The Scottish Highlands, Highland Clans and Highland Regiments, Volume 2 (of 2) (part 10 of 11)

The Scottish Highlands, Highland Clans and Highland Regiments, Volume 2 (of 2) (part 10 of 11)

The 74th, along with the other regiments of the third division, was kept moving about until the 7th of March, when it was cantoned at Aire, on the left bank of the Adour. On the 18th the whole allied army advanced up both sides of the Adour, the French falling back before them. The third division was in the centre column, which on the 19th came up with a division of the French, strongly posted amongst some vineyards, two miles in front of the village of Vic-en-Bigorre. The third division attacked the French and drove them before it, and encamped in the evening about three miles beyond the town of Vic-en-Bigorre.

The Marquis of Wellington stated in his despatch.--“On the following day (the 19th) the enemy held a strong rear-guard in the vineyards in front of the town of Vic-en-Bigorre; Lieutenant-General Picton, with the third division and Major-General Rock’s brigade, made a very handsome movement upon this rearguard, and drove them through the vineyards and town.”

Two officers of the regiment, Lieutenant Atkinson and Ensign Flood, were wounded in this affair.

On the 20th, after some sharp fighting, in which the 74th lost a few men, the right column of the allies crossed the Adour at Tarbes, and was encamped with the rest of the army upon the Larret and Arros rivers. The French retreated towards Toulouse, and on the 26th the allied army came in sight of the enemy posted behind the Touch river, and covering that city. Details having already been given, in our account of the 42nd Regiment, concerning this last move of Soult, we need only mention here that the third, fourth, and sixth divisions passed over the Garonne by a pontoon bridge fifteen miles below Toulouse on the 3d of April. On the 10th about six o’clock in the morning, the various divisions of the British army advanced according to Wellington’s previously arranged plan. The part taken in the battle of Toulouse by the 74th is thus narrated by Major Alves in his journal:--

“Shortly after daylight the division was put in motion, with orders to drive all the enemy’s outposts before us, and although acting as adjutant, I was permitted by Colonel Trench to accompany the skirmishers. With but feeble opposition we drove them before us, until they reached the tête-de-pont on the canal leading into Toulouse, on the right bank of the Garonne; on arriving there I mentioned to Captain Andrews of the 74th, that I thought we had gone far enough, and reconnoitered very attentively the manner in which it was defended by strong palisades, &c. I then returned to where the regiment was halted, and mentioned my observations to Colonel Trench, and that nothing further could possibly be done without artillery to break down the palisades. He immediately brought me to General Brisbane, to whom I also related my observations as above, who directed me to ride to the left and find out Sir Thomas Picton, who was with the other brigade, and to tell him my observations. After riding about two miles to the left I found Sir Thomas, and told him as above stated, who immediately said, in presence of all his staff, ‘Go back, sir, and tell them to move on.’ This I did with a very heavy heart, as I dreaded what the result must be, but I had no alternative. About a quarter of an hour afterwards the regiment moved from where it was halted. We experienced a loss of 30 killed and 100 wounded, out of 350, in the attempt to get possession of the tête-de-pont; and were obliged to retire without gaining any advantage. The attack was the more to be regretted, as Lord Wellington’s orders were that it was only to be a diversion, and not a real attack.”

The casualties in the regiment at the battle of Toulouse were 4 officers, Captains Thomas Andrews and William Tew, Lieutenant Hamilton, and Ensign John Parkinson, 1 sergeant, and 32 rank and file killed; and 5 officers, Brevet-Major Miller, Captain Donald M’Queen,[450] and Lieutenants Jason Hassard, William Graham, and E. J. Crabbe, 4 sergeants, and 94 rank and file wounded.

The French abandoned the city during the night of the 11th of April, and the allies entered it in triumph on the 12th, on the forenoon of which day intelligence arrived of the abdication of Napoleon and the termination of the war. The officers charged with the intelligence had been detained near Blois “by the officiousness of the police, and the blood of 8000 men had overflowed the Mount Rhune in consequence.”[451]

After remaining in France for some time the 74th embarked in the beginning of July, and arrived at Cork on the 25th of that month.

The record of the services of the 74th during these eventful years will be sufficient to prove how well the corps maintained the high character it had at first acquired in the East Indies, and how well it earned the distinction for gallantry in the field and good conduct in quarters.

In consideration of the meritorious conduct of the non-commissioned officers and men of the regiment during the war, Colonel Trench applied to the Commander-in-Chief to authorise those most distinguished among them to wear silver medals in commemoration of their services. The sanction of the Commander-in-Chief was conveyed to Colonel Trench in a letter from the Adjutant-General, bearing date “Horse Guards, 30th June 1814.”

Medals were accordingly granted to the deserving survivors of the campaign, who were divided into three classes: first class, men who had served in eight or nine general actions; second class, in six or seven general actions; third class, in four or five general actions.

The regiment remained in Ireland till May 1818, not having had a chance of distinguishing itself at the crowning victory of Waterloo, although it was on its way to embark for Belgium when news of that decisive battle arrived. While at Fermoy, on the 6th of April 1818, the regiment was presented with new colours. The colours which had waved over the regiment in many a hard-fought field, and which had been received in 1802, were burned, and the ashes deposited in the lid of a gold sarcophagus snuff-box, inlaid with part of the wood of the colour-staves, on which the following inscription was engraved:--“This box, composed of the old standards of the Seventy-fourth regiment, was formed as a tribute of respect to the memory of those who fell, and of esteem for those who survived the many glorious and arduous services on which they were always victoriously carried, during a period of sixteen years, in India, the Peninsula, and France. They were presented to the regiment at Wallajahbad in 1802, and the shattered remains were burned at Fermoy on the 6th of April 1818.”

The 74th embarked at Cork for Halifax, Nova Scotia, on the 13th of May, leaving one depôt company, which was sent to the Isle of Wight. The companies were divided between St John’s, Newfoundland, St John’s, New Brunswick, and Frederickton, where were headquarters and five companies. The regiment remained in North America till 1828, in August of which year proceeding to Bermudas, which it left at the end of the next year for Ireland, where it arrived in the beginning of 1830. In 1818 the regiment had been reduced to ten companies of 65 rank and file each, and in 1821 it was further reduced to eight companies of 72 rank and file. In 1825, however, the strength was augmented to ten companies--six service companies of 86 rank and file, and four depôt companies of 56 rank and file each.

The regiment remained in Ireland till 1834, during part of which time it was actively employed in suppressing the outrages consequent on the disturbed state of the country. In the latter part of 1834 the regiment was divided into four depot and six service companies; three of the latter were sent to Barbadoes, while the headquarter division, consisting of the three remaining companies, was sent to the island of Grenada. In November 1835 the two service divisions were sent to Antigua, where they remained till February 1837. From thence the headquarter division proceeded to St Lucia, and the other three companies to Demerara, both divisions being sent to St Vincent in June of the same year. The regiment was kept moving about among these western islands till May 1841, when it proceeded to Canada, arriving at Quebec at the end of the month. While the regiment was stationed at Trinidad it was attacked by fever and dysentery, which caused great mortality; and fever continued to prevail among the men until the regiment removed to Trinidad. With this exception the 74th remained remarkably healthy during the whole of its residence in the West Indies.

The 74th remained in the North American colonies till 1845, being removed from Canada to Nova Scotia in May 1844, and embarking at Halifax for England in March 1845. On arriving in England in the end of that month, the service companies joined the depot at Canterbury.

While the regiment was stationed in Canterbury, Lieutenant-Colonel Crabbe, commanding the regiment, submitted to the Commander-in-Chief, through the colonel (Lieutenant-General Sir Phineas Ryall), the earnest desire of the officers and men to be permitted to resume the national garb and designation of a Highland regiment, under which the 74th had been originally embodied.

The lieutenant-colonel having himself first joined the regiment as a Highland corps in the year 1807, and having served with it continuously during the intervening period, knew by his own experience, and was able to certify to the Commander-in-Chief, how powerfully and favourably its character had been influenced by its original organisation; and also that throughout the varied services and changes of so many years, a strong national feeling, and a connection with Scotland by recruiting, had been constantly maintained. Various considerations, however, induced an application for permission to modify the original dress of kilt and feathered bonnet, and with the resumed designation of a Highland corps, to adopt the trews and bonnet as established for the 71st regiment.

His Grace the Duke of Wellington was pleased to return a favourable answer to the application, in such terms as to render his consent doubly acceptable to the corps, causing it to be intimated to the colonel, by a letter from the adjutant-general, bearing date ‘Horse Guards, 13th August 1845,’ that he would recommend to Her Majesty that the 74th Regiment should be permitted to resume the appellation of a Highland regiment, and to be clothed “accordingly in compliment to the services of that regiment so well known to his Grace in India and in Europe.”

In the “Gazette” of the 14th November 1845 the following announcement was published:--

“WAR OFFICE, 8th November 1845.

“MEMORANDUM,--Her Majesty has been graciously pleased to approve of the 74th foot resuming the appellation of the 74th (Highland) Regiment of foot, and of its being clothed accordingly; that is, to wear the tartan trews instead of the Oxford mixture; plaid cap instead of the black chaco; and the plaid scarf as worn by the 71st Regiment. The alteration of the dress is to take place on the next issue of clothing, on the 1st of April 1846.”

The national designation of the regiment was of course immediately resumed, and the recruiting has been since carried on solely in Scotland with uniform success.

It was directed by the Adjutant-General that the tartan now to be worn by the 74th should not be of the old regimental pattern, that being already in use by two other regiments (the 42nd and 93rd), but that it should be distinguished by the introduction of a white stripe. The alteration of the regimental dress took place as ordered, on the 1st of April 1846.

In May 1846, Lieutenant-Colonel Crabbe, who had been connected with the regiment for forty years, retired on full pay, and took leave of the regiment in a feeling order. Major Crawley was promoted to the lieutenant-colonelcy in his place.

II.

1846-1853.

Return to Scotland--United at Glasgow--Ireland--South Africa --Hottentot outbreak--Change of dress of the Regiment--Field operations--At the Quesana--The Amatola Heights--Hottentots repulsed--Another engagement--Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce left in command at Riet Fontein--The Kaffirs at Fort Beaufort--Captain Thackeray’s testimony--Movements of Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce--His death--Major-General Somerset’s Movements in the Amatolas--Loss of the “Birkenhead.”

After being stationed a short time at Canterbury and Gosport, the 74th removed to Scotland in detachments in the months of August and September 1846, two companies being sent to Dundee, three to Paisley, one to Perth, headquarters and three companies to Aberdeen, and detachments to Stirling and Dunfermline. In November of the same year, all the companies united at Glasgow, and in July 1847 the regiment proceeded to Ireland. While stationed at Dublin, the 74th, in consequence of the disturbed state of Tipperary, was sent to that county on July 29th, to be employed as part of a movable column under Major-General Macdonald. The regiment, along with the 75th and 85th, a half battery of Artillery, a detachment of Sappers, and three companies of the 60th Rifles, the whole forming a movable column, was kept moving about in the neighbourhood of Thurles and Ballingarry during the month of August. Happily, however, the column had none of the stern duties of war to perform, and returned to Dublin in the beginning of September, after having suffered much discomfort from the almost incessant rain which prevailed during the time the men were under canvas.

The 74th remained in Ireland till March 1851, on the 16th of which month it sailed in the “Vulcan” from Queenstown, having been ordered to South Africa to take part in the sanguinary Kaffir War of that period, in which, as will be seen, the regiment maintained its well-won reputation for valour in the faithful performance of its duty. The 74th arrived in Simon’s Bay, Cape of Good Hope, on the 11th of May, when it was ordered to proceed to Algoa Bay to join the first division at Fort Hare, under Major-General Somerset, who was engaged in active operations against the Kaffirs and Hottentots. Having arrived at Algoa Bay on the 16th, the regiment disembarked at Fort Elizabeth, where, owing to the want of transport for the camp equipage, it remained for a few days before proceeding to Grahamstown, which, from want of grass and the consequent weak condition of the oxen, it did not reach till the 27th of May.[452]

While the 74th was at Grahamstown, a sudden outbreak of the Hottentots at the mission station of Theopolis occurred. Four companies of the regiment, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce, together with a few native levies, proceeded to the scene of disturbance, and succeeded in destroying the rebel camp, and capturing about 600 head of cattle; the Hottentots, however, made their escape.

