventis nos venerabili fratri nostro Archiepiscopo Bisuntino nostris dedisse litteris in mandatis ut vos ad id auctoritate nostra, sublato cujuslibet appellationis impedimento, compellat. Datum Laterani, sexto Kalendas Junii, pontificatus nostri anno septimo (27 Mai. 1234).

III.

BULL RELIEVING INQUISITORS FROM OBEDIENCE TO THEIR SUPERIORS.

(Archives de l'Inquisition de Carcassonne.--Doat, XXXII. fol. 15.)

Clemens episcopus servus servorum Dei dilectis filiis fratribus ordinum prædicatorum et minorum inquisitoribus hæreticæ pravitatis per diversas Burgondiæ et Lotharingiæ partes auctoritate apostolica deputatis et in posterum deputandis, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Catholicæ fidei negotium quod plurimum insidet cordi nostro in vestris prosperari manibus et de bono in melius procedere cupientes, ac volentes omne ab eo impedimentum et omne obstaculum removeri, præsentium vobis auctoritate mandamus quatinus in eodem negotio de divino et apostolico favore et omni humano timore postposito constanter ac intrepide procedentes circa extirpandam hæreticam pravitatem, tam de Burgondia quam de Lotharingia cum omni vigilantia omnique studio laboretis, et si forsitan magister et minister generalis, aliique priores et ministri provinciales, ac custodes seu guardiani aliquorum locorum vestrorum ordinum prætextu quorumcumque privilegiorum seu indulgentiarum ejusdem sedis dictis ordinibus concessorum ac concedendorum in posterum, vobis vel vestrum alicui seu aliquibus injunxerint seu quoquo modo præceperint ut quoad tempus et quoad certos articulos certasve personas negotio supersedeatis eidem, nos vobis universis et singulis auctoritate apostolica districtius inhibemus ne ipsis obedire in hac parte vel intendere quomodolibet præsumatis. Nos etiam privilegia seu indulgentias hujusmodi ad hunc articulum tenore præsentium revocantes, omnes excommunicationis, interdicti et suspensionis sententias, si quas in vos vel vestrum aliquos hac occasione ferri contingerit, irritas prorsus decernimus et inanes.... Non enim aliqua eis super hujuscemodi inquisitionis negotio vobis immediate a prædicta sede commisso et committendo facultas vel jurisdictio attribuitur seu potestas. Datum Viterbii, Idus Julii, pontificatus nostri anno tertio (15 Jul. 1267).

IV.

EUGENIUS IV. TO THE ARCHBISHOP OF NARBONNE.

(Archives de l'Inquisition de Carcassonne.--Doat, XXXV. fol. 184.)

Eugenius episcopus, servus servorum Dei, venerabilibus fratribus Archiepiscopo Narbonensi et ejus suffraganeis Carcassonæ, Sancti Pontii Thomeriarum, Agathensi et Aletensi episcopis, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Scripsit nobis vestra fraternitas dilectum filium fratrem Petrum de Turelule, inquisitorem hæreticæ pravitatis in provincia Narbonensi, intendere a nobis aliqua suum officium Inquisitionis et jurisdictionem vestram tangentia petere et impetrare, supplicastisque ut eum in brevi de eo et exorbitantiis suis a jure intenderetis sedem apostolicam informare, nollemus interea quicquam prædicto in vestrum et prælatorum provinciæ præjudicium facere aut concedere; ad quæ respondentes fatemur prædictum Inquisitorem aliquando significasse justam sibi fore quærimoniam adversus nonnullos vestrum se in suo Inquisitionis officio injuste perturbantes, atque etiam pro viribus impedientes, petens sibi per nos viam et modum ostendi quibus taliter in posterum exercere possit officium, ut cum honore Dei et sui officii integritati valeret lites, jurgia, et contentiones ordinariorum effugere et declinare. Cum itaque sit nostræ intentionis prout ex officio pastoralis curæ nobis incumbere non ignoratis, et vos et ipsum Inquisitorem in vestris et suis juribus confovere, et lites ac controversias quæ fortassis inter vos vigerent cum justitia tollere ac terminare, hortamur in Domino vestram fraternitatem ut attente considerantes quod hujusmodi Inquisitores ab ecclesia fuerint instituti ad relevandum ordinarios parte sollicitudinis incumbente illis in favorem et augmentum fidei catholicæ, enervationemque ct extirpationem hæreticæ pravitatis, contenti esse velitis in hac materia dispositionibus et institutis sacrorum canonum, et ad negotium hoc hæresum quo nullum in ecclesia habetur majus, prædictis Inquisitoribus assistere favoribus opportunis. Nam sic gratum erit nobis et summe acceptum quicquid favoris, commodi et adjumenti prædictis a fraternitatibus vestris juxta spem nostram præstabitur, ita molestias et illata eorum laudabili exercitio disturbia cum displicentia audiremus; pro bono autem concordiæ volumus ut gravaminibus propter quæ ab ipso Inquisitore per vos extitit appellatum ab eodem revocatis, lites quæ hodie inter vos pendent indecisæ sopiantur penitus et extinguantur, prout nos illas auctoritate apostolica in eventum revocationis antedictæ ad nos advocantes, tenore præsentium extinguimus, cassamus, et pro extinctis et cassatis haberi volumus et mandamus. Datum Florentiæ anno Incarnationis Dominicæ MCCCC quadragesimo primo Kalendas Julii pontificatus nostri anno undecimo.

V.

DISABILITIES OF DESCENDANTS OF HERETICS.

(Registrum curiæ Franciæ Carcassonæ.--Doat, XXXII. fol. 241.)

Noverint universi prsesentes litteras inspecturi quod nos frater Guillelmus de Sancto Sequano ordinis fratrum prædicatorum, inquisitor hæreticæ pravitatis in regno Franciæ authoritate apostolica deputatus attendentes quod secundum merita personarum debent distribui officia dignitatum, et quia expedit crimina nocentium esse nota, præsertim ilia per quæ extenditur ultio non solum in autores scelerum sed in progeniem dampnatorum, ideo nos ad instantiam procuratoris domini regis in seneschallia Carcassonæ de infrascriptis sibi copiam fieri postulantis, ad honorem Dei et fidei munimentum per nos ipsos exquisivimus et per discretum virum dominum Raimundum rectorem ecclesiæ de Mouteclaro publicum notarium Inquisitionis nostræ perquiri et inspici fecimus diligenter in libris et actis publicis Inquisitionis prædictæ, et invenimus quod anno Domini MCC quinquagesimo sexto Guiraldus de Altarippa quondam de Graoleto qui dicitur fuisse pater Guiraldi de Altarippa servientis armorum domini regis, confessus fuit in judicio coram Domino Bernardo de Monte-Atono tunc inquisitore hæreticæ pravitatis, quod viderat hæreticos et verba eorum audiverat. Item invenimus quod Lombarda uxor dicti Guiraldi, quæ dicitur fuisse mater præfati Guiraldi de Altarippa servientis armorum domini regis, coram eodem inquisitore et eodem tempore confessa fuerit quod multotiens in diversis locis vidit hæreticos ct eos pluries adoravit misitque eis panem et poma et credidit eos esse bonos homines et quod posset salvari in fide eorum. Item invenimus in eisdem libris quod Raimundus Carbonelli de Graoleto, qui dicitur fuisse avunculus dicti Guiraldi servientis domini regis fuit hæreticus perfectus et per fratrem Stephanum Gastinensem et Hugonem de Boniolis tunc inquisitores hæreticæ pravitatis, et tanquam hæreticus curiæ sæculari relictus et per ministros curiæ domini regis Carcassone publice, ut hæreticus et relapsus, combustus anno Domini MCC septuagesimo sexto. De quibus omnibus de nostris libris et actis publicis extractis fideliter dicto procuratori domini regis copiam fecimus, et omnibus quorum interest per ipsum fieri volumus, non ad suggilationem vel injuriam alicujus sed propter bona quæ agit vel excipit, vel propter posteros in quos parentum præfati criminis sceleratorum proserpit infamia, ne contra constitutiones domini regis vel sanctiones canonicas ad honores vel officia publica ullatenus admittantur. In cujus rei testimonium sigillum nostrum præsentibus duximus apponendum. Datum Carcassonæ decimo septimo Kalendas Julii, anno Domini MCC nonagesimo secundo.

VI.

MINUTES OF AN ASSEMBLY OF EXPERTS.

(Doat, XXVII. fol. 118.)

Anno Domini MCCC vicesimo octavo, indictione undecima, die Veneris in festo Stæ. Leocadiæ virginis, intitulata quinto Idus Decembris pontificatus SSmi. domini nostri Domini Joannis divina providentia papæ XXII. anno decimo tertio, venerabiles religiosi et discreti viri frater Henricus de Chamayo ordinis prædicatorum in regno Franciæ auctoritate regia et Germanus de Alanhano archipresbyter Narbonesii, rector ecclesiæ Capitistagni in civitate et diocesi Narbonensi auctoritate ordinaria, inquisitores pravitatis hæreticæ deputati, volentes in negotio fidei de consilio discretorum et peritorum procedere, convocarunt in aula seu palatio majori archiepiscopali Narbonæ dominos canonicos, jurisconsultos, peritos sæculares et religiosos infrascriptos (sequuntur nomina 42) qui omnes superius nominati juraverunt ad sancta Dei evangelia dare bonum et sanum consilium in agendis, unusquisque secundum Deum et conscientiam suam, prout ipsis a Domino fucrit ministratum et tenere omnia sub secreto donec fuerint publicata, et ibidem præstito juramento, lectis et recitatis culpis personarum infrascriptarum, petierunt præfati domini inquisitores consilium ab eisdem consiliariis quid agendum de personis prædictis, et divisim et singulariter de qualibet, ut sequitur:

Super culpa fratris P. de Arris ordinis Cartusiensis monasterii de Lupateria diocesis Carcassonensis omnes et singuli consiliarii supradicti, tam sæculares quam religiosi consilium dando concorditer dixerunt, contemplatione ordinis sui, quod assignetur sibi pro carcere perpetuo claustrum ct ecclesia monasterii supradicti, et etiam camera una, necnon et injungantur sibi certæ pœnitentiæ, sicut orationes et jejunia et alia quæ non repugnant observantiæ sui ordinis et regulæ supradictæ, et quod non puniatur in sermone publico sed in secreto, præsentibus paucis personis.

Item de personis infra proximo nominatis, auditis corum culpis dixerunt cas judicandas fore ut sequitur:

Richardum de Narbona, nulla pœna puniendum.

Guillelmum Mariæ de Honosio arbitrarie puniendum, cruces simplices, peregrinationes minores.

Favressam matrem prædicti Guillelmi arbitrarie puniendam, sine crucibus, pœnitentias minores.

Guillelmum Cathalani seniorem, Guillelmum ejus filium, Raymundum Veysiani, Bernardum Baronis, P. Lunatii, tanquam impeditores officii, cruces et pœnitentias minores.

Guillelmum Espulgue de Capitestagno immurandum.

Perretam de Flassacho valdensem impœnitentem fore exhumandum.

P. Guillelmi Canorgue de Capitestagno immurandum.

Vincentium Rayses de Caberia mortuum, si viveret, immurandum.

Gregorium Bellonis apostatam monachum, mortuum impœnitentem, exhumandum.

Guillelmum Bocardi Bourserium de Agenno habitatorem Narbonæ, mortuum, si viveret, immurandum.

Arnaudam uxorem Pontii de Biterris de Capitestagno immurandam.

Amicam uxorem P. Gaycons, ad murum.

Habitum fuit hoc consilium anno, indictione, die, loco, et pontificatu prædictis, præsentibus Arnaldo Assaliti procuratore incursuum hæresis domini regis, testibus et notariis qui hoc prædictum consilium scripserunt, etc.

VII.

INNOCENT IV. ORDERS INQUISITORS TO DIMINISH THEIR RETINUE AND AVOID EXACTIONS.

(Archives de l'Inquisition de Carcassonne.--Doat, XXXI. fol. 116.)

Innocentius episcopus servus servorum Dei dilectis filiis inquisitoribus hæreticæ pravitatis in terris nobilis viri domini Comitis Tholosani et Albiensis constitutis salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Cum a quibusdam intellexerimus fidedignis quod vos occasione inquisitionis vobis commissæ contra hæreticam pravitatem superfluos scriptores aliosque familiares habetis pro vestræ libito voluntatis et graves exactiones fiunt a conversis ab eadem ad fidem et converti volentibus pravitate ad infamiam apostolicæ sedis et scandalum plurimorum, præsentium vobis auctoritate præcipiendo mandamus quatinus scriptorum et aliorum familiarium multitudinem onerosam ad necessarium numerum protinus reducentes, a gravibus exactionibus per quas infamia potest et scandalum generari, vos et familiam vestram taliter compescatis quod honestatis vestræ titulus conservetur illæsus, et nos discretionis vestræ prudentiam merito commendare possumus.--Datum Lugduni secundo Idus Maii, pontificatus nostri anno sexto (14 Maii, 1249).

VIII.

ABUSE OF THE NUMBER OF ARMED FAMILIARS IN FLORENCE.

(Arch. di Firenze, Riformagioni, Arch. Diplom. XXVII.)

Bertrandus miseratione divina archiepiscopus Ebredunensis apostolicæ sedis nuncius circumspectis et religiosis viris inquisitoribus hæreticæ pravitatis qui in civitate et dioc. florentin. sunt et fuerint in futurum salutem in salutis autore. Quia quidam potestate sibi tradita abutentes et concessis a jure forma et modis debitis non utentes interdum favore seu alias concedunt aliqua ex quibus dampna proveniunt et scandala generantur, oportet talium abusus debito juris limitibus coartari. Cum igitur fidedigna relatione ad nostram audientiam sit deductum et nos fide probavimus oculata quod quidam inquisitores qui in civitate et dioc. florentin. prædictis vos in inquisitionis officio precesserint immoderatum et excessivum numerum consiliariorum notariorum et aliorum officialium ac familiarium licet non indigerunt eisdem sibi assumere curaverunt passim eisdem et aliis sub familiaritatis vel officii titulo diversis quæsitis coloribus portandi arma offensibilia et defensibilia licentiam concedendo ex quibus multa provenerunt scandala et multis data fuit occasio aliis qui arma portare non poterant offendendi. Nos juxta cominissam nobis circa reformationem officii inquisitionis sollicitudinem hujusmodi scandalis et quibusvis fraudibus occurrere cupieutes et volentes præfatum inquisitionis officium sic laudabiliter et feliciter servatis eidem suis privilegiis gubernari quod propterea non offendatur justitia nec ex abusu privilegiorum aliis præjudicium generetur, autoritate apostolica qua in hac parte fungimur decernimus et statuendo tenore præsentium ordinamus quod inquisitor florentinus qui est vel pro tempore fuerit possit duntaxat quatuor consiliarios seu assessores, duos notarios, et duos custodes carcerum et duodecim alios inter officiales et familiares sibi eligere et assumere et non ultra quibus possit dare licentiam arma prout consuetum est deferendi, hoc salvo quod si urgens necessitas pro inquisitionis officio immineret, possit in hujusmodi necessitatis articulo arma portandi licentiam impertiri. Illud autem præsenti ordinationi ex superhabundanti duximus inserendum quod ne ex limitatione prædicta inquisitionis detrahatur officio et in executione ipsius dispendium patiatur potestas ac priores artium florentini teneantur prout etiam sunt de jure stricti inquisitori qui est vel erit pro tempore fideles et diligentes existere et familiarios et etiam alios cum armis omni difficultate sublata tradere quoties pro capiendis malefactoribus et suspectis et aliis officium inquisitionis tangentibus exequendis per inquisitorem hujusmodi fuerint requisiti. In quorum testimonium præsentes literas fieri fecimus et nostri sigilli appensione muniri. Dat. in Castro Scarparic florentin. dioc. die secunda Maii sub anno Domini MCCCXXXVIL Indict. V. Pontificatus III. Domini nostri summi pontificis.

IX.

REGULATIONS OF ARMED FAMILIARS BY THE COUNCIL OF VENICE.

(Archivio di Venezia, Misti Consiglio X. Vol. XIII. p. 192; Vol. XIV. p. 29.) 1450, 19 Augusti.

Cum facta sit conscientia quod inquisitor hæreticorum qui stat Venetiis dat licentiam XII. personis portandi arma et illam vendit per pecuniam, quod non est bene factum quod XII persone pro inquisitore portent arma per civitatem quum ad capiendos hereticos datur super talibus inquisitoribus auxilium brachii secularis, videlicet per dominos de nocte et per capita, Et propterea vadit pars quod inquisitores de cetero non possint dare licentiam nisi quatuor personis tantum sicut per consuetudinem antiquam solebant, quos quatuor quilibet inquisitor faciat presentari capitibus hujus concilii ut cognita condictione personarum possint provvidere sicut fuerit opus.

De parte--14. De non--2. Non sinceri--0.

1450 (1451), 17 Februarii.

Quod ad complacentiam Generalis minorum qui supplicavit ne inquisitori heretice pravitatis in civitate Venetiarum in suo tempore fiat novitas super custodibus et officialibus suis quos antiquitus inquisitores habuerunt. Vadit pars quod concedatur eidem quod non obstante parte capta in isto concilio die 9 Augusti 1450 mandetur officialibus de nocte quod pro honore officii observet inquisitori consuetudinem antiquam cum hoc conditione videlicet. Quod ipsi officiales associent inquisitorem ad officium faciendum et aliter sicut fuerit opus et sicut antiquitus faciebant; et propterea dentur in nota officio de nocte et capitibus sexteriorum ut videatur si actualiter faciant officium vel non, ita tamen quod non excedant numerum XII.

De parte--10. De non--5. Non sinceri--1.

X.

TRANSFER OF PRISONERS FROM ITALY TO FRANCE.

(Archives de l'Inquisition de Carcassonne.--Doat, XXXII. fol. 155.)

Nicholaus episcopus servus servorum Dei dilecto filio fratri Philippo ordinis fratrum prædicatorum inquisitori hæreticæ pravitatis in Marchia Trevisina auctoritate sedis apostolicæ deputato salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Significarunt nobis dilecti filii Hugo de Boniolis et Petrus Arsini ordinis fratrum prædicatorum, inquisitores hæreticæ pravitatis in regno Franciæ auctoritate sedis apostolicæ deputati, quod dudum in diocesi Veronensi quamplures hæretici de mandato tuo capti fuerunt et adhuc eos facis detineri captivos, quorum aliqui fore dicuntur de regno Franciæ oriundi, et unus eo in dicto regno pro episcopo hæreticorum ipsorum, secundum eorumdem hæreticorum usum habetur. Cum autem, sicut habeat eorumdem inquisitorum assertio, firma spes habeatur quod eorumdem hæreticorum dicti regni præsentia in illis partibus erit plurimum orthodoxæ fidei fructuosa, pro eo quod si contingat eorum aliquos divina gratia operante redire ad ipsius fidei unitatem, per ipsos multorum qui sunt in eodem regno prædictæ pravitatis fermento aspersi, occultata nequitia detegi poterit, et haberi plena notitia eorumdem. Nos qui tenemur exaltationem ipsius fidei totis viribus procurare, discretioni tuæ per apostolica scripta mandamus, quatinus tam illum qui, ut prædictum est, episcopus reputatur, quam alios hæreticos supradictos ejusdem regni præfatis inquisitoribus per eorum certum nuncium ad te propter hoc specialiter destinandum, qui sumptibus ministrandis ab inquisitoribus supradictis sub fida custodia hæreticos ducat eosdem, deinceps sub ipsorum inquisitorum cura et jurisdictione mansuros, prius tamen diligentius inquisitis ab eisdem hæreticis ad præfatos fratres inquisitores ut præmittitur destinandis, quæ ad utilitatem ejusdem fidei et utiliorem executionem commissi tibi officii videris inquirenda transmittas. Nos enim prædictis inquisitoribus nostris damus litteris in mandatis, ut eosdem hæreticos ad ipsos per te taliter destinandos diligenter et fideliter faciant custodiri, facturi nihilominus circa illos libere in eos commissum sibi contra hæreticos officium exequendo, prout secundum Dei honori et commodo ejusdem orthodoxæ fidei viderint expedire. Datum Romæ apud Sanctum Petrum quarto Idus Februarii, pontificatus nostri anno primo (10 Feb. 1289).

XI.

ORDER OF INQUISITOR-GENERAL TO MAKE TRANSCRIPT OF RECORDS.

(Archives de l'Inquisition de Carcassonne.--Doat, XXXII. fol. 101.)

Joannes miseratione divina Sancti Nicolai in carcere Tulliano diaconus cardinalis, religiosis viris in Christo sibi dilectis fratribus ordinis prædicatorum et minorum inquisitoribus pravitatis hæreticæ in Citramontanis partibus auctoritate sedis apostolicæ deputatis, salutem in Domino nostro. Nil majus accedit affectui quam quod fidei catholicæ puritas ubique terrarum ad Dei gloriam valeat ampliari, et macula pravitatis hæreticæ de locis illis quæ infecisse dinoscitur virtutis divine cooperante subsidio per nostræ ac vestræ sollicitudinis ministerium penitus deleatur. Cum igitur hujusmodi cura negotii sit nobis ab apostolicæ sede commissa nos dilectorum nobis in Domino inquisitorum pravitatis ejusdem in regno Franciæ condignis desideriis annuentes, universitati vestræ auctoritate qua in hac parte fungimur, in virtute obedientiæ districte præcipiendo mandamus quatenus depositiones testium super pravitate ipsa jam receptorum a vobis vel recipiendorum in posterum, quia negotium Inquisitionis in prædicto regno Franciæ inquisitoribus commissum eosdem contingere dinoscitur, in eo scilicet quod depositiones hujusmodi faciunt ad instructionem sibi commissi negotii ut per eas de statu personarum præfati regni habere possunt notitiam pleniorem, eisdem vel ipsorum certo et fido nuntio ad transcribendum sine difficultatis obstaculo assignetis, ut iidem inquisitores depositionibus ipsis pro loco et tempore uti possint contra personas prædicti regni, quæ per depositiones ipsas apparebunt de heresi culpabiles vel suspectæ. Datum apud Urbem veterem, decimo quarto Kalendas Junii, anno Domini MCC septuagesima tertio, pontificatus Domini Gregorii papæ decimi anno secundo.

XII.

BULL OF ALEXANDER IV. AUTHORIZING INQUISITORS TO ABSOLE EACH OTHER.[530]

(Archives de l'Inquisition de Carcassonne,--Doat, XXXI. fol. 196.)

Alexander episcopus, servus servorum Dei dilectis filiis fratribus ordinis prædicatorum, inquisitoribus hæreticæ pravitatis in Tholosa et aliis terris nobilis viri A. comitis Pictavensis, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Ut negotium fidei valeatis liberius promovere, vobis auctoritate præsentium indulgemus ut si vos excommunicationis sententiam et irregularitatem incurrere aliquibus casibus ex humana fragilitate contingat vel recolatis etiam incurrisse, quia propter vobis injunctum officium ad priores vestros super hoc recurrere non potestis, mutuo vobis super hiis absolvere juxta formam ecclesiæ, ac vobiscum auctoritate vestra dispensare possitis, prout in hoc parte prioribus ab apostolica sede concessum est. Nulli ergo omnino hominum liceat etc.... Datum Anagniæ Nonis Julii pontificatus nostri anno secundo (7 Jul. 1256).

XIII.

CASE OF FALSE WITNESS.

(Doat, XXVII. fol. 204.)

Bernardus Pastoris de Marcelhano mercator, habitator Pedenacii diocesis Agathensis, sicut per ipsius confessionem, sub anno Domini MCCCXXIX., mense Maii XIX die factam et processum inde habitum apparet, veniens spontanea voluntate, non vocatus nec citatus per episcopum nec inquisitorem, sed per aliquos complices suos inductus, in domo episcopali Biterris, ubi tunc nos, frater Henricus de Chamayo, ordinis predicatorum, inquisitor Carcassonne, eramus, quamdam papiri cedulam scriptam nobis presentari et tradi per aliquos de familiaribus dicti Domini Episcopi procuravit et fecit, cujus tenor sequitur in hec verba: Significatur religiose majestati domini inquisitoris heretice pravitatis in seueschallia Carcassonne, seu ejus locumtenentis, quod cum eo anno Begguini heretici et de heresi dampnati fuissent combusti juxta castrum de Pedenaco, mandate domini nostri regis et domini Inquisitoris, mandato summi Pontificis et domini Episcopi Agathensis; hinc est quod quidam perverso spiritu imbutus, adherens heretice pravitati, perversum animum suum ad fidem heresis perversis operibus ac hereticis et dampnosis suasionibus immittens, eorum perversa opera sequendo, quadam die post combustionem hereticorum et specialiter post combustionem cujusdam vocati Formayro et ejus sociorum, Raimundus Barseti, notarius, catholice fidei spernens doctrinam, et mandata Apostolica et domini nostri regis, et dicti domini Agathensis Episcopi, si potuisset, impugnando, et, quod deterius est, si adherentes habuisset, contra fidem Catholicam infringendo, accessit ad locum ubi dictus Formayro et alii superius nominati sunt combusti, et flexis genibus tanquam adoraret eorum nequitiam, accepit de ossibus dictorum combustorum hereticorum et de heresi dampnatorum et pro heresi, justo mandato domini nostri summi pontificis ac domini nostri regis legitime combustorum, et ipsa ossa in pallio sive sindone involvens cum multa reverentia ac si essent reliquie sanctorum, accepit ac secum asportavit, et cum per quosdam supervenientes peteretur quid faciebat ibi ipse Raimundus respondit: "Ego colligo de ossibus istorum combustorum, vere martirum, quia pro certo ipsi erant sanioris fidei quam illi qui eos fecerant comburi, et de hoc habeo fidem meam, et ipsi erant optimi Christiani, et cum magno prejudicio et contra jus sunt combusti, et credo eos martires et eorum fidem laudo et credo quod sunt in Paradiso." Sic tunc testes infrascripti ejus vesaniam et incredulitatem ac etiam hereticam pravitatem increpantes, dixerunt dicto Raimundo: "Ut quid talia facitis et talia dicitis ac asseritis rebellionem Catholice fidei, quia certe nos credimus quod quidquid per sanctam Ecclesiam fit, digne et juste fiat, quia si non essent reperti heretici et pro heresi dampnati, jam non devinissent ad taliam sententiam." Ad quod respondens dictus Raimundus Barseti dixit hec verba vel similia: "Deberent teneri pro bonos christianos et veros martires, et hic non possem non credere quod non sint boni christiani," et nihil aliud posset sibi dari intellegi contra suam opinionem predictam. Quare supplicatur vestre Magnifice Dignitati ut ex vestro officio super premissis per vos adhibeatur remedium opportunum, et ad informandum vos nominantur testes, Imbertus de Ruppefixa, domicellus, Joannes Maurendi. Qua quidem cedula ut premittitur presentata et per nos recepta, dictum Bernardum ad nostram presentiam fecimus evocari, qui in judicio constitutus, juratus de veritate dicenda postmodum recognovit se fecisse fieri et dictari eamdem per magistrum Guillelmum Lombardi clericum et procuratorem Pedenacii habitatorem et scribi per Petrum clericum magistri Arnaudi Vasconis notarii dicti loci ad instantiam et instructionem Guillelmi Masconis de Pedenacio apotecarii, qui ipsam cedulam seu substantiam facti super quo formata fuit, conscientibus aliquibus aliis complicibus inferius nominandis primitus scripsit manu propria in vulgari, et postmodum eam sic in vulgari scriptam fecerunt formari et transcribi in forma predicta. Vocatis autem Joanne Maurendi, Guillelmo Masconis, Imberto de Ruppefixa, Durando de Podio, Guillelmo de Casulis, a quibus idem Bernardus primo asserebat se audivisse narrari factum predictum, in dicta cedula expressum, et quod a principio, ut dixit, credebat esse verum, et coram nobis, Inquisitore predicto, uno post alium singulariter in judicio constitutis ac medio juramento interrogatis, si sciebant factum, prout in ipsa cedula continebatur fuisse verum, et primo respondentibus se nihil scire de ipso facto, nisi per auditum dici alienum, excepto dicto Joanne Maurendi, qui asseruit ipsum factum fore verum et deposuit de scientia et de visu, tandem prefatis Joanne Maurendi et Imberto de Ruppefixa in dicti Bernardi presentia affrontatis, et in judicio constitutis, et de veritate dicenda juratis, negaverunt unus post alium se dixisse predicto Bernardo factum predictum, et aliquid scire de ipso facto, excepto dicto Imberto qui, cum dicto Joanne Maurendi, finaliter asseruit se scire et vidisse, prout in culpa sua inferius postea recitanda plenius est expressum. Quibus omnibus premissis sic actis, habita suspicione per nos, Inquisitorem predictum, ex verisimilibus conjecturis et circumstantiis in eisdem tunc notatis, de consilio discretorum ibi presentium, eosdem Bernardum, Joannem, Guillelmum et Imbertum in carcere fecimus detineri; qui omnes sic detenti et in carcere reclusi, per paucos dies, apud Biterrim fuerunt auditi, interrogati et super premissa cedula plenius examinati, tandemque post multas exhortaciones, interrogationes et requisitiones eis factas, falsitatem et machinationem per eos factam inimicabiliter et dolose contra dictum Raimundum aperuerunt, unus post alium, non tamen ex toto nec clare donec fuerunt in dicto carcere per dies multos detenti et apud Carcassonam adducti. Dictus tamen Imbertus fuit primus qui predictam falsitatem et machinationem apperuit et detexit, non tamen ex integro donec omnes predicti quatuor, scilicet Bernardus Pastoris, Joannes Maurendi, Imbertus et Guillelmus fuerunt apud Carcassonam adducti et in ipso muro detenti. Demum vero dictus Bernardus post multas exhortaciones, inductiones et deductiones, effusis lacrymis, modum et seriem totius tractatus et machinationis predicte, falsitatis et cedule fabricationis et consentie in eis, corde gemebundo, detexit ac confessus fuit, quod, licet a principio dixisset se credere contenta in ipsa cedula fore vera, prout ab ipsis Joanne Maurendi, Guillelmo Masconis, et Imberto predictis se audivisse asseruerat, finaliter tamen bene perpendit ex dictis predictorum et ex circumstanciis in dicto tractatu habitis, et firmiter credidit quod predicta omnia in ipsa cedula contenta prout contra dictum Raimundum Berseti proposita erant non essent vera sed falsa et eidem Raimundo imposita falso et mendaciter, per malevolentiam et inimicitiam quam ipse et alii predicti et quidam alii de Pedenacio quos nominat, querebant vel habebant contra vel apud istum Raimundum Berseti ex causas quas in sua confessione expressit, et hoc etiam credebat et perpendebat antequam redderet cedulam predictam, sicut dixit, quodque in itinere dum ipse qui loquitur et dictus Joannes Maurendi ibant apud Biterrim ad redendam cedulam predictam dixit ipse loquens dicto Joanni: "Pectus multum me sollicitat non reddere istam cedulam," et dictus Joannes Maurendi respondit quod bene redderet eam nisi esset ibi pro teste scriptus; et hoc audito ipse Bernardus respondit: "Melius est quod estis testes et ego ipsam presentabo, quia quando sunt plures testes melius probabitur factum predictum." Item, quando fuerunt Biterrim, ipse Bernardus Pastoris fecit dictum Joannem Maurendi recedere et reverti postmodum, ne, si videretur per dominum inquisitorem esset suspectus quod se ingereret in testem, non vocatus nec citatus, et postea fecit eum cum aliis citari, et eisdem citatis, ministravit expensas in cena, non tamen de pecunia sua aliorum consentientium in predictis. Item, quamdam informationem seu inquestam que fiebat in curia regia seu vicarii regii Bitterris contra dictum Raimundum Berseti super quibusdam casibus officium Inquisitionis minime tangentibus, tam ad expensas proprias quam aliorum, prosequebatur pro viribus et ducebat in odium et malum dicti Raimundi Berseti, non obstanti quod crederet contenta in ipsa cedula non esse vera, et quod etiam dixisset Joanni Maurendi et Guillelmo Mascon predictis se non credere ea fore vera nec adhibere fidem dictis eorumdem, et quod etiam sibi respondissent: "Vos, si est verum aut non, solus debetis ferre testimonium." Interrogatus quare ergo reddebat dictam cedulam ex quo sciebat eam contiuere falsitatem, respondit quod propter suum malum et suam ruinam et quod volebat quod propter illa ipse Raimundus Berseti haberet inde malum et dampnum. Interrogatus quare credebat inde malum eventurum dicto Raimundo Berseti, si ipsa cedula vel contenta in ea probarentur, respondit se nescire modum curie domini Inquisitoris, tamen sciebat, ut dixit, eadem contenta in ipsa cedula esse hereticalia, et quod dictus Raimundus propter hoc caperetur et in carcere poneretur et detineretur et postmodum remitteretur domino Episcopo Biterrensi et quod ipse episcopus posset de ipso Raimundo facere inquestam, sciens tum, ut dixit, quod dictus dominus Episcopus portabat tunc eidem Raimundo Berseti malam voluntatem, et quod non fecisset illi nisi malum et dampnum, credens tunc, ut dixit et desiderans quod ipse Raimundus condempnaretur ad perdendum officium suum, scilicet notariatus, et quod perderet magnam vel majorem partem bonorum suorum, et quod hoc sibi dixerant aliqui de complicibus predictis et aliis, quod talia erant in dicta cedula que, si probarentur, et causa bene duceretur, dictus Raimundus perderet magnam partem bonorum suorum committens predicta. Dixit se penitere de predictis.

XIV.

HOPELESSNESS OF DEFENCE.

(MSS. Bibl. Nat., fonds latin, nouvelles acquisitions, 139, fol. 33.)

Anno quo supra XIIII Kal. Februarii (19 Jan. 1252) P. Morret comparuit coram magistris inquisitoribus apud Carcassonam et requisitus si volebat se deffendere de hiis que in instructione inventa sunt contra eum et si volebat ea recipere dixit quod non. Item requisitus dixit quod habebat inimicos, videlicet B. de Beo et sorores ejus pro eo quod habuit causam cum eis, tamen postmodum pacificatum fuit inter eos. Item B. Seguini est inimicus suus. Item Savrina est inimica sua quia ipsa dicebat quod rem habuerat cum filia sua. Et requisitus si aliud volebat dicere vel proponere ad deffensionem suam dixit se nichil aliud scire, et fuerunt sibi publicata dicta testium in inquisitione contra ipsum inita in præsentia domini episcopi et dictorum inquisitorum. Et facta publicatione iterum fuit requisitus semel, secundo et tertio si volebat aliquid aliud dicere ad deffensionem suam vel aliquas legitimas exceptiones proponere, dixit quod non, nisi sicut dixerat; et fuit sibi assignata dies super hiis que inventa sunt contra eum in inquisitione et sibi publicatis in presentia prædictorum ... ad audiendam deffinitionem suam in octava Sti Vincentii (29 Jan.) in burgo. (Registre de l'Inquisition de Carcassonne.)

XV.

BULL OF GREGORY XI. RELEASING A "PEXARIACH."

(Doat, XXXV. fol. 134.)