The regiment having resumed its march for Fort Hare, arrived at that place on June 12th, and encamped near the fort. Though but a few days in the country, Colonel Fordyce saw that the ordinary equipment of the British soldier was in no way suited to African campaigning, and while at Fort Hare he made a complete change in the appearance of the regiment. The dress bonnets, scarlet tunics, black pouches, and pipe-clayed cross belts, were put away in the quartermaster’s stores. Common brown leather pouches and belts were issued, while an admirable substitute for the tunic was found in the stout canvas frocks of which a couple are served out to each soldier proceeding on a long sea voyage. These had been carefully preserved when the regiment landed, and now, with the aid of copperas and the bark of the mimosa bush, were dyed a deep olive brown colour, which corresponded admirably with that of the bush, and was the least conspicuous dress of any regiment in the field, not excepting the Rifle Brigade and 60th, both of which corps had a battalion engaged. The cuffs and shoulders were strapped with leather, and this rough-looking but most serviceable tunic was worn by both officers and men as long as they were actively employed in the field. The forage cap, with a leather peak, completed the costume.

On the 18th of June Major-General Somerset ordered the following troops, divided into brigades, to form a camp in advance for field operations:--

First Brigade--Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce, 74th Highlanders: the 74th Highlanders; the 91st Regiment; the 1st European Levy; and the Alice European Levy.

Second Brigade--Lieutenant-Colonel Sutton, Cape Mounted Riflemen: the George Levy, the Graaff Reynett Levy, the Kat River Levy, and the Fingo Levies.

Cavalry Brigade-Major Somerset, Cape Mounted Riflemen: the Royal Artillery, the Cape Mounted Riflemen, the George Mounted Levy, and Blakeway’s Horse; and besides, a detachment of Royal Sappers and Miners, under the orders of Lieutenant Jesse, R.E., Deputy Quartermaster-General.

These troops marched from Fort Hare on the 24th for the Quesana River; near the base of the Amatola Mountains, where a standing camp was formed.

The division moved before daylight on the 26th of June, and ascended in two columns the western range of the Amatola heights, halting on the ridge while Major-General Somerset reconnoitered the position of the enemy. While doing so, his escort was attacked, but on the arrival of a reinforcement the enemy was driven from his position, and forced into the valley below. While these operations were in progress, the 74th Highlanders, Cape Mounted Rifles, European and Kat River Levies, with the Alice and Port Elizabeth Fingoes, were moved into the Amatola basin. A formidable body of the enemy, chiefly Hottentots, were now seen strongly posted on the extreme point of the ridge of the northern range of the Amatolas, partly concealed and well covered by large stones and detached masses of rock; these the 74th, flanked by the Alice and Port Elizabeth Fingoes, under Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce, was ordered to dislodge. The enemy opened a galling fire upon the advancing troops, but the 74th deployed into extended line, and having opened fire, drove the Hottentots from their position and gained the summit. After moving along the ridge, which was intersected by a narrow strip of forest bush, the troops were again attacked, and three men of the 74th killed. Having halted for a short time to refresh themselves, the 74th, flanked by the Fort Beaufort Fingoes, was again moved on the enemy’s position, when some sharp firing took place, and the enemy was compelled to abandon his position altogether, retiring into the forest and mountains. The division descended into the Amatola basin, and at 5 P.M. bivouacked for the night. It was reported that some Gaika chiefs and a considerable number of the enemy were killed on this occasion; while the casualties in the 74th were one corporal and two privates killed, and one officer, Lieutenant W. W. Bruce, and nine men wounded. Nothing of importance occurred during the next two days, and on the 29th the division marched to the camp on the Quesana.

The conduct of the 74th in the above services was highly spoken of in various orders, but we need only quote from a general order by Lieutenant-General Sir Harry Smith, Bart., dated “Headquarters, King William’s Town, 3rd of July, 1851:--

“Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce and the 74th Highlanders seized every opportunity of assailing them and driving them before them, and the Major-General reports in the strongest terms of admiration the gallantry and the discipline of the corps.”

On the 2nd of July the division again ascended the Amatolas, and its operations were thus detailed by Major-General Somerset in the following letter to the Deputy Quarter-master-General:--

“CAMP ON THE KAMKA OR YELLOW WOODS, “3d July 1851.

“SIR,--I have the honour to acquaint you, for the information of his Excellency the Commander-in-Chief, that I proceeded with my division yesterday morning, and ascended the Amatola, with the view of clearing the eastern range of the Victoria Heights, and also of again attacking the enemy’s fastnesses in the forest, at the southern point of Hogg’s Back Ridge. This latter point was thoroughly cleared by the European Levy and a company of the 91st under Lieutenant Mainwaring. The enemy abandoned the forest when their huts were destroyed, and took refuge in the extreme and highest points of the Chumie Mountains. I then directed my attention to the southern point of the Victoria Heights, placing a gun under Lieutenant Field; the 74th Highlanders, under Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce; and the Cape Mounted Rifles, under Major Somerset, in position on the middle ridge. I detached the Graaff Reynett Levy, under Captain Heathcote, senior, the Fort Beaufort Fingoes, under Captain Verity, and destroyed all the kraals east of the Victoria range. While this movement was going on, I detached Captains Cumbers and Ayliff with their levies, and Captain Hobbs with the Kat River Levy, down the valley of the Amatola, destroying all the kraals at the base of the middle ridge, and nearly succeeded in capturing the Kaffir chief Oba or Waba, Tyali’s son, whom I saw lately with the Commander-in-Chief at Fort Cox, as it was his kraal that was surprised by the Kat River Levy under Captain Hobbs, and his wives and family, with all their household property, were captured, including the chief’s crane feathers for his tribe, his smart forage cap and jacket, given to him by his Excellency, and much other property; and distinctly saw the chief ride off from his kraal just before the patrol got there. The enemy was completely routed, and made off in every direction. In my attack on the Amatola position on the 26th instant, the chiefs Beta and Pitoi, the son of Vongya (brother of the late Tyali), were killed, and many others of less note. This information I have received from the Kaffir Dakana, residing at the Quilli station.”

In a despatch from the Governor, Lieutenant-General Sir Harry Smith, Bart., to Earl Grey, the regiment is mentioned as follows:--

“Major-General Somerset speaks in the highest terms of Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce and the 74th Regiment, recently arrived from England, upon whom the brunt of these operations fell in the first division.”

During the next month the standing camp of the division was moved about from place to place, and patrolling parties were constantly sent out to check the depredations of the enemy. About the middle of August, when the standing camp was fixed at Riet Fontein, Major-General Somerset proceeded to Lower Albany with a large portion of the division, leaving Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce, of the 74th Highlanders, in command of the troops remaining in camp.

Lieutenant-Colonel Sutton, Cape Mounted Rifles, commanding at Fort Beaufort, communicated with Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce, about the beginning of September, regarding many bold and frequently successful attempts at the robbery of cattle made by the hordes of Kaffirs in the neighbourhood of that post, which it became necessary, if possible, to check. A force, consisting of 11 officers and 245 men of the 74th Highlanders, 3 officers and 36 men of the Cape Mounted Rifles, and 22 officers and 372 men of the various levies in camp and at Fort Beaufort, were assembled at Gilbert’s farm, on the Klu Klu, on the night of the 7th of September, and marched about 2 o’clock A.M. on the 8th, under Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce, to the lower edge of the Kroome, where they arrived at dawn, but found none of the enemy in that locality. The force ascended the Kroome heights by the steep and difficult ridge called the Wolf’s Head. It being well known that the enemy, under the Gaika chief Macomo, were in great force in the adjacent valleys of the Waterkloof, Fuller’s Hoek, and Blinkwater, it was determined to halt in a hollow, where there was good water, until future operations were determined upon. Strong picquets were posted on the surrounding ridges, and the usual precautions taken to guard against surprise. Some large bodies of the enemy were seen collecting at various points, and about 3 P.M. the alarm was given that the Kaffirs were approaching in great force. They ran almost with the speed of greyhounds, but the troops, many of whom had to toss away their half-cooked dinners, got under arms with the utmost promptitude, and were soon posted in extended order on the ridges surrounding the bivouac, reinforcing the picquets. The enemy approached in swarms from all quarters of the contiguous bush, and as soon as they were within range, opened fire, which they kept up without intermission for about half an hour. Their force, at the lowest computation, was about 2000 men, and was led by Macomo in person, who was seen riding about on a white charger, well out of range. The troops being posted behind a ridge, were enabled to keep up a sharp fire without much danger to themselves, and the enemy were soon compelled to withdraw to the bush. Nearly half of the ammunition being now expended, the troops were ordered to retire; and Lieutenant-Colonel Sutton, with a few mounted men, was directed to occupy the pass leading from Kroome heights to Niland’s farm. Between two and three hundred mounted Kaffirs were now seen endeavouring to turn the left flank, but they were kept in check, and all the troops were enabled to gain the pass--a narrow defile, in many parts of which not more than four or five men could walk abreast. The retreat was going on with perfect regularity, when a strong force of the enemy opened fire from the bush, and a detachment of the Fort Beaufort Fingoes became panic-stricken, rushing among the regular troops in great disorder, and thereby preventing them from using their arms with effect against the enemy. This no doubt encouraged the Kaffirs, who, seizing the advantage, rushed from the bush and stabbed many of the men with their assegais. The enemy continued their fire until the troops cleared the bush, but they scarcely showed themselves beyond it. The ammunition being nearly expended, the retreat was continued until the force arrived at Gilbert’s farm, which they did shortly after dark, and bivouacked there for the night, sending an express to Riet Fontein for waggons to convey the wounded to camp. The casualties in the regiment on this occasion were 8 privates killed, and 1 officer, Lieutenant John Joseph Corrigan, 1 corporal, and 8 privates wounded. Hans Hartung, who had for many years been bandmaster of the regiment, and was much respected by all ranks, lost his life on this occasion; he had accompanied the force as a volunteer.

The troops returned to Riet Fontein and Fort Beaufort, on the following day.

An officer,[453] who was with the regiment during the whole of this war, states that this was the only instance in which the 74th really met the Kaffirs face to face, and the latter even then had the advantage of possessing a thorough knowledge of the intricacies of the bush, and were in overwhelming numbers. There were numerous hand-to-hand conflicts, and several of the enemy were killed with the bayonet.

Major-General Somerset having arrived at Riet Fontein in September, the division marched on the 3rd of October to Fort Beaufort and encamped there, awaiting the arrival of reinforcements from the second division, under Lieutenant-Colonel Michel, of the 6th Regiment, intended to act with the first division in a combined attack on the Waterkloof, Kroome Heights, and Fuller’s Hoek.

The necessary preparations having been made, Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce marched on the 13th of October with the Reserve Battalion 12th Regiment, Beaufort West Levy, Graaf Reynett Mounted Levy, and Fort Beaufort Mounted Troop. The Major-General had previously proceeded with the Cape Mounted Riflemen and Fort Beaufort Fingo Levy to meet Lieutenant-Colonel Michel on his march from King William’s Town.

The force under Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce arrived at the Gola River on the afternoon of the 13th, and on the southern point of the Kroome Heights about sunrise next morning. The Waterkloof and Kroome Heights were that morning enveloped in a dense fog, which for a time prevented Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce from acting in concert with the Major-General, according to previous arrangement; but about noon the fog cleared away, and the Major-General was then seen to be engaged with the enemy at the head of the Waterkloof. Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce joined him with his brigade, and the enemy having been dispersed, they all marched to Mandell’s farm, where they remained until the morning of the 16th.

The force was now divided. Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce’s brigade, reinforced by the Reserve Battalion 91st Regiment, marching by the Bush Nek to the entrance of the Waterkloof; while the remainder of the division, under the personal command of the Major-General, proceeded to the head of the Waterkloof. Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce, on his arrival at the entrance of the Waterkloof, extended a line of skirmishers across the valley, seeing but few of the enemy, and meeting with no opposition until they emerged from the bush at the head of the Waterkloof, when a brisk fire was opened upon them; fresh skirmishers were thrown out, and the enemy dispersed. The force then joined the Major-General near Mount Misery, and the division marched to Eastland’s Farm and bivouacked. The casualties in the regiment on this occasion were 2 privates killed, and 1 lance-corporal and 1 private wounded.

In another skirmish at the head of the Waterkloof, on the 23rd, 2 privates were killed and 2 wounded.

Various operations were carried on at the head of the Waterkloof and Kroome heights until the 28th, when Lieut.-Colonel Fordyce’s brigade was ordered to the Blinkwater, where it arrived the same day, having been in the field exposed to heavy rains, and frequently with only one blanket per man, and since the 13th without tents.