Gregorius episcopus servus servorum Dei dilecto filio inquisitori heretice pravitatis in partibus Carcassonensibus, auctoritate apostolica deputato, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Humilibus supplicum votis libenter annuimus eaque favore prosequimur opportuno; sane petitio pro parte Bidonis de Podio Guillermi, laici, Burdegalensis diocesis, nobis nuper exhibita, continebat quod ipse qui dudum cum nonnullis dampnatis societatibus per regnum Francie discurrentibus, qui de Pexariacho nuncupabantur, et de heresi fuerunt vehementer suspecte, per heresim hujusmodi quam secundum quod testes contra cum super hoc producti deposuerunt, confessus, extiterat ad perpetuum carcerem condempnatus et in eo ex tunc continue stetit, suam penitentiam humiliter faciendo, et vere penitens et a predicta heresi discedens ad gremium et unitatem sancte matris ecclesie redire desiderat quamplurimum et affectat; quodque illi qui eum propter hujusmodi heresim auctoritate apostolica condemnarunt, liberandi eum ab hujusmodi carceribus, quamvis sit contritus et redire velit, ut perfertur, nullam habent potestatem, quare pro parte dicti Bidonis nobis fuit humiliter supplicatum ut providere ei in premissis de benignitate apostolica dignaremur; nos, hujusmodi supplicationibus inclinati, discretioni tue prefatum Bidonem si in judicio conscientie tue tibi videatur, quod ad hoc ipsius Bidonis merita suffragantur, liberandi a predicto carcere et sibi alias penitentias salutares auctoritate apostolica imponendi, hujusmodi heresi per eum primitus abjurata, tibi tenore presentium concedimus facultatem. Datum apud Pontem-sorgie, Avenionensis diocesis, secundo Idus Maii, Pontificatus nostri anno primo (14 Maii, 1371).

XVI.

MONITION OF THE ARCHBISHOP OF NARBONNE IN 1329 TO PROTECT PENITENTS WEARING CROSSES.

(Doat, XXVII. fol. 107.)

Quoniam illis qui pœnitentiam sibi impositam proper crimen hæresis agunt improperia obloquentium vel detrahentium quandoque dant materiam retrahendi a via veritatis et pœnitentias facere omittendi, potissime quando de crucibus vel de pœnitentiis aliis sibi impositis irrisiones et detractiones eis inferuntur, idcirco nos Archiepiscopus, Episcopi, Inquisitores et Commissarii antedicti volentes talium obloquentium detrahentium et deridentium verbositatibus et malitiis obviare, et eos pœnitentiatos in suo bono proposito confovere, monemus canonice semel secundo et tertio ac peremptorie omnes et singulos utriusque sexus cujuscumque conditionis aut status existant et nihilominus in virtute sanctæ obedientiæ eisdem auctoritate apostolica inhibemus ne quis cujuscumque conditionis aut status existat audeat vel præsumat dictis personis pœnitentiatis vel crucesignatis occasione prædicti criminis improperium dicere vel dictum crimen retrahere vel quomodolibet imputare, intimantes omnibus tenore præsentis edicti quod eisdem detractoribus improperatoribus irrisoribus et oblocutoribus, si qui fuerint et de transgressione hujus edicti nostri legitime constiterit, cruces similes imponemus et alias procedemus contra eos secundum quod de jure ct provincialibus conciliis prælatorum extiterit procedendum. Monemus insuper dictos crucesignatos et pœnitentiatos ut dictas cruces eis impositas humiliter continuo infra domum et extra portent, et sine ipsis crucibus infra domum vel extra ullatenus incedant, intimantes eisdem quod si eorum aliqui sine dictis crucibus prominentibus et apparentibus infra domum vel extra incedere præsumpserint ipsos tanquam hæreticos et impœnitentes reputabimus et eos puniemus animadversione debita prout in Valentino et Biterrensibus conciliis est ordinatum.

XVII.

OATH ADMINISTERED TO JAILOR OF INQUISITION.

(Archives de l'Inquisition de Carcassonne.--Doat, XXXII. fol. 125.)

Anno Domini MCC octuagesimo secundo, sexta feria (vel) Sabbato infra octavas Apostolorum Petri et Pauli (3 Julii, 1282), fuit injunctum et districte mandatum et per juramentum Radulpho custodi immuratorum et Bernardæ uxori suæ per fratrem Joannem Galandi inquisitorem, in præsentia fratris P. regis prioris, fratris Joannis de Falgosio et fratris Archembaudi quod de cætero non teneat scriptorem aliquem in muro nec equos, nec ab aliquo immuratorum mutuum recipiant nec donum aliquod. Item nec pecuniam illorum qui in muro decedunt, retineant, nec aliquid aliud, sed statim inquisitoribus denuncient et reportent. Item quod nullum incarceratum et inclusum extrahat de carcere. Item quod immuratos pro aliqua causa extra primam portam muri nullo modo extrahat, nec domos intrent nec cum eo comedant. Item nec servitores qui deputati sunt ad serviendum aliis occupent in operibus suis, nec eos nec alios mittant ad aliquem locum sine speciali licentia inquisitorum. Item quod dictus Radulphus non ludat cum eis ad aliquem ludum, nec sustineat quod ipsi inter se ludant, et si in aliquo de prædictis inveniantur culpabiles ipso facto incontinenter de custodia muri perpetuo sint expulsi. Actum coram prædicto inquisitore in testimonio prædictorum et mei Pontii præpositi notarii, qui hæc scripsi.

XVIII.

ROYAL LETTERS CONCERNING THE CONFISCATIONS AT ALBI.

(Doat, XXXIV. fol. 131.)

Universis presentes litteras inspecturis, Petrus Textor, notarius Domini Regis, tenens locum nobilis viri domini Raynaldi de Nusiacho, domini nostri regis militis, ejusque vicarii Albie et Albigesii, salutem et presentibus dare fidem. Noveritis nos vidisse, tenuisse et diligenter inspexisse quosdam patentes litteras excellentissimi principis et domini clare memorie Sancti Ludovici Dei gratia Francorum regis, ejus sigillo cereo viridi et filis sericis viridibus et rubeis in pendenti sigillatas, inter cetera continentes quoddam capitulum cujus de verbo ad verbum tenor sequitur: "In hunc modum est sciendum quod immobilia que nobis et successoribus nostris advenient de heresibus et faidamentis hereticorum debemus nos et successores nostri et tenemur vendere vel alienare infra annum, talibus personis que facient episcopo et ecclesie Albiensi et successoribus suis servicium et alia que tenebantur facere eis veteres possessores pro rebus iisdem; si vero nos vel successores nostri non vendiderimus vel alienaverimus infra annum immobilia hujusmodi, episcopus Albiensis vel successores sui in secundo anno et in tertio accipiet auctoritate propria illa immobilia et possidebit et faciet fructus suos, et si nos vel successores nostri infra tertium annum non vendiderimus vel alienaverimus predicta ut dictum est, episcopus Albiensis et successores sui ex tunc habeant et retineant auctoritate propria possessionem et proprietatem omnium predictorum pleno jure." In cujus visionis et inspectionis testimonium, nos dictus locumtenens dicti domini vicarii sigillum autenticum curie Albie domini nostri regis huic presenti vidimus in pendenti duximus apponendum. Datum Albie, die Veneris post festum beati Vincentii Martyris, anno Domini MCCCIII. (23 Januarii, 1304).

Philippus Dei gratia Francorum rex seneschallo Tholosano vel ejus locumtenenti salutem. Ex parte dilecti et fidelis noster episcopi Albiensis nobis fuit expositum quod super incursibus et faidimentis condemnatorum de heresi, inter Sanctum Ludovicum avum nostrum et dictum episcopum quedam ordinatio facta fuit, quod nos medietatem bonorum immobilium ipsorum condemnatorum ad manum nostram devenientium tenemur extra manum nostram ponere infra annum, et si infra primum et secundum annum dicta bona non fuerint vendita, idem episcopus in tertio anno dictorum bonorum fructus facit suos, et si bona hujusmodi condemnatorum in tertio anno vendita non fuerint, in quarto anno tam in possessione quam in proprietate dictus episcopus bonorum ipsorum efficitur dominus in solidum, et habet idem episcopus electionem dicta bona retinendi pro pretio pro quo alii venderentur, prout in litteris inde confectis et sigillo regio in cera viridi sigillatis dicitur plenius contineri, et quod gentes et nonnulli officiarii vestri seneschallie vestre et quidam alii dictam ordinationem que retroactis temporibus servata fuit, infringunt et infringere ac contra eam venire nituntur indebite et de novo; quare mandamus vobis quatinus si, vocatis procuratore nostro et aliis evocandis, vobis constiterit ita esse, dictam ordinationem juxta dictarum litterarum continentiam faciatis ratione previa firmiter observari, ea que contra ipsius ordinationis tenorem in dicti episcopi prejudicium indebite et de novo facta fuisse inveneritis ad statum debitam taliter reducentes quod super hoc ad nos non reperitur querela. Actum apud Novum Mercatum, die decima septima Augusti, anno Domini MCCCVI.

(Doat, XXXV. fol. 94.)

Philippus Dei gratia Francorum rex, Tholose et Carcassone Seneschallis aut eorum locumtenentibus salutem. Exposuerunt nobis nostri super incursibus heresis senescalli Carcassone et episcopi Albiensis procuratores quod, cum incursus heresis civitatis Albie et districtus ejusdem ad nos et ad dictum episcopum equis partibus pertineant, nonnullique dicte civitatis pro heresis crimine fuerint condempnati, et per hujusmodi condempnationem bona ipsorum nobis et dicto episcopo confiscata; nihilominus tamen nostri et episcopi procuratores predicti debita que per nonnullas personas diversorum locorum dictis condempnatis debebantur, quorum obligationes in dicta civitate celebrate fuerunt et ibidem exsolvi promisse, voluerunt exigere et nostris et episcopi, ut decet, rationibus applicare, quidam barones, nobiles et prelati quibus dicti debitores sunt subditi, nitentes dicta debita per dictos suos subditos contracta, sibi applicare, dicentes quod ad eos pertinet confiscatio ipsorum debitorum, dictos procuratores in exactione debitorum hujusmodi impedire nituntur indebite, cum in dicta civitate contracta et solvi promissa, ut predicitur, fuerint, sicut dicunt: quare mandamus vobis et vestrum cuilibet, ut pertinebit ad eum, quatinus, si vocatis evocandis, summarie et de plano constiterit de premissis, dictos barones nobiles et prelatos ab impedimento predicto opportunis remediis desistere compellentes, predicta talia debita per dictos procuratores pro nobis et dicto episcopo levari et exigi, et debitores ad ea solvendum compelli permittatis et faciatis, ac ipsa exacta nobis et dicti episcopi rationibus applicari; et cum vos propter debatum hujusmodi de predictis debitis plura per manum nostram ut superiorem, levari et exigi fecisse dicamini, de quibus ipse episcopus partem ipsum contingentem non habuit, ut dicit; si premissa vera sint, de hac parte episcopum ipsum contingente, eidem expeditionem fieri faciatis. Datum Parisius, decima sexta die Martii, anno Domini MCCCXXIX.

XIX.

GIFT TO INQUISITOR FROM THE CONFISCATIONS.

(Doat, XXXI. fol. 171.)

Alfonsus filius regis Franciæ, Pictavensis et Tholosanus comes, universis presentes litteras inspecturis salutem in Domino. Notum facimus quod nos libere et pie concedimus et donamus Egidio clerico, inquisitori de heresi in partibus Tholose de cujus servitio nos laudamus, intuitu pietatis, centum solidos Tholosanos annui redditus, in terra Raimundi de Vaure, militis, diocesis tholosane, sita in territorio Sancti Felicis et in feodo, que terra devenit ad nos incursa pro crimine heretice pravitatis, tenenda ab eodem et etiam possidenda quamdiu vixerit pacifice et quiete ita tamen quod post ejus decessum ad nos seu successores nostros libere revertatur, et si inveniretur quod plus valeret tempore date presentium litterarum, illud non intelligimus concessisse nec donasse, ita tamen quod illam terram vel redditum alienare non possit sine nostra licentia speciali. In cujus rei testimonium presentibus litteris sigillum nostrum duximus apponendum, salvo jure quolibet alieno. Actum apud hospitale juxta Corbolium, anno Domini MCCLI., mense Julii.

XX.

CHARLES OF ANJOU'S INSISTENCE AS TO CONFISCATED PROPERTY.

(Archivio di Napoli, Anno 1272, Reg. 15, Lettera C, fol. 77.)

Scriptum est seneschallo Provincie etc. Olim vicario et subvicario quandam Massilie dedisse dicimur in mandatis ut cum maria Roberta de Massilia mulier accusata de crimine heresis antequam ad carcerem occasione predicte criminis finaliter condempnaretur quamdam domum suam predicti criminis occasione ad nostram curiam legitime devolvendam vendiderit fraudulenter, ipsi vel eorum alter inquirerent de premissis diligentius veritatem, et si rem invenirent ita esse dictam domum ad opus nostre curie revocantes facerent ipsam publice subastari, rescripturi nobis quantum de ea poterat inveniri: ipsi vero mandatum nostrum in hac parte ducentes penitus in contemptum id facere non curarunt. Unde nos presenti vicario et subvicario Massilie sub obtentu gratie nostre districte precipimus ut ipsi vel alter eorum super premissis inquisita diligenter veritate si eamdem domum invenerint ad nostram curiam occasione hujusmodi pertinere ipsam ad opus ipsius curie nostre revocantes ipsam subastari faciant rescripturi nobis quantum de ea poterit inveniri. Quia tamen ipsum negotium plurimum nobis cordi existit, volumus et fidelitati tue precipiendo mandamus quatenus in premissis committi non patiatis negligentiam vel defectum, et si forsan procurator curie nostre in provincia occupatus aliis hiis interesse nequiverit alium qui degat Massilie statuas ut executioni predictorum omnium intersit prout de jure fuerit et utilitati nostre curie videatur expedire. Datum Capue XIIII. Januarii prime indictionis.

* * * * *

(On the next following folio is a similar letter addressed to the viguier and sous-viguier.)

END OF VOL. I.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Johann. Saresberiens. Polycrat. lib. IV. cap. iii.--Honor. Augustod. Summ. Glor. de Apost. cap. v., viii.--Innocent PP. III. Regest. de Negot. Rom. Imp. xviii.; Ejusd. Serm. de Sanctis vii.; Serm. de Diversis iii.--Eymerici Direct. Inquisit. Ed. Venet. 1607, p. 353.

[2] Gratiani P. I. Dist. LXII.--Concil Lateran. IV. c. xxiii.-xxv.--Isambert, Anciennes Loix Françaises, I. 145.--P. Damiani Lib. I. Epist. ii.

[3] Innocent. PP. III. Regest. I. 261.--P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. cv.--Alex. PP. III. Epist. 395.--Cæsar. Heisterb. Dial. Mirac. Dist. VI. c. 5.--Concil. Rotomag. ann. 1050 c. 2.--Rodolphi Glabri Hist. Lib. v. c. 5.--Guibert. Noviogent. de Vita sua Lib. III. c. 2.--Joann. Saresberiens. Polycrat. Lib. VII. c. 19.--Hist. Monast. Andaginens. c. 81.--Ruperti Tuitens. Chron. S. Laurent. c. 28, 45.--Hist. Monast. S. Laurent. Leodiens. Lib. v. c. 62, 121-3.--Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet ann. 1305.

A story very similar to that of Philip Augustus is told of the Chancellor of Roger of Sicily and three competitors for the see of Avellana--Joann. Saresberiens. ubi sup.

[4] P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. xxxvi.--Chron. Turon. ann. 1097.--Ivon. Carnotens. Lib. I. Epp. lxvi., lxvii.

[5] Chron. Senonens. Lib. v. cap. xiii.-xv.--Chron. S. Trudon. Lib. v.--Fulbert. Carnotens. Epist. 112.--Metzleri de Viris Illust. S. Gallens. Lib. ii. cap. 28, 30, 36, 38, 39, 40, 41, 43, 45, 49, 53, 54, 56, 57, 60.--Martene Collect. Ampliss. I. 1188-9.--Vaissette, Hist. Gén. de Languedoc. T. IV. p. 7 (Ed. 1742).--Gerhohi Reichersperg. Exposit. in Psalm lxiv. cap. 34.--Ejusd. Lib. de Ædificio Dei cap. 5.--Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. II. cap. 9.--Matt. Paris. Hist. Angl. ann. 1196.--Rog. Hovedens. ann. 1197.--Benedicti Gesta Henrici II. ann 1188.--Baggiolini, Dolcino e i Patarini, p. 53 (Novara, 1838).--Martene Thesaur. II. 90-93, 99, 100, 150, 151, 192.

A clerical rhymer of the thirteenth century describes the prelates of the day--

"Episcopi cornuti conticuere muti; ad prædam sunt parati et indecenter coronati, pro virga ferunt lanceam pro infula galeam.

"sicut fortes incedunt et a Deo discedunt. ut leones feroces et ut aquilæ veloces, ut apri frendentes exacuere dentes."

Carmina Burana, p. 15 (Breslau. 1883).

[6] P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. liv.--Pet. Blesens. Epist. ccxl.--Cæsar. Heisterb. Dial. Mirac. Dist. II. c. 27, 28; Dist. VI. c. 20.--Varior. ad Alex. PP. III. Epist. xxi. (Migne, Patrolog. CC. 1379).--Pet. Blesens. Tract. quales sunt P. II. IV.

[7] Innocent. PP. III. Regest. I. 277; XIV. 125; XVI. 63, 158.--II. 34; VII. 84.--III. 24; VII. 75, 76; VIII. 106; IX. 66; X. 68; XIII. 88; XV. 93. See also II. 236; VI. 216; X. 182, 194; XI. 142; XII. 24, 25; XV. 186, 235; XVI. 12.--Gollut, République Séquanoise (Ed. Duvernoy, Arbois, 1846, pp. 80, 1724).--La Porte du Theil (Académie des Inscriptions, Notices des MSS. III. 617 sqq.).--Opusc. Tripartiti P. III. cap. iv. (Fasciculi Rer. Expetendarum et Fugiendarum, II. 225, Ed. 1690).

In May, 1212, Legate Arnauld is addressed as Archbishop-elect of Narbonne (Innocent. PP. III. Regest. XV. 93, 101), but in the necrology of the Abbey of Saint-Just of Narbonne, Berenger, at his death, Aug. 11, 1213, is qualified as archbishop (Chron. de S. Just, Vaissette, Ed. Privat, VIII. 218).

[8] P. Cantor. Verb, abbrev. cap. 71.--S. Bernardi Tract, de Mor. et Offic. Episc. c. vii. No. 25.--Gesta Treviror. Archiep. cap. 92.--Prutz, Malteser Urkunden und Registen, München, 1883, p. 38.--Guillel. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1305.--Hist. Prior. Grandimont. (Martene Ampliss. Coll. VI. 122, 135-137).--Matt. Paris Hist. Angl. ann. 1245, 1248, 1250, 1252, 1255, 1256.--Hincmari Epist. xxxii. 20.--Hildeberti Cenoman. Epist. Lib. ii. No. 41, 47.--S. Bernard. de Consideratione Lib. i. cap. 4.--Innocent. PP. III. Gesta xli.--Ejusd. Regest. I. 330; II. 265; v. 33, 34; X. 188.--Gregor. PP. IX. Bull. Desiderantes plurimum (Potthast Regesta, I. 673).--Chron. Augustan, ann. 1260.--Stephani Tornacens. Epist. 43.--Gualt. Mapes de Nugis Curialium Dist. II. cap. VII.

[9] Can. 43, Extra Lib. I. tit. iii.--Petri Exoniens. Summula Exigendi Confessionis (Harduin. VII. 1126).--Concil. Herbipolens. ann. 1187 c. 37.--Concil. apud Campinacum ann. 1238 c. 1, 2, 7.--Concil. apud Castrum Gonterii ann. 1253 can. unic.--C. Nugariolens. ann. 1290 c. 3.--C. Avenionens. ann. 1326 c. 49; ann. 1337 c. 59.--C. Bituricens. ann. 1336 c. 5.--C. Vaurens. ann. 1368 c. 10, 11.--Lucii. PP. III. Epist. 252.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. Lib. I. Epist. 235, 349, 405, 456, 536, 540; II. 29; III. 37; VI. 120, 233, 234; VII. 26; X. 15, 79, 93; XI. 144, 161, 275; XV. 218, 223; Supplem. 234.--Berger, Registre d'Innocent. IV. pp. lxxvi-lxxvii., No. 2591, 3214, 3812, 4086.--Theiner Vet. Monument. Hibern. et Scotor. No. 196, p. 75.--De Reiffenberg, Chron. de Ph. Mouskes, I. ccxxv.

When the comprehensive annual curse, known as the Bull in Cæna Domini, came in fashion, falsifiers of papal letters were included in its anathemas, until the abrogation of the custom in 1773.

[10] Fascic. Rerum Expetendarum et Fugiendarum II. 7, 254-255 (Ed. 1690).

[11] P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 24.--Cf. Petri. Blesensis Epist. 23; Johann. Saresberiens. Polycrat. Lib. VII. cap. 21, Lib. VIII. cap. 17.

[12] Concil. Juliobonens. ann. 1080 c. 3, 5.--Concil. Bremens. ann. 1266.--Eadmer. Hist. Novor. Lib. IV.--Concil. Melfitan. ann. 1284 c. 5.--P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 24, 79.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. X. 85; XII. 37.--Pet. Blesensis Epist. 209.

[13] Concil. Rotomag. ann. 1231 c. 48.--P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 23.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. I. 376.--Chron. Andres. Monast.--Narrat. Restaur. Abbat. S. Mart. Tornacens. cap. 113, 114.--Joann. Saresberiens. Polycrat. Lib. v. cap. 15. Cf. Lib. VI. cap. 24.

[14] P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 86.

[15] Concil. Lemovicens. ann. 1031.--Concil. Avenionens. ann. 1209 c. 1.--Concil. Lateranens. ann. 1215 c. 10.--Millot, Hist. Litt. des Troubadours, II. 61.

[16] S. Bernard. Epistt. 271, 274, 276.--Can. 2, 3, Extra Lib. i. Tit. xiii.--Thomassin, Discip. de l'Église. P. IV. Lib. ii. cap. 38.--Gaufridi Vosiensis Chron. ann. 1181.--Concil. Turon. ann. 1231. c. 16.--Concil. Lugdun. ann. 1274 c. 12.--P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 55, 60, 61.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. XI. 142.--Even a pontiff such us Innocent III. was not above intruding his dependants upon the churches everywhere. His registers are full of such missives.

[17] Concil. Lateran. III. ann. 1179 c. 13, 14; IV. ann. 1215 c. 29.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. I. 82, 191, 471.--P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 31, 32, 34. 80.--Honor. PP. III. Epist. ad Archiep. Bituricens. ann. 1219.--Urbani. PP. V. Constit. 1367 (Harduin. Concil. VII. 1767).--Isambert. Anc. Loix Franç. I. 252.--Matt. Paris. Hist. Angl. ann. 1246 (Ed. 1644 p. 483)--Wadding. Annal. Minor, ann. 1238, No. 8.--D'Argentré, Collect. Judicior. de Nov. Error. I. I. 143.

The correspondence of the papal chancery under Innocent IV., as preserved in the official register, for the first three months of 1245, embraces three hundred and thirty-two letters, and of these about one fifth are dispensations to sixty-five persons to hold pluralities (Berger, Registres d'Innoc. IV. t. I.). A considerable proportion of the remainder are licenses for violations of canon law, showing how exhaustless were the vices of the clergy as a source of profit to the curia. For the rapacity with which the benefices of the dying were sought and disputed, see ibid. No. 1611.

[18] Clement. PP. IV. Epist. 456. (Martene Thesaur. II. 461).--Alcuini Epist. i. ad Arnon. Salisburg. (Pez Thesaur. II. i. 4).--Decreti P. II. Caus. XIII. Gratiani Comment, in Q. I. cap. i; Caus. XVI. Q. i. cap. 42, 43, 45-47, 56, 57; Caus. XVI. Q. vii. cap. 1-8.--Extra Lib. III. tit. xxx.--Concil. Rotomag. ann. 1189 c. 23.--Concil. Wigorn. ann. 1240 c. 44, 45.--Concil Mertonens. ann. 1300.--Concil. apud Pennam Fidelem ann. 1302 c. 7.--Concil. Maghfeldens. ann. 1332.--Concil. Londin. ann. 1342 c. 4, 5.--Concil. Nimociens. ann. 1298 c. 16.--Concil. Nicosiens. ann. 1340 c. 1.--Concil. Marciac. ann. 1326 c. 30.--Concil. Vaurens. ann. 1368 c. 68-70.--Gerhohi Reichersperg. Lib. de Ædificio Dei c. 46.

[19] Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. iii. cap. 40, 41.--Hist. Monast. S. Laurent. Leodiens. Lib. v. cap. 39.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. I. 220; II. 104.--Pet. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 27-29, 38-40.--Grandjean, Registre de Benoit XI. No. 975.--Concil. Lateran. IV. ann. 1215, c. 63-66.--Concil. Rotomag. ann. 1231, c. 14.--Teulet, Layettes II. 306, No. 2428.--Const. Provin. S. Edmund. Cantuar. ann. 1236, c. 8.--Synod. Wigorn. ann. 1240, c. 16, 26, 29.--Concil. Turon. ann. 1239, c. 4, 17.

[20] Synod. Andegav. ann. 1294, c. 3.--Capit. Car. Mag. II. ann. 811, cap. 5.--Concil. Cabillon. II. ann. 813, c. 6.--Concil. Turonens. III. ann. 813, c. 51.--Concil. Remens. ann. 813.--Concil. Mogunt. ann. 813, c. 6.--Can. 10, Extra Lib. III. tit. xxvi.--Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1227, c. 5.--Concil. Tolosan. ann. 1228, c. 5; ann. 1229, c. 16.--Concil. Rotomag. ann. 1231. c. 23.--Concil. Arelatens. ann. 1234, c. 21; ann. 1275, c. 8.--Constit. Provin. S. Edmund. Cantuar. ann. 1236, c. 33.--Concil. Albiens. ann. 1254, c. 11.--Concil. Andegav. ann. 1206; 1300.--Respons. Episc. Carcassonn. ann. 1275 (Martene Thesaur. I. 1151).--Concil. Nemausiens. ann. 1284, c. 8.--Concil. Reatinens. ann. 1303, c. 8.--Concil. Cameracens. ann. 1317.

[21] Decreti. II. Caus. xiii. Q. 2.--Can. 1-10, Sexto Lib. III. Tit. xxviii.--Anon Zwetlens. Hist. Rom. Pontif. No. 155 (Pez Thesaur. I. iii. 383).--Narrat. Restaur. Abbat. S. Martini Tornacens. cap. 86-89.--Synod. Wigorn. ann. 1240, c. 50.--Ripoll Bullar. Ord. Prædic. VII. 5.--Grandjean, Registre de Benoit XI. No. 974.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. VII. 165.--G.B. de Lagrèze, La Navarre, t. II. p. 165.--Concil. Avenion. ann. 1326, c. 27; ann. 1237, c. 32.--Teulet, Layettes II. 306, No. 2428.--Concil. Nimociens. ann. 1296, c. 17.--Constit. Joann. Arch. Nicosiens. ann. 1321, c. 10.--Concil. Vaurens. ann. 1368, c. 63, 64.

[22] Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. III. cap. 27.--P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 138.--Löwenfeld Epistt. Pont. Rom. ined. No. 92, 114 (Lipsiæ, 1885).--See the Author's "Historical Sketch of Sacerdotal Celibacy," 2d edition, 1884.

[23] Stephani Tornacens. Epist. XII.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. VI. 183; VIII. 192-193; X. 209-210, 215; XV. 202. For the subsequent career of Waldemar of Sleswick, see Regest. XI. 10, 173; XII. 63; XIII. 158; XV. 3; Supplement. 187, 224, 228, 243. Cf. Arnold. Lubecens. VI. 18; VII. 12, 13; and Vaissette, Hist. Gén. de Languedoc, IV. 80 (ed. 1742). For details of clerical immunity, see the author's "Studies in Church History," 2d edition, 1883.

[24] Concil. ap. Campinacum ann. 1238, c. 1, 6.

[25] Varior. ad Alex. PP. III. Epist. XCV. (Migne, Patrolog. CC. 1457). Cf. Pet. Blesens. Epist. XC.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. I. 386, 476, 483, 499; V. 159; VIII. 12; IX. 209; XIII. 132; XV. 105.--Pet. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 44.--Gerhohi Lib. de Ædificio Dei cap. 33; Ejusd. Exposit. in Psalm. lxiv. cap. 35.--Chron. S. Trudon. Libb. III., IV., V.--Hist. Vezeliacens. Libb. II.-IV.--Chron. Senoniens. Libb. IV., V.--Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. IV. cap. 65-67. For ample details as to the immorality of the monasteries, see the author's "History of Celibacy."

[26] Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. I. cap. 3, 24, 31.--Hist Monast. Andaginens. cap. 34.

[27] Gregor. PP. I. Dialog. IV. 55.--D'Achery Spicileg. III. 382.--Chron. S. Trudon. Lib. VI.

[28] Augustin. de Op. Monachor. ii. 3.--Cassiani. de Cœnob. Instit. ii. 3.--Hieron. Epistt. XXXIX.; CXXV. 16.--Regul. S. Benedicti. cap. 1.--S. Isidor. Hispal. de Eccles. Offic. II. xvi. 3, 7.--Ludov. Pii de Reform. Eccles. cap. 100.--Smaragd. Comment. in Regul. Benedict. c. 1.--Ripoll Bull. Ord. FF. Prædic. I. 38.--Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. VI. cap. 20.--Catalog. Varior. Hæreticor. (Bib. Max. Patrum. Ed. 1618, t. XIII. p. 309).

[29] Brevis Hist. Prior. Grandimont.--Stephani Tornacens. Epistt. 115, 152, 153, 156, 162.

Prior Peter's fear that the convent would be converted into a market-place and a fair is illustrated by the complaint of the Council of Béziers in 1233, that many religious houses were in the habit of retailing their wine within the sacred enclosure, and attracting consumers by having jugglers, actors, gamblers, and strumpets there.--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1233, c. 23.

[30] Giberti Gemblac. Epistt. v. vi.

[31] Petri Exoniens. Summ. Exigendi Confess. ann. 1287 (Harduin. VII. 1128).--Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. III. cap. 45.--Martene Ampliss. Coll. I. 357.

[32] P. Damiani Opusc. V.--Concil. Trident. Sess. vi. Decret. de Justific. c. 16, 30.--Migne, Encyclopédic Theologique. t. XXVII. pp. 59-63, 118.--Abælardi Ethica, cap. 25.--Cap. 14 Extra Lib. v. tit. iii.--Concil. Lateran. IV. c. 72.--Alani de Insulis contra Hæret. Lib. II. cap. xi.--Gregor. PP. IX. Bull. 29 Apr. 1228; 18 Jul. 1237 (Potthast Regesta, I. 705, 884).--Addis and Arnold's Catholic Dict. s. v. Portiuncula.--Lib. Conformitatum S. Fran. Lib. II. tract. ii. (fol. 135-138. Ed. 1513).--Bonifacii PP. VIII. Bull. Antiquorum habet.--Concil. Claromont. ann. 1195, c. 2.--Urbani PP. II. Synodalis Concio.--Concil. Lateran. IV. can. ult.--Le Grand d'Aussy, Fabliaux, I. 379, 392.--Prediche del B. Frà Giordano da Rivalto (Firenze, 1831, I. 253).--Nicolai PP. IV. Bull. Illuminit, ann. 1291.--Gregor. PP. XI. Bull. Dudum, 23 Apr. 1372.

The mediæval doctrine of indulgence is truly expressed by Alonso, Bishop of Avila, in 1443, when disculpating himself to Eugenius IV. from an accusation of doubting the papal power: "Papa etiam potest absolvere ab omnibus peccatis et potest dare plenariam indulgentiam, liberando homine a tota pœna Purgatorii, scilicet faciendo quod non veniet in illum etiamsi multa pœna (peccata) commiserit" (D'Argentré, Collect. Judic. de novis Error. I. ii. 241). Yet when an enthusiastic Franciscan taught at Tournay, in 1482, that the pope at will could empty purgatory, the University of Paris qualified the proposition as doubtful and scandalous (Ibid. I. ii. 305). The same year the University again interfered, when the church of Saintes, having procured a bull of indulgence from Sixtus IV., announced publicly that, no matter how long a period of punishment had been assigned by divine justice to a soul, it would fly from purgatory to heaven as soon as three sols were paid in its behalf to be expended in repairing the church (Ibid. 307). In 1518 the university was obliged to repeat its condemnation of the same promises made to those who would contribute a teston for the crusade which was always under way and never attempted (Ib. 355). Yet the doctrine thus condemned by the university was pronounced to be unquestionable Catholic truth by the Dominican Silvestro Mozzolino, in his refutation of Luther's Theses, dedicated to Leo X. (F. Silvest. Prieriatis Dialogus, No. 27). As Silvestro was made general of his order and master of the sacred palace, it is evident that no exceptions to his teaching were taken at Rome. Those who doubt that the abuses of the system were the proximate cause of the Reformation can consult Van Espen, Jur. Eccles. Universi P. II. tit. vii. cap. 3 No. 9-12. Cf. Ibid. P. II. tit. xxxvii. cap. 6 No. 43-46, for their continuance into the eighteenth century.

The modern commercial spirit has not failed to take advantage of the indulgence. The Libreria Religiosa of Barcelona is enabled to advertise that various Spanish prelates have granted an indulgence of 2320 days (fifty-eight quarantaines) to every one who will read or hear read a chapter or even a single page of any of its publications.

[33] Concil. Turon. ann. 1236, c. 1.--Établissements de S. Louis, Liv. i. cap. 84.--Berger, Les Registres d'Innocent IV. No. 2230.

[34] Matt. Paris. Hist. Angl. ann. 1251 (p. 553, Ed. 1644).--Chron. Turon. ann. 1226.--Joannis PP. XXII. Regest. IV. 73, 74, 76, 77, 95, 97, 99.--Baluz. et Mansi Miscell. III. 242.--Concil. Ravennat. ann. 1314, c. 20.

[35] Concil. Avenion. ann. 1326, c. 3.--Concil. Marciacens. ann. 1326, c. 45.--Concil. Vaurens. ann. 1368, c. 127.--Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1374, c. 27.

The magic character attributed to these formulas of devotion is well illustrated by the story of Thierry d'Avesnes, who, during a raid into the territories of Baldwin of Mons, burned the convents of St. Waltruda of Mons, and St. Aldegonda of Maubeuge. Thereupon a holy hermit had a vision in which he saw the two angry saints demanding from the Virgin satisfaction for their injuries. This the Virgin refused, because Ada, the wife of Thierry, rendered to her the most grateful service by repeating the Ave Maria sixty times a day--twenty standing, twenty on her knees, and twenty prostrate. The saints still insisted on their wrongs, and the Virgin at length promised them revenge, when it could be inflicted without injury to Ada. Some years afterwards Thierry incautiously procured a divorce from her on the plea of consanguinity, because she remained barren after twenty years of marriage, and in a short time, while hunting, he was ambushed and slain by an enemy. His nephew and successor, Joscelin, took warning by this, and was very particular in constantly repeating the Ave Maria, and forcing his troopers to do likewise, so that, although he wrought much evil, yet he made a good ending.--Narrat. Restaur. S. Martini Tornacens. cap. 57.

Somewhat similar is the story of the knight, who, though cruel and revengeful, had such veneration for the cross that he never passed one without descending from his horse and adoring it. Once, when riding alone through a dense forest, he was assailed by the kinsmen of a noble whom he had slain, and was forced to seek safety in flight. Coming to a cross-road, where stood a cross, he dismounted and knelt before it, when his enemies, coming up, were struck with sudden blindness, and groped vainly around, while he rode quietly away.--Lucæ Tudensis de Altera Vita Lib. III. cap. 6.

[36] Concil. Lateran. IV. c. 62.--P. de Pilichdorf contr. Waldenses cap. xxx.--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246, c. 5.--Concil. Cenomanens. ann. 1248.--Concil. Burdegalens. ann. 1255, c. 2.--Concil. Vienn. ann. 1311 (Clementin. Lib. v. tit. ix. c. 2).--Concil. Remens. ann. 1303.--Concil. Carnotens. ann. 1325, c. 18.--Martene Thesaur. IV. 858.--Martene Ampliss. Collect. VII. 197, etc.--Concil. Moguntin. ann. 1261, c. 48.--La Secchia Rapita, xii. 1. For the repression of these abuses after the Reformation see cap. 1, 2 in Septimo iii. 15.

[37] Gesta. Consulum. Andegavens. iii. 23.--Roger. Hoveden. ann. 1177.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. IX. 243.--Cæesar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. VIII. cap. 53.--Muratori. Antiq. Med. Ævi Dissert. lviii.--Anon. Passaviens. adv. Waldens. cap. 5 (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 301).

[38] Hartzheim. Concil. German. III. 543.--Campana, Storia di San Piero Martire Lib. II. cap. 3.--Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. IX. cap. 6, 8, 24, 25.

[39] Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. X. cap. 56.--Wibaldi Abbat. Corbeiens. Epist. 157.--P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 29.

[40] Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. III. cap. 2, 3, 6; Dist. v. cap. 3.

[41] S. Bernardi Serm. de Conversione cap. 19, 20.--Ejusd. Serm. 77 in Cantica cap. 1.--Cf. Ejusd. Serm. 33 in Cantica cap. 16; Tract. de Moribus et Offic. Episc. cap. vii. No. 25, 27, 28.--De Consideratione Lib. III. cap. 4, 5.--Pothon. Prumiens. de Statu Domus Dei Lib. I.

[42] Cod. Diplom. Viennens. No. 163.--P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 57, 59--Guiberti Abbat. Gemblacens. Epist. 1.--S. Hildegardæ Revelat. Vis. X. cap. 16.

[43] Honor. PP. III. Epist. ad Archiep. Bituricens. (Martene Collect. Amplis. I. 1149-1151; Thesaur. Anecdot. I. 875-877).--Fascic. Rer. Expetendarum et Fugiendarum, II. 251 (Ed. 1690).--W. Preger, Beiträge zur Geschichte der Waldesier, München, 1875, pp. 64-67.

[44] Guill. Pod. Laurent. Chron. Proœm.--Narrat. Restaur. Abbat S. Martini Tornacens. cap. 38.--Panniers Walthers von der Vogelweide sämmtliche Gedichte, No. 110, p. 118. Cf. No. 85, 111-113.

[45] From "La Gesta de Fra Peyre Cardinal," Raynouard, Lexique Roman, I. 464. See also pp. 446, 451. Cardinal was of noble birth and high consideration at the courts of Aragon and Toulouse; he was born in 1206, and is said to have lived until 1306. He was no heretic, although "los fals clerques reprendia molt."--(Miquel de la Tor, Vie de Peire Cardinal, ap. Meyer, Anciens Textes p. 100.)--See also his Sirvente, "Un sirventes vuelh for dels autz glotos" (Raynouard, Lexique Roman, I. 447).

[46] Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles I. 405 (Madrid, 1880).--Petri Venerab. Opp. pp. 650 sqq. (Ed. Migne).--F. Francisci Pipini Chron. cap. 16.--Rigord. de Gest. Phil. Aug. ann. 1210.--Concil. Paris. ann. 1210.--Gregor. PP. IX. Bull. Cum salutem, 29 Apr. 1231.--S. Bernardi de Consideratione Lib. i. cap. 4.

For the adoration paid to Aristotle by the schoolmen of the twelfth century see John of Salisbury's Metalogicus Lib. ii. c. 16.

[47] Reinerii contra Waldenses cap. 3.--Tractatus de Modo procedendi contra Hæreticos (MSS. Bib. Nat. Coll. Doat XXX. 185 sqq.).--Lucæ Tudensis de Altera Vita Lib. III. cap. 7-10.--P. de Pilichdorf contra Waldenses cap. 16.--Passaviens. Anon. (Preger, Beiträge, pp. 64-67).--Raynouard, Lexique Roman, V. 471.

[48] Concil. Roman. ann. 1059, can. 3.--Lambert. Hersfeld. ann. 1074.--Gregor. PP. VII. Epist. Extrav. 4; Regist. Lib. IV. Ep. 20.--Concil. Remens. ann. 1131, c. 5.--Concil. Lateran. II. ann. 1139, c. 7.--c. 5, 6, Decret. I. xxxii.; c. 15; I. lxxxi.--Gerhohi Dial. de Different. Cleri. Cf. Ejusd. Lib. contr. duas Hæreses c. 3, 6; Dialogus de Clericis Sæcul. et Regular.--Anon. Libell. adv. Errores Alberonis (Martene Ampliss. Collect. IX. 1251-1270).--Can. 10 Extra Lib. III. tit. ii.--D'Argentré, Collect. Judic. de novis Erroribus, I. ii. 154.--Fortalicium Fidei, fol. 62 b (Ed. 1494). The importance of the question in the twelfth century is shown by the number of canons devoted to it by Gratian.

[49] Hartzheim Concil. German. III. 763-766.--Meyeri Annal. Flandriæ Lib. IV. ann. 1113-1115.--Sigeberti Gemblacens. Contin. Valcellens. ann. 1115.--P. Abælardi Introd. ad Theolog. Lib. II. cap. 4.--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1127.--Vit. S. Norbert. Archiep. Magdeburg, cap. iii. No. 79, 80.

[50] Sigibert. Gemblac. Continuat. Gemblac. ann. 1146.--Ejusd. Continuat. Præmonstrat. ann. 1148.--Roberti de Monte Chron. ann. 1148.--Guillel. de Newburg. Lib. I. cap. 19.--Otton. Frising. de Gest. Frid. I. Lib. I. cap. 54, 55.--Hugon. Rothomag. contr. Hæret. Lib. III. cap. 6.--Schmidt, Histoire des Cathares, I. 49.

[51] Saige, Les Juifs du Languedoc. P. I. ch. ii.; P. II. ch. ii. (Paris, 1881). The same causes were at work in Spain, where the faithful complained that they were not allowed to persecute the Jew (Lucæ Tudens. de altera Vita Lib. III. cap. 3), and missionary work among the slaves of Jews was rendered costly by forcing the bishop of the diocese to pay to the master an extortionate price for every slave converted to Christianity and thus set free, for Jews could not hold Christian slaves. They were also relieved from the oppressive tax of the tithe (Innocent. III. Regest. VIII. 50; IX. 150). Even until late in the thirteenth century we find Jews freely holding real estate in Languedoc. See MSS. Bib. Nat. Coll. Doat. T. XXXVII. fol. 20, 146, 148, 149, 151, 152.

For the independence of the communes, see Fauriel's edition of William of Tudela, Introd. pp. lv. sq., and Mazure et Hatoulet, Fors de Béarn, p. xliii.

[52] Jonæ. Aureliens. de Cultu Imaginum.--Petri Venerab. Tract. contra Petrobrusianos.--P. Abælardi Introd. ad Theolog. Lib. II. cap. 4.--Alphonsi a Castro adv. Hæreses Lib. III. p. 163 (Ed. 1571).--Fisquet, La France Pontificale, Embrun, p. 848.

[53] S. Bernardi Epistt. 241, 242.--Gesta Pontif. Cenomanens. (D. Bouquet T. XII. pp. 547-551, 554).--Hildebert. Cenoman. Epistt. 23, 24.--S. Bernardi Vit. Prim. Lib. III. cap. 6; Lib. VII. p. iii. ad calcem; Lib. VII. cap. 17.--Guill. de Podio-Laurent. cap. 1.--Alberic. Trium Font. Chron. ann. 1148.

[54] Matt. Paris. Hist. Angl. ann. 1151.--S. Bernardi Epist. 472.--Hereberti Monachi Epist. (D. Bouquet. XII. 550-551).

[55] S. Bernardi Epistt. 189, 195, 196, 243, 244.--Gualt. Mapes de Nugis Curialium Dist. I. cap. xxiv.--Otton. Frisingens. de Gestis Frid. I. Lib. I. cap. 27; Lib. II. cap. 20.--Harduin. Concil. VI. ii. 1224.--Martene Ampliss. Collect. II. 554-558.--Guntheri Ligurin. Lib. III. 262-348.--Gerhohi Reichersperg. de Investigat. Antichristi I.--Baronii Annal. ann. 1148, No. 38.--Jaffé Regesta, No. 6445.--Vit. Adriani PP. III. (Muratori III. 441, 442).--Sächsische Weltchronik, No. 301.--Cantù, Eretici d'Italia, I. 61-63.--Tocco, L'Eresia nel Medio Evo, pp. 242, 243.--Comba, La Riforma in Italia, I. 193, 194.--Bonghi, Arnaldo da Brescia, Città di Castello, 1885.

[56] Lucii PP. III. Epist. 171.--Bonacursi Vit. Hæreticor. (D'Achery T.I. 214, 215).--Constit. General. Frid. II. ann. 1220 § 5.--Ejusd. Constit. Ravennat. ann. 1232.--Conrad. Urspergens. ann. 1210.--Pauli Æmilii de Rebus. Gest. Fran. Lib. VI. p. 316 (Ed. 1569).--Nicolai PP. III. Bull. Noverit Universitas, 5 Mart. 1280.--Julii PP. II. Bull Consueverunt, 1 Mart. 1511.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. II. 228.--Joann. Andreæ Gloss. super cap. Excommunicamus (Eymerici Direct. Inquisit. p. 182). The name of the Poor Men of Lyons was likewise forgotten, for Andreas's only remark with respect to them is that poverty is not a crime in itself.

The differences between the Italian and French Waldenses are set forth in a very interesting letter from the former to the German brethren, subsequently to a conference held at Bergamo in 1218. This was discovered about twelve years ago by Wilhelm Preger in a MS. of the Royal Library of Munich, and is printed in his Beiträge zur Geschichte der Waldesier im Mittelalter, 1875.

[57] Chron. Canon. Laudunens. ann. 1173 (Bouquet XIII. 680).--Steph. de Borbone s. Bellavilla Lib. de Sept. Donis Spiritus, P. IV. Tit. vii. cap. 3 (D'Argentré Coll. Judicior. de Nov. Error. I. i. 85 sqq.)--Richard. Cluniacens. Vit. Alex. PP. III. (Muratori III. 447).--David Augustens. Tract. de Paup. de Lugd. (Martene Thesaur. V. 1778).--Monetæ adv. Cath. et Waldens. Lib. v. cap. 1 § 4.--Pet. Sarnens. cap. 2.--Passaviens. Anon. ap. Gretser (Mag. Bib. Pat. Ed. 1618, T. XIII. p. 300).--Petri de Pilichdorf contr. Hæres. Waldens. cap. 1.--Pegnæ Comment. 39 in Eymerici Direct. Inquis. p. 280.

The pretension of the Waldenses to descend from the primitive Church through the Leonistæ and Claudius of Turin is, I believe, now generally abandoned. See Edouard Montet, Histoire Litt. des Vaudois, Paris, 1885, pp. 32, 33; Prof. Emilio Comba, in the Rivista Christiana, Giugno, 1882, pp. 200-206, and his Riforma in Italia, I. 233 sqq.--Bernard Gui, in his Practica, P. v. (MSS. Bib. Nat. Coll. Doat. T. XXX. fol. 185 sqq.), following Richard of Cluny and Stephen of Bourbon, places the rise of Peter Waldo about 1170, and the Canon of Laon gives the date of 1173.

The time and place of Peter Waldo's death are unknown. His French disciples affectionately revered his memory and that of his assistant Vivet, to the extent of asserting, as a point of belief, that they were in Paradise with God; the Lombard branch, however, would only prudently admit that they might be saved if they had satisfied God before death; both sides were obstinate, and at the Conference of Bergamo, in 1218, this promised to make a schism (Rescript. Paup. Lombard. 15.--W. Preger, Beiträge zur Geschichte der Waldesier, pp. 58, 59).

Waldensian literature long retained the impress given to it by Waldo of stringing together extracts from the Fathers of the Church. The slavishness with which these were followed is curiously exemplified in an exposition of Canticles analyzed by M. Montet (op. cit. p. 66). The verse "Take us the little foxes, the little foxes that spoil the vines" (Cant. ii. 15) in mediæval exegesis was traditionally explained by the ravages of heretics in the Church. In the papal bulls urging the Inquisition to redoubled activity the heretics are habitually alluded to as the foxes which ravage the vineyard of the Lord. If any originality could be looked for in Waldensian exposition, we might expect it in this passage, and yet Angelomus, Bruno, and Bernard are duly quoted by the Waldensian teacher to show that the foxes are heretics and the vines are the Church.

[58] Chron. Canon. Laudunens. ann. 1177, 1178 (Bouquet XIII. 682).--Stephani de Borbone 1. c.--Richard. Cluniac. 1. c.--David Augustens. 1. c.--Monetæ 1. c.--Gault. Mapes de Nugis Curialium Dist. 1. cap. xxxi.--Lucii PP. III. Epist. 171.--Conrad. Ursperg. ann. 1210--Bernardi Fontis Calidi adv. Waldenses Liber.

[59] Alani de Insulis contra Hæreticos Lib. II.--Disputat. inter Cathol. et Paterin. (Martene Thesaur. V. 1754).--Rescript. Pauperum Lombard. 21, 22 (W. Preger, Beiträge, pp. 60, 61).--Eymerici Direct. Inquis. p. ii. q. 14. (pp. 278, 279).--Petri Sarnaii Hist. Albigens. cap. 2.--In 1321, a man and wife brought before the Inquisition of Toulouse both refused to swear, and they alleged as a reason, in addition to the sinful nature of the oath, the man that it would subject him to falling sickness, the woman that she would have an abortion (Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. Ed. Limborch, p. 289).

In the persecution of the Waldenses of Piedmont towards the close of the fourteenth century, one of the crucial questions of the inquisitors was as to belief in the validity of the sacraments of sinful priests.--Processus contra Valdenses (Archivio Storico Italiano, 1865, No. 39, p. 48).

[60] Rivista Cristiana, Marzo, 1887, p. 92.--Pegnæ Comment. 39 in Eymerici Director. p. 281.--Steph. de Borbone 1. c.--Concil. Gerundens. ann. 1197 (Aguirre, V. 102, 103).--Marca Hispanica, p. 1384.

[61] See the Sentences of Pierre Cella in Doat, XXII--Montet, Hist. Litt. des Vaudois, pp. 116 sq.

[62] Tract. de Paup. de Lugd. (Martene Thesaur. V. 1792).--Wadding. Annal. Minor. Ann. 1332, No. 6.--Bern. Guidon. Practica P. v. (Doat, XXX.).--Montet Hist. Litt. pp. 38, 44, 45, 89, 142.--Haupt, Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, 1885 p. 551.--Pet. Cœlest. (Preger, Beiträge, pp. 68, 69).--Kaltner, Konrad von Marburg, pp. 69-71.--Rescript. Paup. Lombard. §§ 4, 5, 17, 19, 22, 23.--Nobla Leyczon, 409-413; cf. Montet. pp. 49, 50, 103, 104, 143.--Passaviens. Anon. cap. 5 (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 300).--Disput. inter Cath. et Paterin. (Martene Thesaur. V. 1754).--David Augustens. (ibid. p. 1778).--Lucæ Tudens. de altera Vita Lib. I. cap. 4-7.--Tract. de modo procedendi contra Hæret. (Doat XXX.).--Index Error. Waldens. (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 340).--P. de Pilichdorf contra Waldens. cap. 34.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. pp. 200, 201.--Nobla Leyczon, 17-24, 387-405, 416-423.

Yet it was impossible to resist the contagion of superstition. The Pomeranian Waldenses, in 1394, are described as believing that if a man died within a year after confession and absolution, he went directly to heaven. Even speaking with a minister preserved one from damnation for a year. There is even a case of a legacy of eight marks for prayers for the soul of the deceased.--Wattenbach, Sitzungsberichte der Preuss. Akad. 1886, pp. 51, 52.

[63] Passaviens. Anon. cap. 5.--Bernard. Guidon. Practica P. v.--David Augustens. (Martene Thesaur. V. 1786).--Steph. de Borbone, l. c.--Wattenbach, ubi sup.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. p. 352.

[64] Wattenbach, Sitzungsberichte der Preuss. Akad. 1886, p. 51.--Lib. Sentt. Inq. Tolosan. p. 367.--Anon. Passaviens. cap. 7, 8.--Refutat. Error. Waldens. (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 336).--David Augustens. (Martene Thesaur. V. 1771-1772).--Archivio Storico Italiano, 1865, No. 38, pp. 39, 40.--Rorengo, Memorie Istoriche, Torino 1649, p. 12.--Even as late as the end of the fourteenth century, in the extensive inquisitions of the Celestinian Peter, from Styria to Pomerania, there is no allusion to immoral practices. (Preger, Beiträge, pp. 68-72; Wattenbach, ubi sup.).

For the ascetic tendency of the Waldenses, recognizing vows of chastity, and the seduction of nuns as incest, see Montet, pp. 97, 98, 108-110. For the merit of fasting, see p. 99.

[65] Lib. Sententt. Inquis. Tolosan. p. 367.--Anon. Passaviens. cap. 1, 3, 7, 8.--Refutat. Error. Waldens. (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 336).--David Augustens. (Martene Thesaur. V. 1771, 1772, 1782, 1794).--P. de Pilichdorf contra Error. Waldens. cap. 1.--Innocent PP. III. Regest. II. 141.--La Nobla Leyczon, 368-373.--Frat. Jordani Chron. (Analecta Franciscana, T. I. p. 4. Quaracchi, 1885).

[66] MSS. Bib. Nat. Coll. Moreau, 1274, fol. 72.

[67] Bonacursi Vit. Hæreticorum (D'Achery I. 211, 212).--Lucii PP. III. Epist. 171.--Muratori Antiquitat. Dissert. LX.--Constit. General. Frid. II. ann. 1220, § 5.--Lucæ Tudens. de altera Vita Lib. III. cap. 3.--Anon. Passaviens. contra Waldens. cap. 6.--P. de Pilichdorf contra Waldens. cap. 12.--Hoffman, Geschichte der Inquisition, II. 371.--Schmidt, Hist. des Cathares, II. 284.

[68] Mosaic. et Roman. Legg. Collat. tit. XV. § 3 (Hugo, 1465).--Const. 11, 12, Cod. I. v.--P. Siculi Hist, de Manichæis.--Zonara Annal. tom. III. pp. 126, 241, 242 (Ed. 1557).--Findlay's Hist. of Greece, 2d Ed. III. 65.

The Bogomili (Friends of God), another Manichæan sect, whose name betrays their Slav or Bulgarian origin, have been cited as a link connecting the Paulicians and the Cathari, but incorrectly, although they may have had some influence in producing the moderated Dualism of a portion of the latter. Their leader, Demetrius, was burned alive by Alexis Comnenus in 1118 after a series of investigations more creditable to the zeal of the emperor than to his good faith. They continued to enjoy a limited toleration until the thirteenth century, when they disappeared.--See Annæ Comnenæ Alexiados Lib. XV.--Georgii Cedreni Hist. Comp. sub ann. 20 Constant.--Zonaræ Annal. t. III. p. 238.--Balsamon. Schol. in Nomocanon tit. X. cap. 8.--Schmidt, Hist. des Cathares, I. 13-15; II. 265.

About the middle of the eleventh century Psellus describes another Manichæan sect named Euchitæ, who believed in a father ruling the supramundane regions and committing to the younger of his two sons the heavens and to the elder the earth. The latter was worshipped under the name of Satanaki--(Pselli de Operat. Dæmon. Dial.).

[69] P. Siculi op. cit.--Bleek's Avesta, III. 4.--Haug's Essays, 2d ed. pp. 244, 249, 286, 367.--Yajnavalkya, I. 37.

For the corresponding tenets of the Cathari, see Radulf. Ardent. T. I. p. II. Hom. xix.--Ermengaudi contra Hæret. Opusc.--Epist. Leodiens. ad Lucium PP. III. (Martene. Ampl. Collect. I. 776-778).--Ecberti Schonaug. Serm. contra Catharos, Serm. I. viii. xi.--Gregor. Episc. Fanens. Disput. Catholici contra Hæret.--Monetæ adv. Catharos Lib. I. cap. 1.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Coll. Doat, XXXII. f. 93).--Rainerii Saccon. Summa.--Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. v. cap. 21.--Lib. Sentt. Inquis. Tolosan. pp. 92, 93, 249 (Limborch).--Lib. Confess. Inq. Albiens. (MSS. Bib. Nat. fonds latin 11847).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1163.

In a MS. controversial tract against the Cathari, dating from the end of the thirteenth century, the writer, following Moneta, states that their objections to the Old Testament sprang from four roots: first, the contradiction which seemed to exist between the Old and New Testaments; second, the changefulness of God himself, manifest in Scripture; third, the cruel attributes of God in Scripture; fourth, the falsehood ascribed to God. A single example will suffice of the arguments which the heretics advanced in support of their position. "They quote Genesis iii. 'Behold, Adam has become as one of us.' Now God says this of Adam after he had sinned, and he must have spoken truth or falsehood. If truth, then Adam had become like him who spoke and those to whom he spoke; but Adam after the fall had become a sinner, and therefore evil. If falsehood, then he is a liar; he sinned in so saying and thus was evil." To this logic the orthodox polemic contents himself with the answer that God spoke ironically. Throughout the tract the reasoning ascribed to the Cathari shows them to possess a thorough acquaintance with Scripture, and the use which they made of it explains the prohibition of the Bible to the laity by the Church.--Archives de l'Inq. de Carcassonne, Coll. Doat, XXXVI. 91. (See Appendix.)

Yet the Catharan ritual published by Cunitz quotes Isaiah and Solomon. (Beiträge zu den theolog. Wissenschaften, B. IV. 1852, pp. 16, 26.)

[70] Tract. de Modo Procedendi contra Hæreticos (MSS. Bib. Nat. Coll. Doat, XXX. fol. 185 sqq.).--Rainerii Saccon. Summa.--E. Cunitz in Beiträge zu den theol. Wissenschaften, 1852, B. IV. pp. 30, 36, 85.

[71] Rainerii Saccon. Summa.--Lib. Confess. Inquis. Albiens. (MSS. Bib. Nat. fonds latin, 11847).--Coll. Doat, XXII. 208, 209; XXIV. 174; XXVI. 197, 259, 272.--Lib. Sentt. Inquis. Tolosan. pp. 10, 33, 37, 70, 71, 76, 84, 94, 125, 126, 137-139, 143, 160, 173, 179, 199.--Bern. Guidon. Practica P. IV. V. (MSS. Bib. Nat. Collect. Doat. T. XXX.).--Landulf. Senior Hist. Mediolan. ii. 27.--Anon. Passaviens. contra Waldens. cap. 7.--Processus contra Valdenses (Archivio Storico Italiano, 1865, No. 39, p. 57). The description in the text of the form of heretication, by Rainerio Saccone, is confirmed in its details by the depositions of witnesses before the Inquisition of Toulouse, showing that the form was essentially the same throughout the churches.--Doat, XXII. 224, 237 sqq.; XXIII. 272, 344; XXIV. 71. See also Vaissette III. Preuves, 386, and Cunitz, Beiträge zu den theolog. Wissenschaften, 1852, B. IV. pp. 12-14, 21-28, 33, 60.

The practice of the Endura among the Cathari of Languedoc has been investigated with his customary thoroughness by M. Charles Molinier (Annales de la Faculté des Lettres de Bordeaux, 1881, No. 3). It was not always limited to three days, and its rigor may be guessed by a single example. Blanche, the mother of Vital Gilbert, caused her infant grandchild to be "consoled" while sick, and then prevented the mother, Guillelma, from giving it milk till it died (Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. p. 104). Molinier's theory that the custom was of comparatively late introduction is confirmed by the absence of any allusion to it in the ritual published by Cunitz (loc. cit.), but that it was not confined to Languedoc is shown by the Anon. Passaviens. and the evidence in the Piedmontese trials of 1388 (Arch. Storico, ubi sup.).

A case in which the Consolamentum was administered to an insensible patient who subsequently recovered is recorded in the sentences of Pierre Cella (Doat, XXI. 295), and also several instances in which young girls were "perfected" at a very early age, and wore the vestments for limited periods of two or three years (ibid. 241. 244).

[72] S. Bernardi Serm. lxvi. in Cantica, cap. 3-7.--Ecberti Schonaug. Serm. i. v. vi. contra Catharos.--Bonacursi Vit. Hæreticor.--Gregor. Fanens. Disput. Cathol. contra Hæreticos cap. 1, 2, 11, 14.--Monetæ adv. Catharos Lib. I. cap. 1.--Cunitz (Beiträge zu den theol. Wissenschaften, 1852, p. 14).--Radulf. Coggeshall. Chron. Anglic. (D. Bouquet, XVIII. 92, 93).--Evervini Steinfeldens. Epist. ad S. Bernard, cap. 3.--Concil. Lombariens. ann. 1165.--Radulf. Ardent. T. I. p. II. Hom. xix.--Ermengaudi contra Hæret. Opusc.--Bonacursus contra Catharos (Baluz. et Mansi, II. 581-586).--Alani de Insulis contra Hæret. Lib. I.--Monet adv. Catharos. Lib. IV. cap. vii. § 3.--Rainerii Saccon. Summa.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. pp. 111, 115.--Coll. Doat, T. XXX. fol. 185 sqq.; XXXII. fol. 93 sqq.--Stephan. de Borbone (D'Argentré, Coll. Judic. de novis Error. I. I. 91).--Archiv. Fiorent. Prov. S. Maria Novella, Giugno 26, 1229.

In the early days of the Inquisition a certain Jean Teisseire, summoned before the tribunal of Toulouse, defended himself by exclaiming, "I am not a heretic, for I have a wife and I lie with her, and have children, and I eat flesh, and lie, and swear, and am a faithful Christian."--(Guillel. Pelisso Chron. Ed. Molinier, Anicii 1880, p. 17). See also the Sentences of Pierre Cella, Coll. Doat, XXI. 223.

[73] Rainerii Saccon. Summa.--Tocco, L'Eresia nel Medio Evo, p. 75.--Gregor. Fanens. Disput. cap. iv.--Monetæ adv. Catharos Lib. I. cap. 1, 2, 4, 6.--Alani de Insulis contra Hæret. Lib. I.--Ecberti Schonaug. Serm. i., xiii. contra Catharos.--Ermengaudi contra Hæret. Opusc. cap. 14.--Millot, Hist. Litt. des Troubadours, II. 64.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan, p. 84.--Gest. Episcop. Leodiens. Lib. II. cap. 60, 61.--Stephan, de Borbone (D'Argentré, Collect. Judic. de nov. Error. I. I. 90).--Muratori Antiq. Ital. Diss. lx.

Among the early Christians there was a strong tendency to adopt the theory of transmigration as an explanation of the apparent injustice of the judgments of God. See Hieron. Epist CXXX. ad Demetriadem, 16.

[74] Lucæ Tudens. de altera Vita Lib. III. cap. ii.

Before ridiculing the Catharan theory of Dualism, we must bear in mind how strong is the tendency in this direction of sensitive and ardent souls, who keenly feel the imperfections of man's nature and its contrast with the possibilities of an ideal. Thus Flacius Illyricus, the fervid reformer, about 1560, came perilously near to the Catharan myths, and gave rise to a warm controversy by maintaining that original sin was not an accident, but the substance in man; that the original image of God was, through the Fall, not replaced, but metamorphosed into an image of Satan, a transformation of absolute good into absolute evil; a theory which, as he was warned by his friends Musæus and Judex, must necessarily lead to Manichæism.--See Herzog, Abriss der gesammten Kirchengeschichte, III. 313.

Orthodox asceticism also trenches closely on Manichæism in its denunciation of the flesh, which it treats as the antagonist and enemy of the soul. Thus, St. Francis of Assisi says, "Many, when they sin or are injured, blame their enemy or neighbor. This should not be so, for every one has his enemy in his power, namely, the body through which he sins. Thus blessed is that servant who always holds captive and guards himself against that enemy delivered to him, for when he does thus no other visible enemy can hurt him" (S. Francisci Admonit. ad Fratres No. 9). And in another passage (Apoph. xxvii.) he describes his body as the most cruel enemy and worst adversary, whom he would willingly abandon to the demon.

According to the Dominican Tauler, the leader of the German mystics in the fourteenth century, man in himself is but a mass of impurity, a being sprung from evil and corrupt matter, only fit to inspire horror; and this opinion was fully shared by his followers even though they were overflowing with love and charity (Jundt, les Amis de Dieu, Paris, 1879, pp. 77, 229).

Jean-Jacques Olier, the founder of the great theological seminary of St. Sulpice, in his "Catechisme Chrétien pour la vie interieure," which I believe is still in use there as a text-book, goes as far as Manes or Buddha in his detestation of the flesh as the cause of man's sinful nature--"Je ne m'étonne plus si vous dites qu'il faut haïr sa chair, que l'on doit avoir horreur de soi même, et que l'homme, dans son état actuel, doit étre maudit ... En verité, il n'y a aucune sorte de maux et de malheurs qui ne doivent tomber sur lui à cause de sa chair."--See Renan, Souvenirs de l'enfance et de jeunesse, p. 206.

With such views it is simply a question of words whether the creator of such an abomination as the crowning work of the terrestrial universe is to be called God or Satan; he certainly cannot be the Good Principle.

[75] Processus contra Valdenses (Archivio Storico Italiano, 1865, Nos. 38, 39).--S. Bernardi Serm. in Cantica lxv. cap. 5; lxvi. cap. 1.--Gregor. Fanens Disputat. cap. 17.--Anon. Passaviens. contra Waldens. cap. 7.--Radulf. Coggeshall. Chron. Anglic. (D. Bouquet, XVIII. 93).--Concil. Remens. ann. 1157, c. 1.--Ecberti Schonaug. contra Catharos Serm. i. cap. 1.--Cunitz, Beiträge zu den theol. Wissenschaften, 1852, B. IV. pp. 4, 12-14.--Lucæ Tudens. de altera Vita Lib. II. cap. 9; Lib. III. cap. 5.--Lami, Antichità Toscane, p. 550.

The Cathari probably had Romance versions of the New Testament as early as 1178, when we find the cardinal legate disputing at Toulouse with two Catharan bishops whose ignorance of Latin was a subject of ridicule, while they seem to have been ready enough with Scripture.--Roger. Hoveden. Annal. ann. 1178. See also Molinier, Annales de la Faculté des lettres de Bordeaux, 1883, No. 3.

Abbot Joachim bears testimony to the external virtues of the Cathari of Calabria, and the advantage which they derived from the vices of the clergy.--Tocco, L'Eresia nel Medio Evo, p. 403.

The story of the sacrament made from the bodies of children born of promiscuous intercourse was widely circulated and variously applied. It was related in the eleventh century of the Euchitæ by Psellus (De Operat. Dæmon.) and continued to be told of successive heretics--even of the Templars.

[76] Ecberti Schonaug. contra Catharos Serm. I. cap. 2.--Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. v. cap. 18.--Lucæ Tudensis de altera Vita Lib. II. cap. 9; Lib. III. cap. 9, 18.

[77] Anon. Passaviens. c. 6.--Processus contra Valdenses (Arch. Storico Ital. 1865, No. 39, p. 57).

[78] Radulpli Glabri Lib. III. c. 8.--Landulf. Senior. Mediolan. Hist. II. 27.--Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. V. c. 19.--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1163.--Guill. de Newburg. Hist. Anglic. Lib. II. c. 13.--Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1210.--Chron. Turon. ann. 1210.--Radulf. Coggeshall Chron. Anglic. (D. Bouquet. XVIII. 93).--Bernard. Guidon. Practica P. IV. (Doat, XXX.).--S. Bernardi Serm. in Cantic. LXV. c. 13.--Lucæ Tudens. de altera Vita Lib. III. c. 21.--Constitt. Sicular. Lib. I. tit. i.

The story of the young girl of Cologne assumes a somewhat mythical air when we find it repeated by Moneta as occurring in Lombardy (Cantù, Eretici d'Italia, I. 88); but this only enforces the universal tribute to the marvellous constancy of the heretics.

[79] Radulf. Coggeshall l.c.--Pauli Carnotens. Vet. Aganon. Lib. VI. c. iii.--Campana, Storia di San Piero Martire, Lib. II. c. 2, p. 57.--Fragment, adv. Hæret. (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 341).--Cf. Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1315.

[80] Schmidt, Hist. des Cathares, I. 15-21.--Muratori Anecdota Ambrosiana, II. 112.--Guillel. Tyrii Lib. II. c. 13.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. II. 176; III. 3; v. 103, 110; VI. 140, 141, 212.--See also the curious letter of a Patarin in Matt. Paris, Hist. Angl. ann. 1243 (Ed. 1644 p. 413).

[81] Gerberti Epist. 187.--Radulphi Glabri Lib. ii. c. 11, 12.--Epist. Leodiens. ad Lucium PP. II. (Martene Ampliss. Collect. I. 776-8).

[82] Ademari S. Cibardi Hist. Lib. III. c. 49, 59.--Pauli Carnot. Vet. Aganon. Lib. VI. c. 3.--Frag. Hist. Aquitan. et Frag. Hist. Franc. (Pithœi Hist. Franc. Scriptt. xi. pp. 82, 84).--Radulf. Glabri Hist. III. 8, IV. 2.--Gesta Synod. Aurel. circa 1017 (D'Achery I. 604-6).--Chron. S. Petri Vivi.--Synod. Atrebat. ann. 1025 (Labbe et Coleti XI. 1177, 1178; Hartzheim. Concil. German. III. 68).--Landulf. Sen. Mediol. Hist. II. 27.--Gesta Episcop. Leodiens. cap. 60, 61.--Hermann. Contract. ann. 1052.--Lambert. Hersfeldens. Annal. ann. 1053.--Schmidt, Hist. des Cathares, I. 37.--Radulf. Ardent. T.I.P. ii. Hom. 19.

Bishop Wazo's complaint that pallor was considered a positive proof of heresy was by no means a new one. In the fourth century it was regarded as sufficient to betray the Gnostic and Manichæan asceticism of the Priscillianists (Sulpic. Severi Dial. III. cap. xi.), and Jerome tells us that the orthodox who were pale with fasting and maceration were stigmatized as Manichæans (Hieron. Epist. ad Eustoch. c. 5). To the end of the twelfth century pallor continued to be regarded as a diagnostic symptom of Catharism (P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. c. 78).

[83] Guibert. Noviogent. de Vita sua Lib. III. c. 17.--Schmidt, op. cit. I. 47.--Martene Thesaur. I. 336.

[84] Epist. Leodiens. ad Lucium PP. II. (Martene Ampl. Coll. I. 776-778).--Alex. PP. III. Epist. 2 (ibid. II. 628).--Concil. Remens. ann. 1157.--Hist. Monast. Vezeliacens. Lib. IV. ann. 1167.--Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. v. c. 18.--Radulf. Coggeshall ubi sup.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. IX. 208.