The Commander-in-Chief, Sir Harry Smith, spoke, in his general order of October 31, in deservedly high terms of the conduct of the officers and men in these most trying duties; for this kind of desultory warfare, entailing constant marches from place to place without shelter, amid almost constant frost, snow, wind, and rain, and frequently with short supplies of food, and even of ammunition, against an immense number of savages, with whom it is impossible to come to close quarters, is far more trying to the temper and endurance of soldiers than a series of pitched battles with a powerful, well-disciplined, and well-equipped enemy.

This particular post of the enemy, at the head of the Waterkloof, was one which seemed almost impregnable, although it was held by only a few hundred Hottentots. The rebels had taken up a position near the summit of the Kloof, which they had fortified with a breastwall of detached rocks, from behind which they long bade defiance to all efforts to eject them. Occasionally, when the British soldiers were receding from the bush, the enemy would appear in the open ground, firing at the former with fatal precision, and seeming as if to invite them to open combat. Our brave soldiers accepting the challenge, and returning towards the Hottentots, or “Totties,” as they were facetiously called, the latter would precipitately retreat to their stronghold, reappearing when their opponents’ backs were turned, sending death to many a poor fellow, whose brave comrades could never get a chance to avenge him. Such a mode of warfare is harassing in the highest degree. It was at the deathful Waterkloof that the 74th sustained the loss of one of its bravest and best-beloved officers.

The troops belonging to the second division having marched to King William’s Town, and the Major-General having assembled at the Blinkwater all the available force of the first division, he ascended the Blinkwater Hill on the 4th of November, and bivouacked at Eastland’s Farm, leaving the tents and baggage at the Blinkwater under a guard.

On the morning of the 6th of November the infantry under Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce marched about two hours before daylight, the cavalry under the Major-General following at dawn, to the head of the Waterkloof, where, as we have said, a considerable party of the enemy was seen posted in strong positions. The infantry, under Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce, were ordered to attack the position. The Colonel led his men in column into the Waterkloof, when suddenly his march was arrested by a rocky precipice which flanked him in the form of a semicircle, where he found the enemy in considerable force, and these knew too well the rules of military tactics to let so favourable an opportunity escape for inflicting a penalty. Though the bayonets of our brave soldiers seemed powerless in such a position--for they had to contend against an enemy concealed among inaccessible rocks--yet Colonel Fordyce placed his men in position for an assault, and it was while calmly surveying them to see that all was ready for the desperate work, that he was struck in the side by a ball, which proved fatal to him in a quarter of an hour. His last words, it is said, were, “What will become of my poor regiment?” He was indeed the father of his regiment, looking with parental solicitude after the comforts of men, women, and children, and by all he was lamented with unfeigned sorrow.[454] His men, notwithstanding their irreparable loss, stood firm against the enemy, and the Major-General having arrived and assumed the command, the enemy was driven from his position, and the troops bivouacked for the night on Mount Misery, near the scene of the day’s operations.

The casualties in the regiment on this occasion were 2 officers (Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce and Lieutenant Carey), 2 sergeants, and 2 privates killed; and 1 officer, Lieutenant Gordon (who died shortly afterwards), and 8 men wounded. The greater number of the casualties on this occasion occurred in No. 2 company, under the command of Lieutenant Carey, until he was mortally wounded, and then of Lieutenant Philpot. They were opposed to a strong body of the enemy posted behind rocks, but being assisted by the light company, they succeeded in dislodging it.

The bodies of the dead were next day carried in a mule waggon for burial at Post Retief--15 miles across the table-land. “The funeral will never be forgotten by those who were present. The thunder, mingled with the booming artillery, rolled grandly and solemnly among the mountains. As the rough deal coffins were borne out, the ‘firing party,’ dripping wet, and covered with mud, presented arms, the officers uncovered, and we marched in slow time out of the gate and down the road--the pipers playing the mournful and touching ‘Highland Lament’--to where the graves had been dug, a few hundred yards from the Post.”

The following division order by Major-General Somerset by no means exaggerates the soldierly merits of Colonel Fordyce:--

“CAMP BLINKWATER, “Nov. 9th, 1851.

“It is with the deepest regret that Major-General Somerset announces to the division the death of Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce, commanding the 74th Highlanders. He fell, mortally wounded, in action with the enemy, on the morning of the 6th, and died on the field.

“From the period of the 74th Highlanders having joined the first division, their high state of discipline and efficiency at once showed to the Major-General the value of Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce as a commanding officer; the subsequent period, during which the Major-General had been in daily intercourse with Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce, so constantly engaged against the enemy in the field, had tended to increase in the highest degree the opinion which the Major-General had formed of Lieutenant-Colonel Fordyce as a commander of the highest order, and one of Her Majesty’s ablest officers, and whom he now so deeply laments (while he truly sympathises with the 74th Highlanders in their irreparable loss), as an esteemed brother soldier.”

Small parties of the enemy having again taken up positions near the head of Fuller’s Hoek, they were attacked and dislodged on the 7th; and on the following day the division marched to its camp at the Blinkwater.

The 74th was engaged in no enterprise of importance for the next two months, headquarters having meantime been removed to Fort Beaufort. In January 1852 preparations were made under Major-General Somerset, by the first and second divisions, for a combined movement to destroy the enemy’s crops in the Chumie Hoek, Amatolas, and on the left bank of the Keiskamma River. The Major-General marched from Fort Beaufort on the 26th of January 1852 for that purpose, with a force which included upwards of 250 of all ranks of the 74th. Detachments of the regiment were left at Post Retief, Blinkwater, Riet Fontein, and Fort Beaufort.

The Major-General, with the force under his command, arrived at the Amatolas on the 27th, and on the 28th commenced the destruction of the enemy’s crops, which was carried on at the Amatolas, Chumie Hoek, and near the Gwali Mission Station, up to the 24th of February, with little interruption from the enemy and no loss to the regiment.

The destruction of that part of the crops allotted to the first division having been completed, the Major-General marched on the 25th en route for Haddon on the Koonap River, where he arrived on the 29th, and formed a standing camp.

At about two o’clock on the morning of the 4th of March, a patrol under Lieutenant-Colonel Yarborough, 91st Regiment, consisting of all the available men of that corps and of the 74th Highlanders, together with a troop of the Cape Mounted Riflemen, marched to the Waterkloof to destroy a number of kraals belonging to a party of the enemy who had located themselves on the sides of the mountain near Browne’s Farm. This force arrived at the scene of operations about sunrise, and immediately attacked the kraals, which they completely destroyed, and captured a number of horses and cattle which were concealed in a dense bush in an adjacent kloof. These kraals were well defended by the enemy, and the time necessarily occupied in securing the horses and cattle allowed the enemy to collect in large numbers from every part of the Waterkloof. They kept up an incessant fire upon the troops until their arrival at Nel’s Farm, where a position was taken up by the 74th and 91st Regiments, which kept the enemy in check until the horses and cattle were driven beyond their reach, after which the enemy dispersed, and the troops returned to camp. The casualties in the regiment on this occasion were 1 private killed and 4 wounded.

On the 7th of March the Commander-in-Chief arrived at the Blinkwater with all the available force of the 2nd division, for the purpose of carrying out, in connection with the 1st division, a combined movement against the Fuller’s Hoek, the Waterkloof, and Kroome Heights, which were still occupied by Macomo and his best warriors. These operations were carried on between the 10th and the 16th of the month, and the regiment was engaged with the enemy on several occasions during that time, but happily without sustaining any loss. 410 women, among whom was Macomo’s great wife, many children, 130 horses, 1000 head of cattle, and a number of goats were captured, together with some arms and ammunition, and all the property in Macomo’s Den.

The Commander-in-Chief, in referring to these six days’ operations in a general order, spoke of them as a success which may well be expected to lead to a permanent and lasting peace. “The Kaffir tribes,” he said, “have never been previously thus punished, and the expulsion over the Kei being effected, tranquillity on a permanent basis may be hoped for. No soldiers ever endured greater fatigues, or ever encountered them with more constant cheerfulness and devotion to their sovereign and country.”

On the 16th of March the 1st division returned to its standing camp, which had been removed on the 13th to the Gola River, near the entrance of the Waterkloof; and the troops belonging to the 2nd division returned to their stations.

The Waterkloof, Fuller’s Hoek, and Blinkwater being now considered cleared of the enemy, the Commander-in-Chief ordered a combined movement to take place against large bodies of the enemy that had established themselves between the Kaboosie Mountains and the Kei River. To effect this, the 1st division marched on the morning of the 18th of March; and having been joined on the 26th at the Thorn River by a burgher force, which was to co-operate with the troops, reached the Thomas River on the 29th, where a standing camp was formed. The 2nd division, at the same time, sent patrols to the Kaboosie Nek, Keiskamma Hoek, and the banks of the Kei River, and a large number of burghers was in the field co-operating with the troops.

On the 5th of April a patrol, under Lieutenant-Colonel Napier, Cape Mounted Riflemen, consisting of 162 men, from the headquarters of the 74th, along with detachments of the various other corps, marched for the junction of the Thomas and the Kei Rivers, where it was supposed large numbers of the enemy’s cattle were concealed.

This force arrived at and bivouacked on the Quantine, a branch of the Thomas River, on the evening of the 5th, and on the following morning resumed their march in three separate columns. Large herds of cattle were seen about ten o’clock in the morning near the junction of the Thomas and the Kei Rivers, and signal fires were lighted up by the enemy in various directions. After a successful contest of several hours’ duration, in which 100 of the enemy were supposed to have been killed, this force captured, with little loss, large numbers of cattle, horses, and goats, with which they returned to the standing camp on the Thomas River. The Commander-in-Chief, Lieutenant-General Sir Harry Smith, Bart., in a general order, spoke in the highest terms of these services, as being of such a character that a speedy termination of the war might be looked for, which must lead to the establishment of permanent peace to the country.

The standing camp was moved on the 10th of April to the Windvogel, a branch of the Kei River. Lieutenant-General the Hon. George Cathcart, appointed Governor and Commander-in-Chief of the Cape of Good Hope in succession to Sir Harry Smith, who was recalled, having assumed the command and arrived at King William’s Town, Major-General Somerset proceeded to that town to receive instructions regarding future operations.

Lieutenant-General Sir Harry George Wakelyn Smith, G.C.B., Bart., on resigning the command, bade farewell to the army which he had so efficiently commanded in a general order, in which he said:--

“I have served my Queen and country many years; and, attached as I have ever been to gallant soldiers, none were ever more endeared to me than those serving in the arduous campaign of 1851 and 1852 in South Africa. The unceasing labours of night marches, the burning sun, the torrents of rain, have been encountered with a cheerfulness as conspicuous as the intrepidity with which you have met the enemy in so many enterprising fights and skirmishes in his own mountain fastnesses and strongholds, and from which you have always driven him victoriously.”[455]

During the next few months the 74th was kept incessantly moving about in detachments from one post to another, the bare recital of which movements would only fatigue the reader. The regiment was constantly employed either on patrol, in waylaying parties, or on escort duties, the work involved in such movements being, as we have already said, far more trying and fatiguing to the soldier than a regular series of field operations against a large and thoroughly disciplined army. The high value of these irritating duties could only be fully appreciated by the superior officers who were watching the progress of the operations from day to day, and by the terrified colonists, whose lives and property the brave soldiers were doing their best, under great hardship, to protect. That the 74th, as well as the other regiments, really were the protectors of the colonists in South Africa, and performed their duties as such with honour and credit to themselves, all who were in a position to form an opinion concur in admitting. We have only heard of one instance in which an attempt was made to sully the honour and honesty of the 74th: that was by the Rev. Henry Renton, a Scotch missionary, who at a public meeting in Glasgow made some remarks reflecting on the conduct of the 74th Highlanders. We cannot believe that a Scotchman would maliciously attempt to sully the honour of a Highland regiment; and, of course, a Christian minister never so far should forget himself as to give utterance to a statement which he does not believe has a foundation in truth, especially when that statement, as in the present case, involves the reputation of so many of his fellow-countrymen, and, it is to be presumed, fellow-Christians. That the Rev. Henry Renton, whose honesty of intention, then, we cannot doubt, was under a misapprehension when he rashly--perhaps in a gush of “holy rapture,” as Burns puts it--made this statement at the public meeting in Glasgow, is clear from the following letter written on the subject by Major-General Somerset:--

“GRAHAMSTOWN, August 18, 1852.

“SIR,--Having observed in several of the public journals that, at a recent public meeting, Mr Renton, a Scotch minister, took occasion to attack the character of the 74th Highlanders for their conduct when encamped at the Gwali Station on the Chumie River, in the month of February last, stating that the men of that corps had plundered and destroyed the garden of the widow Chalmers while the savage enemies had always spared her property; I desire to state, in justice to the 74th Highlanders under your command, that the statement is a false and gratuitous attack on your gallant regiment, whose unvaried discipline and excellent conduct have ever met my fullest approbation.

“Shortly after the troops arrived in camp at Gwali, a guard was detached to afford Mrs Chalmers protection, and if any produce was taken out of her garden, it must have been in total ignorance that any person was residing on the property--the Kaffirs who had been residing on the grounds having all fled into the bush.

“I consider the attack of Mr Renton, whose character is so well known on the frontier, to be an attempt to enhance the value of his statements in favour of those barbarians whose atrocities he has attempted to palliate, and whose cause he so earnestly patronises.

“You will be good enough to make this expression of my sentiments known to the 74th Highlanders under your command.

“I have the honour to be, &c.,

“H. SOMERSET, “Major-General.

“To Major Patton, “Commanding 74th Highlanders.”

Major-General Somerset having been appointed to the Staff in India, Colonel Buller, C.B., Rifle Brigade, assumed the command of the 1st division on the 27th of August 1852.

Lieutenant-Colonel John Macduff, from the St Helena Regiment, having been appointed to the 74th Highlanders, joined at Fort Beaufort on the 17th of October 1852, and assumed the command of the regiment.

The Commander-in-Chief having determined upon sending an expedition into the Abasutus country against Moshesh, to enforce the payment of a fine of cattle and horses imposed upon that chief, the detachments from Fort Browne, Koonap Port, Riet Fontein, Post Retief, joined headquarters at Fort Beaufort in the beginning of November, and on the 10th of that month the headquarters, under Lieutenant-Colonel Macduff--strength, 2 captains, 5 subalterns, 3 staff, 12 sergeants, 5 buglers, and 244 rank and file--marched for Burghersdorp, where the forces intended for the expedition were to assemble under the personal command of His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief. A detachment was left at Fort Beaufort under Major Patton, consisting of 2 captains, 1 subaltern, 2 staff, 11 sergeants, 4 buglers, and 141 rank and file.

On the 11th of November, the force was joined by a detachment of artillery and 2 guns under Captain Robinson, and a detachment of the Cape Mounted Rifles, under Major Somerset, the whole being under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Macduff. Proceeding by stages towards its destination, the force was joined on the 16th by Captain Brydon’s company from Whittlesea, consisting of about 150 men, increasing the strength to 1 lieutenant-colonel, 3 captains, 6 subalterns, 3 staff, 17 sergeants, 7 buglers, and 404 rank and file; on the 17th to the Honey Klip River; on the 18th to Klaas Smidts River; on the 19th to the Vleys on the Stormberg Mountains; on the 20th to the Stormberg River, on the 22nd it reached Burghersdorp, and joined the troops under Lieutenant-Colonel Eyre of the 73rd regiment, who had arrived at Burghersdorp on the previous day.

On the 23rd, the headquarters of the Cape Mounted Rifles joined the force, and on the 28th, His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief arrived, and the troops were divided into brigades, the 74th Highlanders, the 2nd (Queen’s Regiment), and one Rocket Battery, forming the first brigade of infantry, under Lieutenant-Colonel Macduff, 74th Highlanders.

On the 28th of November, the march was recommenced by brigades, and the village of Plaatberg was reached on the 13th.

Moshesh’s sons, Nehemiah and David, arrived in camp the same evening, and on the 15th, that chief himself appeared and had an interview with the governor, who informed him that if his fine of horses and cattle was not paid within three days, he would be obliged to go and take them.

On the 18th, Nehemiah arrived with 3450 head of cattle; but the remainder not having been sent within the stipulated time, the cavalry and 2nd brigade advanced on the 19th to the Drift on the Caledon River, leaving the camp and cattle at Plaatberg in charge of the 1st brigade. This force moved against Moshesh on the morning of the 20th, and after a sanguinary contest on the Berea Mountain, which lasted during the day, captured 4500 head of cattle, and some horses and goats. During that night Moshesh sent a letter to the Governor, saying that he had been severely punished, and suing for peace, which the Governor granted on the 21st, and the troops returned to camp on the 22nd.

One company of the 2nd, or Queen’s, and one of the 74th, under Captain Bruce, marched for Plaatberg on the afternoon of the 19th, and reinforced the troops engaged. The cattle were sent for distribution to Bloem Fontein, and the troops commenced their march on their return to the colony on the 24th of December. On their arrival at the Orange River, it was found so swollen from recent rains that the troops, waggons, and baggage had to be conveyed across on two pontoons, which operation occupied six days.

The troops marched on their return to the colony by nearly the same route by which they had advanced, a detachment of the regiment, under Captain Bruce, of 2 sergeants, 1 bugler, and 40 rank and file, being left at Whittlesea.

The Governor and Commander-in-Chief took his leave of the troops in a general order dated “Camp Boole Poort, 26th December 1852,” in which he spoke in the highest terms of their conduct during the expedition.

Lieutenant-Colonel Eyre also, on resigning command of the division, published a division order, in which he spoke of the general character of all non-commissioned officers and soldiers as having been most exemplary. “To the officers generally he feels that his thanks are especially due; their example and exertions have rendered his task of commanding very easy.” Among the officers particularly named by Lieutenant-Colonel Eyre were,--Lieutenant-Colonel Macduff of the 74th Highlanders, commanding the 1st brigade, from whose judgment and experience he derived great assistance; Captain Hancock, 74th Highlanders; Lieutenant and Adjutant Falconer, 74th Highlanders, acting Brigade-Major, and Dr Fraser, 74th Highlanders, &c.

The first brigade, under Lieutenant-Colonel Macduff, arrived at Bryce’s Farm, on the Kat River, on the 19th of January, 1853. On the following day the regiments composing the brigade returned to their stations; the 74th proceeding to Fort Beaufort, where it arrived on the 21st, and where, on the 20th, a small detachment from the regimental depôt had joined.

In the beginning of February orders were received for the regiment to proceed to King William’s Town to reinforce the 2nd division. It accordingly marched from Fort Beaufort on the 3rd, under Lieutenant-Colonel Macduff, leaving a small detachment at Fort Beaufort. The regiment arrived at King William’s Town on the 7th, and was ordered to proceed to the Duhne or Itembi Mission Station, accompanied by detachments from the 12th Royal Lancers, the Royal Artillery, and the Cape Mounted Riflemen; the whole under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Macduff, of the 74th Highlanders, the intention being to form a connecting link in a chain of posts surrounding the Amatolas. Numerous patrols were sent out to keep up a communication with the post at Kaboosie Nek, and to examine the country near the sources of the Kaboosie and the Buffalo rivers, and the valley between the Iseli range and Murray’s Krantz.

Peace, however, having been established in March, the regiment marched from the Duhne Station to Fort Beaufort, arriving there on the 26th.

On the termination of the war, His Excellency published a general order, which we shall give at length, as serving to convey the idea formed by a competent judge of the urgent nature of the duties which the soldiers engaged in the Kaffir War had to perform, and also showing the important results of the operations in which the 74th bore so conspicuous a part.

“HEADQUARTERS, GRAHAMSTOWN, “March 14, 1853.

“The Commander of the Forces congratulates the army under his command on the termination of the war of rebellion which has troubled the eastern frontier of Her Majesty’s South African Dominions for more than two years, and which at one time assuming the character of a war of races, had it not been arrested by their gallantry, perseverance, and unparalleled exertions, must have overwhelmed the inhabitants of the eastern district of the colony. And indeed it is impossible to calculate the extent to which it might have reached.

“In conveying his thanks to the army for their meritorious services, His Excellency desires to include those of the Colonial service, Europeans, Fingoes, and Loyal Hottentots, who, under gallant leaders, nobly emulated the brilliant examples set them by Her Majesty’s troops.

“The field of glory opened to them in a Kaffir war and Hottentot rebellion is possibly not so favourable and exciting as that which regular warfare with an open enemy in the field affords; yet the unremitting exertions called for in hunting well-armed yet skulking savages through the bush, and driving them from their innumerable strongholds, are perhaps more arduous than those required in regular warfare, and call more constantly for individual exertions and intelligence.

“The British soldier, always cheerfully obedient to the call, well knows that when he has done his duty, he is sure to obtain the thanks and good opinion of his gracious Queen.

“It is His Excellency’s duty, and one which he has had the greatest pleasure in performing, to call Her Majesty’s attention, not only on particular occasions, but generally, to the noble conduct of all officers, non-commissioned officers, and soldiers of this army, throughout the arduous contest in which they have been engaged; and they may rest assured it will not pass unheeded.

“It cannot fail to be an additional gratification to them to reflect that the result of their exertions has been the total and final clearance of the Waterkloof, Fish River, and all the other strongholds of the enemy within the colony. The surrender of the rebel chiefs, Sandilli, Macomo, and the Gaika people, who have been expelled from all their former territories, including the Amatolas, which now remain in possession of Her Majesty’s troops, and the removal of that hitherto troublesome race to the banks of the Kei; the complete submission of the Bassutus, the Sambookies, and the Anna-Galiekas, and the extinction of the Hottentot rebellion; and that thus, thanks to their noble exertions, where all was war and rebellion two years ago, general and profound peace reigns in South Africa.

“A. J. CLOETE, “Quartermaster-General.”

Colonel Buller, C.B., Rifle Brigade, commanding 1st Division, made his inspection of the regiment on the 5th of May, when he expressed to Lieutenant-Colonel Macduff his entire satisfaction with the regiment in every respect.

Before concluding our account of the doings of the 74th Highlanders during the Kaffir War, we must tell the story of an action which sheds more glory upon those who took part in it than a hundred well-fought battles, or the taking of many cities; an action in which discipline and self-denial triumphed gloriously over the love of dear life itself.

On the 7th of January 1852, the iron paddle troopship “Birkenhead,” of 1400 tons and 556 horse-power, commanded by Master Commanding Robert Salmond, sailed from the Cove of Cork, bound for the Cape of Good Hope, with detachments from the depôts of ten regiments, all under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Seton of the 74th Highlanders. Altogether there were on board about 631 persons, including a crew of 132, the rest being soldiers with their wives and children. Of the soldiers, besides Colonel Seton and Ensign Alexander Cumming Russell, 66 men belonged to the 74th.

The “Birkenhead” made a fair voyage out, and reached Simon’s Bay, Cape of Good Hope, on the 23rd of February, when Captain Salmond was ordered to proceed eastward immediately, and land the troops at Algoa Bay and Buffalo River. The “Birkenhead” accordingly sailed again about six o’clock on the evening of the 25th; the night being almost perfectly calm, the sea smooth, and the stars out in the sky. Men, as usual, were told off to keep a look-out, and a leadsman was stationed on the paddle-box next the land, which was at a distance of about 3 miles on the port side. Shortly before two o’clock on the morning of the 26th, when all who were not on duty were sleeping peacefully below, the leadsman got soundings in 12 or 13 fathoms: ere he had time to get another cast of the lead, the “Birkenhead” was suddenly and rudely arrested in her course; she had struck on a sunken rock, surrounded by deep water, and was firmly fixed upon its jagged points. The water immediately rushed into the fore part of the ship, and drowned many soldiers who were sleeping on the lower troop deck.

It is easy to imagine the consternation and wild commotion with which the hundreds of men, women, and children would be seized on realising their dangerous situation. Captain Salmond, who had been in his cabin since ten o’clock of the previous night, at once appeared on deck with the other naval and military officers; the captain ordered the engine to be stopped, the small bower anchor to be let go, the paddle-box boats to be got out, and the quarter boats to be lowered, and to lie alongside the ship.

It might have been with the “Birkenhead” as with many other passenger-laden ships which have gone to the bottom, had there not been one on board with a clear head, perfect self-possession, a noble and chivalrous spirit, and a power of command over others which few men have the fortune to possess; this born “leader of men” was Lieutenant-Colonel Seton of the 74th Highlanders. On coming on deck he at once comprehended the situation, and without hesitation made up his mind what it was the duty of brave men and British soldiers to do under the circumstances. He impressed upon the other officers the necessity of preserving silence and discipline among the men. Colonel Seton then ordered the soldiers to draw up on both sides of the quarter-deck; the men obeyed as if on parade or about to undergo inspection. A party was told off to work the pumps, another to assist the sailors in lowering the boats, and a third to throw the poor horses overboard. “Every one did as he was directed,” says Captain Wright of the 91st, who, with a number of men of that regiment, was on board. “All received their orders, and had them carried out, as if the men were embarking instead of going to the bottom; there was only this difference, that I never saw any embarkation conducted with so little noise and confusion.”