[85] Alex. PP. III. Epist. 118, 122.--Varior. ad Alex. PP. III. Epist. No. 16.--Annal. Aquiciuctens. Monast. ann. 1182, 1183.--Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1183.

[86] Histor. Trevirens. (D'Achery II. 221, 222).--Alberic. Trium Font. Chron. ann. 1200.--Evervini Steinfeld. Epist. (S. Bernardi Epist. 472).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1163.--Ecberti Schonaug. contra Catharos Serm. VIII.--Schmidt, I. 94-96.

[87] Guillel. de Newburg Hist. Anglic. Lib. II. c. 13.--Matt. Paris. Hist. Anglic. ann. 1166 (p. 74).--Radulf. de Diceto ann. 1166.--Radulf. Coggeshall (D. Bouquet, XVIII. 92).--Assize of Clarendon, Art. 21.--Petri Blesens. Epist. 113.--Schmidt, I. 99.

[88] The nomenclature of the heresy is quite extensive. The sectaries called themselves Cathari, or the pure. The origin of the term Patarin has been the subject of considerable dispute, but there would seem to be no doubt that it arose in Milan about the middle of the eleventh century, during the civil wars resulting from the papal efforts to enforce celibacy on the Milanese married clergy. In the Romance dialects pates signifies old linen; rag-pickers in Lombardy were called Patari, and the quarter inhabited by them in Milan was known, even up to the last century, as Pattaria, or Contrada de' Pattari. Even to-day there are in Italian cities quarters or streets of that name (Schmidt, II. 279). In the eleventh-century quarrels the papalists held secret meetings in the Pattaria, and were contemptuously designated by their antagonists as Patarins--a name which was finally recognized and accepted by them (Arnulf. Mediolanens. Lib. III. cap. 11; Lib. IV. c. 6, 11.--Landulf. Jun. c. 1.--Willelmi Clusiens. vita Benedicti Abbat. Clusiens. c. 33.--Benzon. Comm. de Reb. Henrici IV. Lib. VII. c. 2). As the papal condemnation of clerical marriage was stigmatized as Manichæan, and as the papalists were supported by the secret heretics, followers of Gherardo di Monforte, the name was not unnaturally transferred to the Cathari in Lombardy, when they became publicly known, and it spread from there throughout Europe. In Italy the word Cathari, vulgarized into Gazzari, was also commonly used, and came gradually to designate all heretics; the officials of the Inquisition were nicknamed Cazzagazzari (Cathari hunters), and even accepted the designation (Muratori Antiq. Diss, LX. Tom. XII. pp. 510, 516), and the word is still seen in the German Ketzer. The Cathari, from their Bulgarian origin, were also known as Bulgari, Bugari, Bulgri, Bugres (Matt. Paris, ann. 1238)--a word which has been retained with an infamous signification in the English, French, and Italian vernaculars. We have seen above that from the number of weavers among them they were also known in France as Texerant, or Textores (cf. Doat, XXIII. 209-10). The term Speronistæ was derived from Robert de Sperone, bishop of the French Cathari in Italy (Schmidt, II. 282). The Crusaders who met the Paulicians (Παυλικανοι) in the East brought home the word and called them Publicani, or Popelicans. More local designations were Piphili or Pifres (Ecbert. Schonaug. Serm. I. c. 1), Telonarii or Deonarii (D'Achery, II. 560), and Boni Homines, or Bonshommes. The term Albigenses, from the district of Albi, where they were numerous, was first employed by Geoffroy of Vigeois, in 1181 (Gaufridi Vosens. Chron. ann. 1181), and became generally used during the crusades against Raymond of Toulouse.

The various sects into which the Cathari were divided were further known by special names, as Albanenses, Concorrezenses, Bajolenses, etc. (Rainerii Saccon. Summa. Cf. Muratori Dissert. LX.).

In the official language of the Inquisition of the thirteenth century, "heretic" always means Catharan, while the Vaudois are specifically designated as such. The accused was interrogated "Super facto hæresis vel Valdesiæ."

[89] Schmidt, I. 63-5.--Muratori Antiq. Dissert. LX. (p. 462-3).--Raynald. Annal. ann. 1199 No. 23-5; ann. 1205 No. 67; 1207 No. 3.--Lami, Antichità Toscane, p. 491.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. I. 298; II. 1, 50; v. 33; VII. 37; VIII. 85, 105; IX. 7, 8, 18, 19, 166-9, 204, 213, 258; X. 54, 105, 130; XV. 189; Gesta cxxiii.

[90] Schmidt I. 38.--Chron. Episc. Albigens. (D'Achery III. 572).--Udalr. Babenb. Cod. II. 303.--Concil. Tolosan. ann. 1119 c. 3.--Concil. Lateran. II. ann. 1139 c. 23.--Concil. Remens. ann. 1148 c. 18.

[91] Concil. Turon. ann. 1163 c. 4.--Concil. Lombariense ann. 1165 (Harduin. VI. II. 1643-52).--Roger de Hoveden. ann. 1176.--D. Vaissette, Hist. Gén. de Languedoc, III. 4--Löwenfeld, Epistt. Pont. Roman. inedd. No. 247 (Lipsiæ, 1885).

[92] D. Bouquet, XIV. 448-50.--D. Vaissette, III. 4. 537.

[93] Roger. Hoveden. Annal. ann. 1178.--D. Vaissette, III. 46-7.

[94] Benedict. Petroburg. Vit. Henrici. II. ann. 1178.--Alexander. PP. III. Epist. 395 (D. Bouquet, XV. 950-960).

[95] Roger. Hovedens. Annal. ann. 1178.--Schmidt, I. 78.--Martene Thesaur. I. 992.--Rob. de Monte Chron. ann. 1178.--Benedict. Petroburg. Vit. Henrici II. ann. 1178.

Roger Trencavel of Béziers was no heretic (see Vaissette, III. 49) and his treatment of the Bishop of Albi and disregard of the missionary bishops shows the complete contempt into which the Church had fallen, even among the faithful.

[96] Concil. Lateran. III. ann. 1179 c. 27.

[97] Gaufridi Vosiens. Chron. ann. 1181.--Roberti Autissiodor. Chron. ann. 1181.--Alberic. Trium Font. Chron. ann. 1181.--Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1181.--Chron. Turonens. ann. 1181.--D. Vaissette, III. 57.--Guillel. de Pod.-Laurent. c. 2.

[98] Stephani Tornacens. Epist. 92.--Gaufridi Vosiens. Chron. ann. 1183.--Gualt. Mapes de Nugis Curialium Dist. I. c. xxix.--Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1183.--Rigord. de Gest. Phil. Aug. ann. 1183.--Guillel. Brito de Gest. Phil. Aug. ann. 1183.--Ejusd. Philippidos Lib. I. 726-45.--Grandes Chroniques, ann. 1183.--Du Cange s. vv. _Cotarellus, Palearii_.

[99] Lucii PP. III. Epist. 171.--Concil. Monspeliens. ann. 1195.

[100] Innocent. PP. III. Serm. de Tempore XII.--Guillem. de Tudela, c. ii.--Gualt. Mapes de Nugis Curialium Dist. I. c. xxx.--Guillel. de Pod.-Laurent. Proœm.; cf. cap. 3, 4.--Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dist. v. c. 21.--Stephani Tornacens. Epist. 92.--Anon. Passaviens. (Bib. Mag. Pat. XIII. 299).--Schmidt, I. 200.

[101] Innocent. PP. III. Serm. de Diversis III.

[102] Innocent. PP. III. Serm. de Diversis VI.; Regest. VII. 165, X. 54.--Honor. PP. III. Epist. ad Archiep. Bituricens. (Martene Ampl. Collect. I. 1149-51).

In 1250 Robert Grosseteste, Bishop of Lincoln, told Innocent IV. at Lyons that the corruption of the priesthood was the cause of the heresies which afflicted the Church (Fascic. Rer. Expetend. et Fugiend. II. 251. Ed. 1690).

[103] Roberti Autissiodor. Chron. ann. 1198-1201.--Hist. Episcopp. Autissiodor. (D. Bouquet, XVIII. 725-6, 729).--Petri Sarnens. Hist. Albigens. c. 3.--Innoc. PP. III. Regest. II. 63, 99; v. 36; VI. 63, 239; IX. 110; X. 206.--Potthast, No. 9152.--Alberic. Trium Font. Chron. ann. 1200.--Chron. Canon. Laudunens. ann. 1204 (D. Bouquet, XVIII. 713).

[104] Regest. II. 141, 142, 235.--Gesta Treviror. c. 104.

[105] Villani Cronica, Lib. v. c. 90.--Diez, Leben und Werke der Troubadours, 424.--Guill. Pod. Laur. cap. 47.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII. 558.--Petri Sarnensis Hist. Albigens, c. 1.--Vaissette, Éd. 1730, III. 101.

[106] Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1207.--Vaissette, III. 128, 132.--Guillel. Pod. Laurent. c. 6, 7.--Regest. VIII. 115-6.--For the condition of other sees--Carcassonne, Vence, Agde, Ausch, Narbonne, Bordeaux--see Regest. I. 194; III. 24; VI. 216; VII. 84; VIII. 76; XVI. 5.

For the biography of Foulques, or Folquet, of Marseilles, who, after being favored by Raymond V., became the most bitter enemy of Raymond VI., see Paul Meyer ap. Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VII. 444. Dante places him in the heaven of Venus, together with Cunizza, the lascivious sister of Ezzelin da Romano (Paradiso, IX.). It is related of him that once when preaching against the heretics he compared them to wolves and the faithful to sheep. A heretic whose eyes had been torn out and his nose and lips cut off by Simon de Montfort, arose and said, "Did you ever see sheep bite a wolf thus?" to which Foulques rejoined that de Montfort was a good dog who had thus bitten the wolf. A more pleasing trait is seen in the story that he gave alms to a poor heretic beggar-woman, saying that he gave it to poverty and not to heresy.--Chabaneau (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. 292).

[107] Regest. I. 92, 93, 94, 165, 395; II. 122, 123, 298; III. 24; v. 96; VII. 17, 75; VIII. 75, 106; IX. 66; X. 68; XIII. 88; XIV. 32; XVI. 5.--Vaissette, III. 117.

[108] Petri Sarnens. c. 1, 17.--Vaissette, III. 129, 134-5; Preuves, 197.--Regest. VI. 242-3.

[109] Pet. Sarnens. c. 3.--Vaissette, III. 133, 135--Guillem de Tudela iv. My references to the poem which passes under the name of Guillem de Tudela are to Fauriel's edition (1837). A metrical version by Mary-Lafon appeared in 1868, since when M. Paul Meyer has issued a critical edition with abundant apparatus.

[110] Regest. VII. 76, 77, 79, 165.

[111] Regest. VII. 210, 212; VIII. 94, 97; IX. 103.--Havet, L'Hérésie et le bras seculier (Bibliothèque de l'École des Chartes, 1880, 582).

[112] Guillel. de Pod. Laurent, c. 8.--Pet. Sarnens. c. 1.

[113] Pet. Sarnens. c. 3.

[114] Pet. Sarnens. c. 3, 5.--Rob. Autissiodor. ann. 1207.--Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1207.--Guillel. de Pod. Laurent, c. 8.--Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1208.--Regest. IX. 185.

[115] Pet. Sarnens. c. 3, 4.

[116] Regest. X. 69.

[117] Pet. Sarnens. c. 3, 6, 7.--Regest. X. 149, 176; XI. 11.

[118] Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII. 557.--Hist. du Comte de Toulouse (Vaissette, III. Pr. 3, 4).--Guill. de Pod. Laurent. c. 9.--Pet. Sarnens. c. 9.--Rob. Autissiodor. ann. 1209.--Guill. Nangiac. ann. 1208.--Regest. XI. 26; XII. 106.--Guillem de Tudela, v.

[119] Regest. XI. 26, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33.--Archives Nationales de France J, 430, No. 2.--Hist. du C. de Toul. (Vaissette, III. Pr. 4).

[120] Alberti Stadens. Chron. ann. 1212.--Chronik des Jacob v. Königshofen (Chron. der deutschen Städte IX. 649).--Regest. XI. 234; XV. 199.

[121] Guillel. Briton. Philippidos VIII. 490-529.--Regest. XI. 156, 157, 158, 159, 180, 181, 182, 231, 234.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 4, 96.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII. 559, 563.--Pet. Sarnens. c. 10, 14.--Guill. de Tudela viii., lvi., cliv.--Alberti Stadens. Chron. ann. 1210.--Cæsar. Heisterb. Dial. Mirac. Dist. v. c. 21.--Reineri Monach. Leodiens. Chron. ann. 1210, 1213.--Chron. Engelhusii (Leibnitz Script. Rer. Brunsv. II. 1113).

[122] Guill. de Pod. Laurent. c. 13.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 4, 5.--Regest. XI. 232.

[123] Pet. Sarnens. c. 11, 12.--Regest. XII. post Epistt. 85, 107.

[124] Regest. ubi sup; XII. 89, 90, 106, 107.

[125] Regest. XI. 230; XII. 97, 98, 99.--Guillem de Tudela, xiii.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 10.

[126] Pet. Sarnens. c. 15.--Guillem de Tudela, xi., xiv.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 7.

[127] Regest. XII. 108.--Pet. Sarnens. c. 16.--Vaissette, III. 168; Pr. 10, 11.--Guill. de Pod. Laurent, c. 13.--Guillem de Tudela xvi.-xxiii., xxv.--Roberti Autissiodor. Chron. ann. 1209.--Cæsar. Heisterb. Dial. Mirac. v. 21.

[128] Guillem de Tudela, xiii., xiv.--Vaissette, III. 169, 170; Pr. 9, 10.

[129] Regest. XII. 108; XV. 212.--Pet. Sarnens. c. 17.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 11-18.--Guillem de Tudela, xxiv.-xxxiii., xl.--Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1209.--Guill. de Pod. Laurent, c. 14.--A. Molinier, ap. Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VI. 296.

Dom Vaissette (III. 172) cites Cæsarius of Heisterbach as authority for the statement that four hundred and fifty of the inhabitants of Carcassonne refused to abjure heresy, of whom four hundred were burned and the rest hanged. The silence of better-informed contemporaries may well render this doubtful, especially as Cæsarius assigns the incident to a city which he terms Pulchravallis (Dial. Mirac. Dist. v. c. 21).

[130] Regest. VII. 229; XV. 212; XVI. 87.--Fran. Tarafæ de Reg. Hisp.--Löwenfeld, Epistt. Pontif. ined. p. 63.--Lafuente, Hist. de Esp. V. 492-5.--Mariana, Hist. de Esp. XII. 2.--L. Marinæi Siculi de Reb. Hisp. Lib. X.--Diez, Leben und Werke der Troubadours, 424.--Vaissette, III. 124.--Gest. Com. Barcenon. c. 24.

[131] Pet. Sarnens. c. 16-18.--Joann. Iperii. Chron. ann. 1201.--Geoff. de Villehardouin, c. 55.--Alberic. Trium Font. ann. 1202.--Guillem de Tudela, xxxv.

[132] Pet. Sarnens. c. 17_bis_.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 19.--Regest, XII. 108.--Pierre de Vaux-Cernay asserts that de Montfort was able to retain but thirty knights, but this is manifestly an exaggeration.

[133] Concil. Avenion. ann. 1209.--D'Achery Spicileg I. 706.--Pet. Sarnens. c. 20-26, 34.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 20.--Guillem de Tudela, xxxvi.--Regest. XII. 108, 109, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 129, 132, 136, 137; XIII. 86.--Teulet, Layettes, I. 340, No. 899.

By a very curious exegetical effort, the Dominicans succeed in convincing themselves that Innocent's letter confirming Albi to de Montfort (XIII. 86) is an approbation of the Dominican Order and a proof that de Montfort was a member of it (Ripoll Bullar. Ord. FF. Prædicat. T. VII. p. 1).

[134] Guill. de Pod. Laurent, c. 17, 18.--Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1210.--Rob. Autissiodor. Chron. ann. 1211.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 29, 35.--Guillem de Tudela, xlix., lxviii.--lxxi., lxxxiv.--Regest. XVI. 41.--Chron. Turon. ann. 1210.--Pet. Sarnens. c. 37, 52, 53.--Teulet, Layettes, I. 371, No. 968.

[135] Vaissette, III. Pr. 20, 23, 232-3.--Pet. Sarnens. c. 33, 34.--Guillem de Tudela, xl., xlii., xliii.--Regest. XII. 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 168, 169, 170, 171, 173, 174, 175, 176.--Teulet, Layettes, I. 368, No. 968.

[136] Vaissette, III. Pr. 24-5, 234.--Guillem de Tudela, xliv.--Teulet, loc. cit.

[137] Pet. Sarnens. c. 39.--Regest. XIII. 188, 189; XVI. 39.--Guillem de Tudela, lviii.--Teulet, Layettes, I. 360, No. 948.

[138] The sole authority for this extraordinary document is Guillem de Tudela (lix., lx., lxi.), followed by the Historien du Comte de Toulouse (Vaissette, III. Pr. 30. Cf. Text p. 204 and notes p. 561, also Hardouin VI. II. 1998). Though generally accepted by historians, I cannot regard it as genuine, and its only explanation seems to me that it was manufactured by Raymond to arouse the indignation of his people.

[139] Guill. de Pod. Laurent, c. 16, 17.--Pet. Sarnens. c. 43, 47, 49, 53, 54, 55.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 234.

[140] Vaissette, III. Pr. 38-40, 234-5.--Guill. de Pod. Laurent, c. 18.--Guillem de Tudela, lxxx.-lxxxiii.--Teulet, Layettes, I. 370, No. 968; 372, No. 975.

[141] Pet. Sarnens. c. 75.--Guill. de Pod. Laurent, c. 23.

[142] Pet. Sarnens. c. 60.--Vaissette, III. 271-2.--Rod. Tolet. de Reb. Hispan. VIII. 2, 6, 11--Rod. Santii Hist. Hispan. III. 35.

[143] Pet. Sarnens. c. 59-64.--Regest. XV. 102, 103, 167-76.

[144] Pet. Sarnens. c. 66.--Regest. XVI. 39.

[145] Pet. Sarnens. c. 65.--Regest. XV. 212.--A. Molinier (Vaissette, Éd Privat, VI. 407).

[146] Regest. XV. 212; XVI. 42, 47.

[147] Regest. XVI. 39, 42, 43.--Pet. Sarnens. c. 66.

[148] Regest. XVI. 40, 41, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47.

[149] Pet. Sarnens. c. 66, 70.--Regest. XVI. 48.

[150] Pet. Sarnens. c. 66-8.--Regest. XVI. 87.--Raynouard, Lexique Roman, I. 512-3.

[151] Pet. Sarnens. c. 69, 70.--Vaissette, III. Note XVII.--A. Molinier (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VII. 256).

[152] Pet. Sarnens. c. 70-3.--Guillel. de Pod. Laurent. c. 21-22.--Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1213.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 52-4.--Guillem de Tudela, CXXV.-CXL.--Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib. II. c. 63.--De Gestis Com. Barcenon. ann. 1213.--Bernard d'Esclot, Cronica del Rey en Pere, c. 6.--Campana, Storia di San Piero Martire p. 44.--Tamburini, Ist. dell' Inquisizione, I. 351-2.--Comentarios del Rey en Jacme c. 8 (Mariana, IV. 267-8).

Don Jayme himself, then a child in his sixth year, was still in the hands of de Montfort as a hostage, and if the Catalan chroniclers speak truth, it was with difficulty that the young king was recovered, even after Innocent III. had ordered his release.--L. Marinæi Siculi de Reb. Hispan. Lib. X.--Regest. XVI. 171.

[153] Pet. Sarnens. c. 74-8.--Regest. XVI. 167, 170, 171, 172.--Guill. de Pod. Laurent. c. 24, 25.--Vaissette, III. 260-2; Pr. 239-42.--Teulet, Layettes, I. 399-402, No. 1068-9, 1073.

[154] Pet. Sarnens. c. 80, 81, 82.--Harduin. Concil. VII. II. 2052.--Innocent. PP. III. Rubricella.--Teulet, Layettes, I. 410-16, Nos. 1099, 1113-16.--Guill. de Pod Laurent, c. 24, 25.

[155] Pet. Sarnens. c. 82.--Vaissette, III. 269; Pr. 56.

[156] Radulph. Coggeshall ann. 1213.

[157] Chron. Fossæ Novæ: ann. 1215.

[158] Guillem de Tudela, cxlii.-clii.--Vaissette, III. 280-1; Pr. 57-63.--Teulet, Layettes, I. 420, No. 1132.--Pet Sarnens. c. 83.--D'Achery I. 707.--Molinier, L'Ensevelissement du Comte de Toulouse, Angers, 1885, p. 6.

[159] Pet. Sarnens. c. 83.

[160] Guillem de Tudela, cliii.-viii.--Guill. de Pod. Laurent. c. 27-8.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 64-66.--Pet. Sarnens. c. 83.

[161] Pet. Sarnens. c. 83-6.--Guill. de Pod. Laurent, c. 28-30.--Vaissette, III. 271-2; Pr. 66-93.--Guillem de Tudela, clviii.-ccv.--Raynald. Annal. ann. 1217 No. 52, 55-62; ann. 1218 No. 55.--Martene Ampliss. Collect. I. 1129.--Annal. Waverliens. ann. 1218.--Bernardi Iterii Chron. ann. 1218.--Chron. Lemovicens. ann. 1218.--Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1218.--Chron. Turonens. ann. 1218.--Roberti Autissiodor. Chron. ann. 1218.--Chron. S. Taurin. Ebroicens. ann. 1218.--Chron. Joan Iperii ann. 1218.--Chron. Laudunens. ann. 1218.--Chron. S. Petri Vivi Senonens. Append. ann. 1218.--Alberici Trium Font. Chron. ann. 1218.

[162] Teulet, Layettes, I. 454, No. 1271; pp. 461-2, No. 1279-80; p. 466, No. 1301; p. 475, No. 1331; p. 511, No. 1435; p. 518, No. 1656.--Vaissette, III. 307, 316-17, 568; Pr. 98-102.--Raynald. Annal. ann. 1218, No. 54-57; ann. 1221, No. 44, 45.--Archives Nationals de France J. 430, No. 15, 16.--Guillel. de Pod. Laurent, c. 31-33.--Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1219-1220.--Bernardi Iterii Chron. ann. 1219.--Robert. Autissiodor. Chron. ann. 1219.--Chron. Laudunens. ann. 1219.--Chron. Andrens. ann. 1219.--Alberici Trium Font. Chron. ann. 1219.--Martene Thesaur. I 884.--Rymer, Fœdera, I. 229.

[163] Vaissette, III. 319; Pr. 275, 276.--Raynald. Annal. ann. 1222, No. 44-47.--Guill. de Pod. Laurent, c. 47.--Teulet, Layettes, I. 546, No. 1537.

[164] Guill. de Pod. Laurent. c. 34.--Vaissette, III. 306, 321-4.--Molinier, L'Ensevelissement de Raimond VI.

[165] Vaissette, III. Pr. 276, 282.--Teulet, Layettes, I. 561, No. 1577.--Raynald. Annal. ann. 1222, No. 48.--Matt. Paris ann. 1223, p. 219.

[166] Alberici Trium Font. Chron. arm. 1223.--Guill. de Pod. Laurent, c. 34.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 290.--Raynald. Annal. ann. 1223, No. 41-45.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 24, No. 1631.

[167] Vaissette, III. Pr. 285, 291-3.--Gesta Ludovici VIII. ann. 1224.

[168] Rymer, Fœdera I. 271.--Vaissette, III. 339-40: Pr. 283.--Raynald. Annal. ann. 1224, No. 40.--Gesta Ludovici VIII. ann. 1224.--Chron. Turonens. ann. 1224.--Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1224.--Epistolæ Seculi XIII. Tom. I. No. 240 (Monument. Hist. German.).

[169] Vaissette, III. Pr. 284, 296.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII. 804.--Baluz. Concil. Narbonn. pp. 60-64.--Gesta Ludovici VIII. ann. 1224.--Concil. Montispessulan. ann. 1224 (Harduin. VII. 131-33).--Grandes Chroniques, ann. 1224.--Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1224.

[170] Vaissette, III. Pr. 284-5.--Schmidt I. 291.--Coll. Doat, XXIII. 269-70.--Rymer, Fœd. I. 273, 274, 281.--Raynald. Annal. ann. 1225, No. 28-34.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 47, No. 1694.

[171] Chron. Turonens. ann. 1225.--Matt. Paris ann. 1225, pp. 227-9. A poetaster of the period, in describing the council, depicts Raymond's discomfiture with emphasis:

"Et s'i vint li quens de St. Gille, Ki n'i fist vallant une tille De sa besougne, quant vint là, Qu' escuméniies s'en r'ala, Ausi com il i fu venus, Voire plus, s'il pot estre plus." --Chronique de Philippe Mousket, 25385-90.

[172] Chron. Turonens. ann. 1225.--Matt. Paris ann. 1225, pp. 227-8.--Possibly the chroniclers may be guilty of exaggeration, for the letters of Honorius only ask for a single prebend in each cathedral and collegiate church (Martene Thesaur. I. 929). In either case the encroachments of Rome were only postponed, for in 1385 Charles le Sage complained that nearly all the benefices of France were practically held by the cardinals, who carried the revenue to Italy, so that the churches were falling to ruin, the abbeys deserted, the orphanages and hospitals diverted from their purpose, divine service had ceased in many places, and the lands of the Church were uncultivated. To remedy this, he seized all such revenues and ordered them to be expended on the objects for which they had been given to the Church (Ibid. I. 1612).

[173] Matt. Paris ann. 1226, p. 229.--Vaissette, III. 349.--Rymer, Fœd. I. 281.--Martene Collect. Nova, p. 104; Thesaur. I. 931.

[174] Waddingi Annal. Minorum ann. 1225, No. 14.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 305, 318.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 75, No. 1758; p. 79, No. 1768; p. 90, No. 1794.

[175] Vaissette, III. Pr. 300, 308-14.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 68-9, No. 1742-3.--Matt. Paris ann. 1226, p. 229.--Chron. Turonens. ann. 1225, 1226.

[176] Chron. Turonens. ann. 1226.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 72, No. 1751.

[177] Matt. Paris ann. 1226.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 71, 78, 81, 84, 85, 87, 89, 90, 91, 648-9.--Guillel. de Pod. Laurent. c. 35.--Vaissette, III. 354, 364.--Chron. Turonens. ann. 1226.--Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1226.--Gesta Ludovici VIII. ann. 1226.

The city of Agen seems to have remained faithful to Raymond (Teulet, II. 82).

[178] Gesta Ludovici VIII. ann. 1226.--Matt. Paris ann. 1226.--Chron. Turonens. ann. 1226.--Guillel. de Pod. Laurent. c. 36, 38.--Alberti Stadens. Chron. ann. 1226.--Vaissette, III. 363.

[179] Chron. Turonens. ann. 1226, 1227.--Martene Ampliss. Collect. I. 1210-13.--Potthast Regesta, 7897, 7920.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 323-5.--Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1227.--Guillel. de Pod. Laurent. c. 38.--Matt. Paris ann. 1228.--Martene Thesaur. I. 940.--Concil. Narbonnens. ann. 1227 can. 13-17.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII. 265.

Letters of the Archbishop of Sens and Bishop of Chartres, in 1227, promising to pay to the king a subsidy for the crusade against the Albigenses are preserved in the Archives Nationales de France, J. 428, No. 8.

[180] Bernard. Guidon. Vit. Gregor. PP. IX. (Muratori, S.R.I. III. 570-1).--Guillel. de Pod. Laurent, c. 38, 39.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 144, No. 1980.--Potthast Regesta, 8150, 8216, 8267.--Raynald. Annal. ann. 1228, No. 20-4.--Martene Thesaur. I. 943.--Vaissette, III. 377-8; Pr. 326-9, 335.

[181] Harduin. Concil. VII. 165-72.--Vaissette, III. 375; Pr. 329-35, 340-3.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 147-52, No. 1991-4; pp. 154-57, No. 1998-99, 2003-4.--Guill. de Pod. Laurent. c. 47.

[182] Martene Ampliss. Collect. I. 1225.--Vaissette, III. 375, 412.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 155, No. 2000.--Raynald. ann. 1237, No. 31.--Rob. de Monte Chron. ann. 1238.--Potthast Regest. 10469, 10516-17, 10563, 10579, 10666, 10670, 10996.--Cf. Berger, Les Registres d'Innoc. IV. No. 2763-69.

For the sums raised in England in 1234 by selling releases of Crusaders' vows see Matt. Paris ann. 1234, p. 276.

[183] Bern. Guidon. Vit. Gregor. PP. IX. (Muratori S.R.I. III. 572).

[184] Tertull. de Baptism, c. 15.--Concil. Chalced. Act. I.

[185] Augustin. Epist. 185 ad Bonifac. c. iii. § 12.--Cf. Cypriani de Unit. Eccles.--C. 3 Extra, v. 7.

[186] Tertull. Apologet. c. xxiv.; Lib. ad Scapulam ii.; adv. Gnosticos Scorpiaces ii, iii.--Cypriani Epist. 54 ad Maximum; de Unitate Ecclesia; Epist. 4 ad Pomponium c. 4, 5.--Firm. Lactant. Div. Instit. v. 20.

[187] Lib. XVI. Cod. Theod. Tit. v. II. 1, 2.--Sozomen H.E. I. 21; II. 20, 22, 30; III. 5.--Socrat. II. E. I. 9; IV. 16.--Ammian. Marcell. XXII. 5.

[188] Sulp. Sever. Hist. Sacræ II. 47-51; Ejusd. Dial. III. 11-13.--Prosp. Aquitan. Chron. ann. 385-6.--St. Martin could hardly have anticipated that a time would come when a pope would cite the murder of Priscillian as an example to be followed in the case of Luther; and, in spite of Maximus's excommunication by St. Ambrose, characterize him as one of the "veteres ac pii imperatores." (Epist. Adriani PP. VI. Nov. 15, 1522 ap. Lutheri Opp. T. II. fol. 538 a.)

[189] Chrysostomi in Matthæum Homil. XLVI. c. 2. Cf. Homil. de Anathemate c. 4.--Augustini Epist. 100 ad Donatum c. 2; Epist. 139 ad Marcellinum; Epist. 105 c. 13; Enchirid. c. 72; Contra Litt. Petiliani Lib. II. c. 83.

[190] Hieron. Epist. 109 ad Ripar.; Comment. in Naum I. 9.--Leonis PP. I. Epist. 15 ad Turribium.--Lib. XVI. Cod. Theodos. Tit. v. ll. 9, 15, 34, 36, 51, 56, 64.--Constt. 11, 12 Cod. Lib. I. Tit. v.--Novell. Theod. II. Tit. vi.--Pauli Diac. Histor. Lib. XVI.--Basilicon Lib. I. Tit. 1-33.

[191] Cod. Eccles. African. c. 67, 93.--Augustin. Epist. 185 ad Bonifac. c. 7.--Ejusd. contra Cresconium Lib. III. c. 47.--Possidii Vit. Augustini c. 12.--Leonis PP. I. Epist. 60.--Pelagii PP. I. Epistt. 1, 2.--Isidori Hispalens. Sententt. Lib. III. c. li. 3-6.--Balsamon. in Photii Nomocanon Tit. ix. c. 25.--Victor. Vitens. de Persecutione Vandalica Lib. LII.--Victor. Tunenens. Chron. ann. 479.--Sidon. Apollin. Epistt. VII. 6.--Isidor. Hist. de Regg. Gothor. c. 50.--Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 195 sqq.--Legg. Wisigoth. Lib. XII. Tit. ii. l. 2; Tit. iii. ll. 1, 2 (cf. Fuero Juzgo cod. loc.).

[192] Mag. Biblioth. Pat. IX. II. 875.--Chron. Turonens. ann. 878.--Concil. Ratispon. ann. 792.--C. Francfortiens. ann. 794.--C. Romanum ann. 799.--C. Aquisgran. ann. 799.--Alcuini Epistt. 108, 117.--Agobardi Lib. adv. Felicem c. 5. 6.--Nic. Anton. Bib. Vet. Hispan. Lib. VI. c. ii. No. 42-3 (cf. Pelayo, Heterod. Españ. I. 297, 673 sqq.).--Hincmari Remens. de Prædestinat. II. c. 2.--Annal. Bertin. ann. 849.--Concil. Carisiacens. ann. 849 (cf. C. Agathens. ann. 506 c. 38).--Cap. Car. Mag. ann. 789 c. 44.--Capitul. Add. III. c. 90.

For the slenderness of the disabilities inflicted on Jews under the Carlovingians see Reginald Lane Poole's "Illustrations of the History of Medieval Thought," London, 1884, p. 47.

[193] Burchardi Decret. Lib. XIX. c. 133-4.--Gesta Episcopp. Leodiens. Lib. II. c. 60, 61.--Hist. Andaginens. Monast. c. 18.--Martene Ampliss. Collect. I. 776-8.

[194] Dom Bouquet, XI. 497-8.--Bernardi Serm. in Cantica LXIV. c. 8; LXVI. c. 12.--Alex. PP. III. Epistt. 118, 122.--Pet. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. c. 78, 80.

[195] Concil. Turonens. ann. 1163 c. 4.--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1163.--Concil. Remens. ann. 1157 c. 1.--Guillel. de Newburg Hist. Angl. ii. 15.--Innoc. III. Regest. I. 94, 165.--Contre le Franc-Alleu sans Tiltre, Paris, 1629, pp. 215 sqq.--H. Mutii Chron. Lib. XIX. ann. 1212.--Böhmer, Regesta Imperii V. 110.--Muratori Antiq. Ital. Diss. LX. (T. XII. p. 447).--Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. II. pp. 6-8, 422-3; IV. 301; V. 201.--Constitt. Sicular. Lib. I. Tit. 1.--Treuga Henrici (Böhlau, Nove Constit. Dom. Alberti, Weimar, 1858, p. 78, cf. Böhmer Regest. V. 700).--Sachsenspiegel, II. xiii.--Schwabenspiegel, cap. 116 No. 29; cap. 351 No. 3 (Ed. Senckenb.).--Archivio di Venezia, Codice ex Brera No. 277.--El Fuero real de España, Lib. IV. Tit. I. ley 1.--Isambert, Anc. Loix Françaises I. 230-33, 257.--Harduin. Concil. VII. 203-8.--Établissements, Lib. I. ch. 85.--Livres de Jostice et de Plet, Liv. I. Tit. iii. § 7.--Beaumanoir, Cout. du Beauvoisis, XI. 2, XXX. 11.--2 Henry IV. c. 15 (cf. Pike, History of Crime in England I. 343-4, 489).

It is true that both Bracton (De Legibus Angliæ Lib. III. Tract ii. cap. 9 § 2) and Horne (Myrror of Justice, cap. I. § 4, cap. II. § 22, cap. IV. § 14) describe the punishment of burning for apostasy, heresy, and sorcery, and the former alludes to a case in which a clerk who embraced Judaism was burned by a council of Oxford, but the penalty substantially had no place in the common law, save under the systematizing efforts of legal writers, enamoured of the Roman jurisprudence, and seeking to complete their work by the comparison of treason against God with that against the king. The silence of Britton (chap. VIII.) and of the Fleta (Lib. I. cap. 21) shows that the question had no practical importance.

[196] Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Miracular. Dist. v. c. 33.--Mosaic. et Roman. Legg. Collat. Tit. XV. § 3 (Hugo, 1465).--Const. 3 Cod. IX. 18.--Cassiodor. Variar. IV., XXII., XXIII.--Gregor. PP. I. Dial. I. 4.--Gloss. Hostiensis in Cap. ad abolendam, No. 11, 13 (Eymerici Direct. Inquisit. pp. 149-150); cf. Gloss. Joan. Andreæ (Ibid. p. 170-1).--Repertorium Inquisitorum s. v. Comburi (Ed. Valent. 1494; Ed. Venet. 1588, pp. 127-8).

[197] Concil. Autissiodor. ann. 578 c. 33.--C. Matiscon. II. ann. 585 c. 19.--C. 30 Decreti P. II. Caus. xxiii. Quæst. 8.--C. Lateran. IV. ann. 1215 c. 18.--C. Burdegalens. ann. 1255 c. 10.--C. Budens. ann. 1268 c. 11.--C. Nugaroliens. ann. 1303 c. 13.--C. Baiocens. ann. 1300 c. 34.--Lib. Sentt. Inq. Tolosan. p. 208.--Bernard. Guidonis Practica (MSS. Bib. Nat., Coll. Doat, T. XXX. fol. 1. sqq.).

[198] Honor. Augustod. Summ. Glor. de Apost. c. 5.--Ivon. Decret. IX. 70-79.--Gratiani Decret. P. II. Caus. xxiii. q. 5.--Radevic. de Gest. Frid. I. Lib. II. c. 56.--Concil. Lateran. II. ann. 1139 c. 23.--Concil. Lateran. III. ann. 1179 c. 27 (cf. C. Tolosan. ann. 1119 c. 3; C. Remens. ann. 1148 c. 18; C. Turonens. ann. 1163 c. 4).--Lucii. PP. III. Epist. 171.

[199] Böhmer, Regest. Imp. V. 86.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. de Negot. Rom. Imp. 189.--Muratori Antiq. Ital. Dissert. III.--Hartzheim Concil. German. III. 540.--Cod. Epist. Rodolphi I. Auct. II. pp. 375-7 (Lipsiæ 1806).--Theod. Vrie, Hist. Concil. Constant. Lib. III. Dist. 8; Lib. VII. Dist. 7.--Thom. Aquin. de Principum Regimine Lib. I. c. xiv.; Lib. III. c. x., xiii.-xviii.--Lib. v. Extra. Tit. vii. c. 13 § 3.--Concil. Tolosan. ann. 1229 c. 5.--Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1244 c. 15, 16.--Zanchini de Hæret. c. v.--Beaumanoir, Coutumes du Beauvoisis, XI. 27.--See also the sermon of the Bishop of Lodi at the condemnation of Huss, Von der Hardt, III. 5.

The treatise "De principum regimine," though not wholly by St. Thomas Aquinas, was the authoritative exponent of the ecclesiastical theory as to the structure and duties of government. See Poole's "Illustrations of the History of Medieval Thought," p. 240.

[200] Post. Const. 4, Cod. Lib. I. Tit. v.--Post. Libb. Feudorum.--Lib. Juris Civilis Veronæ c. 156.--Schwabenspiegel, Ed. Senckenb. cap. 351; Ed. Schilteri c. 308.--Potthast Regesta No. 6593.--Innoc. PP. IV. Bull. Cum adversus, 5 Jun. 1252; Bull. Ad aures, 2 Apr. 1253; 31 Oct. 1243; 7 Julii 1254.--Bull. Cum fratres, Maii 9 1252.--Urbani. IV. Bull. Licet ex omnibus, 1262 § 12.--Wadding Annal. Minor ann. 1258, No. 7; ann. 1260, No. 1; ann. 1261, No. 3.--c. 6 Sexto v. 2 c. 1, 2 in Septimo v. 3.--Von der Hardt, T. IV. p. 1519.--Campana, Vita di San Piero Martire, p. 124.--De Maistre, Lettres à un Gentilhomme Russe sur l'Inquisition Espagnole, Ed. 1864, pp. 17-18, 28, 34.

A thirteenth-century writer argued the matter more directly than De Maistre--"Papa noster non occidit, nec præcipit aliquem occidi, sed lex occidit quos papa permittit occidi, et ipsi se occidunt qui ea faciunt unde debeant occidi."--Gregor. Fanens. Disput. Cathol. et Patar. (Martene Thesaur. V. 1741).

More historically true is the assertion of an enthusiastic Dominican in 1782, who, after quoting Deut. XIII. 6-10, declares that its command to slay without mercy all who entice the faithful from the true religion is almost literally the law of the holy Inquisition; and who proceeds to prove from Scripture that fire is the peculiar delight of God, and the proper means of purifying the wheat from the tares.--Lob u. Ehrenrede auf die heilige Inquisition, Wien, 1782, pp. 19-21.

The hypocritical plea for mercy was commenced in good faith by Innocent III. in the case of clerks guilty of forgery who were degraded and delivered to the secular courts.--c. 27 Extra v. 40.

[201] Urbani PP. II. Epist. 256.--Zanchini de Hæret. c. xviii.--Innoc. PP. III. Regest. XI. 26.--Lucæ Tudens. de altera Vita II 9.

[202] S. Raymundi Summæ Lib. I. Tit. v. §§ 2, 4, 8; Tit. VI. § 1.--This continued to be the doctrine of the Church. Zanghino Ugolini includes in his enumeration of heresies neglect to observe the papal decretals, being an apparent contempt for the power of the keys (Tract. de Hæret. c. ii.). This authoritative work was printed in Rome, 1568, at the expense of Pius V., with a commentary by Cardinal Campeggi, and was reprinted with additions by Simancas in 1579. My references are made to a transcript from a fifteenth-century MS. of the original in the Bibliothèque Nationale, fonds latin, 12532.

[203] S. Thom. Aquinat. Summæ Sec. Sec. Q. XI. art. 3, 4.

[204] Cypriani Epist. I.--Chrysost. Hom. de Anathemate.--Leon PP. I. Epist. 108 c. 2.--Gelasii PP. I. Epistt. 4, 11.--Concil. Roman. II. ann. 494.--Evagrii H.E. Lib. IV. c. 38.--Vigilii Constit. de Tribus Capitulis.--Facundi Epist. in Defens. Trium Capitt.--Concil. Constantinop. II. ann. 553 Collat. VII.--Concil. Hispalens. II. ann. 618 c. 5.--Concil. Constantinop. III. ann. 680 Tom. XII.-Jaffé Regesta, 303.--Synod. Roman. ann. 898 c. 1.--Chron. Turonens. (Martene Ampliss. Collect. V. 978-80).--Ivon. Carnotens. Epist. 96; Ejusd. Panorm. Lib. v. c. 115-123.--Lucii PP. III. Epist. 171.--Lib. v. Extra Tit. vii. c. 13.--Gratian. Decret. II. Caus. XI. Q. iii. c. 36, 37, 38.--F. Pegnæ Comment. in Eymerici Direct. Inquis. p. 95.--Innocent. PP. III. Regest. IX. 213.--Lib. III. Extra Tit. xxviii. c. 12.--Lib. v. in Sexto Tit. i. c. 2.--Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. p. 104.

[205] Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. Introd. pp. cdlxxxviii., cdxcvi.; II. 6-8, 422-3; IV. 409-11, 435-6; V. 459-60.--Fazelli de Reb. Siculis Decad. II. Lib. viii.--Alberic. T. Font. Chron. ann. 1228.--Raynald. Annal. ann. 1220, No. 23.--Richard de S. Germano Chron. ann. 1233.

[206] Mr. John Fiske has developed the contrast between the military and industrial spirit and the theory of corporate responsibility with his accustomed admirable clearness in his "Excursions of an Evolutionist," Essays VIII. and IX.

The theory of solidarity is clearly expressed in Zanghino's remark "Quia in omnes fert injuriam quod in divinam religionem committatur" (Tract. de Hæres. c. xi.).

[207] Ademari S. Cibardi Hist. Lib. III. c. 36.--Dooms of Æthelstan, III. vi. (Thorpe, I. 219).--Bracton. Lib. III. Tract, i. c. 6.--Legg. Villæ de Arkes § 26. (D'Achery III. 608).--Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. Introd. p. cxcvi.; IV. 444.--Godefrid. S. Pantal. Annal. ann. 1233.--Fazelli de Reb. Siculis Decad. II. Lib. viii. p. 442.--Isambert. Anc. Loix Franç. I. 295.--Legg. Opstalbom. §§ 3, 4.--Treuga Henrici c. 1224 (Böhlau, Nove Constitut. Dom. Alberti, Weimar, 1858, pp. 76-77).--Registre Criminel du Châtelet de Paris, passim (Paris, 1861).--Beaumanoir, Coutumes du Beauvoisis, c. 30, No. 12.--Antiqua Ducum Mediolan. Decreta, pp. 187-88 (Mediolani, 1654).--Legg. Capital. Caroli V. c. 103-197 (Goldast. Constitt. Imp. III. 537-55).--London Athenæum, Mar. 15, 1873, p. 338.--R. Christian. V. Jur. Danic. art. 7.--Willenburgii de Except. et Pœnis Cleric, p. 41 (Jenæ, 1740).--5 Henry IV. c. 5.--Description of Britaine, Bk. III. c. 6 (Holinshed's Chronicles Ed. 1577 I. 106).--London Athenæum, 1885 No. 3024, p. 466.

It has seemed to me, however, that a sensible increase in the severity of punishment is traceable after the thirteenth century, and I am inclined to attribute this to the influence exercised by the Inquisition over the criminal jurisprudence of Europe.

[208] Lucæ Tudens. de altera Vita Lib. III. c. 15.--T. Aquinat Summ. Sec. Sec. Q. X. Artt. 3, 6.--Von der Hardt, T.I.P. XVI. p. 829.--Nic. Eymerici Direct. Inquis. Præfat.

[209] Galton, Inquiries into Human Faculty, pp. 66-68.--Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. IV.

As early as the fourth century the tendency of exaggerated asceticism to affect the mind was noted, and St. Jerome had the common-sense to point out that such cases required a physician rather than a priest (Hieron. Epist. CXXV. c. 16).

[210] Martene Thesaur. V. 1817, 1820.--Urbani PP. IV. Bull. Licet ex omnibus, 20 Mart. 1262, § 13.--Clem. PP. IV. Bull. Prœ cunctis mentis, 23 Feb. 1266 (Arch. de l'Inq. de Carc., Doat, XXXII. 32).

[211] Tamburini, Storia Generale dell' Inquisizione, I. 362-5, 561.--Chron. Veronens. ann. 1233 (Muratori S.R.I. VIII. 626, 627).

[212] Gregor. PP. I. Homil. in Evangel. XL. 8.--Pet. Lomb. Sententt. Lib. IV. Dist. 50 §§ 6, 7. Peter Lombard even presses into service a passage from St. Jerome which had no such significance (Hieron. Comment. in Isaiam Lib. XVIII. c. LXVI. vers. 24).--St. Bonaventuræ Pharetræ IV. 50.--S. Thomæ Aquinat. contra Impugn. Relig. cap. XVI. §§ 2, 3.

[213] S. Thomæ Aquinat. Summ. Sec. Sec. Q. X. art. 8, 12.--Zanchini de Hære. c. ii.

[214] Chron. Laudunens. ann. 1198.--Ottonis de S. Blasio Chron. (Urstisius I. 223 sq.).--Joann. de Flissicuria (D. Bouquet, XVIII. 800).--Rob. Autissiodor. Chron. ann. 1198, 1202.--Rog. Hoveden. Annal. ann. 1198, 1202.--Rigord. de Gest. Phil. Aug. ann. 1195, 1198.--Guillel. Brit. de Gest. Phil. Aug. ann. 1195.--Grandes Chroniques, ann. 1195, 1198.--Jacob. Vitriens. Hist. Occident. c. 8.--Radulph. de Coggeshall ann. 1198, 1201.--Chron. Cluniacens. ann. 1198.--Chron. Leodiens. ann. 1198, 1199.--Alberic. T. Font. Chron. ann. 1198.--Geoff. de Villehardouin c. 1.--Annal. Aquicinctin. Monast. ann. 1198.--Joann. Iperii Chron. ann. 1201-2.

[215] Pet. Sarnens. c. 6.--Guillel. Pod. Laur. c. 8.--Innoc. PP. III Regest. XI. 196, 197; XII. 17.

[216] Innocent. PP. III. Regest. XI. 98; XII. 67, 69; XIII. 63, 78, 94; XV. 90, 91, 92, 93, 96, 137, 146.--Ripoll. Bull. Ord. FF. Prædic. I. 96.--Berger, Registres d'Innoc. IV. No. 2752.

[217] Bremond de Guzmana Stirpe S. Dominici, Romæ, 1740, pp. 11, 12, 127, 133, 288.

[218] Bern. Guidon. Tract. Magist. Ord. Prædicat. ann. 1203-6.--Nic. de Trivetti Chron. ann. 1203-9.

[219] Pet. Sarnens. c. 7.--Innoc. PP. III. Regest. IX. 185.--Paramo de Orig. Offic. S. Inquis. Lib. II. Tit. 1, c. 2, §§ 6, 7.--Nic. de Trivetti Chron. ann. 1205.--Chron. Magist. Ord. Prædic. c. 1.--Bern. Guidon. Hist. Fundat. Convent. (Martene Ampl. Collect. VI. 439).

[220] Lacordaire, Vie de S. Dominique. p. 124.--Nic. de Trivetti Chron. ann. 1203.--Jac. de Voragine Legenda Aurea, Ed. 1480, fol. 88_b_, 90_a_.

As St. Francis had the distinguishing peculiarity of the Stigmata, so the Dominicans boasted that their founder had the special characteristic that when his tomb was opened the odor of sanctity exhaled from it was a delicious scent from paradise hitherto unknown, so penetrating in quality that it pervaded the whole land, and so persistent that those who touched the holy relics had their hands perfumed for years.--Prediche del Beato Frà Giordano da Rivalto, Firenze, 1831, I. 47.

[221] Nic. de Trivetti Chron. ann. 1215.--Bernardi Guidonis Tract, de Magist. Ord. Prædic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 400).--Hist. Ordin. Prædic. c. 1 (Ib. 332).

[222] Nic. de Trivetti loc. cit.--Chron. Magist. Ord. Prædic. c. 1.--Bernard. Guidonis loc. cit.--Concil. Lateran. IV. c. xiii.--Harduin. Concil. VII. 83.

[223] Hist. Ordin. Prædicat. c. 1, 2, 3.--Chron. Magist. Ordin. Prædicat. c. 1.--Bernard. Guidonis Tract. de Magist. Ord. Prædic. (Martene Ampliss. Coll. VI. 332-4, 400).

[224] Bernard. Guidon. Tract de Ordin. Prædic. (Martene Ampl. Collect. VI. 400, 402-3).--Ejusd. Hist. Fund. Convent. Prædic. (Ib. 446-7).--Hist. Ordin. Prædic. c. 9.--Nic. de Trivetti Chron. ann. 1220, 1228.--Chron. Magist. Ordin. Prædic. c. 3.--Constit. Frat. Prædic. ann. 1228, Dist. I. c. 22; II. 26, 34 (Archiv für Literatur-und Kirchengeschichte, 1886, pp. 209, 222, 225).

[225] Nic. de Trivetti Chron. ann. 1215, 1217, 1218.--Chron. Magist. Ord. Prædic. c. 2.--Hist. Ordin. Prædic. c. 1, 5.--Bern. Guidon. Tract. de Magist. Ord. Prædic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 401).--Hist. Convent. Parisiens. Frat. Prædic. (Ib. 549-50).

[226] Bern. Guidon. Tract. de Magist. (Martene VI. 403-4).--Ejusd. Hist. Convent. Prædic. (Ib. 459).--Nic. de Trivetti Chron. ann. 1221, 1243, 1276.--Hist. Ordin. Prædic. c. 7.--Mag. Bull. Roman. I., 73, 74, 77, 94.

An enumeration of the Dominican Order made in 1337, at the request of Benedict XII., showed about twelve thousand members. Preger, Vorarbeiten zu einer Geschichte der deutschen Mystik (Zeitschrift für die hist. Theol. 1869, p. 12).

[227] Bonaventuræ Vit. S. Fran. c. I., c. II. No. 1-4.

[228] S. Bonavent. c. II., III.

This account is doubtless colored by the result and adapted unconsciously to the successive stages of a formal religious organization. At first, however, the brethren were not expected to abandon their ordinary pursuits. They were required to follow their regular handicraft, earning their livelihood, and not living on alms except in case of necessity. See the First Rule, as reconstructed by Prof. Karl Müller, Die Anfänge des Minoritenordens, Freiburg, i. B., 1885, p. 186.

[229] Bonavent. Vit. Franc. c. IV. No. 10.--Frat. Jordani Chron. (Analecta Franciscana I. 6. Quaracchi, 1885).--Waddingi Annal. Minorum ann. 1260, No. 14.--Th. de Eccleston de Adventu Minorum Collat. 2.

[230] Frat. Jordani Chron. (Analecta Franciscana I. 3).--S. Francisci Colloq. IX.--Liber Conformitatum, Lib. I. Fruct. 9 (Ed. 1513, fol. 77_a_).--Potthast Regesta No. 7108.

The dates and details of the successive Rules drawn up by Francis are involved in considerable obscurity. The subject has been discussed with much acuteness by Karl Müller, op. cit.

[231] B. Francisci Regul. II.

[232] Lib. Conformitatum Lib. II. Fruct. 5, fol. 155_b_.

[233] Bonavent. Vit. Francis, c. 8.--Lib. Conformitatum Lib. I. Fruct. 1, fol. 13_a_; Lib. III. Fruct. 3, fol. 210_a_.--Thomæ de Eccleston de Adventu Minorum Collat. XII.--Alex. PP. IV. Bull. Quia longum ann. 1259--Wadding, ann. 1256, No. 19.--Mag. Bull. Roman. I. 79, 108.--Potthast Regesta No. 10308.--See also Mr. J.S. Brewer's eloquent tribute to the Franciscans in his preface to the Monumenta Franciscana (M.R. Series).

In 1496 the University of Paris condemned as scandalous and savoring of heresy the attempts of the Franciscans to assimilate their patron to Christ.--(D'Argentré, Coll. Judic. de nov. Error. I. ii. 318.)

When the Dominicans claimed for St. Catharine of Siena the honor of the Stigmata, Sixtus IV., in 1475, issued a bull prohibiting her being represented with them, as they were reserved for St. Francis (Martene Ampliss. Collect. VI. 1386). They had not as yet been vulgarized by La Cadière and Louise Lateau.

[234] S. Francis. de Perfecta Lætitia; Ejusd. Epistt. xi., xv.--Waddingi Annal. ann. 1298, No. 24-40.--Cantù, Eretici d'Italia, I. 128.

[235] Lib. Conform. Lib. I. Fruct. 8, fol. 47.--Thom. de Eccleston Collat. I.--Frat. Jordani Chron. c. 27 (Analecta Franciscana I. 10).--S. Francis. Collat. Monasticæ, Collat. 20.

[236] Waddingi Annal. ann. 1262, No. 3, 4, 8; ann. 1273, No. 12.

[237] S. Francis. Collat. Monast. Collat. 5.--Ejusd. pro Paupertate obtinenda Oratio.--Lib. Conform. Lib. III. Fruct. 4, fol. 215_a_.

[238] S. Francis. Colloq. 27.--Th. de Eccleston de Adventu Minorum Collat. 1, 2.

[239] Philip. Bergomat. Supplem. Chronic. Lib. XIII. ann. 1215.--Bonavent. Vit. S. Fran. c. IV. No. 5; c. XI--Regula Fratrum Sororumque de Pœnitentia.--Potthast Regest. No. 6736, 7503, 13073.--Chron. Magist. Ordin. Prædicat. c. 2, 9.--Raynald. Annal. ann. 1233, No. 40.--Nicolai PP. IV. Bull. Supra montem, ann. 1289.

[240] Chron. Augustens. ann. 1250.--Matt. Paris. ann. 1252.

[241] Pierre de Fontaines, Conseil, ch. xxi. art. 8.--Le Grand d'Aussy, Fabliaux, II. 112-3.--The existence of the "droit de marquette" has been questioned, but without reasonable ground. The authorities may be found in the author's "Sacerdotal Celibacy," 2d Ed. p. 354.

[242] Matt. Paris ann. 1251 (pp. 550-2).--Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1251.--Amalrici Augerii Vit. Pontif. ann. 1251.--Bern. Guidon. Flor. Chronic. (Bouquet, XXI. 697). A similar extraordinary movement took place in 1309 (Chron. Corn. Zanflict ann. 1309), and another, on a larger scale, in 1320 (Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1320.--Grandes Chroniques V. 245-6.--Amal. Auger. Vit. Pontif. ann. 1320).

[243] Monach. Paduan. Lib. III. ann. 1260.--Chron. F. Francisci Pipini ann. 1260.--Gesta Treviror. Archiep. c. 268.--Closener's Chronik (Chron. der deutschen Städte, VIII. 73, 104).--Lami, Antichità Toscane, p. 617.--Verri, Storia di Milano, I. 264.

[244] Potthast Regest. No. 8324, 8326, 9775, 10905, 11169, 11296, 11319, 11399, 11415.--Ripoll. I. 99.--Matt. Paris ann. 1234 (pp. 274-6).--Wadding. Annal. ann. 1295, No. 18.--Mag. Bull. Roman. I. 174.--Ripoll II. 40.

The exemption of the Mendicants from all local jurisdiction save that of their own Orders was a source of almost inconceivable trouble in every portion of Christendom. When, for instance, in 1435, the legates of the Council of Basle were on their way to Brünn to settle the terms of pacification with the Hussites, they were called upon in Vienna to silence a Franciscan whose abusive sermons created disorder, and it was with much trouble that they forced him to admit that, as representing a general council, they had authority to discipline him. On their arrival at Brünn they found the public agitated over a dreadful scandal, the Dominican provincial having seduced a nun of his own order. The woman had borne a child to him, and no steps had been taken against him. The ordinary judicial machinery of the Church was utterly powerless to deal with him, and the precautions which the legates deemed it prudent to take before they ventured to commence proceedings show how arduous and dangerous they felt the task to be, though when they got to work they sentenced him to deposition and imprisonment for life on bread and water.--Ægidii Carlerii Liber de Legationibus (Monument. Concil. General. Sæc. XV. T. I. pp. 544-8, 553, 555, 557, 563-6, 572, 577, 587, 590, 595). This, however, seems to have been a mere brutum fulmen, as there is no allusion to any attempt to execute the sentence.

[245] Potthast No. 11040, 11041:--The usefulness of the Mendicants in aiding the papacy to unlimited domination is seen in the condemnation, by the University of Paris, in 1429, of the Franciscan Jean Sarrasin for publicly teaching that the whole jurisdiction of the Church is derived from the pope. He was forced to admit that it was bestowed by God on the several classes of the hierarchy, and that the authority of councils rested, not on the pope, but on the Holy Ghost and the Church (D'Argentré, Coll. Judic. de nov. Error. I. ii. 227).

[246] Richard, de S. Germano Chron. ann. 1229, 1239.--Potthast Regesta No. 10725, 13360.--Ripoll I. 158, 172.--Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. VI. pp. 405, 699-701, 710-11. Waddingi Annal. ann. 1246, No. 4; ann. 1253, No. 35-6.--Martene Ampliss. Coll. II. 1192.--Barbarano de' Mironi, Hist. Eccles. di Vicenza, II. 73.

[247] Potthast Regesta No. 7380, 8027, 8028, 10343, 10363, 10364, 10365, 10804, 10807, 10906, 10956, 10964, 11008, 11159.--Martene Thesaur. V. 1812.--Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. III. p. 416.--Gest. Archiep. Trevirens. c. 190-271.

[248] Martene Ampliss. Collect. I. 1146-9.--Innoc. PP. III. Regest. XV. 240.--Berger, Registres d'Innocent IV. No. 2712.

[249] Constit. Frat. Prædic. ann. 1228, Dist. II. cap. 32, 33 (Archiv. für Litt. und Kirchengeschichte, 1886, p. 224).--Innoc. PP. III. Regest. IX. 185.--S. Francis. Orac. XXII.--Ejusd. Regul. Sec. c. 9.--Stephan. de Borbone (D'Argentré, Collect. Judic. de nov. Error. I. I. 90-1).--Bern. Guidon. (Martene Ampl. Collect. VI. 530).--Potthast Regest. No. 6508, 6542, 6654, 6660, 7325, 7467, 7468, 7480, 7890, 10316, 10332, 10386, 10629, 10630, 10657, 10990, 10999, 11006, 11299, 15355, 16926, 16933.--Martene Thesaur. I. 954.--Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1227 c. 19.--Baluz. Concil. Gall. Narbon. App. pp. 156-9.

There were not many prelates like Robert Grosseteste of Lincoln, who wrote to both Jordan and Elias, the generals of the two Orders, to let him have friars, as his diocese was large and he required help in the duties of preaching and hearing confessions.--Fascic. Rer. Expetend. et Fugiend. II. 334-5. (Ed. 1690).

[250] Brev. Hist. Ord. Prædic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 357).--Extrav. Commun. Lib. III. Tit. vi. c. 8.--Concil. Nimociens. ann. 1298, c. 17.--Constit. Joann. Archiep. Nicos. ann. 1321, c. 10.--C. Avenionens. ann. 1326, c. 27; ann. 1337, c. 82.--C. Vaurens. ann. 1368, c. 63, 64.--Epistt. Sæculi XIII. T.I. No. 437 (Monument. Germ. Hist.).--Berger, Les Registres d'Innoc. IV. No. 1875-8, 3252-5, 3413.--Ripoll I. 25, 132-33, 153-4; II. 61, 173; VII. 18.--Matt. Paris ann. 1234, p. 276; ann. 1235, pp. 286-7; ann. 1255, p. 616.--Potthast Regesta No. 8786_a_, 8787-9, 10052.--Trithem. Annal. Hirsaug. ann. 1268.--Conc. Biterrens. ann. 1233, c. 9.--C. Arelatens. ann. 1234, c. 2.--C. Albiens. ann. 1254, c. 17, 18.--S. Bonaventuræ Libell. Apologet. Quæst. 1.--Abbat. Joachimi Concordiæ v. 49.

The details of the disgusting quarrels over the dying and dead are impressively set forth in a composition attempted by Boniface VIII., in 1303, between the clergy of Rome and the Mendicants (Ripoll II. 70). The constant litigation on the subject was one of the chief grievances of the spiritual section of the Franciscans (Hist. Tribulationum, ap. Archiv für Litteratur-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1886, p. 297).

[251] Alex. PP. Bull. Quasi lignum vitæ.--Waddingi Annal. ann. 1255, No. 2.--Dupin, Bib. des Auteurs Éccles. T. X. ch. vii.

For the exemption of students from secular jurisdiction see Berger, Registres d'Innocent IV. No. 1515.--Molinier (Guillem Bernard de Gaillac, Paris, 1884, pp. 26 sqq.) gives a good account of the educational organization of the Dominicans at this period.

[252] Waddingi Annal. ann. 1234, No. 4, 5; ann. 1255, No. 3.--Brev. Hist. Ord. Præd. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 356-7).--Potthast Regesta No. 15562.--Matt. Paris, ann. 1253, p. 590.

William of St. Amour was a pluralist. Not satisfied with a canonry of Beauvais and a church with a cure of souls, we find him, in 1247, obtaining of Innocent IV. a dispensation to hold another cure.--Berger, Les Registres d'Innoc. IV. No. 3188.

[253] Waddingi Annal. ann. 1254, No. 3; ann. 1255, No. 5.--Brevis Historia (Martene VI. 357).--Martene Thesaur. I. 1059.

[254] Waddingi Annal. ann. 1254, No. 20; ann. 1255, No. 1.--Ripoll I. 266-7.

[255] Ripoll I. 289, 291, 296, 298, 301, 306, 308, 311, 312, 320, 322, 324, 333, 334, 336, 342, 345, 350.--Matt. Paris ann. 1255, pp. 611, 616.--Wadding. Annal. ann. 1255, No. 4; ann. 1256, No. 20-37.--Fasciculus Rer. Expetend. II. 18 sqq. Ed. 1690.--Mag. Bull. Roman. I. 112.--D'Argentré Collect. Judicior. de nov. Error. I. I. 170 sqq.--Guill. Nangiac. Gesta S. Ludov. ann. 1255.--Grandes Chroniques, IV. 373-4.--Bern. Guidon. Flor. Chron. (Bouquet, XXI. 698).

[256] Ripoll I. 346, 348, 349, 352-3, 372, 375-9.--Waddingi Annal. ann. 1256, No. 38; ann. 1257, No. 1-4, 6; ann. 1259, No. 3-6; ann. 1260, No. 10.--Clement. PP. IV. Bull. Virtute conspicuos, ann. 1265.--Dupin, Bib. des Auteurs Éccles. T.X. ch. vii.

When, in 1632, an edition of St. Amour's works was published in Constance (Paris) the Dominicans had sufficient influence with Louis XIII. to obtain its suppression in a savage edict. All the copies were seized: to retain one was punishable with a fine of three thousand livres, and it was declared a capital offence for a bookseller to have a single copy for sale (Mosheim de Beghardis, p. 27). The "Pericula Novissimorum Temporum" had, however, been printed, with two of St. Amour's sermons, by Wolfgang of Weissenburg in his "Antilogia Papæ," Basle, 1555, and this was reprinted in London in 1688, and embodied by Brown in his edition of the "Fasciculus Rerum Expetendarum et Fugiendarum" in 1690.

[257] Bonavent. Apol. Pauperum. Resp. I. c. 1.--Waddingi Annal. ann. 1269, No. 6-8.

[258] Ripoll I. 338.

[259] Clement PP. IV. Bull. Providentia, ann. 1268.--Ripoll I. 341, 344.--Ptol. Lucens. Hist. Eccles. Lib. XXIII. c. 21, 24-5.--Henr. Steronis Annal. ann. 1287, 1299.--Annal. Dominican. Colmariens. ann. 1277.--Waddingi Annal. ann. 1291, No. 97; ann. 1303, No. 32.--Concil. Valentin. ann. 1255.--Concil. Ravennat. ann. 1259.--Martene Ampliss. Collect. II. 1291.--Concil. Remens. ann. 1287.--Salimbene Chronica, pp. 371, 378-9.--Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1298; Ejusd. Continuat. ann. 1351.--Revelat. S. Brigittæ Lib. VI. c. 63; cf. Lib. I. c. 41.--c. 2 Extravagant. Commun. III. vi.--c. 1. Ejusd. v. 7.--Ripoll II. 92-3.--P. de Herenthals Vit. Joann. XXII. ann. 1233.--Martene Thesaur. I. 1368.--c. 2 Extravagant. Commun. v. iii.--Alph. de Spina Fortalicium Fidei, fol. 61_a_ (Ed. 1494).--Hecker, Epidemics of the Middle Ages, p. 30 (Babington's Transl.).--Fascic. Rer. Expetend. et Fugiend. II. 466 (Ed. 1690).--Theiner Monument. Hibern. et Scotor. No. 634, p. 313.--Cosentino, Archivio Storico Siciliano, 1886, p. 336.--Concil. Salisburgens. ann. 1386, c. 8.--Gudeni Cod. Diplom. III. 603.--D'Argentré, Collect. Judic. de Novis Error, I. II. 178.

During the Black Death, of one hundred and forty Dominicans at Montpellier, but seven survived; in Marseilles, of a hundred and sixty, not one. The mortality in the Franciscan Order was reckoned at one hundred and twenty-four thousand four hundred and thirty-four members, which is a manifest exaggeration.--Hoffman, Geschichte der Inquisition, II. 374-5.

[260] D'Argentré, Collect. Judic. de nov. Error. I. II. 180-4, 242, 251, 340, 347, 352, 354, 356.--Religieux de S. Denis, Hist. de Charles VI., Liv. XXIX. ch. 10.--Gersoni Sermo contra Bullam Mendicantium.--Alph. de Spina Fortalicium Fidei. fol. 61 (Ed. 1494).--C. 2 Extravagant. I. 9.--Ripoll III. 206, 256, 268.--Wadding. ann. 1457, No. 61.--H. Cornel. Agrippæ Epistt. II. 49.--Raynald. Annal. ann. 1515, No. 1.--Concil. Lateran. Sess. XI. (Harduin. IX. 1832).--Erasmi Epist. 10 Lib. XII. (Ed. 1642, pp. 585-6).

[261] Potthast Regest. No. 8326, 9172, 11299.--Martene Thesaur. V. 1816, 1820.

[262] S. Francis. Collat. Monast. Collat. XXI., XXV.--Ejusd. Prophet. XIV., XV.--Ejusd. Epist. 6, 7.--Pet. Rodulphii Hist. Seraph. Relig. Lib. I. fol. 177-8.--Th. de Eccleston de Adv. Minorum Collat. XII.--Waddingi Annal. ann. 1253, No. 30.--S. Bonavent. Opp. Ed. 1584, T.I. pp. 485-6.--Matt. Paris. ann. 1243 (p. 414).--S. Brigittæ Revelat. Lib. IV. c. 33.

[263] Bonavent. Vit. S. Francis, c. 9.--Lacordaire, Vie de S. Dominique, pp. 182-3.--Potthast Regest. No. 7429, 7490, 7537, 7550, 9130, 9139, 9141, 10350, 10383, 10421, 11297.--Raynald. ann. 1233, No. 22, 23; ann. 1237, No. 88.--Hist. Ordin. Prædicat. c. 8 (Martene Ampliss. Coll. VI. 338).--Chron. Magist. Ordin. Prædicat. c. 3 (Ibid. 350-1).--Waddingi Annal. ann. 1258, No. 1; ann. 1278, No. 10, 11, 12; ann. 1284, No. 2; ann. 1288, No. 3, 36; ann. 1289, No. 1; ann. 1294, No. 10-12; ann. 1492, No. 2; ann. 1493, No. 2-8.--Rodulphii Hist. Seraph. Relig. Lib. I. fol. 120.--Paramo de Orig. Offic. S. Inquisit. p. 238.

In 1246 Innocent IV. received a very civil letter from Melik el-Mansur Nassir, the ruler of Edessa, expressing his regret that mutual ignorance of each others' language prevented his engaging in theological disputation with the Dominicans sent for his conversion.--Berger, Registres d'Innoc. IV. No. 3031.

[264] Campana, Vita di San Piero Martire, p. 257.--Juan de Mata, Santoral de San Domingo y San Francisco, fol. 13.--Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib. II. c. 63.--Ricchinii Proœm. ad. Monetam, Dissert. I. p. xxxi.--Paramo de Orig. Off. S. Inquis. Lib. II. Tit. ii. c. 1.--Pegnæ Comment. in Eymeric. p. 461.--Chron. Magist. Ord. Prædic. c. 2 (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 348).--Monteiro, Historia da Santo Inquisição P. I. Liv. I. c. xxv., xlviii.

It is an interesting illustration of the softened temper of the nineteenth century to see, in 1842, the learned and zealous Dominican, Lacordaire, writing his "Vie de S. Dominique" to prove the impossibility of Dominic's participation in the cruelty of the Inquisition exactly one hundred years after an equally learned and zealous Dominican, Ricchini, had claimed the Inquisition as the glorious work of the saint. Yet since the time of Lacordaire there has been a reaction, and M. l'Abbé Douais does not hesitate to state, on the authority of Sixtus V., that "Saint Dominique aurait ainsi reçu une délégation pontificale pour l'Inquisition après l'année 1209" (Sources de l'Histoire de l'Inquisition, Revue des Questions Historiques, 1 Oct. 1881, p. 400).