Meanwhile Captain Salmond, thinking no doubt to get the ship safely afloat again and to steam her nearer to the shore, ordered the engineer to give the paddles a few backward turns. This only hastened the destruction of the ship, which bumped again upon the rock, so that a great hole was torn in the bottom, letting the water rush in volumes into the engine-room, putting out the fires.

The situation was now more critical than ever; but the soldiers remained quietly in their places, while Colonel Seton stood in the gangway with his sword drawn, seeing the women and children safely passed down into the second cutter, which the captain had provided for them. This duty was speedily effected, and the cutter was ordered to lie off about 150 yards from the rapidly sinking ship. In about ten minutes after she first struck, she broke in two at the foremast--this mast and the funnel falling over to the starboard side, crushing many, and throwing into the water those who were endeavouring to clear the paddle-box boat. But the men kept their places, though many of them were mere lads, who had been in the service only a few months. An eye-witness, speaking of the captain and Colonel Seton at this time, has said--“Side by side they stood at the helm, providing for the safety of all that could be saved. They never tried to save themselves.”

Besides the cutter into which the women and children had been put, only two small boats were got off, all the others having been stove in by the falling timbers or otherwise rendered useless. When the bows had broken off, the ship began rapidly to sink forward, and those who remained on board clustered on to the poop at the stern, all, however, without the least disorder. At last, Captain Salmond, seeing that nothing more could be done, advised all who could swim to jump overboard and make for the boats. But Colonel Seton told the men that if they did so, they would be sure to swamp the boats, and send the women and children to the bottom; he therefore asked them to keep their places, and they obeyed. The “Birkenhead” was now rapidly sinking; the officers shook hands and bade each other farewell; immediately after which the ship again broke in two abaft the mainmast, when the hundreds who had bravely stuck to their posts were plunged with the sinking wreck into the sea. “Until the vessel totally disappeared,” says an eye-witness, “there was not a cry or murmur from soldiers or sailors.” Those who could swim struck out for the shore, but few ever reached it; most of them either sank through exhaustion or were devoured by the sharks, or were dashed to death on the rugged shore near Point Danger, or entangled in the death-grip of the long arms of sea-weed that floated thickly near the coast. About twenty minutes after the “Birkenhead” first struck on the rock, all that remained visible were a few fragments of timber, and the main-topmast standing above the water. Of the 631 souls on board, 438 were drowned, only 193 being saved: not a single woman or child was lost. Those who did manage to land, exhausted as they were, had to make their way over a rugged and barren coast for fifteen miles, before they reached the residence of Captain Small, by whom they were treated with the greatest kindness until taken away by H.M. steamer “Rhadamanthus.”

The three boats which were lying off near the ship when she went down picked up as many men as they safely could, and made for the shore, but found it impossible to land; they were therefore pulled away in the direction of Simon’s Town. After a time they were descried by the coasting schooner “Lioness,” the master of which, Thomas E. Ramsden, took the wretched survivors on board, his wife doing all in her power to comfort them, distributing what spare clothes were on board among the many men, who were almost naked. The “Lioness” made for the scene of the wreck, which she reached about half-past two in the afternoon, and picked up about forty-five men, who had managed to cling to the still standing mast of the “Birkenhead.” The “Lioness,” as well as the “Rhadamanthus,” took the rescued remnant to Simon’s Bay.

Of those who were drowned, 357, including 9 officers, belonged to the army; the remaining 81 formed part of the ship’s company, including 7 naval officers. Besides the chivalrous Colonel Seton and Ensign Russell, 48 of the 66 men belonging to the 74th perished.

Any comment on this deathless deed of heroic self-denial, of this victory of moral power over the strongest impulse, would be impertinent; no one needs to be told what to think of the simple story. The 74th and the other regiments who were represented on board of the “Birkenhead,” as well as the whole British army, must feel prouder of this victory over the last enemy, than of all the great battles whose names adorn their regimental standards.

The only tangible memorial of the deed that exists is a monument erected by Her Majesty Queen Victoria in the colonnade of Chelsea Hospital; it bears the following inscription:--

“This monument is erected by command of Her Majesty Queen Victoria, to record the heroic constancy and unbroken discipline shown by Lieutenant-Colonel Seton, 74th Highlanders, and the troops embarked under his command, on board the ‘Birkenhead,’ when that vessel was wrecked off the Cape of Good Hope, on the 26th of February 1852, and to preserve the memory of the officers, non-commissioned officers, and men who perished on that occasion. Their names were as follows:--

“Lieutenant-Colonel ALEXANDER SETON, 74th Highlanders, commanding the troops; Cornet Rolt, Sergeant Straw, and 3 privates, 12th Lancers; Ensign Boylan, Corporal M’Manus, and 34 privates, 2nd Queen’s Regiment; Ensign Metford and 47 privates, 6th Royals; 55 privates, 12th Regiment; Sergeant Hicks, Corporals Harrison and Cousins, and 26 privates, 43rd Light Infantry; 3 privates 45th Regiment; Corporal Curtis and 29 privates, 60th Rifles; Lieutenants Robinson and Booth, and 54 privates, 73rd Regiment; Ensign Russell, Corporals Mathison and William Laird, and 46 privates, 74th Highlanders; Sergeant Butler, Corporals Webber and Smith, and 41 privates, 91st Regiment; Staff-Surgeon Laing; Staff Assistant-Surgeon Robinson. In all, 357 officers and men. The names of the privates will be found inscribed on brass plates adjoining.”

Lieutenant-Colonel Seton, whose high-mindedness, self-possession, and calm determination inspired all on board, was son and heir of the late Alexander Seton, Esq. of Mounie, Aberdeenshire, and represented the Mounie branch of the old and eminent Scottish house of Pitmedden. His death was undoubtedly a great loss to the British army, as all who knew him agree in stating that he was a man of high ability and varied attainments; he was distinguished both as a mathematician and a linguist. Lord Aberdare (formerly the Right Honourable H. A. Bruce) speaks of Colonel Seton, from personal knowledge, as “one of the most gifted and accomplished men in the British army.”[456]

III.

1853-1874.

Embarkation for India--Ten years in India--Malabar--Canara--New stand of Colours--Mrs Anson--A desperate duel--Lieut.-General Shawe becomes Colonel of the 74th--Indian Rebellion--The Kaffir War Medals--Storm of Sholapoor--Kopál--Nargoond--Leave to be discharged in 1858--The 74th embarks for England in 1864--Captain Thackeray in command of the 74th--Edinburgh--Aldershot--Receives the special commendation of H.R.H. Commanding-in-Chief.

Orders having been received that the 74th should hold itself in readiness to proceed to India, all the outlying detachments joined headquarters at Fort Beaufort. The regiment set out on November 10, 1853, to march for Port Elizabeth, where it arrived on the 18th, and from which, on the 20th, the headquarters and right wing were conveyed to Cape Town, where they embarked on board the freight-ship “Queen.”

The “Queen” sailed from Table Bay on the 25th of November, and arrived at Madras on the 12th of January 1854. The 74th was destined to remain in India for the next ten years, during which time the movements of its various detachments were exceedingly complicated, and are difficult to follow even with the aid of a good map. Indeed, few regiments, we are sure, have been more broken up into small detachments than was the 74th, during its services at the Cape, and for the greater part of the time that it remained in India; for eight years from 1850, when the regiment was at Fermoy, in Ireland, it was broken up into small detachments, and it was only on the repeated petition of the commanding-officer to the War Office authorities that, in 1858, all the companies once more found themselves together: this was at Bellary, in the Madras Presidency, where headquarters had been stationed for some time.

After the arrival of headquarters and the right wing at Madras, the regiment was joined by a detachment from England, under Captain Jago. After headquarters had been about a week at Madras, it, along with four companies, re-embarked, on January 19, for Negapatam, about 180 miles further south, where it arrived next day, and remained till the 24th, when it set out to march for Trichinopoly, which it reached on the 2nd of February.

On the 7th of February a detachment, under Captain Brydon, consisting of 4 officers and 205 men, proceeded to Jackatalla (now Wellington, about ten miles south of Ootakemund, in the Neelgherri Hills), there to be stationed for the purpose of assisting in the building of barracks at that place.

Captain Jago, with the two companies which had been left at Madras, joined headquarters on the 13th, and a small detachment from England, under Lieutenant Davies, landed at Madras on the 13th, and arrived at Trichinopoly on the 27th of February.

The left wing of the service companies, which had left Cape Town some time after the rest of regiment, landed at Madras on the 19th of February, and embarked for Tranquebar. This detachment, on its march from Tranquebar to Trichinopoly, was unfortunately attacked by cholera, and lost 3 sergeants, 2 corporals, and 15 privates.

The headquarters marched for Jackatalla on the 15th of March, and arrived there on the 30th, having left a detachment at Trichinopoly, consisting of 2 captains, 5 subalterns, 1 assistant-surgeon, 10 sergeants, 4 drummers, and 220 rank and file, under command of Major Hancock, who was relieved of the command by Lieutenant-Colonel Monklands on the 3rd of April.

It would be tedious to follow the movements of the various detachments of the regiment in the performance of the ordinary routine duties which devolve on the British soldier when stationed in India. The headquarters remained at Jackatalla--where it was gradually joined by the various detachments which remained at Trichinopoly--till 1857. At frequent intervals during this time, and while the regiment remained in India, it was joined by detachments of recruits from the depôt companies at home, and by volunteers from other regiments in India--it being a common custom, when a regiment was ordered home, to allow those of the men who wished to remain in India to volunteer into other regiments. If we may judge from the large detachments which the 74th received in this way, it must have had a very high reputation among the other regiments of Her Majesty stationed in India. Among the other additions which the 74th received while at Jackatalla was one which was made by Her Majesty’s gracious pleasure, much, no doubt, to the gratification of the regiment, and one which to a Highland regiment is of no mean importance. The addition we refer to consisted of 1 pipe-major and 5 pipers, who joined in May 1854, and whose strains, no doubt, served often to remind the many Highlanders in the regiment of their homes far away in dear old Scotland. This accession was in addition to a pipe-major and a piper for each company, which have always been maintained in the regiment, and dressed at the expense of the officers.

In November of the same year that the regiment received the above important addition, it was inspected by Major-General J. Wheeler Cleveland, commanding the Southern Division, who, in a division order afterwards issued, expressed himself in complimentary and justly merited terms towards this distinguished regiment.

Colonel Macduff, having been appointed a brigadier of the 2nd class, and ordered to assume the command of the provinces of Malabar and Canara, handed over command of the regiment to Captain Brydon on the 7th of February 1855,--Lieutenant-Colonel Monkland, the next senior officer, having proceeded to Bangalore on sick-leave. But Captain and Brevet-Major Robert Bruce having joined, from leave of absence, on the 28th of February, assumed command of the regiment, and was relieved on the 9th of April by Lieutenant-Colonel Monkland.

A wing of the regiment having been ordered to relieve the 25th (King’s Own Borderers) Regiment--132 volunteers from which joined the 74th--at Cannanoor, a detail of 8 officers, 1 surgeon, 13 sergeants, 16 corporals, 6 drummers, 3 pipers, and 304 privates, under command of Captain Jago, marched from headquarters on the 14th of February, and arrived at Cannanoor on the 1st of March, having en route detached No. 5 Company, under Captain Augustus Davies, to Malliapooram. The wing thus stationed at Cannanoor, on the Malabar coast, had to furnish so many strong detachments to the provinces of Malabar and Canara that it was necessary frequently to reinforce it from headquarters, as well as from England, so that very soon the number of companies at headquarters was reduced to four, the other six being with the left wing.

The 24th of May, being the anniversary of the birth of Her Most Gracious Majesty, was selected by the Hon. Mrs George Anson for presenting a stand of new colours to the regiment. His Excellency Lieutenant-General the Honourable George Anson, Commander-in-Chief of the Madras Army, and the staff of the Most Noble the Governor-General of India, the Marquis of Dalhousie, and a large concourse of spectators, were to be present, but the Governor-General was unfortunately prevented by illness from attending.