[265] Gregor. PP. IX. Bull. Ille humani generis. Ap. 22, 1233.--Potthast Regesta, No. 9143, 9152, 9153, 9155, 9386, 9388, 9995, 10362.--Innoc. PP. IV. Bull. Inter alia, 20 Oct. 1248 (Baluze et Mansi I. 208).--Archives de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Coll. Doat, XXXI. fol. 21).--Archives de l'Évêché d'Albi (Ib. XXXI. 255).

[266] Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1235.--Concil. Biterrens, ann. 1233; ann. 1246.--Concil. Albiens. ann. 1254 c. 17, 18.--Martene Thesaur. V. 1806, 1808-10, 1817, 1819-20.--Ripoll I. 38.--Aguirre Concil. Hispan. VI. 155-6.--Raynald. Annal. ann. 1233, No. 40, 59 sqq.--Waddingi Annal. ann. 1246, No. 2; ann. 1254, No. 7, 8; ann. 1257, No. 17; ann. 1259, No. 3; ann. 1277, No. 10; ann. 1286, No. 4; ann. 1288, No. 14-16.--Rodulphii Hist. Seraph. Relig. Lib. I. fol. 126_b_.--Potthast Regesta, No. 9386, 9388, 9762, 9766, 9993, 10052, 11245, 15304, 15330, 15069.

[267] MSS. Bib. Nat. Coll. Doat, XXI. 143; XXXII. 15.--Matt. Paris Hist. Angl. ann. 1243 (p. 414).--Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 43.--Raynald. ann. 1238, No. 51.--Harduin. Concil. VII. 1319.--Paramo de Orig. Inq. p. 244.--Wadding Annal. ann. 1238, No. 6, 7; ann. 1266, No. 8; ann. 1277, No. 10; ann. 1291, No. 14.--Potthast No. 16132.--Sixti PP. IV. Bull. Sacri Prædicatorum, 26 Jul. 1479.--Martene Thesaur. II. 346, 353, 359, 451.--Ripoll II. 82, 164, 617, 695.

The disturbances at Marseilles show the favoritism always manifested towards the Mendicants. Two clerks, whom the Dominicans had procured to depose falsely against the inquisitor, were punished with perpetual prison, degradation, and inability to hold benefices; the bishop who had listened to them was suspended from his office and jurisdiction, while the friars who had suborned the perjury and caused the whole trouble were let off with rendering humiliating apologies and transferred to another province. (Martene ubi sup.)

There has been some dispute as to whether Frà Filippo Bonaccorso was a Franciscan or a Dominican. Wadding (l. c.) prints a bull of 1277 in which he is addressed as a Franciscan, but one in the Coll. Doat, T. XXXII. fol. 155, characterizes him as a Dominican.

[268] Anon. Cartus. de Relig. Orig. c. 309 (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 68).--Lib. Conformitatum, Lib. I. Fruct. ii. fol. 16_b_.--MSS. Bib. Bodleian., Arch. S. 130.

[269] S. Bernard. Serm. LXVI. in Cantic. c. 12.--Hist. Vizeliacens. Lib. IV.--Concil. Remens. ann. 1137 c. 1.--Cæsar. Heisterb. Dial. Mirac. III. 16, 17; v. 18.--Guibert. Noviogent. de Vita sua Lib. III. c. 18.--Pet. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. c. 78.--Innoc. PP. III. Regest. XIV. 138.--Alex. PP. III. Epist. 74.--C. 8 Extra V. XXXIV.--C. Lateran. IV. c. 18.

[270] Chron. Laudunens. Canon, ann. 1204 (D. Bouquet, XVIII. 713).--Chronolog. Roberti Autissiodor. ann. 1201.--Innocent PP. III. Regest. XIV. 15; XVI. 17.

[271] Martene Ampl. Collect. I. 776-8.--Alex. PP. III. Epist. 118, 122; Varior. ad Alex. III. Epist. 16.--Hist. Vizeliacens. Lib. IV.--Guibert. Noviogent. l. c.

[272] Hartzheim Concil. German. I. 76, 85-6.--Capit. Car. Mag. ann. 769, c. 6; Capit. II. ann. 813, c. 1.--Gratiani Decret. P. I. Dist. X. I have elsewhere considered in some detail the growth of the spiritual jurisdiction of the Church, through the False Decretals, in the anarchy accompanying the fall of the Carlovingian empire. See "Studies in Church History," 2d Ed. pp. 81-7, 326-39.

[273] S. Bernardi de Consideratione Lib. I. c. 4.--Rogeri Bacon Op. Tert. c. xxiv.--Pet. Blesens. Epist. 202.--Concil. Rotomag. ann. 1231 c. 48. For the rapidity with which the Church assimilated the Roman law see the collection of decretals by Alexander III. post Concil. Lateran.

[274] Fournier, Les Officialités du moyen âge, Paris, 1880, pp. 256 sqq., 273-4.--Cap. 19, 21, §§ 1, 2, Extra v. 1.

[275] Fr. 13, Dig. I. (Ulpian.).--Allard, Histoire des Persecutions, Paris, 1885, p. iii.--Capit. Car. Mag. I. ann. 802; III.. ann. 810; III. ann. 812.--Capit. Ludov. Pii V., VI. ann. 819; ann. 823, c. 28; Capit. Wormatiens. ann. 829.--Caroli Calvi Capit. apud Carisiacum ann. 857; Edict. Pistens. ann. 864.--Carolomanni Capit. ann. 884.--Guillel. Nangiac. Gest. S. Ludov. ann. 1255 (D. Bouquet, XX. 394, 400).--Ducange, s. v. Inquisitores.--Les Olim, T. III. pp. 169, 181, 211, 231, 358, 471, 501, 522, 529, 616.--Assisæ de Clarendon § 1 (Stubbs's Select Charters, p. 137, cf. p. 25).--Stubbs's Constitutional History, I. 99-100, 313, 530, 695-6.--Lib. Juris Civilis Veronæ c. 171 (Ed. 1728, p. 130).--Carta de Logu cap. xvi.(Ed. 1805, pp. 30-2).

[276] Reginon. de Eccles. Discip. Lib. II. c. 1-3.--Burchardi Decret. Lib. I. c. 91-4.--Gratiani Decret. P. II. c. XXXV. Q. vi. c. 7.--C. 7 Extra II. xxi.--Matt. Paris ann. 1246 (Ed. 1644, p. 480).

[277] Lucii PP. III. Epist. 171.

[278] Concil. Avenionens. ann. 1209 c. 2.--Concil. Monspessulan. ann. 1215 c. 46.--Douais, Les sources de l'histoire de l'Inquisition (Revue des Questions Historiques, 1 Oct. 1881, p. 401).--C. Lateran. IV. c. 2.

[279] Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1227 c. 14.--Lucæ Tudens. de altera Vita c. 19.--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1234 c. 5.

[280] Potthast No. 7260.--Concil. Tolosan. ann. 1229 c. 1, 2.--Guill. de Pod. Laur. c. 40.--Guill. Pelisso Chron. Ed. Molinier, p. 18.

[281] Concil. Arelatens. ann. 1234 c. 5.--Concil. Turonens. ann. 1239 c. 1.--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246 c. 1.--Concil. Albiens. ann. 1254 c. 1.--Archives de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Coll. Doat, XXX. 250).--Vaissette, III. Pr. pp. 385-6.--Raynald Annal. ann. 1237, No. 32.--Archives de France, J. 430, No. 19-20.--Archivio di Firenze, Riformagioni, Classe v. fol. 80.--Archives de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXI. 230).

[282] Lami, Antichità Toscane, pp. 484, 504, 524.--Muratori Antiq. Ital. Diss. LX. (T. XII. p. 447).--D'Achery Spicileg. III. 588, 598.--Charvaz, Origine dei Valdesi, Torino, 1838, App. No. xxii.--Isambert, Anc. Loix Fran. I. 228.--Corio, Hist. Milanese, ann. 1228-9.--Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. III. p. 466.

[283] De Lagrèze, La Navarre Française, I. xxi; II. 6.--Concil. Lateran. IV. c. 3 (C. 13 Extra v. vii.).

[284] Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. II. pp. 4-6, 422; T. IV. pp. 6-8, 299-302; T. V. pp. 201, 279-80. The coronation-edict, which formed the basis of all subsequent legislation against heresy, was drawn up by the papal curia, and sent, a fortnight before the ceremony, to the Legate Bishop of Tusculum, with orders to procure the imperial signature and return it, so that it could be published under the emperor's name in the church of St. Peter (Raynald. ann. 1220, No. 19.--Hist. Dipl. I. II. 880). Nothing could seem a plainer duty to an ecclesiastic of the time than that the Church should stimulate the temporal ruler to the sharpest persecution of heresy.

It was doubtless the outlawry of heretics pronounced by the edicts of Frederic which enabled the Inquisition to establish the settled principle that the heretic could be captured and despoiled at any time and by any person, and that the spoiler could retain his goods--provided always that he was not an official of the Holy Office (Tract. de Inquisitione, Doat, XXXVI.).

[285] Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. II. p. 7.--Post Libb. Feudorum.--Post constt. iv. xix. Cod. I. v.--Innoc. PP. IV. Bull. Cum adversus, 1243, 1252, 1254; Bull. Orthodoxœ, 27 Apr., 14 Maii, 1252.--Alex. PP. IV. Bull. Cum adversus, 1258.--Ejusd. Bull. Cupientes, 1260.--Clement. PP. IV. Bull. Cum adversus, 1265.--Wadding. Annal. Minor. ann. 1261, No. 3; ann. 1289, No. 20.--Urbani PP. IV. Bull. Licet ex omnibus, 1262, § 12.--Epistt. Sæculi XIII. No. 191 (Monument. Hist. German.).--Eymerici Direct. Inquis. Ed. Pegnæ, 1607, p. 392.--Innoc. PP. IV. Bull. Ad aures, 2 Apr. 1253.--Sclopis, Antica Legislazione del Piemonte, p. 440.--Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquisit. s.v. Executio, No. 3.--Archivio di Firenze, Riformagioni, Classe II. Distinz. 1, No. 14.--Potthast No. 7672.--C. 2 in Septimo, v. 3.

[286] Isambert, Anc. Loix Fran. I. 230-33; III. 126.--Harduin. Concil. VII. 203-8--Guill. de. Pod. Laur. c. 42.--Établissements, Liv. I. ch. 85, 123.--Livres de Jostice et de Plet, Liv. I. Tit. iii. § 7.

[287] Archives Nat. de France, J. 426, No. 4.--Martene Ampliss. Collect. VII. 123-4.--Bernard. Guidon. Practica P. IV. (Coll. Doat, XXX.).--Clem. PP. IV. Bull. Præ cunctis, 23 Feb. 1266.

In 1229 the Council of Toulouse had already prohibited all laymen from possessing any of the Scriptures, even in Latin (Concil. Tolosan. ann. 1229, c. 14).

[288] Raynald. Annal. ann. 1231, No. 13, 18.--Ripoll I. 38.--Ricobaldi Ferrar. Hist. Impp. ann. 1234.--Paramo de Orig. Offic. S. Inq. p. 177.--Richardi di S. Germano Chron. ann. 1231.--C. 15 Extra v. vii. (In this canon "noluerint" is evidently an error for "voluerint").--Hartzheim Concil. German. III. 540.

[289] Constit. Sicular. Lib. I. Tit. 1.--Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. IV. pp. 435, 444.--Rich. de S. Germano Chron. ann. 1233.--Giannone, Istoria Civile di Napoli, Lib. XVII. c. 6; XIX. 5.

[290] Lami, Antichità Toscane, pp. 493-4, 509-10, 546.

[291] Lami op. cit. 511, 519-22, 528, 531, 543-4, 546-7, 554, 557, 559.--Archiv. di Firenze. Prov. S. Maria Novella 1227, Giugn. 20; 1229, Giugn. 24; 1235, Agost. 23.--Ughelli, Italia Sacra, III. 146-7.--Ripoll I. 69, 71.

[292] Ripoll I. 45, 47.--C. 8 § 8, Sexto v. 2.--Gregor. PP. XI. Bull. Ille humani generis; Licet ad capiendos.--Potthast No. 9143, 9152, 9235.--Arch, de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXI. 21, 25).

[293] Potthast No. 9263; cf. No. 9386, 9388.--Guill. de Pod. Laur. c. 43.--Coll. Doat, XXI. 143, 153.--Ripoll I. 66.

Guillem Arnaud generally qualifies himself as acting under commission from the legate, but sometimes as appointed by the Dominican provincial. In several sentences on the Seigneurs de Niort, in February and March, 1236, he acts with the Archdeacon of Carcassonne, both under legatine authority. As yet there was evidently no settled organization (Coll. Doat, XXI. 160, 163, 165, 166).

[294] Vaissette, III. Pr. 364, 370-1.--Concil. Tolosan. ann. 1229.--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1234.--Concil. Arelatens. ann. 1234.--Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1244.--Coll. Doat, XXI. 143, 155, 158.

[295] Vaissette, III. 452.--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246.--Berger, Les Registres d'Innocent IV. No. 2043, 3867, 3868.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcass. (Doat, XXXI. 68, 74, 75, 77, 80, 152, 182).--Potthast No. 12744, 15805.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 9992.--Concil. Valentin. ann. 1248 c. 10.--Baluz. Conc. Narbonn. App. p. 100.

The system devised by the councils of Languedoc became generally current. In 1248 Innocent IV. ordered the Archbishop and Inquisitor of Narbonne to send a copy of their rules of procedure to the Provincial of Spain and Raymond of Pennaforte, to be followed in the Peninsula (Baluz. et Mansi I. 208); and their canons are frequently cited in the manuals of the mediæval Inquisition.

[296] Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcass. (Doat. XXVII. 7, 156; XXX. 107-9; XXXI. 149, 180, 216).--Vaissette, III. Pr. 479, 496-7.--Martene Thesaur. I. 1045.--Ripoll I. 194.--Innoc. PP. IV. Bull. Licet ex omnibus, 30 Mai, 1254.--Concil. Albiens. ann. 1254 c. 24.--Alex. PP. IV. Bull. Licet ex omnibus, 20 Jan. 1257; Ejusd. Bull. Ad capiendum, ann. 1257.--Clement. PP. IV. Bull. Licet ex omnibus, 17 Sept. 1265.--Gregor. PP. X. Bull. Præ cunctis mentis, 20 Apr. 1273.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. passim.--C. 17 Sexto v. 2.--Eymeric. Direct. Inq. p. 580.--Albert. Repert. Inq. s. v. Episcopus.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. XV.--Isambert, II. 747.--Pegnæ Comment, in Eymeric. p. 578.

[297] Wadding. Annal. Minorum ann. 1288, No. 17.--C. 1 Extrav. Commun. v. iii.

[298] Innoc. PP. IV. Bull. Ad extirpanda, ann. 1252 (Mag. Bull. Roman. I. 91).--Ejusd. Bull. Orthodoxæ, 1252 (Ripoll I. 208, cf. VII. 28).--Ejusd. Bull. Ut commissum, 1254 (Ibid. I. 250).--Ejusd. Bull. Volentes, 1254 (Ib. I. 251).--Ejusd. Bull. Cum venerabilis, 1253 (Mag. Bull. Roman. I. 93-4).--Ejusd. Bull. Cum in constitutionibus, 1254 (Pegnæ App. p. 19).--Alex. PP. IV. Bull. Cum secundum, 1255 (M. B. R. I. 106).--Ejusd. Bull. Exortis in agro, 1256 (Pegnæ App. p. 20).--Ejusd. Bull. Exortis in agris, 1256 (Ripoll I. 297).--Ejusd. Bull. Delecti filii, 1256 (Ripoll I. 312).--Ejusd. Bull. Cum vos, 1256 (Ripoll I. 314).--Ejusd. Bull. Fœlicis recordationis, 1257 (M. B. R. I. 106).--Ejusd. Bull. Implacida, 1257 (M. B. R. I. 113).--Ejusd. Bull. Implacida, 1258 (Potthast No. 17302).--Ejusd. Bull. Ad extirpanda, 1259 (Pegnæ App. p. 30).--Clement. PP. IV. Bull. Ad extirpanda, 1265 (M. B. R. I. 148-51).--Ejusd. Bull. Ad extirpanda, 1266 (Pegnæ App. p. 43).--Archivio di Firenze, Riformagioni, Classe II. Distinzione, 1, No. 14.

About 1330 Bernard Gui (Practica P. IV.--Coll. Doat, XXX.) quotes the provisions of the bull as still among the privileges of the Italian inquisitors.

[299] Bernard. Guidon. Gravamina (Coll. Doat, XXX. 90 sqq.).--Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1229 c. 1, 2.--Concil. Albiens. ann. 1254 c. 3, 5, 8.--Archives de l'Inq. de Carcass. (Doat, XXX. 110-11, 127; XXXI. 250).--Vaissette, III. Pr. 528-9, 536.--Archivio di Napoli, Registro 6, Lett. D. fol. 180.--Eymerici Direct. Inquis. pp. 390-1, 560-1.--Bernardi Guidon. Practica P. IV. (Doat, XXX.).

It was sometimes a work of some labor and time for the inquisitor to obtain his royal letters-patent. When, in 1269, the Franciscans Bertrand de Roche and Ponce des Rives were appointed inquisitors of Forcalquier, they were obliged to travel to Palermo, where Charles of Anjou happened to be residing, and whence he gave them letters, August 4, 1269, to his seneschal and other officials.--Archivio di Napoli, Registro 6, Lett. D, fol. 180.--Cf. Regist. 20, Lett. B, fol. 91.

[300] Mag. Bull. Roman. I. 118.--C. 9 Sexto v. 1.--Zanchini Tract, de Hæret. c. xxxi.--Cf. Eymerici Direct. Inq. p. 561.--Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquisit. s. v. Statutum.

[301] Bernard. Guidon. Gravam. (Doat, XXX. 107-9).--Alex. PP. IV. Bull. Cupientes, 15 Apr. 1255; Ejusd. Bull. Exortis in agro, 15 Mar. 1256.

[302] Pegnæ Append. ad Eymeric. pp. 37-8.--Zanchini Tract, de Hæret. c. xxxvii.

[303] Arch. Nat. de France, J. 431, No. 23.--Innoc. PP. IV. Bull. Devotionis, 2 Mai. 1245 (Coll. Doat, XXXI. 70).--Berger, Registres d'Innoc. IV. No. 1963.--Ripoll I. 132; II. 594, 610, 644.--Alex. PP. IV. Bull. Ut negotium, 5 Mart. 1261.--Urbani PP. IV. Bull. Ut negotium, 4 Aug. 1262.--Mag. Bull. Roman. I. 116, 120, 126, 139, 267, 420.--C. 10 Sexto v. 2.--Potthast No. 13057, 18389, 18419, 19559.--Bern. Guidon. Practica P. IV. (Doat, XXX.).--Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. pp. 136, 137.

It is curious that the question whether the commission of an inquisitor did not expire with the death of the appointing pope was still considered in doubt as late as 1290, when it was settled in favor of permanence by Nicholas IV. in the bull Ne aliqui (Potthast No. 23302). In the earlier period Alexander IV. shortly after his accession, in 1255, considered it necessary to renew the commission of even so distinguished an inquisitor as Rainerio Saccone (Ripoll I. 275).

[304] Coll. Doat, XXXI. 73; XXXII. 15, 105.--Alex. PP. IV. Bull. Odore suavi, 13 Mai. 1256; Ejusd. Bull. Catholicæ fidei, 15 Jul. 1257; Ejusd. Bull. Quod super nonnullis, 9 Dec. 1257; Ejusd. Bull. Meminimus, 13 Apr. 1258.--Clem. PP. IV. Bull. Licet ex omnibus, 30 Sept. 1265.--C. 1, 2, Clementin. v. 2.--Bern. Guidon. Gravam. (Doat, XXX. 114).

[305] Wadding, ann. 1323, No. 17; ann. 1327, No. 5; ann. 1339, No. 1; ann. 1347, No. 10, 11; ann. 1375, No. 30; ann. 1432, No. 10, 11; ann. 1474, No. 17-19.--Archivio di Firenze, Prov. del Convento di S. Croce 26 Ott. 1439.--Ripoll II. 324, 421, 570-1.--Sixti PP. IV. Bull. Sacri, 16 Jul. 1479, § 11.

[306] Eymeric. pp. 540-9, 553.--Archivio di Firenze, Prov. del. Conv. di. S. Croce, 16 Apr. 1418.

[307] Eymerici Direct. Inquis. p. 559.--Greg. PP. X. Bull. 20 Apr. 1273 (Martene Thes. V. 1821).--Zanchini de Hæret. c. viii.--Johann. PP. XXII, Bull. Ex parte vestra, 3 Jul. 1322 (Wadding. III. 291).--C. 16 Sexto V. 2.--C. 3 Extrav. Commun. V. 3.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXVII. 204).

[308] Pegnæ App. ad. Eymeric. pp. 66-7.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcass. (Doat, XXXII. 143, 147).--Eymeric. Direct. Inq. pp. 537-8.--Albert. Repert. Inq. Ed. 1494, s.v. Delegatus.--Franz Ehrle, Archiv für Litteratur-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1886, p. 158.--Lami, Antichità Toscane, p. 583.--Archivio di Firenze, Riformagioni, Classe V. No. 129, fol. 46, 62-70.--Martene Ampl. Collect. VI. 344.

[309] MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 146. In the trial of Friar Bernard Délicieux, in 1319, it was held that he was guilty of "impeding" the Inquisition because, among other acts, he had been concerned in enlarging somewhat the powers of the agents appointed by the city of Albi to prosecute their appeal to Pope Clement V. against their bishop and inquisitor (Ib. fol. 165).

[310] Concil. Turonens. ann. 1239 c. 1.--C. Biterrens. ann. 1246 c. 1.--C. Albiens. ann. 1254 c. 1, 21.--C. Insulan. ann. 1251 c. 2.--Tract. de Paup. de Lugduno (Martene Thesaur. V. 1793).

[311] Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcass. (Doat, XXXV. 85, 184).--Ripoll II. 299, 311; III. 135.

[312] D'Argentré, Collect. Judic. I. I. 185, 234.--Harduin. Concil. VII. 1065-8, 1864.--Capgrave's Chronicle, ann. 1286.--Nic. Trivetti Chron. ann. 1222 (D'Achery III. 188).--Bracton. Lib. III. Tit. ii. cap. 9, § 2.--Myrror of Justice, cap. I. § 4, cap. II. § 22; cap. IV. § 14.--5 Rich. II. c. 5.--Rymer's Fœdera, VII. 363, 447, 458.--2 Henr. IV. c. 15.--Concil. Oxoniens. ann. 1408 c. 13.--2 Henr. V. c. 7.--25 Henr. VIII. c. 14.--1 Edw. VI. c. 12, § 3.--1 Eliz. c. 1, § 15.--29 Car. II. c. 9.--London Athenæum, May 31, 1873; Nov. 29, 1884.

[313] Wright, Proceedings against Dame Alice Kyteler, Camden Soc. 1843.--Wadding. Annal. ann. 1317, No. 56; ann. 1335, No. 5, 6.--Theiner Monument. Hibern. et Scotor. No. 531-2, p. 269; No. 570-1, p. 286; No. 599, p. 299.

[314] Wadding. Annal. ann. 1421, No. 1.

[315] Paramo, pp. 252-3.--Monteiro, Historia da Santo Inquisição, P. I. Lib. I. c. 59.--Ripoll II. 299, 310; III. 9, 110.

[316] Wadding, ann. 1290, No. 2; ann. 1375, No. 27, 28.

It is worthy of note that in the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem heresy seems to have been justiciable by the lay court, and the heretic knight was entitled to be judged by his peers.--Assises de Jerusalem, Haute Court, c. 318 (Ed. Kausler, Stuttgart, 1838, p. 367-8).

[317] Trésor des Chartes du Roi en Carcassonne (Doat, XXI. 34-49).--Lib. Confess. Inquis. Albiæ (MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 11847).--Archives Nat. de France, J. 431, No. 22-29.--Vaissette, III. 446.--Coll. Doat, XXVII. 161.--Molinier, L'Inquisition dans le midi de la France, Paris, 1880, pp. 275-6.

[318] Mag. Bull. Roman. I. 122.--Wadding. Annal. ann. 1265, No. 3.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Coll. Doat, XXXII. 32).--Martene Thesaur. V. 1818--C. 17 Sexto v. 2.--C. 1 Extrav. Comm. v. 3.--Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. pp. 539, 580-1.--C. 1, § 1, Clement, v. 3.

Urban's bull of 1262 is virtually the same as his "Præ cunctis" of 1264, printed by Boutaric, Saint-Louis et Alph. de Toulouse, pp. 443 sqq.

[319] Vaissette, III. 515.--Archidiac. Gloss. sup. c. 17, 20 Sexto v. 2.--Harduin. VII. 1017-19.--C. 17, 19 Sexto v. 2.--C. 1, Clement, v. 3.--Concil. Melodun. ann. 1300, No. 4.--Bernard. Guidon. Hist. Conv. Albiens. (Bouquet, XXI. 767).--Albert. Repert. Inquis. s.v. Episcopus.--Guid. Fulcod. Quæst. I.--Ripoll I. 512; VII. 53.--Joann. Andreæ Gloss, sup. c. 13 § 8 Extra, v. vii.--Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. pp. 626, 637, 650.--C. 1 Extrav. commun. v. 3.--Bernard. Guidon. Practica P. IV. (Doat, XXX.).--Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquis. s.v. Bona hæreticorum.

As early as 1257 we find that the Inquisition had already extended its jurisdiction over usury as heresy (Alex. PP. IV. Bull. Quod super nonnullis [Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcass. Doat, XXXI. 244]--a bull which was repeatedly reissued. See Raynald. Annal. ann. 1258, No. 23; Potthast Regesta 17745, 18396; Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. Ed. Pegnæ, p. 133. Cf. c. 8 § 5 Sexto v. 2). The Council of Lyons, in 1274 (can. 26, 27), in treating of usury, alludes only to its punishment by the Ordinaries. The Council of Vienne, in 1311, directed inquisitors to prosecute those who maintained that usury is not sinful (c. 1 § 2 Clementin. v. 5); but Eymerich (Direct. Inquis. p. 106) deprecates attention to such matters as an interference with the real business of the Inquisition. Zanghino lays down the rule that a man may be a public usurer, or blasphemer, or fornicator without being a heretic, but if he, in addition, manifests contempt for religion by not frequenting divine service, receiving the sacrament, observing the fasts and other ordinances of the Church, he becomes suspect of heresy, and can be prosecuted by the inquisitors (Zanchini Tract. de Hæres. c. XXXV.).

We shall see that usury became a very profitable subject of exploitation by the Inquisition when the diminution of heresy deprived it of its legitimate field of action. As the offence was one cognizant by the secular courts (see Vaissette, IV. 164), there was really no excuse for the exercise of spiritual jurisdiction over it.

[320] Coll. Doat, XXVII. 7; XXXIV. 87.--Concil. Bergamens. ann. 1311, Rubr. 1.--MSS. Bib. Nat. Coll. Moreau. 1274, fol. 72.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan, pp. 268, 282, 351-2.

[321] W. Preger, Meister Eckart und die Inquisition, München, 1869.--Denifle, Archiv für Litteratur-und Kirchengeschichte, 1886, pp. 616, 640.--Raynald. ann. 1329, No. 70-2.--Gustav Schmidt, Päbstliche Urkunden und Regesten, Halle, 1886, p. 223.--Cf. Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. pp. 453 sqq.

The power of the Inquisition over the specially exempted orders of the Mendicants varied at times. Jurisdiction was conferred by Innocent IV., in 1254, by the bull Ne comissum vobis (Ripoll I. 252). About two hundred years later, Pius II. placed the Franciscans under the jurisdiction of their own minister-general. In 1479 Sixtus IV., by the golden bull Sacri prædicatorum, § 12, forbade all inquisitors from prosecuting members of the other Order (Mag. Bull. Roman. I. 420). Soon afterwards Innocent VIII. prohibited all inquisitors from trying Franciscan friars; but, with the rise of Lutheranism, this became inexpedient, and in 1530 Clement VII., in the bull Cum sicut, § 2, removed all exemptions, and again made all justiciable by the Inquisition (Mag. Bull. Rom. I. 681), which was repeated by Pius IV. in the bull Pastoris æterni, in 1562 (Eymeric. Direct. Inq. Append. p. 127; Pegnæ Comment. p. 557).

Whether a bishop could proceed against an inquisitor for heresy was a debatable question, and one probably never practically tested. Eymerich holds that he could not, but must refer the matter to the pope; but Pegna, in his commentaries, quotes good authorities to the contrary (Eymeric. op. cit. pp. 558-9).

[322] Concil. Parisiens, ann. 1350 c. 3, 4.--Arch, de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXV. 132).--Archives de l'Évêché d'Albi (Doat, XXXV. 187).--Eymerici Direct. Inquis. p. 529.--Sprengeri Mall. Maleficar. P. III. Q. 1.--Ripoll II. 311, 324, 351.--Cornel. Agrippæ de Vanitate Scientiarum, cap. XCVI. Yet a bull of Nicholas V. to the inquisitor of France in 1451 seems to render him independent of episcopal co-operation (Ripoll III. 301).

[323] C. 17 Sexto v. 2.--See the "Modus examinandi hæreticos" printed by Gretser (Mag. Bib. Patrum XIII. 341) prepared for a German episcopal Inquisition.

[324] Coll. Doat, XXXVII. 7; XXIX. 5.

[325] Coll. Doat, XXX. 132; XXXII. 155.

[326] Coll. Doat, XXXV. 18.

[327] Bern. Guidon. Practica P. IV. ad finem (Doat, XXX.). This sketch of the model inquisitor seems to have been a favorite. I find it in another MS. Tractatus de Inquisitione (Doat, XXXVI.).

[328] Gregor. PP. IX. Bull. Ille humani generis, 20 Mai. 1236 (Eymeric. App. p. 3).--Vaissette, III. 410-11.--Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 43.--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246, Append, c. 1.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXI. 5).--Raynald. ann. 1243, No. 31.--Innoc. PP. IV. Bull. Quia sicut, 19 Nov. 1247 (Potthast 12766.--Doat, XXXI. 112).--Ejusd. Bull. Ad extirpanda § 31.--Anon. Passaviens. (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 308).--Doctrina de modo procedendi (Martene Thesaur. V. 1809-11).--Alex. PP. IV. Bull. Cupientes, 4 Mart. 1260 (Mag. Bull. Rom. I. 119).--Ripoll I. 128.--Guill. Pelisso Chron. Ed. Molinier, p. 27.--Bernardi Guidon. Practica P. IV. (Doat, XXX.).--Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. pp. 407-9.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930, fol. 220.

[329] Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 43.--Vaissette, III. 402, 403, 404; Pr. 386.--Raynald. ann. 1243, No. 31.--Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1244 c. 1.--Concil, Biterrens. ann. 1246, Append. c. 2, 5.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carc. circa 1245 (Doat, XXXI. 5).--Guid. Fulcod. Quæst. IT.--Bern. Guidon. Practica P. IV. (Doat, XXX.).--Eymerici Direct. Inquis. pp. 407-9.--Practica super Inquisit. (MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930, fol. 227-8).--Archivio Storico Italiano, 1865, No. 38, pp. 16-17.

[330] B. Guidon, loc. cit--Ripoll I. 46.

[331] C. 2 Clement, v. iii.--Bern. Guidon Gravam. (Doat, XXX. 117, 128).--Ripoll II. 610.--In 1431 Eugenius IV. dispensed with the rule in the case of an inquisitor appointed in his thirty-sixth year (Ripoll III. 9).

[332] Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246 c. 4.--Molinier, pp. 129, 131, 281-2.--Hauréau, Bernard Délicieux, p. 20.--Wadding. Annal. ann. 1261, No. 2.--Urbani PP. IV. Bull. Ne catholicæ fidei, 26 Oct. 1262.--Bernardi Guidonis Practica, P. IV. (Doat, XXX.).--Eymerici Direct. Inq. p. 557, 577.--Archivio di Napoli, MSS. Chioccarello T. VIII.; Ibid. Registro 6, Lett. D. f. 35.

[333] C. 11, 19, 20 Extra I. 29.--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246 c. 3.--Coll. Doat, XXV. 230.--Urbani PP. IV. Bull. Licet ex omnibus, 20 Mart. 1262.--Guid. Fulcod. Quæst. IV.--C. 11 Sexto v. 2.--C. 2 Clement. v. 3.--Bernardi Guidon. Practica P. IV. (Doat, XXX.).--Eymerici Direct, pp. 403-6.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. xxx.

It is not easy to understand why, in 1276, the Lombard Inquisitors Frà Niccolò da Cremona and Frà Daniele Giussano assembled experts in Piacenza to determine whether they had power to appoint delegates, when the question was decided in the negative (Campi, Dell' Historia Ecclesiastica di Piacenza, P. II. p. 308-9).

[334] Archives de l'Évêché d'Albi (Doat, XXXV. 136, 187).--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. XV.--Eymerici Direct. p. 407.

[335] Coll. Doat, XXII. 237 sqq.--Innoc. PP. IV. Bull. Licet ex omnibus, 30 Mai. 1254.--Bernardi Guidon. Practica P. IV. (Doat, XXX.).--Clement PP. IV. Bull. Prœ cunctis, 23 Feb. 1266.--C. 11, § 1 Sexto v. 2.--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246 c. 4.--Alex. PP. IV. Bull. Prœ cunctis, 9 Nov. 1256.--Archives de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXIV. 11).--Molinier, L'Inquis. dans le midi de la France, pp. 219, 287.--Eymeric. Direct. Inq. p. 426.

[336] Bern. Guidon. Practica P. IV. (Doat, XXX.).--Urbani PP. IV. Bull. Licet ex omnibus, ann. 1263, §§ 6, 7, 8 (Mag. Bull. Roman. I. 122).--C. 1 § 3 Clement v. 3.--Coll. Doat, XXX. 109-10.--Eymeric. Direct. Inq. p. 550.

The peculiar importance attached to the notariate and the limitations imposed on its membership are seen in the papal privileges issued for the appointment of notaries. Thus there is one of November 27, 1295, by Boniface VIII. to the Archbishop of Lyons authorizing him to create five; one of January 28, 1296, to the Bishop of Arras to create three, and one of January 22, 1296, to the Bishop of Amiens to create two. (Thomas, Registres de Boniface VIII., I. No. 640 bis, 660, 678 bis.)

In 1286 the Provincial of France complained to Honorius IV. of the scarcity of notaries in that kingdom, and was authorized to create two (Ripoll II. 16).

[337] Guill. Pelisso Chron. Ed. Molinier p. 28.--Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1244 c. 6.--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246 c. 31, 37.--Concil. Albiens. ann. 1254 c. 21.--Alex. PP. IV. Bull. Licet vobis, 7 Dec. 1255; Ejusd. Bull. Prœ cunctis, 9 Nov. 1255, 13 Dec. 1255.--Lib. Sentt. Inq. Tolosan. pp. 198-9.--Coll. Doat, XXXIV. 104.

[338] Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcass. (Doat, XXXIV. 123).--Ripoll I. 356, 396.--Vaissette, III. 406; Pr. 467.--Coll. Doat, XXXI. 105, 149.--Molinier, p. 35.--Bern. Guidon. Hist. Conv. Carcass, (D. Bouquet, XXI. 743).--Lib. Sententt. Inquis. Tolos. p. 232.