The new colours having been consecrated by the Rev. John Ruthven Macfarlane, the chaplain of the regiment, were handed to Lieutenants R. H. D. Lowe and H. R. Wolrige (the two senior subalterns present) by the Honourable Mrs Anson, who, in doing so, mentioned the various services of the regiment in a most complimentary manner; and His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief, after the review, was pleased to express himself in the most flattering terms with regard to the gallantry, efficiency, soldier-like bearing, and good conduct of the regiment.

In the month of September, the detachment stationed at Malliapooram, under the command of Captain Augustus Davies, was employed against some insurgent Moplahs in the neighbourhood, who had murdered Mr Conolly, Collector of Malabar, and in an affair on the 17th of that month 1 private was killed and 1 wounded.

During the performance of this duty a very remarkable incident occurred which is well worth putting on record. Captain Davies’ company having been sent in quest of the Moplahs, came upon them, after a hot mid-day march of about eight or ten miles, at the house of a high caste Nair, which they had taken possession of after murdering the servant who had been left in charge. The house was no sooner surrounded by the soldiers than the Moplahs rushed forth, fired what arms they possessed at the 74th, killing a private; they then attacked the men with the Moplah war-knives. All the Moplahs were speedily despatched, not, however, before one of them had attacked Private Joseph Park, who transfixed the Moplah through the chest with his bayonet. The Moplah thereupon, although mortally wounded, seized the muzzle of Park’s firelock--for the 74th was still armed with the old Brown Bess--and with a fierce blow of his war-knife, whilst still transfixed with the bayonet, cut Park’s throat almost from ear to ear. Staggered with the blow, the firelock dropped from Park’s hands, and the Moplah fell dead at his feet. After hovering between life and death for some weeks, Park ultimately recovered.

Colonel Macduff, having been relieved from the provinces of Malabar and Canara by the return of Brigadier Brown, rejoined headquarters, and assumed command of the regiment on the 31st of January 1856, and Lieutenant-Colonel Monkland proceeded to Cannanoor for the purpose of assuming command of the left wing. On the 14th of November, however, Colonel Macduff, as senior officer in the Presidency, having been ordered to proceed to Bellary as acting Brigadier in place of Colonel Brown of the 43d Foot, who had died, the command of the headquarters devolved upon Lieutenant-Colonel Monkland, who, however, retained it only a few weeks, as Colonel Macduff, having been relieved from the command of the Bellary Brigade by Colonel Pole, 12th Lancers, his senior, returned to headquarters at Jackatalla, and reassumed the command of the regiment on the 6th of February.

On the 16th of February 1857 notification of the appointment of Lieutenant-General Shawe to the colonelcy of the regiment, in place of Lieutenant-General Thomson, was received by the regiment.

During all this time, of course, the regular half-yearly inspection was made by Major-General Cleveland, who on every occasion was able to express himself perfectly satisfied with the state of the regiment.

On the 12th of April 1857, Enfield rifles were first issued to a portion of the regiment in accordance with the instructions from home directing their partial introduction into the army as an experiment.

On the 22d of July, in accordance with instructions received, the right wing and headquarter companies proceeded en route to Bangalore by Mysore; but on arriving at the latter place, their destination having been changed to Bellary (with the exception of 150 men, who, under command of Captain Falconer, followed by marches in charge of the families and baggage), the regiment was pushed on by transit to that station, Government being apprehensive of a rising among the Rajah’s zemindars in the Mahratta country. As the sequel shows, the services of the regiment were soon called into requisition. A movable column having been formed under the command of Brigadier Whitlock, the grenadier company, made up to 100 men immediately on its arrival, proceeded on the 12th of August to join the force by way of Kurnool; and as soon as the arrival of the detachment under Captain Falconer, above referred to, rejoined headquarters on the 30th, the light company, also made up to 100 men, proceeded to join the column. These companies were all armed with the Enfield rifle--the right wing, on passing through Bangalore, having been furnished with this weapon. These two companies being on field service, and a wing of six companies being at Cannanoor, the headquarters of the regiment at Bellary was reduced to a skeleton of two weak companies.

On the 16th of September, Colonel Macduff being appointed Brigadier of the 2nd class on the permanent establishment of the Presidency, the command of the corps again devolved upon Colonel Monkland, at this time in command of the left wing at Cannanoor, but who now assumed the command at headquarters. On the following day a letter, considerably augmenting the establishment of the regiment, was received; and on the 29th the headquarters, consisting of the two attenuated companies above referred to, was inspected by Major-General Donald Macleod,[457] commanding the ceded districts, who on the occasion expressed himself satisfied with everything that came under his notice.

Instructions having been received for the left wing at Cannanoor to join headquarters at Bellary, on the arrival of the 66th Foot at that station from England, the various detachments rejoined the wing, and the whole six companies marched, under the command of Captain Jago, on the 12th of January 1858, having all been furnished with the new Enfield rifle. The wing arrived at Bellary in daily batches by the 20th of February.

The regiment having been scattered in detachments, the medals which it had so honourably won in the Kaffir war of 1851-53 had not been presented to many of the men; therefore, upon the six companies joining headquarters, Lieutenant-Colonel Monkland took an early opportunity of distributing to the meritorious those rewards for their distinguished conduct during that trying campaign.

Intimation having been received that the Rajah of Sholapoor was in arms against the Government, the two companies of the regiment, with Brigadier Whitlock, previously referred to, were detached to Sholapoor, at the storm and capture of which, on the 8th and 9th of February, they were present and took a prominent part.

On the 2nd, 3rd, and 4th of March, the regiment being, by good fortune, all together for a brief period, with the exception of two companies, Nos. 1 and 10, on field service, Major-General Donald Macleod again inspected it, and was pleased, as previously, to express himself much gratified with the discipline and interior economy of the regiment, as well as with its appearance on parade.

The day following the inspection, the 15th of March 1858, a detachment, under Captain Falconer, consisting of 2 captains, 4 subalterns, 1 staff-officer, 12 sergeants, 12 corporals, 3 pipers, and 280 privates, proceeded on field-service to the southern Mahratta country, being placed at the disposal of the Bombay Government, and being ultimately stationed at Darwar.

On the 28th of May, a petty rajah or zemindar having taken possession of the Fort of Kopál, a field force from Bellary was immediately put in motion--No. 9 Company, under Captain Menzies, composing the European infantry with the force. Major Hughes, deeming it politic to nip in the bud this outbreak before it spread further in the Madras Presidency, pushed on the force as quickly as possible by forced marches, and arrived before Kopál on the 31st. The fort was stormed and recaptured on the 1st of June by No. 9 Company, which formed the storming party on the occasion, having 1 sergeant and 6 privates wounded, one of the latter dying on the 5th.

The same day on which the storm and capture of Kopál took place, Companies 2 and 6, under Captain Davies, having been, by direction of the Bombay Government, detached from the contingent stationed at Darwar, proceeded to Noorgoond, and stormed and captured the fort of that name, on which occasion only 1 private was wounded.

Government being apprehensive that the rebel leader, Tantéa Topee, was endeavouring to enter the Deccan and incite the Mahrattas, a field force under the command of Brigadier Spottiswood of the 1st Dragoon Guards, who had temporarily succeeded Brigadier Macduff in command of the Bellary Brigade, marched from Bellary on the 9th of November. The force consisted of the 74th Highlanders, 47th Regiment Native Infantry, one battery of Royal Artillery, 5th Light Cavalry, and one regiment of Mysore Horse. It proceeded by way of Kurnool to Hyderabad, arriving there on the 3rd of December. This force remained fully equipped and ready to move on any point until the 21st of January 1859, when it was broken up and taken on the strength of the Hyderabad subsidiary force. The 74th left Hyderabad on February 3rd, and reached Bellary on the 22nd of the same month.

Shortly before this, Major-General Macleod left his district, and it must be exceedingly gratifying to the 74th that an officer of his penetration, knowledge, and honesty of speech, felt himself able to issue an order so highly complimentary as the following, dated “Headquarters, Ceded Districts, October 8th, 1858:”--

“The Major-General thanks Colonel Monkland for the excellent state of discipline and good behaviour of the men of the 74th Highlanders while the regiment remained at Bellary. The conduct of the men has been strikingly correct. A single case of irregularity in any soldier’s conduct out of quarters has never been observed.... As the Major-General thinks it probable that during his period of command he will not again have the troops composing the column under his orders, he deems it right to express his high opinion of those composing it, and feels confident that opportunity is only wanting to prove that the Bellary column is second to none on field-service.”

It was at this time that, at the repeated request of the commanding officer, the whole regiment was reunited at Bellary, where the strength of the regiment was found to be as follows:--1 colonel, 2 lieutenant-colonels, 2 majors, 10 captains, 14 lieutenants, 2 ensigns, 6 staff, 55 sergeants, 44 corporals, 20 drummers, 6 pipers, 942 rank and file, being a total of 1067; and on the 14th of June a draft of 16 recruits joined headquarters from England.

The period of service, under the “Limited Service Act” (of June 1847), of many of the men having long expired, and the country being considered quiet, authority for the discharge of such as desired it having been received, the regiment lost a large number of its best soldiers, and by the end of 1859 was considerably reduced in numbers.

Colonel Macduff--the division under Major-General Whitlock, including the 2nd Infantry brigade which he commanded, having been broken up--returned to Bellary, and assumed the command of the brigade at that station, having been repeatedly, during his absence on field-service, successfully engaged against the rebels.

There is but little to record out of the even tenor of the regiment’s way from this time until it embarked for England in 1864. The 74th was of course regularly inspected every half-year by the superior officer whose duty it was to do so; and invariably a good report was given, not only of the discipline and bearing of the men, their knowledge of their business, and their smart and soldierly appearance, but also of their personal cleanliness, and the excellent interior economy of the regiment, and of the unanimity and good feeling that existed among all its ranks. Indeed, the terms in which Major-General Coffin, whose duty it was at this time frequently to inspect the regiment, spoke of the character and efficiency of the 74th, were such that Colonel Villiers seems to have been afraid that the men would be spoiled by so much praise, and in a regimental order of November 1860 sincerely hopes the high encomiums passed by the Major-General may not lead either officers or men to rest satisfied with the present state of the efficiency of their corps, but act as an additional incentive to renewed exertion on the part of every one concerned to render perfect what is now in their estimation considered good.

In a letter dated Horse Guards, 27th of March 1860, it is intimated that “the small amount of crime has been specially remarked by the Duke of Cambridge.”

During this period some important changes took place among the superior officers of the regiment. Lieutenant-Colonel Monkland, who had been with the regiment since first he entered the army, exchanged in November 1859 to half-pay, with Lieutenant-Colonel James Villiers, who joined regimental headquarters from England in February 1860. This latter officer, however, was not destined to be long connected with the regiment, as he had the misfortune to be cut off by brain fever at Ramdroog on May 10, 1862.

The senior Lieutenant-Colonel of the regiment, Major-General (local rank) John Macduff, C.B., commanding the Oudh division of the Bengal Presidency, had been placed on half-pay on the 24th of January of this year, the date of his appointment to the Bengal staff, and the supernumerary Lieutenant-Colonelcy was thereby absorbed.

On the death of Lieutenant-Colonel Villiers, Major William Kelty Macleod, who had been in temporary command since that officer’s departure on leave of absence on the 23rd of March, succeeded to the command, Colonel Patton being absent in command of a brigade at Thagetmyo in Burmah.

The depôt of the regiment was during this period stationed at Aberdeen, and sent out frequent detachments of recruits to supply the deficiencies created in the service companies by men who left on the expiry of their term, and by the numerous batches of invalids whom it was found necessary to send home for the sake of their health.

A pattern dress bonnet had been supplied to the companies at Aberdeen in 1861 on trial, but not having been found durable, a new pattern was designed by Captain Palmer, commanding the depôt, and submitted by him to the clothing department for the approval of His Royal Highness the General Commanding-in-Chief, who was pleased to direct a letter to be sent to Captain Palmer, thanking him for his suggestion, and directing the pattern to be sealed and adopted by the regiment as its future head-dress.

The Indian mutiny medals having been received for the officers and men of the regiment who were engaged at the capture of the forts of Shorapoor, Noorgoond, and Kopál in 1858, they were presented at Bellary, in presence of the division, on the 23rd of September (being the sixtieth anniversary of the victory of Assaye), by Major-General Armstrong, commanding the ceded districts. He addressed the regiment in the following terms:--

“Major Macleod, officers, and men of the 74th Highlanders,--This is the anniversary of a memorable day in the annals of your regiment, and consequently I have selected it to perform a duty most agreeable to myself; that is, to present in the presence of the assembled division the medals to so many officers and men of your distinguished regiment with which Her Most Gracious Majesty, our beloved Queen, has been pleased to reward the good and gallant services and conduct of her troops during the recent disturbances in Bengal and other parts of India. But before fulfilling this duty, I feel called upon to say a few words to you.”

Major-General Armstrong then glanced rapidly at all the brilliant services performed by the 74th Highlanders, from Assaye to the Indian Mutiny, concluding as follows:--

“Bravery is the characteristic of the British soldier, but the 74th Highlanders possesses also another claim to distinction, such as in all my long service I have never seen surpassed, and which has justly obtained for the regiment a high reputation--I mean that very best criterion of the good soldier, steady good conduct, obedience to orders, and the most perfect discipline at all times, whether in camp or quarters. You have now served in this division under my command for a year and a half, and it is particularly gratifying to me to be the medium of presenting so many of you with medals, honourable tokens of your service to your country, and the approbation of your Queen.”

The medals were then fastened on the left breast of the officers and men by the General, assisted by several ladies, after which General Armstrong spoke again as follows:--

“I am quite sure there is not a man now wearing the decoration just fixed upon your breasts that will hereafter willingly be guilty of any act to tarnish this token of your Sovereign’s favour. Long may you live, one and all, to wear the honours you have won! I greatly regret to think that the time is rapidly approaching when I shall lose the 74th Regiment from my command on its return to England. Many of you, no doubt, will volunteer for other regiments in India, and you may be assured that every well-conducted man will find a good recommendation to his new corps in his having served in a regiment possessing the high reputation of the 74th Highlanders. But others will be returning with the regiment to your native land, whither, if my life is spared, I may follow you at no distant period, when I hope to beat up the quarters of the regiment, and if so, I trust to see many of the medals I have this day presented to you still decorating the ranks of the corps. It will always be to me a proudly gratifying recollection that a regiment so gallant, so well behaved, and in every way distinguished, has served under my command.

“Major Macleod, and officers of the 74th, you may well feel a pride in your Highlanders. I trust that you, Major Macleod, will long be permitted to retain the command of them--a command which you have so ably and efficiently exercised for the advantage of the service, and the happiness and well being of all ranks during the whole period the regiment has been under my orders.”

On the 1st of January 1864, 261 men who had volunteered to other corps in the Madras Presidency were struck off the strength of the regiment; and on the 4th of the same month the regiment marched from Bellary en route to Madras, where it arrived on the 13th of February, and was ordered to encamp till the vessels were ready to convey it to England.

While in camp cholera broke out, and several deaths having occurred, the camp was at once removed to Palaveram, where, happily, the disease disappeared.

On the 7th of March the regiment proceeded to Madras and embarked for England--the headquarters and right wing under Major Jago (Major Macleod having been permitted to proceed to England by the overland route), and the left wing under Captain Thackeray.

On the 19th of June, the headquarters reached Spithead, where orders were received for the vessel to proceed to Gravesend, on arrival at which place the wing was transhipped, without landing, to the “Princess Royal” steamer, and proceeded to Leith, disembarking at Granton Pier on the 24th of June, and marching to Edinburgh Castle, there to be stationed. The left wing did not reach Edinburgh till the 29th of July, having been delayed at St Helena by the illness of the commander of the “Hornet.”

Brevet-Colonel Patton, who had gone home from India on sick leave some weeks previously, joined headquarters on the 25th of June, and assumed the command; but on the 9th of September he retired upon half-pay, and Major Macleod was promoted to the lieutenant-colonelcy of the regiment.

The movements of the regiment, from its arrival in Edinburgh up to the present time, may be very briefly recorded, as there is but little to tell except its movements from one quarter to another. Its stay in Edinburgh was very brief, for in less than a year after its arrival, on May 1, 1865, it re-embarked at Granton for Portsmouth en route for Aldershot, where it arrived on the evening of the 4th. The 74th left behind its old colours, which were deposited in the armoury of Edinburgh Castle.

After a stay at Aldershot of a few months, the regiment got short notice to proceed to Dover, which it did on February 20, 1866, the admirable manner in which it turned out eliciting the special commendation of His Royal Highness the Commander-in-Chief. On its arrival at home, the strength of the regiment was of course considerably reduced, and in April 1866 it was still further reduced by two companies, the new establishment consisting of only 640 privates, with a proportionate number of officers and non-commissioned officers.

After a stay of six months at Dover, the 74th was ordered to Ireland, arriving at Cork, whence it proceeded to Limerick, where it stayed till September 26, 1867, on which day it went by rail to Dublin, where it occupied Richmond barracks. While at Limerick, detachments had been told off to do duty at Clare Castle and Nenagh. In consequence of Fenian riots, flying columns were sent out on several occasions, of which various companies of the 74th formed a part.

In November 1867, orders had been received for the regiment to hold itself in readiness to proceed to New Brunswick; its destination was, however, changed about a month later, when it received orders to make ready to proceed to Gibraltar; the depôt companies, consisting of 92 men, under Captain Thackeray and 3 subalterns, having, on January 27, 1868, sailed for Greenock in order to proceed to Fort-George, where it was to be stationed. The regiment sailed from Kingstown on February 2nd, on board H.M. ship “Himalaya,” for Gibraltar, where it arrived on February 7th, disembarked on the 8th, and encamped on the North Front until the 13th, when it was removed to the South Barracks.

The 74th remained at Gibraltar till February 1872, on the 17th of which month headquarters and four companies under Colonel Macleod sailed for Malta, where it arrived on the 22nd. The left wing, under Major Jago, followed on the 7th of March, arriving at Malta on the 12th.

SUCCESSION LISTS OF COLONELS AND FIELD OFFICERS OF THE 74TH HIGHLANDERS.

COLONELS.

Sir Archibald Campbell, K.C.B., Oct. 12, 1787.

He was a Major-General, and the first Colonel of the 74th, which he raised. He died on the 31st of March 1791, and a monument was erected to his memory in Westminster Abbey.

Charles O’Hara, April 1, 1791. From the 22nd Regiment in 1791. Appointed Lieut.-General in 1793.

Governor of Gibraltar in 1798, and promoted to the rank of General. He died at Gibraltar, Feb. 21, 1802.

John, Lord Hutchinson, K.B., March 21, 1802. M.P. for Cork in 1777. Lieut.-Colonel of the Athole Highlanders in 1783. Colonel of the 94th in 1794. Major-General in 1796. Second in command in Egypt. Chief in Egypt on the death of Abercromby, 1801. Baron Hutchinson, Dec. 5, 1801. Governor of Stirling Castle in 1803. Lieut.-General in 1803. Colonel of the 57th in 1806. Colonel of the 18th Royal Irish in 1811. General in 1813.

In 1825 became Earl of Donoughmore; and died June 29, 1832.

Sir John Stuart, K.B., Count of Maida, Sept 8, 1806. Ensign 3d Foot Guards, 1779. Lieut.-Colonel, 1793. Colonel in 1796. Brigadier-General in 1800. Major-General in 1802.

Gained the victory over the French at Maida, July 4, 1806; received the freedom of the city of London, and was appointed Colonel of the 74th, Sept. 8, 1806; Lieut.-General, April 25, 1808; Colonel of the 20th Dec. 29, 1808; Commander of the Western District of Great Britain, June 10, 1813; and died in 1815.

The Hon. Sir Alexander Hope, G.C.B., Dec. 29, 1809. Ensign in the 63d Regiment, March 6, 1786. Lieut.-Colonel of the 14th, Aug. 27, 1794. Governor of Tynemouth and Glifford’s Fort, 1797. Lieut.-Governor of Edinburgh Castle, 1798. Deputy Adjutant-General, 1799. Colonel in the Army, Jan. 1, 1800. Colonel of 5th West India Regiment, Oct. 30, 1806. Major-General, 1808. Colonel of the 74th, Dec. 29, 1809. Colonel of the 47th, April 1813. Lieut.-General, June 1813. General, July 22, 1830. Colonel of the 14th, 1835.

G.C.B. and Lieut.-Governor of Chelsea Hospital. He died on the 19th of May 1837.

James Montgomerie, April 26, 1813. Ensign in the 51st, Sept. 13, 1773. Exchanged into the 13th Foot, 1775. Lieutenant, 1779. Promoted to the late 93rd, 1780. To the 10th Foot, 1786. Brigade-Major, 1794. Brevet-Major and Lieut.-Colonel of 6th West India Regiment, 1795. Volunteered with Sir Ralph Abercromby, 1796. Commander of the troops at St Kitt’s till 1798, when he exchanged into the 45th Regiment. Brevet-Colonel, April 29, 1802. Lieut.-Colonel of the 64th, 1804. Brigadier-General in the West Indies, 1804. Governor of these Colonies till 1808. Major-General, Oct. 25, 1809. Colonel of the 74th, April 26, 1813. Lieut.-General, June 4, 1814. Colonel of the 30th Regiment, June 13, 1823. Which he retained till his death in 1829.

The Hon. Sir Charles Colville, G.C.B., G.C.H., June 13, 1823. Ensign in the 28th, Dec. 26, 1781. Lieutenant, 1787. Major in the 13th, 1795. Lieut.-Colonel, Aug. 26, 1796. Brevet-Colonel, Jan. 1, 1805. Brigadier-General, Dec. 25, 1809. Major-General, July 25, 1810. Col. of the 5th Garrison Battalion, Oct. 10, 1812. Colonel of the 94th, April 29, 1815. Lieut.-General, Aug. 12, 1819. Colonel of the 74th, June 13, 1823. Governor of the Mauritius, Jan. 1828. Removed to the 14th Regiment of Foot, 1834. Col. of the 5th Regiment of Foot, March 25, 1835. General, Jan. 10, 1837. Died March 27, 1843.

Sir James Campbell, K.C.B., K.C.H., Dec. 12, 1834. Ensign 1st Royal Regiment of Foot, March 30, 1791. Lieutenant, March 20, 1794. Half-pay, Jan. 1790. 42nd Highland Regiment, Dec. 1797. Major in the Argyll Fencibles, June 1799. Removed to the 94th, April 7, 1802. Lieutenant in the 94th, Sept. 27, 1804. Brevet-Colonel, June 4, 1813. Major-General, Aug. 12, 1819. K.C.B., Dec. 3, 1822. Colonel of the 94th, April 13, 1831. Removed to the 74th Regiment, Dec. 12, 1834. Died in Paris, May 6, 1835.

Sir Phineas Riall, K.C.H., May 20, 1835. Ensign, Jan. 31, 1792. Lieutenant, Feb. 28, 1794. Captain, May 31, 1794. Major, Dec. 8, 1794. Lieut.-Colonel, Jan. 1, 1800. Colonel, July 25, 1810. Major-General, June 4, 1813. Lieut.-General, May 27, 1825. Colonel of the 74th Regiment, May 20, 1835. General, Nov. 23, 1841.

Sir Phineas Riall received a medal and one clasp for Martinique and Guadaloupe; served in America in 1813, and was severely wounded at the battle of Chippawa.

Sir Alexander Cameron, K.C.H., April 24, 1846. Ensign, Oct. 22, 1799. Lieutenant, Sept. 6, 1800. Captain, May 6, 1805. Major, May 30, 1811. Lieut.-Colonel, April 27, 1812. Colonel, July 22, 1830. Major-General, June 28, 1838. Died at Inverailort, Fort-William, July 26, 1850.

Served in Holland, 1799; expedition to Ferrol, 1800; Egypt, 1801 (severely wounded at the battle of Alexandria); expedition to Germany, 1805; Copenhagen and battle of Kiöge, 1807; Portugal in 1808; battles of Vimeiro and Corunna; Peninsula in 1809; present at Busaco, Torres Vedras, Coa, Almeida, Fuentes d’Onor, &c., till severely wounded at Vittoria and obliged to return to England; served in the campaign of 1814 and 1815, including Quatre Bras and Waterloo (severely wounded).

Alexander Thomson, C.B., Aug. 15, 1850. Ensign, Sept. 23, 1803. Lieutenant, Feb. 29, 1804. Captain, May 14, 1807. Major, April 9, 1812. Lieut.-Colonel, Sept. 21, 1813. Colonel, July 22, 1830. Major-General, Nov. 23, 1841. Lieut.-General, Nov. 11, 1851. Colonel 74th Regiment, Aug. 15, 1850. Died 1856.