[339] Paramo de Orig. Offic. S. Inquis. p. 102.--Pegnæ Comment, in Eymeric. p. 584.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXI. 70; XXXII. 143).

[340] Statuta Pistoriensia, c. 109 (Zachariæ Anect. Med. Ævi, p. 23).--Lib. Juris civilis Veronæ, ann. 1228, c. 104, 183 (Veronæ, 1728).--Statut. criminal. Communis Bononiæ, Ed. 1525, fol. 36 (cf. Barbarano de' Mironi, Hist. Eccles. di Vicenza, II. 69).--Antiqua Ducum Mediolan. Decreta (Ed. 1654, p. 95).--Statuta Criminalia Mediolani, Bergomi, 1594, cap. 127.--Actes du Parl. de Paris, I. 257.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. Pr. 610.

[341] Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcass. (Doat, XXXI. 81).--Archivio di Napoli, MSS. Chioccarello T. VIII.; Registro 3, Lett. A, fol. 64; Registro 6, Lett. D, fol. 35.--Coll. Doat, XXX. 119-20.--C. 2 Clement, v. 3.--Johann. PP. XXII. Bull. Exegit ordinis, 2 Mai. 1321.--Archivio di Firenze, Riformagioni, Archiv. Diplom. XXVII., LXXVIII.-IX.; Riform. Classe. II. Distinz. 1, No. 14.--Villani, Cronica, Lib. XII. c. 58.--Archivio di Venezia, Misti, Cons. X. Vol. XIII. p. 192; Vol. XIV. p. 29.--Eymeric. Direct. Inq. pp. 374-5.--Bernard. Guidonis Practica P. IV. (Doat, XXX.).--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. xxxi.--Urbani PP. IV. Bull. Licet ex omnibus, 1262 (Mag. Bull. Rom. I. 123).--Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquisit. s.v. Inquisitores, No. 14.

For further authorities on the subject, see Farinacii de Hæresi Quæst. 182, No. 89-94.

[342] Concil. Albiens. ann. 1254 c. 7.--Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. 392-402.--Gloss. Hostiens. super. Cap Excommunicamus, § Moneamus.--Gloss. Joan. Andreæ sup. eod. loc.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. pp. 1, 7, 36, 39, 292.--Archives de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXVII. 118).--Isambert, Anc. Loix Françaises, IV. 364-5.--Ogniben Andrea, I Guglielmiti del Secolo XIII., Perugia, 1867, p. 111.--Alex. PP. IV. Bull. Quæsivistis, 28 Mai. 1260.

As in France the office of bailli was a purchasable one, while the incumbent was forbidden to sell it, it is evident that he would be loath to endanger its tenure by risking disobedience to inquisitorial demands.--Statuta Ludov. IX. ann. 1254, c. xxv.-vii. (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII. 1349).

[343] Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. 5.--Coll. Doat, XXI. 226, 308.--Bern. Guidon. Practica P. IV. (Doat, XXX.).--Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1244 c. 8.--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246 c. 34.--Practica super Inquisit. (MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930, fol. 223-4).

[344] C. 1, § 1, Clement v. 3.--Eymeric. Direct. Inq. p. 580.--Coll. Doat, XXXI. 57.--Bernardi Guidon. Practica P. IV. (Doat, XXX.).--Coll. Doat, XXX. 104.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. passim, especially pp. 208-10.--Ibid. p. 300.--Archivio Storico Italiano, No. 38, p. 26 sqq.--Curiosità di Storia Subalpina, 1874, p. 215.

[345] Alex. PP. IV. Bull. Cupientes, 15 Apr. 1255.--Ejusd. Bull. Præ cunctis, 9 Nov. 1256.--Urbani PP. IV. Bull. Licet ex omnibus, § 10, 1262 (Mag. Bull. Rom. I. 122).--Bern. Guidon. Practica P. IV. (Doat, XXX.).--Zanchini de Hæret. c. XV.--Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquisitor, s. v. Advocatus.--Coll. Doat, XXI. 143; XXVII. 156-62, 232; XXXI. 139.--Doctrina de modo procedendi (Martene Thesaur. V. 1795).--Tractatus de Inquis. (Doat, XXXVI.).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930, fol. 205.

[346] Coll. Doat, XXVII. 118, 140, 156, 162.

[347] Coll. Doat, XXVII. 118, 131, 133.--Eymerici Direct. Inq. p. 630.--Bernard. Comens. Lucerna Inquisitor. s. v. Advocatus.

[348] Lami, Antichità Toscane, pp. 557-9.--Coll. Doat, XXXI. 139.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 9992.--Alex. PP. IV. Bull. Prœ cunctis, § 15, 9 Nov. 1256.

[349] Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. pp. 503-12.--Doctrina de modo Procedendi (Martene Thesaur. V. 1795-6).--Tract. de Paup. de Lugduno (Ib. 1792).--Lib. Sententt. Inquis. Tolosan. pp. 1, 6, 39, 98.

[350] Lib. Sententt. Inquis. Tolosan. pp. 37, 39-93, 99-175, 178-9.

[351] Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. pp. 252-4.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 11847 ad finem.--Arch. de l'Inquis. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXI. 83, 94-5).--Guid. Fulcod. Quæst. v.--Alex. PP. IV. Bull. Cupientes, 4 Mart. 1260.--Urbani PP. IV. Bull. Licet ex omnibus, § 11, 1262.--Ejusd. Bull. Prœ cunctis, 2 Aug. 1264.--C. 2 Sexto v. 2.--Bern. Guidon Practica P. IV. (Doat, XXX.).--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. viii.--Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1244 c. 20.--Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. pp. 461-5.

[352] Archivio di Napoli, Registro 3, Lett. A, fol. 64.--Wadding. ann. 1359, No. 1-3.

[353] Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. pp. 350-1.

[354] Ripoll I. 285.

[355] Ripoll I. 434.--Pegnæ Comment. in Eymeric. pp. 406-7.--Wadding. Annal. Regest. Nich. PP. III. No. 10.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXII. 101).--Raynald. ann. 1278, No. 78.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930, fol. 218.

[356] Paramo de Orig. Offic. S. Inquis. pp. 124-5.--Wadding. Annal. ann. 1294, No. 1.--Milman, Latin Christianity, IV. 487.

[357] Arch. de l'Inquis. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXI. 5, 103).--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. ix.

In the Cismontane Inquisition the preliminary oath seems only to pledge the accused to tell the truth as to himself and others (Eymeric. p. 421). In Italy, however, it was the more elaborate affair described in the text. In the trials of the Guglielmites at Milan, in 1300, the accused were, in addition, made to impose on themselves, in case of violating its pledges, a forfeit varying from ten to fifty imperial lire, to secure which they pledged to the inquisitor all their property, real and personal, and renounced all legal defence. Moreover, this pecuniary penalty was not to relieve them from the canonical punishment attendant upon the non-fulfilment of the obligations assumed. This, I presume, was the official formula customary in the Lombard Inquisition.--Ogniben Andrea, I Guglielmiti del Secolo XIII., Perugia, 1867, pp. 5-6, 13, 27, 35, 37, etc.

In some witch trials of 1474 in Piedmont the oath to tell the truth was enforced with excommunication and "tratti di corde," or infliction of the torture known as the strappado, varying from ten to twenty-five times--and also with pecuniary forfeits.--P. Vayra (Curiosità di Storia Subalpina, 1875, pp. 682, 693).

[358] Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. ii.

[359] Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. pp. 413-17.--Archivio di Napoli, Reg. 138, Lett. F, fol. 105.

To appreciate the contrast between the processes of the Inquisition and of the secular courts, it will suffice to allude to the practice of the latter in Milan in the first half of the fourteenth century. An accuser bringing a criminal action was obliged to inscribe himself and to furnish ample security that in case of failure he would undergo the fitting penalty and indemnify the accused for all expenses; in default of security he was to remain in jail until the end of the trial. The judge was, moreover, bound to render his decision within three months.

If the judge proceeded by inquisition he was obliged to give the accused notice in advance. The latter was entitled to counsel and to have the names and testimony of the witnesses communicated to him, and the judge was required, under a penalty of fifty lire, to complete the matter within thirty days.--Statuta Criminalia Mediolani, e tenebris in lucem edita, Bergami, 1594, c. 1-3, 153.

It is true that, under the influence of the Inquisition, the lay courts outgrew these wholesome provisions against injustice, but meanwhile it is important to bear them in mind when considering the secrecy, the delays, and the practical denial of justice in every way which characterized the proceedings against heretics. The gradual demoralization of the secular courts under these influences was a subject of complaint. In 1329 the consuls of Béziers represented to Philippe de Valois that his judges were neglecting to take from accusers proper security to indemnify the accused in case of the failure of the prosecution, and the king promptly ordered the abuse to be corrected.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. Pr. 687.

[360] Doctrina de modo procedendi (Martene Thesaur. V. 1805).--Molinier, L'Inquisition dans le midi de la France, pp. 186-7.

[361] Concil. Tolosan. ann. 1229 c. 10.--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1244 c. 31.--Concil. Albiens. ann. 1254 c. 5.--Modus examinandi hæreticos (Mag. Bib. Patrum XIII. 341).--Joan. Andreæ Gloss. sup. c. 13 Sexto v. 2.--Pegnæ Comment. in Eymeric. p. 490.--Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquis. s. vv. Minor, Torturœ No. 33.

[362] C. 8 Extra II. 14.--Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1244 c. 19.--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246 c. 8; Append. c. 14.--Guid. Fulcod. Quæst. VI.--Coll. Doat, XXI. 143.--Eymeric. Direct. Inq. pp. 382, 495, 528-31.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. pp. 175, 367-74.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. ii., viii., ix.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930, fol. 221.--Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquisit. s. vv. Contumax, Convincitur.--Concil. Lateran. IV. ann. 1215 c. 28.--Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. II. p. 4.--Concil. Albiens. ann. 1254 c. 28.--Alex. PP. IV. Bull. Consultationi vestrœ, 28 Mai. 1260.--C. 13 Extra. v. 38 (cf. Concil. Trident. Sess. 25 de Reform. c. 3).--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcass. (Doat, XXXI. 83).--Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquisit. s. v. Procedere, No. 10.

[363] Muratori, Antiquitat. Ital. Dissert. 60.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. xxiv., xl.--Lami, Antichità Toscane, p. 497.

[364] Alex. PP. IV. Bull. Præ cunctis, § 11, 9 Nov. 1256.--Ejusd. Bull. Cupientes, 10 Dec. 1257; 4 Mart. 1264.--Urbani PP. IV. Bull. Licet ex omnibus, 1262 (Mag. Bull. Rom. I. 122).--Ejusd. Bull. Præ cunctis, 2 Aug. 1264.--Clement. PP. IV. Bull. Præ cunctis, 23 Feb. 1266.--C. 20 Sexto v. 2.--Joan. Andreæ Gloss. sup. cod.--C. 2 Clement. v. 11.--Bernardi Guidonis Practica P. IV. (Doat, XXX.).--Eymeric. Direct. Inq. p. 583.

[365] Doctrina de modo procedendi (Martene Thesaur. V. 1811-12).--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246, Append. c. 16.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXVII. 156, 162, 178).--Bern. Guidon. Gravamina (Doat, XXX. 102).--Ejusd. Practica (Doat, XXIX. 94).--Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. pp. 631-33.--Jacob. Laudens. Orat. ad Concil. Constant. (Von der Hardt. III. 60).--Paramo de Orig. Offic. S. Inquis. pp. 32-33.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. ix.

[366] Eymeric. Direct. Inq. pp. 413, 418, 423-4, 461-5, 521-4.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. ix.--Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquisit. s. v. Impœnitens.--Albertin. Repert. Inquis. s. v. Cautio.

The contrast between this and the secular jurisprudence of the thirteenth century is illustrated in the charter granted by Alphonse of Poitiers to the town of Auzon (Auvergne), about 1260. Any one accused of crime by common report could clear himself by his own oath and that of a single legal conjurator, unless there was a legitimate plaintiff or accuser; and no one could be tried by the inquisitorial process without his own consent.--Chassaing, Spicilegium Brivateuse, Paris, 1886, p. 92.

[367] Bernard. Guidon. Practica P. IV., v. (Doat, XXX.).--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246, Append, c. 16.--Tractat. de Paup. de Lugdun. (Martene Thesaur. V. 1791-4).--Anon. Passaviens. (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 308).--Const, xvi. Cod. I., v.--Molinier, L'Inquisition dans le midi de la France, p. 240.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. p. 147,--Epist. Petri Card. Alban. (Doat, XXXI. 5).--Bernard. Guidon. Gravamina (Doat, XXX. 114).

[368] Bernard. Guidon. Practica P. v.(Doat, XXX.).--Modus examinandi Hæreticos (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 342).--Tractat. de Paup. de Lugd. (Martene Thesaur. V. 1793-4).--MS. Vatican, No. 8668(Ricchini, Prolog.ad Monetam, p. xxiii.).--Anon. Passav.(Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 301).--Molinier, L'Inq. dans le midi de la France, p. 234.--Alex. PP. IV. Bull. Quod super nonnullis, § 10, 15 Dec. 1258.

[369] Tract, de Paup. de Lugduno (Martene Thes. V. 1792).--Cf. Bernard. Guidon. Practica P. v. (Doat, XXX.).

[370] Practica super Inquisitione (MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930, fol. 221).

[371] Tract. de Paup. de Lugduno (Martene Thesaur. V. 1793).--Eymeric. Direct. Inq. pp. 433-4.--Modus examinandi Hæreticos (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 341).

[372] Tract, de Paup. de Lugduno (Martene Thesaur. V. 1787-88).--Eymeric. p, 434.--Archives de l'Inq. de Carcass. (Doat, XXVII. 150).

[373] Wadding. Annal. ann. 1228, No. 45.--Nideri Formicar. Lib. III. c. 10.

[374] Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. 514, 521.--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246, Append. c. 17.--Innoc. PP. IV. Bull. Illius vicis, 12 Nov. 1247.--Lib. Confess. Inq. Albiens. (MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 11847).--Bernard. Guidon. Practica P. v. (Doat, XXX.).--Doctrina de modo procedendi (Martene Thesaur. V. 1795).--Molinier, l'Inq. dans le midi de la France, p. 330.--Archives de l'Inq. de Carcass. (Doat, XXVII. 7 sqq.).--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. pp. 22, 76, 102, 118-50, 158-62, 184, 216-18, 220-1, 228, 244-8, 266-7, 282-5.--Archives de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXIV. 89).--Archives de l'hôtel-de-ville d'Albi (Doat, XXXIV. 45).--Coll. Doat, XXXIV. 189.

[375] Archives de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXI. 57).--Vaissette, III. Pr. 551-3.--Tract, de Paup. de Lugd. (Martene Thesaur. V. 1787).--Joann. Andreæ Gloss, sup. c. 1, Clement, v. 3.--Bernard. Guidon. Practica P. v. (Doat. XXX.).--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXIV. 45).

[376] Superstition and Force, 3d Ed. 1878, pp. 419-20.--Lib. Jur. Civ. Veronæ, ann. 1228, c. 75.--Constit. Sicular. Lib. I. Tit. 27.--Frid. II. Edict. 1220. § 5.--Innoc. PP. IV. Bull. Ad extirpanda, § 26.--Concil. Autissiodor. ann. 578 c. 33.--Concil. Matiscon. II. ann. 585 c. 19.--Alex. PP. IV. Bull. Ut negotium, 7 Julii, 1256 (Doat, XXXI. 196); Ejusd. Bull. Ne inquisitionis, 19 Apr. 1259.--Urban. PP. IV. Bull. Ut negotium, 1260, 1262 (Ripoll, I. 430; Mag. Bull. Rom. I. 132).--Clement. PP. IV. Bull. Ne inquisitionis, 13 Jan. 1266.--Bern. Guidon. Pract. P. IV. (Doat. XXX.).--Pegnæ Comment. in Eymeric. p. 593.--Archivio di Napoli, MSS. Chioccarello, T. VIII.--Historia Tribulationum (Archiv für Litt. u. Kirchengeschichte, 1886, p. 324).

The earliest allusion to the use of torture in Languedoc is in 1254, when St. Louis forbade its use on the testimony of a single witness, even in the case of poor persons.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII. 1348.

[377] Chassaing, Spicilegium Brivatense, p. 92.--Vaissette, IV. Pr. 97-8.--Archives de l'hôtel-de-ville d'Albi (Doat, XXXIV. 45 sqq.).--Lib. Confess. Inq. Albiens. (MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 11847).--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. pp. 46-78, 132, 169-74, 180-2, 266-7.--Bern. Guidon. Practica P. IV. v. (Doat, XXX.).

[378] C. 1, § 1, Clement, v. 3.--Bern. Guidon. Gravamina (Doat, XXX. 100, 120).--Eymeric. Direct. Inq. p. 422.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. xv.

[379] Eymeric. Direct. Inq. pp. 453-5.--Bern. Guidon. Practica P. v. (Doat, XXX.).--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. ix., xiv.--Processus contra Waldenses (Archivio Storico Italiano, No. 38, pp. 20, 22, 24, etc.).--Pauli de Leazariis Gloss. sup. c. 1, Clem. v. 3.--Silvest. Prieriat. de Strigimagar. Mirand. Lib. III. c. 1.--Bernard. Comens. Lucerna Inquisit. s. vv. Jejunia, Torturœ.

That the Clementines had practically fallen into desuetude is shown by Carlo III. of Savoy, in 1506, procuring from Julius II. as a special privilege that in his territories the inquisitors should not send to prison or pronounce sentence without the concurrence of the episcopal ordinaries, and this was enlarged in 1515 by Leo X. by requiring their assent for all arrests.--Sclopis, Antica Legislazione del Piemont. p. 484.

[380] Eymeric. pp. 480, 592, 614.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. ix.--Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquis. s. vv. Indicium, Torturœ No. 19, 25.

[381] Eymeric. Direct. Inq. pp. 480-2.--MSS. Bib. Nat., funds latin, No. 4270, fol. 101, 146.--Responsa prudentum (Doat, XXXVII. 83 sqq.).--Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquis. s. vv. Confessio, Torturœ.

The care with which the inquisitors concealed the means by which confessions were procured is illustrated in the ratification obtained from Guillem Salavert in 1303, of his confession made three years before. He is made to declare it "esse veram, non factam vi tormentorum, amore, gratia, odio, timore, vel favore alicujus, non subornatus nec inductus minis vel blanditiis, seu seductus per aliquem, non amens nec stultus sed bona mente," etc. (MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 11847). Yet Salavert belonged to a group of victims on whom, as we shall see hereafter, torture was unsparingly used.

[382] Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. p. 481.--Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquis. s. vv. Confessio, Impœnitens, Torturœ No. 48.--Responsa prudentum (Doat, XXXVII. 83 sqq.)--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcass. (Doat, XXVII. 126; XXXII. 251).--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. pp. 266-7.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. xxiii.

[383] Fortescue de Laudibus Legum Angliæ, c. xxvii.

[384] Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquisit. s. vv. Infamia, Inquisitores No. 7.

[385] Fournier, Les officialités an moyen âge, pp. 177-8.--C. 14 Extra II. 23.--Bern. Guidon. Practica P. IV. (Doat, XXX.).

[386] Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1244 c. 29.--Trésor des chartes du roi en Carcassonne (Doat, XXI. 34).--Molinier, L'Inquisition dans le midi de la France, p. 342.--Livres de Jostice et de Plet, Liv. I. Tit. iii. § 7.

[387] Concil. Albiens. ann. 1254 c. 27.--Guid. Fulcod. Quæst. IX.--Bern. Guidon. Practica P. IV. (Doat, XXX.).--Lib. Confess. Inq. Albiens. (MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 11847).--Ripoll, I. 72.

[388] Eymeric. Direct. Inq. pp. 376-81.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. iii.

[389] Archidiaconi Gloss. super c. xi. § 1 Sexto v. 2.--Joann. Andreæ Gloss. sup. c. xiii. § 7 Extra v. 7.--Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. pp. 445, 615-16.--Guid. Fulcodii Quæst. XIV.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. xiii., xiv.--Bern. Guidon. Practica P. IV. (Doat, XXX.).

In the lay courts, if a witness swore to the innocence of the accused and subsequently changed his testimony, the first statement was held good and the second was rejected, but in cases of heresy the incriminating evidence was always received.--Ponzinibii de Lamiis c. 84.

[390] C. 17 Cod. IX. ii. (Honor. 423).--Pseudo-Julii Epist. II. c. 18 (Gratiani Decret.) P. II. caus. v. Q. 3, c. 5.--Pseudo-Eutychiani Epist. ad Episcopp. Siciliæ.--Gratiani Comment. in Decret. P. II. caus. II. Q. 7, c. 22; caus. VI. Q. 1, c. 19.--Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. IV. pp. 299-300.--Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 40.--Alex. PP. IV. Bull. Consuluit, 6 Mai. 1260 (Doat, XXXI. 205); Ejusd. Bull. Quod super non nullis, 9 Dec. 1257; 15 Dec. 1258.--C. 5 Sexto v. 2.--C. 8 § 3 Sexto v. 2.--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246 c. 12.--Jacob. Laudun. Orat. in Conc. Constant. (Von der Hardt III. 60).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930, fol. 221.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. xi., xiii.--Eymeric. Direct. Inq. pp. 602-6.

Under the contemporary English law, criminals and accomplices were rejected as accusers, even in high-treason (Bracton, Lib. III. Tract. ii. cap. 3, No. 1).

[391] Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquisit. s. v. Testis, No. 14.--Concil Albiens. ann. 1254 c. 18.--Coll. Doat, XXII. 237 sqq.

In the German feudal law of the period no witness was admitted below the age of eighteen.--Sächsisches Lehenrechtbuch, c. 49 (Daniels, Berlin, 1863, p. 113).

[392] Eymeric. Direct. Inq. pp. 611-13.--Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1244 c. 25.--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246 c. 14.--Arch, de l'Inq. de Carcass, (Doat, XXXI. 149).

[393] Guid. Fulcod. Quæst. VIII.--Pegnæ Comment. in Eymeric. p. 601.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. xiii.--Doctrina de modo procedendi (Martene Thesaur. V. 1802).

Heresy, of course, was a "reserved" case for which the ordinary confessor could not give absolution. Thus a man of Realmont in Albigeois who repented of having been present at a Catharan conventicle went to a Franciscan and confessed, accepting the penance imposed of the minor pilgrimages and some other penitential acts. On his return from their performance, however, he was seized by the Inquisition, tried and imprisoned.--Vaissette, IV. 41.

[394] Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquisit. s.v. Probatio, No. 3.--Archidiac. Gloss. sup. c. xi. § 1 Sexto v. 2.--Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 40.--Bern. Guidon. Gravamina (Doat, XXX. 102).--Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1244 c. 22.--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246 c. 4, 10.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXI. 5).--Innoc. PP. IV. Bull. Cum negotium, 9 Mart. 1254; Ejusd. Bull. Ut commissum, 21 Jun. 1254.--Alex. PP. IV. Bull. Licet vobis, 7 Dec. 1255; Ejusd. Bull. Prœ cunctis, § 6, 9 Nov. 1256; Ejusd. Bull. Super extirpatione, § 9, 1258.--Clem. PP. IV. Bull. Licet ex omnibus, 17 Sep. 1265.--Ejusd. Bull. Prœ, cunctis, 23 Feb. 1266.--Guid. Fulcod. Quæst. xv.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930, fol. 221.--C. 20 Sexto v. 2.--Bern. Guidon. Practica P. iv. (Doat, XXX.).--Responsa Prudentum (Doat, XXXVII.).--Eymeric. Direct. Inq. pp. 450, 610, 614, 626, 627. Cf. Pegnæ Comment, pp. 627-8.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270.--Bernardi Comens, Lucerna Inquisit. s.v. Nomina.--Mladenovic Relatio (Palacky Documenta Joannis Hus, pp. 252-3).

[395] Responsa Prudentum (Doat, XXXVII.).--Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquis. s. v. Tradere.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. ix.

[396] Lib. Confess. Inq. Albiens. (MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 11847).--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. pp. 96-7, 180, 393.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcass. (Doat, XXVII. 118, 133, 140, 149, 178, 204-16).--Eymeric. Direct. Inq. p. 521.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. xiv.

[397] Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. pp. 297, 393.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXVII. 119, 133, 140, 241).--Pegnæ Comment. in Eymeric. p. 625.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret c. xiv.

[398] Concil. Lateran IV. ann. 1215 c. 8.

So, in 1254, St. Louis orders that in all criminal cases where the inquisitorial process is used, the whole proceedings shall be submitted to the accused.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII. 1348.

[399] Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246, Append, c. 8.--Concil. Campinacens. ann. 1238 c. 14.--Contre le Franc-Alleu sans Tiltre, Paris, 1629, p. 216.--Fournier, Les Officialités, etc. p. 289.--C. 11, Extra v. 7.--Concil. Valentin, ann. 1248 c. 11.--Concil. Albiens. ann. 1254 c. 23.--Bernard. Guidon. Practica. P. IV. (Doat, XXX.).--Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. pp. 446, 452, 565, 568.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930, fol. 220.--Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquisitor, s. vv. Advocatus, Defensor.--C. 13, § 7, Extra v. 7.--Alex. PP. IV. Bull. Cupientes, 4 Mart. 1260.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXIV. 123).--Vaissette, IV. 72.

[400] Guid. Fulcod. Quæst. xv.--Eymeric. Direct. Inq. pp. 446, 450, 607, 610, 614.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. ix., xli.--Litt. Petri Albanens. (Doat, XXXI. 5).

In the register of the Inquisition of Carcassonne from 1249 to 1258 M. Molinier has found two cases in which the accused was allowed to introduce evidence in his favor. In one of these G. Vilanière called two witnesses to prove an alibi; in the other Guilleim Nègre brought forward a letter of reconciliation and penitence. In neither case was the defendant successful (L'Inq. dans le midi de la France, p. 346).

[401] Coll. Doat, XXXI. 149.--Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquisit. s.v. Taciturnitas.

[402] Registre de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, Nouv. Acquis. 139, f. 33, 44, 62).--Practica super Inquisitione (MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930, fol. 212).

[403] Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246, Append. c. 18.--Doctrina de modo procedendi (Martene Thesaur. V. 1813).--Coll. Doat, XXVII. 97-8; XXIX. 27; XXXIV. 123; XXXV. 61; XXXVIII. 166.--Lib. Sententt. Inquis. Tolosan. pp. 33-4.--Molinier, L'Inquis. dans le midi de la France, p. 287.--Alex. PP. IV. Bull. Olim ex parte, 24 Sept.; 13 Oct. 1258; Urbani PP. IV. Bull. Idem, 21 Aug. 1262 (Mag. Bull. Rom. I. 117).

[404] Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquisit. s.v. Recusatio.--Bern. Guidon. Practica P. IV. (Doat, XXX.).--Zanchini Tract, de Hæret. c. ii., vii.--Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1244 c. 26.--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246 c. 9.--Eymeric. Direct. Inq. p. 572.

[405] MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 139.

[406] Pegnæ Comment. in Eymeric. p. 675.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. xxix.--Eymeric. Direct. Inq. pp. 453-55.--Grandes Chroniques. ann. 1323.--Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1323.--Chron. de Jean de S. Victor. Contin. ann. 1323.--Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquisitor, s. vv. Appellatio, Exceptio No. 2.

[407] Vaissette, III. 462; Pr. 447.--Coll. Doat, XXXI. 152, 169, 283; XXXII. 69; XXXV. 134.--Potthast No. 10292, 10311, 10317, 18723, 18895.--Ripoll, I. 287.--Coll. Doat, XXXV. 134.

[408] Molinier, L'Inquisition dans le midi de la France, pp. 332-33.--Responsa Prudentum (Doat, XXXVII.).--Bern. Guidon. Practica P. v. (Doat, XXX.).--Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. p. 474.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. xli.

[409] C. 1 Clement, v. 3.--Bern. Guidon. Gravamina (Doat, XXX. 112).

[410] Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. II. p. 4.--Concil. Tolosan. ann. 1229 c. 18.--Concil. Albiens. ann. 1254 c. 16.--Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1242.--Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. pp. 376-8, 380-4, 494-5, 500.--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246, Append. c. 31, 36.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. v., vii., xx.--Doctrina de modo procedendi (Martene Thesaur. V. 1802).--Gersonis de Protestatione consid. xii.--Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquisit. s. v. Præsumptio, No. 5.--Isambert, Anc. Loix Françaises, IV. 364.

It is somewhat remarkable that Cornelius Agrippa maintains that the law expressly forbade the Inquisition from meddling with cases involving mere suspicion, or the defending, reception, and favoring of heretics (De Vanitate Scientiarum, cap. XCVI.).--His contemporary, the learned jurist Ponzinibio, calls special attention to the fact that mere suspicion, even when not accompanied by evil report, is sufficient to justify proceedings in case of heresy, though not in other crimes.--(Ponzinibii de Lamiis c. 88).

[411] Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1242.--Eymeric. Direct. Inq. pp. 376-8, 475-6.--Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquis. s. vv. Practica, Purgatio.--Albertini Repertor. Inquisit. s. v. Deficiens.--Gregor. PP. XI. Bull. Excommunicamus, 20 Aug. 1229.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. vii., xvii.--Martini App. ad Mosheim de Beghardis, p. 537.

[412] Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1244 c. 6, 12.--Muratori Antiq. Ital. Dissert. LX.--Doctrina de modo procedendi (Martene Thesaur. V. 1800-1).--Eymeric. Direct. Inq. pp. 376, 486-7, 492-8.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 67, 215.

[413] Guid. Fulcod. Quæstt. XIII., XV.--Ripoll, I. 254.--Archives de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXI. 139).--Archives de l'Évêché d'Albi (Doat, XXXV. 69).--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. p. 32.--Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. pp. 465, 643.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. XX.

In the sentences of Bernard de Caux, 1246-8, though imprisonment is treated as a penance, the expression is more mandatory than in later proceedings (MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 9992).

[414] Arch. de l'Évêché d'Albi (Doat, XXXV. 69).--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXVII. 232).--Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1234 c. 5.--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246, Append. c. 29.--Eymeric. Direct. Inq. pp. 506-7.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. xvi.--Guid. Fulcod. Quæst. XV.

[415] Tamburini, Istoria dell' Inquisizione, I. 492-502.--Bern. Corio, Hist. di Milano, ann. 1252.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXI. 201).--Ripoll, I. 244, 280, 389.

[416] Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1242.--Innoc. PP. IV. Bull. Noverit universitas, 1254 (Mag. Bull. Rom. I. 103).--Bern. Guidon. Practica P. IV. (Doat, XXX.)--Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. pp. 368-72, 376-8.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. xxxiii.

[417] Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1244 c. 3.--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246, Append. c. 28.--Coll, Doat, XXI. 200.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 9992.

[418] Paramo de Orig. Offic. S. Inquis. Lib. II. Tit. i. c. 2, § 6.--Martene Thesaur. I. 802.--Coll. Doat, XXXI. 1.

[419] Archives de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXI. 255).--Coll. Doat, XXVII. 136.

[420] Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1242.--Concil. Narbonnens. ann. 1244 c. 1.--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246, Append. c. 6.--Bern. Guidon. Practica (Doat, XXIX. 54).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930, fol. 214.

[421] Coll. Doat, XXI. 222.--Wadding. Annal. ann. 1300, No. 1.--Cf. Molinier, L'Inq. dans le midi de la France, pp. 400-1.

[422] Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXVII. 11).--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. pp. 1, 340-1.

[423] Wadding. Annal. ann. 1238, No. 7.--Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1244 c. 2.--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246, Append, c. 26, 29.--Berger, Les Registres d'Innocent IV. No. 3508, 3677, 3866.--Coll. Doat, XXXI. 17.--Vaissette. III. Pr. 468.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, nouv. acq. 139, fol. 8.--Molinier, L'Inq. dans le midi de la France, pp. 408-9.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 284-5.--Coll. Doat, XXI. 185, 186, 217.

[424] C. Biterrens. ann. 1246, Append. c. 26.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. pp. 8, 13, 130, 228.

In Italy the crosses appear to be of red cloth (Archiv. di Firenze, Prov. S. Maria Novella, 31 Ott. 1327).

At an early period there is a single allusion to another "pœna confusibilis" in the shape of a wooden collar or yoke worn by the penitent. This occurs at La Charité, in 1233, and I have not met with it elsewhere (Ripoll, I. 46).

[425] Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1229 c. 10.--Statut. Raymondi ann. 1234 (Harduin. VII. 205).--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1234 c. 4.--Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1242.--Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1244 c. 1.--Concil. Valentin. ann. 1248 c. 13.--Concil. Albiens. ann. 1254 c. 4.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, nouv. acq. 139, fol. 2.

[426] Coll. Doat, XXI. 185 sqq.--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246 c. 6.--Molinier, l'Inquis. dans le midi de la France, p. 412.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. p. 350.

[427] Molinier, op. cit. p. 404, 414-15.--Bernard. Guidon. Gravamina (Doat, XXX. 115).--Ejusd. Practica P. II. (Doat, XXIX. 75).--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXVII. 107, 135, 149).--Eymeric. Direct. Inq. pp. 496-99.

[428] Vaissette, III. Pr. 386.--Lami, Antichità Toscane, p. 560.--Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1244 c. 17.--Innoc. PP. IV. Bull. Quia te, 19 Jan. 1245 (Doat, XXXI. 71).--Molinier, op. cit. pp. 23, 390.--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246, Append, c. 27.--Practica super Inquisit. (MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930, fol. 222).--Innoc. PP. IV. Bull. Cum a quibusdam, 14 Mai. 1249 (Doat, XXXI. 81, 116).--Coll. Doat, XXXIII. 198.--Ripoll, I. 194.--Eymeric. Direct. Inq. pp. 648-9, 653.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. xix., xx., xli.--Archivio Storico Italiano, No. 38, pp. 27, 42.--Campi, Dell' Hist. Eccles. di Piacenza, P. II. p. 309.--Coll. Doat, XXI. 185 sqq.

[429] Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquisit. s.v. Pœnam.

[430] Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXI. 152).--Archives Nationales de France, J. 430, No. 1.--Berger, Les Registres d'Innoc. IV. No. 4093.--Vaissette, III. 460, 462.--Molinier, op. cit. pp. 173, 283-4, 391, 396, 397.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. p. 40.--Bern. Guidon. Practica (Doat, XXIX. 83).--Coll. Doat, XXXI. 292.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXV. 192).--Zanchini Tract, de Hæret. c. xix.

[431] Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXVII. 236).--Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1244 c. 19.--Concil. Albiens. ann. 1254 c. 25.--Guid. Fulcod. Quæst. VII.--Practica super Inquisit. (MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930 fol. 221-2).--Molinier, op. cit. pp. 365, 392.--Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquisit. s. v. Inquisitores, No. 18.

[432] Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1244 c. 17.--C. Biterrens. ann. 1246, Append. c. 15.--Innoc. PP. IV. Bull. Cum venerabilis, 29 Jan. 1253; Bull. Cum per nostras, 30 Jan. 1253; Bull. Super extirpatione, 30 Mai. 1254.--Alex. PP. IV. Bull. Super extirpatione, 13 Nov. 1258, 20 Sept. 1259; Bull. Ad audientiam, 23 Jan. 1260.--Berger, Les Registres d'Innoc. IV. No. 3904.--Ripoll, I. 69, 71, 223-4, 247.--Lami, Antichità Toscane, p. 576.--MS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, nouv. acquis. 139 fol. 43.--Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. p. 638.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. xix.--Bern. Guidon. Practica P. v. (Doat, XXX.).--Albert. Repert. Inq. s. v. Cautio.

The right to offer bail, except in capital offences, was one thoroughly recognized by the secular law. See, for instance, Isambert, Anc. Loix Franç. III. 57.

[433] Molinier, op. cit. pp. 299-302.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXIV. 5. It is perhaps worthy of note that Ripoll, in printing this bull of Boniface VIII., T. II. p. 61, discreetly suppresses the details of inquisitorial wrong-doing).--Grandjean, Registres de Benoît XI. No. 169, 509.--Chron. Girardi de Fracheto Contin. ann. 1303 (D. Bouquet, XXI. 22-3).--Articuli Transgressionum (Archiv. für Litt. u. Kirchengeschichte, 1887, p. 104).--C. 1, § 4, c. 2 Clement, v. 3.--Bernard. Guidon. Gravamina (Doat, XXX. 118-19).--Coll. Doat, XXXV. 113.--Ripoll, VII. 61.--Archivio di Firenze, Riformagioni, Classe XI. Distinz. I. No. 39.--Villani, Cronica, XII. 58.--Alvar. Pelag. de Planct. Eccles. Lib. II. art. vii.--Eymeric. Direct. Inq. p. 332.--Decamerone, Giorn. I. Nov. 6.--Archives administratives de Reims, III. 641.

The strictness with which the canons against usury were construed is illustrated in a case decided by the University of Paris in 1490. The Faculty of Theology was consulted as to the righteousness of a contract under which a certain church had bought for three hundred livres an annual rent of twenty livres arising from certain lands, with the right of recalling the purchase-money after two months' notice; while by a separate agreement the land-owner had the right of redemption for nine years. This is doubtless a specimen of the means adopted of evading the prohibition of interest payment, which must have grown frequent with the development of commerce and industry. The contract ran for twenty-six years before it was questioned and referred to the University. A commission of twelve doctors of theology was appointed, who discussed the subject thoroughly, and reported, eleven to one, that the contract was usurious, and that the annual payments must be computed as partial payments on account of the purchase-money (D'Argentré, Collect. Judic. de nov. Error. I. II. 323).

[434] Cornel. Agrippa de Vanitate Scientiar. cap. XCVI.

[435] Molinier, op. cit. p. 307.--Eymeric. Direct. Inq. p. 650, 685.

[436] Constt. v., VIII. § 3, Cod. I. v.--Assis. Clarendon. Art. 21.--Lami, Antichità Toscane, p. 124.--Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. IV. pp. 299-300.--Lib. Juris Civilis Veronæ c. 156 (Ed. 1728, p. 117).--Alex. PP. IV. Bull. Ad extirpanda, § 21.--Concil. Tolosan. ann. 1229 c. 6.--Statut. Raymondi ann. 1234 (Harduin. VII. 203).--Vaissette, III. Pr. 370-1.--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246, Append. c. 35.--Concil. Albiens. ann. 1254 c. 6.--Établissements, Liv. I. c. 36.--Siete Partidas, P. VII. Tit. xxvi. l. 5.--Bern. Guidon. Practica (Doat, XXIX. 89).--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. pp. 4, 80-1, 168.

[437] Isambert, Anc. Loix Françaises, IV. 364; V. 491.--Ripoll, I. 252.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXVII.248).--Sachsenspiegel, Buch III. Art. I.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. xxxix., xl.

[438] Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. 280.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXV. 122).

[439] Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. X.

[440] Gregor. PP. IX. Bull. Excommunicamus, 20 Aug. 1229.--Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1229 c. 9.--Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. IV. p. 300.--Concil. Arelatens. ann. 1234 c. 6.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 314.

Gregory's bull, as inserted in the canon law, provides perpetual imprisonment for those who "redire noluerint" (C. 15, § 1, Extra v. vii.), which is self-evidently an error for "voluerint," as the previous section directs that persistent heretics are to be handed over to the secular arm. Besides, Frederic's Ravenna decree, issued soon after, in prescribing lifelong imprisonment for converts, speaks of this being in accordance with the canons.

[441] Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1242.--Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1244 c. 9, 19.--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246, Append, c. 20.--Coll. Doat, XXI. 152.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 9992.--Bern. Guidon. Practica P. IV. (Doat, XXX.).

[442] Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. passim, pp. 347-9.--Eymeric. Direct. Inq. p. 507.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 9992.--Practica super Inquisit. (MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930, fol. 222).

[443] Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXIII. 143).--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246 c. 23, 25.--Eymeric. Direct. Inq. p. 507.

[444] Arch. de l'hôtel-de-ville d'Albi (Doat, XXXIV. 45).--Bern. Guidon. Gravam. (Doat, XXX. 100).--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 32, 200, 287.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXVII. 136, 156).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 9992.

The cruelty of the monastic system of imprisonment known as in pace, or vade in pacem, was such that those subjected to it speedily died in all the agonies of despair. In 1350 the Archbishop of Toulouse appealed to King John to interfere for its mitigation, and he issued an Ordonnance that the superior of the convent should twice a month visit and console the prisoner, who, moreover, should have the right twice a month to ask for the company of one of the monks. Even this slender innovation provoked the bitterest resistance of the Dominicans and Franciscans, who appealed to Pope Clement VI., but in vain.--Chron. Bardin, ann. 1350 (Vaissette, IV. Pr. 29).

The hideous abuse of keeping a prisoner in chains was forbidden by the contemporary English law (Bracton, Lib. III. Tract, i. cap. 6).

[445] Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 102, 153, 231, 252-4, 301.--Muratori Antiq. Dissert. LX. (T. XII. p. 519).--Bern. Guidon. Practica P. v. (Doat, XXX.).--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXVII. 7).

[446] Beaumanoir, Coutumes du Beauvoisis, cap. 51, No. 7.--G.B. de Lagrèze, La Navarre Française, II. 339. In the accounts of the Sénéchausseé of Toulouse for 1337 there is an item of twenty sols expended in Nov., 1333, for straw for the prisoners to lie on, lest they should perish with cold during the winter. Other items, amounting to eighty-three sols eleven deniers, for the repairs of the fetters and shackles which they wore shows the rigor of their confinement.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. Pr. 798-99.

[447] Concil. Tolosan. ann. 1229 c. 11.--Concil. Valentin. ann. 1234 c. 5.--Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1244 c. 4.--Coll. Doat, XXXI. 157.--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246, Append. c. 23, 27.--Innoc. PP. IV. Bull. Cum sicut, 1 Mart. 1249 (Doat, XXXI. 114).--Concil. Albiens. ann. 1254 c. 24.--Guid. Fulcod. Quæst. X.

[448] Molinier, op. cit. p. 435.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 536.--Vaissette. Éd. Privat, VIII. 1206.--Arch. de l'hôtel-de-ville d'Albi (Doat, XXXIV. 45).--Bern. Guidon. Gravam. (Doat, XXX. 109).--Isambert. Anc. Loix Françaises, IV. 364.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. Pr. 693-4, 813-14.--Les Olim, III. 148.--Hauréau, Bernard Délicieux, p. 19.--Archivio di Napoli, Reg. 113, Lett. A, fol. 385; Reg. 154, Lett. C, fol. 81; MSS. Chioccorello, T. VIII.

[449] Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXVII. 14, 16).--Muratori Antiq. Dissert. LX. (T. XII. pp. 500, 507, 529, 535).--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 252-4, 307.--Tract., de Hæres. Paup. de Lugd. (Martene Thesaur. V. 1786).

[450] Practica super Inquisit. (MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930, fol. 222).--Molinier, op. cit. p. 449.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXII. 125; XXXVII. 83).

[451] Les Olim, III. 148.--Archives de l'hôtel-de-ville d'Albi (Doat, XXXIV. 45).--Bern. Guidon. Gravam. (Doat, XXX. 105-8).--Ejusd. Practica P. IV. c. 1.--Eymeric. Direct. Inq. p. 587.--Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquisit. s. v. Carcer.

The passage in the Practica alluded to occurs in MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14579, fol. 258. The allusion to the Clementines is not in the MS. printed by Douais, Paris, 1885, p. 179.

In 1325 Bishop Richard Ledred of Ossory availed himself of the Clementine canon to claim supervision over the imprisonment of William Outlaw, whom he threw into the Castle of Kilkenny on a charge of fautorship of sorcerers--there being, apparently, no episcopal jail.--Wright's Proceedings against Dame Alice Kyteler, Camden Soc. 1843, p. 31.

[452] Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 8, 13, 14, 19, 25, 26, 29, 158-62, 246-8, 255-61.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXVII. 7, 131; XXVIII. 164).

[453] Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1244 c. 7.--Innoc. PP. IV. Bull. Ut commissum, 20 Jan. 1245 (Doat, XXXI. 68).--Vaissette, III. Pr. 468.--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246, Append. c. 20.--Zanchini, Tract, de Hæret. c. xxi., xxxviii.

[454] Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXVII. 2, 192).

[455] Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. pp. 40, 118, 122, 137, 139, 146, 147.--Bern. Guidon. Practica (Doat, XXIX. 85).--Ejusd. P. v. (Doat, XXX.).--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246, Append. c. 21, 22.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 467.--Practica super Inquisit. (MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930, fol. 222, 224).--Pegnæ Comment. in Eymeric. p. 509.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. xx.

[456] Concil. Arelatens. ann. 1234 c. 11.--Concil. Albiens. ann. 1254 c. 26.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. pp. 162-7, 203, 246-7, 251-2.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. xxvii.

[457] Const. 5 Cod. IX. viii.--Concil. Tolosan. ann. 1229 c. 10.--Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. IV. pp. 8, 302.--Innoc. PP. IV. Bull. Ut commissum, 21 Jun. 1254.--Alex. PP. IV. Bull. Quod super nonnullis, 9. Dec. 1257 (Doat, XXXI. 244).--Raynald. ann. 1258, No. 23.--Potthast No. 17745, 18396.--Eymeric. Direct. Inq. p. 123.--C. 15, Sexto v. ii.

[458] Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. p. 571.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXII. 156).--Regist. Curiæ Franciæ de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXII. 241).--Bernardi Comens, Lucerna Inquisit. s. v. Inquisitores, No. 19.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. Index.--Wadding. Regest. Nich. PP. III. No. 10.

[459] Ripoll, I. 208, 394.--Tractatus de Inquisitione (Doat, XXXVI.).--Bern. Guidon. Practica P. IV, (Doat, XXX.).--Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. 360-1.

[460] Constt. 13, 15, 17 Cod. I. v.; 2, 3, 4, 7, 8, 9 Cod. IX. xlix.; 5, 6 Cod. IX. viii.

[461] Constt. Sicular. Lib. I. Tit. 3.--Concil. Turon. ann. 1163 c. 4.--Lucii PP. III. Epist. 171.--Innoc. PP. III. Regest. II. 1.--Cap. 10 Extra v. 7.

It was probably in obedience to the canon of Tours that, in 1178, the property of Pierre Mauran of Toulouse was declared forfeited to the count, and he was allowed to redeem it with a fine of five hundred pounds of silver (Roger. Hoveden. Annal. ann. 1178).

The decree of Alonso II. of Aragon against the Waldenses, in 1194, referred to above (p. 81) (Pegnæ Comment. 39 in Eymeric. p. 281), inflicts confiscation on all who favor the heretics, but there are no traces of its enforcement, or of the subsequent canons of the Council of Girona in 1197 (Aguirre V. 102-3). The same may be said of the edicts of Henry VI., in 1194, repeated by Otho IV. in 1310 (Lami, Antichità Toscane, p. 484).

[462] Innoc. PP. III. Regest. XII. 154 (Cap. 20 Extra v. xl.).--Isambert, Anc. Loix Françaises I. 228, 232.--Harduin. VII. 203-8.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 385.--Concil. Albiens. ann. 1254 c. 26.--Innoc. PP. IV. Bull. Cum fratres, ann. 1252 (Mag. Bull. Roman. I. 90).

Confiscation was an ordinary resource of mediæval law. In England, from the time of Alfred, property, as well as life, was forfeited for treason (Alfred's Dooms 4--Thorpe I. 63), a penalty which, remained until 1870 (Low and Pulling's Dictionary of English History, p. 469). In France murder, false-witness, treachery, homicide, and rape were all punished with death and confiscation (Beaumanoir, Coutumes du Beauvoisis XXX. 2-5). By the German feudal law the fief might be forfeited for a vast number of offences, but the distinction was drawn that, if the offence was against the lord, the fief reverted to him; if simply a crime, it descended to the heirs (Feudor. Lib. I. Tit. xxiii.-iv.). In Navarre, confiscation formed part of the penalties of suicide, murder, treason, and even of blows or wounds inflicted where the queen or royal children were dwelling. There is a case in which confiscation was enforced on a man because he struck another at Olite, which was within a league of Tafalla, where the queen chanced to be staying at the time (G.B. de Lagrèze, La Navarre Française II. 335).

[463] Guid. Fulcod. Quæst. XV.--Coll. Doat, XXI. 154; XXXIII. 207; XXXIV. 189; XXXV. 68.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 9992.--Coll. Doat, XXVIII. 131, 164.--Responsa Prudentum (Doat, XXXVII. 83).--Grandes Chroniques, ann. 1323.--Les Olim, T. I. p. 556.--Guill. Pelisso Chron. Ed. Molinier, p. 27.--Practica super Inquisit. (MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930, fol. 224).--Coll. Doat, XXVII. fol. 118.

In 1460, when the nearly extinct French Inquisition was resuscitated to punish the sorcerers of Arras, confiscation formed part of the sentence.--Mémoires de Jacques du Clercq, Liv. IV. ch. 4.

[464] Coll. Doat, XXXI. 175.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. xviii., xxv., xxvi., xli.--Archivio Storico Italiano, No. 38, p. 29.

[465] Lami, Antichità Toscane, 560, 588-9.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. xxvi.--Archiv. di Firenze, Prov. S. Maria Novella, Nov. 18, 1327.--Archivio di Napoli, Regist. 253, Lett. A, fol. 63.

[466] Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. III. p. 466.--Kaltner, Konrad v. Marburg u. die Inquisition, Prag, 1882, p. 147.--Mosheim de Beghardis, p. 347.

[467] Harduin. VII. 203.--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1233 c. 4; ann. 1246, Append. c. 35.--Concil. Albiens. ann. 1254 c. 26.--Coll. Doat, XXI. 151.--Guid. Fulcod. Quæst. xv.--Isambert Anc. Loix Françaises, I. 257.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXI. 263).--Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquisit. s. v. Filii.

[468] Archives de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXI. 152).--Berger, Registres d'Innoc. IV. No. 1844.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 9992.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. pp. 158-62.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXVII. 98).--Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. pp. 663-5.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. xviii., xix., xxv.

[469] Archives de l'Évêché de Béziers (Doat, XXXI. 35).--Potthast No. 12743.--Isambert, I. 257.--C. 14 Sexto v. 2.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. xxv.--Livres de Jostice et de Piet, Liv. I. Tit. iii. § 7.

[470] Hoffmann, Geschichte der Inquisition, II. 370.--Lucii PP. III. Epist. 171.--Innoc. PP. IV. Bull. Ad extirpanda, § 34.--Ejusd. Bull. Super extirpatione, 30 Mai. 1254 (Ripoll, I. 247).--Alex. PP. IV. Bull. Discretioni (Mag. Bull. Rom. I. 120).--Potthast No. 18200.

[471] Nich. PP. IV. Bull. Habet vestræ, 3 Oct. 1290.--Raynald. ann. 1438, No. 24.--Lami, Antichità Toscane, pp. 588-9.--Alv. Pelag. de Planctu Eccles. Lib. II. art. 67.--Archivio di Firenze, Riformagioni, Classe v. No. 110; Classe XI. Distinz. I, No. 39.

[472] Archivio di Napoli, Registro 9, Lett. C, fol. 90; Regist. 51, Lett. A, fol. 9; Reg. 98, Lett. B, fol. 13; Reg. 113, Lett. A, fol. 194; MSS. Chioccorelli, T. VIII.

[473] Albizio, Risposto al P. Paolo Sarpi, p. 25.--Sclopis, Antica Legislazione del Piemont, p. 485.

[474] Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. xix., xxvi., xli. Cf. Pegnæ Comment. in Eymeric. p. 659.--Grandjean, Registre de Benoît XI. No. 299.--Raynald. ann. 1438, No. 24.--Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquis. s. v. Bona hæreticorum, No. 6, 8. As early as 1387, in the sentences of Antonio Secco on the Waldenses of the Alpine valleys, the confiscations are declared to be solely for the benefit of the Inquisition (Archivio Storico Italiano, No. 38, pp. 29, 36, 50).

It must be placed to the credit of Benedict XI, that, in 1304, he authorized Frà Simone, Inquisitor of Rome, to restore confiscations unjustly made by his predecessors and to moderate punishments inflicted by them if he considered them too severe (Grandjean, No. 474).

[475] Alonsi de Spina Fortalicii Fidei, Lib. II. Consid. xi. (fol. 74 Ed. 1594).

[476] MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930, fol. 224.--Livres de Jostice et de Plet, Liv. I. Tit. iii. § 7.--Vaissette, III. 391.--Les Olim, I. 317.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 11847.--Concil. Insulan. ann. 1251 c. 3.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 165.--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246 c. 4.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII. 975.--Baluz. Concil. Narbonn. Append. pp. 96-99.--Coll. Doat, XXXV. 48. Cf. Berger, Registres d'Innoc. IV. No. 1543-4, 1547-8.--Vaissette, IV. 170.--Baudouin, Lettres inédites de Philippe le Bel, Paris, 1886, p. xl.

In spite of the general sense of equity manifested by St. Louis, he was by no means indifferent to acquisitions justified by the spirit of the age. In 1246 there seems to have been a raid made upon the Jews of Carcassonne, who were thrown into prison. In July St. Louis writes to his seneschal that he wants to get from them all that he can; they are, therefore, to be held in strict duress, while the amount which they can be made to pay is to be reported to him. In August he writes that the sum proposed is not satisfactory, and the seneschal is instructed to extort all that he can.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII. 1191-2.

[477] A. Molinier (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VII. 284-94; VIII. 919).--Coll. Doat, XXXIV. 131, 135, 189; XXXV. 93.--Urbani PP. IV. Epist. 62 (Martene Thesaur. II. 94).--Bern. Guidon. Hist. Conv. Albiens.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 467, 500.--Arch. de l'Inq. de Carcass. (Doat, XXXI. 143, 146).

[478] C. Molinier, L'Inquisition dans le midi de la France, p. 101.--Les Olim, III. 1126-9, 1440-2. See also I. 920.

[479] Archives de l'Évêché d'Albi (Doat, XXXV. 83).--Les Olim, I. 556.--Archivio di Napoli, Regist. 4, Lett. B, fol. 47.--Archives de l'Évêché de Béziers (Doat, XXXI. 35).--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246 c. 3.--Isambert, Anc. Loix Françaises, I. 257.--C. 19 Sexto v. 2.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 11847.--Collect. Doat, XXXV. 68.--Molinier, L'Inq. dans de midi de la France, p. 102.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. Pr. 370 sqq.

[480] Boutaric, Saint Louis et Alphonse de Poitiers, Paris, 1870, pp. 455-6.--Douais, Les sources de l'histoire de Inquisition (Revue des Questions Historiques, Oct. 1881, p. 436).--Coll. Doat, XXXII. 51, 64.

[481] Archives de l'Évêché d'Albi (Doat, XXXIII. 207-72).--Coll. Doat, XXXV. 93.--Les Olim, II. 111.

[482] Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquis. s. v. Bona hœreticor.--Archidiac. Gloss. sup. c. 19 Sexto v. 2.--Archivio di Napoli, Regist. 15, Lett. C, fol. 77, 78.

The English law of felony was also retroactive, and all alienations subsequent to the commission of the crime were void (Bracton, Lib. III. Tract. ii. cap. 13, No. 8).

[483] Coll. Doat, XXXII. 309, 316.

[484] Les Olim, II. 147.--Doat, XXVI. 253.

[485] Archives Générales de Belgique, Papiers d'État, v. 405.--Mémoires de Jacques du Clercq, Liv. IV. ch. 4, 14.

In Arras a charter of 1335, confirmed by Charles V. in 1369, protected the burghers from confiscation when condemned for crime by any competent tribunal.--Duverger, La Vauderie dans les États de Philippe le Bon, Arras, 1885, p. 60.

[486] C. 6, 8, 9, 14, Sexto XII. 26.--Bernardi Comensis Lucerna Inquis. s. v. Bona hœreticorum.--Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. pp. 570-2.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. xxiv.--J.F. Ponzinib. de Lamiis c. 76.

Severe as was the contemporary English law against felony, it had at least this concession to justice, that a felon had to be convicted in his lifetime; his death before conviction thus prevented confiscation (Bracton, Lib. III. Tract. ii. cap. 13, No. 17).

[487] Lami, Antichità Toscane, pp. 497, 536-7.--It is true that when, in 1335, Henri de Chamay, Inquisitor of Carcassonne, sent to the papal court the depositions against the memory of eighteen persons accused of heretical acts committed between 1284 and 1290, and asked for instructions, the decision was that no reliance was to be placed on the testimony of witnesses who mostly contradicted themselves, and who only swore to what they had heard long before. Three previous investigations against the same persons had been held without reaching a conclusion, and the papal advisers assumed that there had been good reasons for dropping the matter.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, IX. 401.

How the system worked is seen in the complaint made in 1247 to St. Louis, by Guillem Pierre de Vintrou, that the royal seneschal of Carcassonne had seized his property derived through his mother, because his grandfather, seventeen years after death, had been accused of heresy. St. Louis thereupon ordered an examination and report.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII. 1196.

[488] Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII. 1641.

[489] Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. xxvii.--Isambert, Anc. Loix Françaises, I. 257.

Yet there is a case in 1269 in which a creditor of two condemned heretics applies to Alphonse of Poitiers to be paid out of the confiscations, and Alphonse orders an inquiry into the circumstances.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII. 1682.

[490] Lami, Antichità Toscane, p. 593.--Archivio di Firenze, Riformagioni, Classe v. No. 110.

[491] MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930, fol. 228.--Guid. Fulcod. Quæst. III.--Archivio di Napoli, Regist. 6, Lett. B, fol. 35; Reg. 10, Lett. B, fol. 6, 7, 96; Reg. 11, Lett. C, fol. 40; Reg. 13, Lett. A, fol. 212; Reg. 51, Lett. A, fol. 9; Reg. 71, Lett. M, fol. 382, 385, 440; Reg. 98, Lett. B, fol. 13; Reg. 113, Lett. A, fol. 194; Reg. 253, Lett. A, fol. 63; MSS. Chioccorello, T. VIII.

[492] Concil. Tolosan. ann. 1229 c. 9.--Concil. Albiens. ann. 1254 c. 24.--Harduin. VII. 415.--Archives de L'Évêché de Béziers (Doat, XXXI. 35).--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246 c. 22.--D. Bouquet, T. XXI. pp. 262, 264, 266, 278, etc.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII. 1206, 1573.--Archives de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXI. 250).--Archivio di Napoli, Regist. 20, Lett. B, fol. 91.

The care with which Alphonse looked after the proceeds of the confiscations is seen in his demand for an account from his seneschal, Jacques du Bois, March 25, 1268 (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII. 1274).

[493] Molinier, L'Inquisition dans le midi de la France, p. 308.--Bern. Guidon. Fundat. Convent. Prædicat. (Martene Thesaur. VI. 481).--Boutaric, Saint Louis et Alphonse de Poitiers, pp. 456-7.

[494] Coll. Doat, XXXIV. 189.--In 1317 the result had been much less. We have the receipt of the royal treasurer of Carcassonne, Lothaire Blanc, to Arnaud Assalit, dated Sept. 24, 1317, for collections during the year ending the previous St. John's day, amounting to four hundred and ninety-five livres six sols eleven deniers, being the balance after deducting wages and expenses (Doat, XXXIV. 141).

[495] Doat, XXXV. 79, 100.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. Pr. 705, 777, 783.

[496] Potthast No. 13000, 15995.--Monteiro, Historia da Santo Inquisição, P.I. Lib. II. c. 34, 35.

[497] Mosheim de Beghardis pp. 356-63.

[498] Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. pp. 652-3.

[499] Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. Pr. 791-2, 802.--Raynald. ann. 1375, No. 26.--Wadding, ann. 1375, No. 21, 22; 1409, No. 13.--Isambert, Anc. Loix Françaises, V. 491.--Martene Ampl. Collect. VIII. 161-3.

[500] Bernard. Guidon. Practica P. IV. (Doat, XXX.).

[501] Coll. Doat, XXI. 143.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 9992.--Doctrina de modo procedendi (Martene Thesaur. V. 1807).--Lami, Antichità Toscane, pp. 557, 559.--Lib, Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. pp. 2, 4, 36, 208, 254, 265, 289, 380.--Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. pp. 510-12.

[502] Pegnæ Comment, xx. in Eymeric. p. 124.--Tract. de Paup. de Lugd. (Martene Thesaur. V. 1792).--S. Thom. Aquinat. Summ. Sec. Sec. Q. XI. Art. 3.--Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. pp. 510-12.--Tract. de Inquisit. (Doat, XXX.).--Bern. Guidon. Practica P. IV. (Doat, XXX.).--A. de Spina Fortalic. Fidei Ed. 1494 fol. 76_a_.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds Moreau, No. 444, fol. 10. Cf. Archiv. di Napoli, Reg. 6, Lett. D, fol. 39; Reg. 13, Lett. A, fol. 139.--Coll. Doat, XXXIV. 189.--Malleus Maleficarum P. II. Q. i. c. 2.--Albizio, Risposto al P. Paolo Sarpi, p. 30.

Gregory IX. had no scruple in asserting the duty of the Church to shed the blood of heretics. In a brief of 1234 to the Archbishop of Sens he says, "nec enim decuit Apostolicam Sedem in oculis suis, cum Madianita coeunte Judeo, manum suam a sanguine prohibere, ne si secus ageret non custodire populum Israel.... videretur."--Ripoll I. 66.

Friar Heinrich Kaleyser was a celebrated doctor of theology, and was subsequently Inquisitor of Cologne (Nider. Formicar. v. viii.).

[503] C. 18 Sexto v. 2.--Concil. Albiens. ann. 1254 c. 22.--Eymeric. Direct. Inq. pp. 372, 562.--Pegnæ Comment. in Eymeric. p. 564.--Guid. Fulcod. Quæst. x.--Alex. PP. IV. Bull. Ad audientiam, 1260 (Eymeric. Append. p. 34).--Bern. Guidon. Practica P. IV. (Doat, XXX.).--Alex. PP. IV. Bull. Quœsivisti, 1260 (Ripoll I. 393).--Wadding. Annal. ann. 1288, No. 20.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. xviii.--Fortalicii Fidei fol. 74_b_.--Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquisit. s. v. Executio, No. 1, 8.

[504] Guill. Pod. Laur. cap. 48.--Les Olim, I. 317.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII. 1674. X. Pr. 484, 659.--Baluz. et Mansi, II. 257.

[505] Vaissette, III. 410.--Wadding. Annal. ann. 1288, No. xix.--Hoffmann, Geschichte der Inquisition, II. 391.--Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquisit. s. v. Executio, No. 6.--Innoc. PP. VIII. Bull. Dilectus filius, 1486 (Pegnæ App. ad Eymeric. p. 84).--Leo. PP. X. Bull. Honestis, 1521 (Mag. Bull. Rom. I. 617).--Albizio, Risposto al P. Paolo Sarpi. pp. 64-70.

[506] Rodrigo, Historia Verdadera de la Inquisition, Madrid, 1876, I. 176-77.--Von der Hardt, IV. 317-18.

[507] Von der Hardt, III, 50-1.

[508] Concil. Arelatens. ann. 1234 c. 6.--Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1242.--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246, Append. c. 17.--Bern. Guidon. Practica P. IV. (Doat, XXX.).--Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. pp. 514-16.--Anon. Passaviens. c. ix. (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 308).--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. xviii.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. p. 6.

[509] Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1244 c. 26.--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246, App. c. 9.--Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. pp. 376-77, 521-4.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 9992.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 379-80.--Zanchini Tract, de Hæret. c. xxiii.

[510] Lucii PP. III. Epist. 171.--Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. IV. p. 300.--Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1244 c. 11.--Gregor. PP. IX. Bull. Ad capiendas (Vaissette, III. Pr. 364).--Epistt. Sæcul. XIII. No. 514 (Mon. Germ. Hist.).--Ripoll I. 55.--Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1242.--Doctrina de modo procedendi (Martene Thesaur. V. 1800).--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246, App. c. 20.--Coll. Doat, XXI. 148, 292,--Lami, Antichità Toscane, p. 560.

[511] Arch, de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXI. 5, 139, 149).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 9992.--Martene Thesaur. I, 1045.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 479.--Molinier, L'Inq. dans le midi de la France, pp. 387-8, 418.--Anon. Passaviens. (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 308).--Tract. de Paup. de Lugd. (Martene Thesaur. V. 1791).--Doctrina de modo procedendi (Ibid. 1807).--Practica super Inquisit. (MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930, fol. 206, 212, 213, 222, 223).--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246, App. c. 33.

[512] Boutaric, Saint Louis et Alphonse de Poitiers, pp. 453-4.

[513] Ripoll I. 254.--C. 4 Sexto v. 2.--Potthast No. 17845.--S. Thom. Aquin. Sec. Sec. Q. xi. Art. 4.--Eymeric. Direct. Inq. p. 331, 512.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. p. 36.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. xvi.

[514] Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. pp. 2-4, 22, 48, 63, 76, 81-90, 122, 142, 149, 150, 198-99, 230, 232, 287-88.

[515] Alex. PP. IV. Bull. Quod super nonnullis, 9 Dec. 1257, 15 Dec. 1258, 10 Jan. 1260.--Urban. PP. IV. Bull. Quod super nonnullis, 21 Aug. 1262.--Can. 8 Sexto v. 2.--Bern. Guidon. Practica P. IV. (Doat, XXX.).--Eymeric. Direct. Inq. p. 331.--Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquis. s. v. Relapsus.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. xvi.

[516] Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1244 c. 13.--Doctrina de modo procedendi (Martene Thesaur. V. 1802, 1808).--Bern. Guidon. Practica P. IV. (Doat, XXX.).--Eymeric. Direct. Inq. p. 386.

[517] Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1244 c. 13.--Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246, Append, c. 33.--Concil. Valentin, ann. 1248 c. 13.--Archives de l'Évêché d'Albi (Doat, XXXV. 69).--Alex. PP. IV. Bull. Ad audientiam, 1260 (Mag. Bull. Rom. I. 118).--Guidon. Fulcod. Quæst. XIII.--Bern. Guidon. Practica P. IV. (Doat, XXX.).--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. pp. 177, 199, 350, 393.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, nouv. nequis. No. 139, fol. 2.--Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. p. 643.--Zanchini Tract, de Hæret. c. x.--Bern. Comens. Lucerna Inquisit. s. v. Fuga, No. 5.--Albertini Repertor. Inquisit. s. vv. Deficiens, Impænitens.

[518] Bern. Guidon. Fund. Conv. Prædicat. (Martene Thesaur. VI. 481-3).--Coll. Doat, XXI. 143, 146.--MSS. Bib. Nat., funds latin, No. 9992.--Molinier, L'Inq. dans le midi de la France, pp. 73-4.

[519] Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. p. 513.--Tract. de Paup. de Lugd. (Martene Thesaur. V. 1792).

[520] Mladenowie Narrat. (Palacky Monument. J. Huss II. pp. 321-4).--Landucci, Diar. Fiorent. p. 178.

[521] Coll. Doat, XXXIV. 189.

[522] Guillel. Pelisso Chron. Ed. Molinier p. 45.--Coll. Doat, XXXIV 189.

[523] Sozomen. H. E. II. 20.--Constt. vi.; xvi. § I, Cod. I. 5.--Auth. Novell. CXLVI. c. 1.--Rigord. de Gest. Phil. Aug. ann. 1210.--Petri Venerab. Tract. contra Judæos c. iv.--D'Argentré, Collect. Judicior. de nov. Erroribus I. I. 132, 146-56, 349.--Potthast. No. 10759, 10767, 11376.--Ripoll, I. 487-88.--Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 509.--Coll. Doat, XXXVII. 125, 246.--Harduin. Concil. VII. 485.--S. Martial. Chron. ann. 1309 (Bouquet, XXI. 813).--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 273-4.--Bern. Guidon. Practica (Doat, XXIX. 246).--Raynald. ann. 1320, No. 23.--Wadding. ann. 1409, No. 12.--C. 1 in Septimo v. 4.

In the Paris condemnation of 1248 the Talmud only is specified, though in the examination mention is made of the Gloss of Solomon of Troyes, and of a work which from its description would seem to be the Toldos Jeschu, or history of Jesus, which so excited the ire of the Carthusian, Ramon Marti, in his Pugio Fidei, and of all subsequent Christians (cf. Wagenseilii Tela Ignea Satanæ, Altdorfi, 1681). No one can read its curious account of the career of Christ from a Jewish standpoint without wondering that a single copy of it was allowed to reach modern times.

[524] Bern. Guidon. Gravam. (Doat, XXX. 101).

[525] Extrav. Commun. Lib. v. Tit. viii. c. 1.--Amalrici Augerii Vit. Pontif. ann. 1316-17.--Bern. Guidon. Vit. Joann. XXII.

[526] Theod. a Niem de Schismate Lib. I. c. 42, 45, 48, 50, 51, 52, 56, 57, 60.--Gobelin. Personæ Cosmodrom. Aet. VI. c. 78.--Chronik des J. v. Königshofen (Chron. der Deutschen Städte, IX. 598).--Raynald. ann. 1362, No. 13; 1372, No. 10.--Poggii Hist. Florentin. Lib. II. ann. 1376.

[527] I have treated this subject at some length in an essay on torture (Superstition and Force, 3d Edition, 1878), and need not here dwell further on its details. The student who desires to see the shape which the inquisitorial process assumed in later times can consult Brunnemann (Tractatus Juridicus de Inquisitionis Processu, Ed. octava, Francof. 1704), who attributes its origin to the Mosaic law (Deut. XIII. 12; XVII. 4), and vastly prefers it to the proceeding per accusationem. Indeed, a case in which accusatio failed or threatened to fail could be resumed or continued by inquisitio (op. cit. Cap. I. No. 2, 15-18). It supplied all deficiencies and gave the judge almost unlimited power to convict.

The manner in which the civil power was led to adopt the abuses of the Inquisition is well illustrated in a Milanese edict of 1393, where the magistrates, in proceedings against malefactors, are ordered to employ the inquisitorial process "summarie et de plano sine strepitu et figura juditii" and to supply all defects of fact "ex certa scientia" (Antiq. Ducum Mediolan. Decreta. Mediolani, 1654, p. 188). A comparison of this with the Milanese jurisprudence of sixty years earlier, quoted above (p. 401), will show how rapidly in the interval force had usurped the place of justice.

[528] Fortescue de Laudibus Legum Angliæ cap. xxii.--As late as 1823 there is a case in which a court in Martinique condemned a man to the galleys for life for "vehement suspicion" of being a sorcerer (Isambert. Anc. Loix Françaises, XI. 253).

[529] There is evidently something lacking here. It can doubtless be supplied from Moneta, p. 151. "Et e contrario Deuteronomii, 15, v. 9, dicit legislator: Dominaberis nationibus plurimis et nemo tibi dominabitur."

[530] It was this bull which enabled inquisitors to administer torture. A date several years later has usually been assigned to it.

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