Lieut.-General Thomson accompanied the 74th to the Peninsula, landing at Lisbon in Jan. 1810, and was present at the battle of Busaco, retreat to the lines of Torres Vedras, advance of the army on Massena’s retreat therefrom, action at Foz d’Arouce (wounded), battle of Fuentes d’Onor, siege and capture of Ciudad Rodrigo, where he served as assistant engineer, and for his services was promoted to the rank of Brevet-Major; siege and capture of Badajoz, where he served as assistant engineer, and was slightly wounded when leading about 300 men of the party that stormed and took the raveline of St Roque to reinforce the 3rd division of the army which had taken the castle; siege and capture of the forts of Salamanca, where he served as assistant engineer, and was slightly wounded; battle of Salamanca (severely wounded); siege of Burgos and retreat therefrom; served as assistant engineer, and had the blowing-up of the bridge of Villa Muriel and the bridge at Cabezon entrusted to him; battle of Vittoria, as second in command of the 74th; siege of St Sebastian, where he served as assistant engineer, and for his conduct was promoted to the brevet rank of Lieut.-Colonel; battles of the Nivelle and the Nive, passage of the Bidassoa, and battle of Orthes, besides several skirmishes with his regiment at Alfayates, Villa de Pastores Albidos, and other places. He received the gold medal for St Sebastian, and the silver war medal with nine clasps for the other battles and sieges.

Charles Augustus Shawe, Nov. 24, 1856. Ensign, May 26, 1808. Lieutenant and Captain, April 23, 1812. Captain and Lieut.-Colonel, April 28, 1825. Major and Colonel, Aug. 8, 1837. Major-General, Nov. 9, 1846. Lieut.-General, June 20, 1854. General, March 6, 1863. Colonel 74th Foot, Nov 24, 1856.

General Shawe served in the campaigns of 1810 and 1811, and part of 1812, in the Peninsula, including the battle of Busaco. Served also in Holland and Belgium from Nov. 1813 to 1814, and was severely wounded at Bergen-op-Zoom. He received the war medal, with three clasps, for Busaco, Fuentes d’Onor, and Ciudad Rodrigo.

+-------------------------------------------------------------------------+ | LIEUTENANT-COLONELS. | +-------------------+--------------+--------------+-----------------------+ | | Date of | | | | NAMES. | Appointment | Date of | Remarks. | | | to Regiment. | Removal. | | +-------------------+--------------+--------------+-----------------------+ |George Forbes |Oct. 12, 1787 |Dec. 14, 1788 |Died. | |Hamilton Maxwell |Dec. 15, 1788 |June 8, 1794 |Died. | |Marlborough Parsons|June 9, 1794 |Dec. 4, 1795 |Died. | | Sterling | | | | |Alexander Ross |Dec. 5, 1795 |Dec. 3, 1796 |Died. | |Robert Shaw |Sept. 1, 1795 |Dec. 24, 1798 |Exchanged to 12th Foot.| |Alexander Campbell |Dec. 4, 1796 |July 25, 1810 |Promoted Major-General.| |William Harness |Dec. 24, 1798 |June 7, 1800 |Returned to 18th Foot, | | | | | 7th June 1800. | |Robert Shawe |June 7, 1800 |Dec. 1, 1803 |Resumed his situation | | | | | in the Regiment 7th | | | | | June 1800. Retired 1st| | | | | Dec. 1803. | |Samuel Swinton |Dec. 1, 1803 |May 13, 1805 |Promoted in 75th | | | | | Regiment. | |Malcolm M’Pherson |May 14, 1807 |Sept. 21, 1809|Exchanged to Inspecting| | | | | Field Officer, Canada.| |Hon. Sir Robt. Le |Sept. 21, 1809|Mar. 14, 1823 |Died.[458] | | Poer Trench | | | | |John Alexander Mein|Mar. 20, 1823 |Nov. 5, 1841 |Died. | |Eyre John Crabbe |Nov. 6, 1841 |May 1, 1846 |Retired on Full-pay. | |William White |May 1, 1846 |July 10, 1846 |Retired. | | Crawley | | | | |John Fordyce |July 10, 1846 |Nov. 6, 1851 |Killed in action, 6th | | | | | of Nov. 1851, at | | | | | Waterkloof, Cape of | | | | | Good Hope. | |Alexander Seton |Nov. 7, 1851 |Feb. 26, 1852 |Drowned in the wreck of| | | | | the Birkenhead. | |G. W. Fordyce |Feb. 27, 1852 |July 30, 1852 |Retired. | |John MacDuff |July 30, 1852 |Jan. 24, 1862 |Promoted Major-General;| | | | | since dead. | |George Monkland |July 29, 1853 |Nov. 4, 1859 |Exchanged to Half-pay. | |James Villiers |Nov, 4, 1859 |May 10, 1862 |Died. | |W. D. P. Patton |May 11, 1862 |Sept. 9, 1864 |Retired on Half-pay. | |William Kelty |Sept. 9, 1864 | |Now (1874) commanding. | | M’Leod | | | | | | | MAJORS. | | | |Francis Skelly |Nov. 5, 1788 |Nov. 30, 1793 |Died. | |Robert Shawe |Dec. 1, 1793 |Mar. 28, 1795 |Exchanged to 76th Foot.| |Alexander Ross |Mar. 28, 1795 |Dec. 4, 1795 |Promoted Lieut.- | | | | | Colonel. | |Alexander Campbell |Dec. 25, 1795 |Dec. 4, 1796 |Promoted Lieut.- | | | | | Colonel. | |William Wallace |Sept. 2, 1795 |Nov. 22, 1803 |Promoted in the 19th | | | | | Dragoons. | |William Douglas |Dec. 4, 1796 |May 17, 1799 |Promoted in 85th Foot. | |Samuel Swinton |May 17, 1799 |Dec. 1, 1803 |Promoted Lieut.- | | | | | Colonel. | |James Robertson |Nov. 22, 1803 |Nov. 14, 1804 |Retired. | |Francis R. West |Dec. 1, 1803 |Nov. 15, 1804 |Retired. | |Malcolm M’Pherson |Nov. 14, 1804 |May 13, 1807 |Promoted Lieut.- | | | | | Colonel. | |Hon. M’Donnell |Nov. 15, 1804 |Mar. 10, 1808 |Died. | | Murray | | | | |Edward Broughton |May 14, 1807 |April 14, 1810|Retired. | |Russell Manners[459]May 11, 1808 |April 18, 1822|Retired. | |Allan William |April 5, 1810 |Nov. 10, 1813 |Died of wounds. | | Campbell[460] | | | | |John Alexander Mein|Nov. 11, 1813 |Mar. 20, 1823 |Promoted Lieut.- | | | | | Colonel. | |David Stewart |April 18, 1822|Dec. 4, 1828 |Exchanged to 65th Foot.| |William Moore[461] |Mar. 20, 1823 |Jan. 31, 1828 |Retired. | |Eyre John Crabbe |Jan. 31, 1828 |Nov. 6, 1841 |Promoted Lieut.- | | | | | Colonel. | |John William |Dec. 4, 1828 |Oct. 22, 1830 |Died. | | Hutchinson | | | | |Donald John M’Queen|Oct. 23, 1830 |Oct. 3, 1834 |Retired. | |Thomas Mannin |Oct. 3, 1834 |Oct. 12, 1839 |Died at sea. | |William White |Oct. 13, 1839 |May 1, 1846 |Promoted Lieut.- | | Crawley | | | Colonel. | |John Casamir Harold|Nov. 6, 1841 |Oct. 22, 1844 |Exchanged to 11th Foot.| |John Fordyce |Oct. 22, 1844 |July 10, 1846 |Promoted Lieut.- | | | | | Colonel. | |Augustus Francis |May 1, 1846 |May 24, 1850 |Retired on Half-pay. | | Ansell | | | | |Hon. Thomas O’Grady|July 10, 1846 |Mar. 14, 1851 |Retired. | |Alexander Seton |May 24, 1850 |Nov. 7, 1851 |Promoted Lieut.- | | | | | Colonel. | |G. W. Fordyce |Mar. 14, 1851 |Feb. 27, 1852 |Promoted Lieut.- | | | | | Colonel. | |G. Monkland |Nov. 7, 1851 |July 29, 1853 |Promoted Lieut.- | | | | | Colonel. | |W. D. P. Patton |Feb. 27, 1852 |May 11, 1862 |Promoted Lieut.- | | | | | Colonel. | |E. W. L. Hancock |July 29, 1853 |Jan. 26, 1858 |Died. | |William Kelty |Jan. 27, 1858 |Sept. 9, 1864 |Promoted Lieut.- | | M’Leod | | | Colonel. | |John Jago[462] |May 11, 1862 | -- | -- | |H. W. Palmer |Sept. 9, 1864 |Oct. 4, 1864 |Exchanged to 90th. | |L. H. L. Irby |Oct. 4, 1864 |Feb. 4, 1871 |Exchanged to Half-pay. | |Robert F. Martin |Feb. 4, 1871 | -- | | +-------------------+--------------+--------------+-----------------------+

FOOTNOTES:

[438] Portrait on the next page.

[439] This able officer was son of Sir William Maxwell of Monreith, and brother of the Duchess of Gordon. He died at Cuddalore in 1783.

[440] For further details see the history of the 73rd regiment page 570, vol. ii.

[441] Welsh’s “Military Reminiscences,” vol. i. p. 178.

[442] A powerful Arab threw a spear at him, and, drawing his sword, rushed forward to finish the lieutenant. But the spear having entered Langland’s leg, cut its way out again, and stuck in the ground behind him. Langlands grasped it, and, turning the point, threw it with so true an aim, that it went right through his opponent’s body, and transfixed him within three or four yards of his intended victim. All eyes were for an instant turned on these two combatants, when a Sepoy rushed out of the ranks, and patting the lieutenant on the back, exclaimed, “Atcha Sahib! Chote atcha keeah!” “Well Sir! very well done.” Such a ludicrous circumstance, even in a moment of such extreme peril, raised a very hearty laugh among the soldiers.--Welsh’s “Military Reminiscences,” vol. i. p. 194.

[443] Napier’s Peninsular War.

[444] Ibid.

[445] Napier’s Peninsular War.

[446] The two opposing armies were encamped for some time on the opposite side of the Douro, and parties of the officers and men of both armies used to meet daily, bathing in the river, and became so familiar and friendly that the practice was forbidden in a general order.

[447] Napier.

[448] This officer was present with the 74th during the whole of its service in the Peninsula, and kept an accurate daily journal of all the events in which he was concerned. He was afterwards Major of the depôt battalion in the Isle of Wight.

[449] Napier.

[450] This brave officer, who died only quite recently, and who had been made a Military Knight of Windsor only a few months before his death, was severely wounded through the lungs. He had been in almost every battle fought during the Peninsular War, and seldom came out without a wound, yet he became Major of his regiment only in 1830, though for his conduct in the Peninsula he received the silver war medal with nine clasps. For some years he was barrack-master at Dundee and Perth. In 1835, as a recognition of his meritorious services in the Peninsula, he was made a Knight of the Royal Hanoverian Guelphic Order. The following incident in which he was concerned at Toulouse is worth narrating:--When left for dead on the field, and his regiment had moved on, a soldier, his foster-brother, named John Gillanders, whom he had taken with him from his native parish as a recruit, missed his captain, and hurried back through a heavy fire, searched for and found him, and carried him to the rear. There were few places for shelter, and the faithful soldier, loaded with his almost insensible burden, pushed his way into a house which was filled with officers, and called out for a bed. In the room there was a bed, and on it lay a wounded officer. He heard the entreaty of the soldier, and saw the desperate condition of the officer he carried, and at once exclaimed, “That poor fellow needs the bed more than I do,” and rose and gave it up. That officer was the gallant Sir Thomas Brisbane.

[451] Napier.

[452] On its arrival in South Africa, the 74th, with the exception of about 80, mainly Irishmen, consisted of men raised in the northern counties of Scotland.

[453] Captain Thackeray, who is intimately acquainted with the history of his old regiment, and to whom we are greatly indebted for having carefully revised this history of the 74th Highlanders, and otherwise lent us valuable assistance and advice.

[454] We regret very much that, after making all possible inquiries, we have been unable to obtain a portrait of this distinguished officer; indeed, his brother, General Fordyce, informs us that no good portrait of the Colonel exists.

[455] There is no doubt that the energetic Sir Harry Smith was made the scape-goat of the shortcomings of the Government at home. Among other things, he had been accused “of using the language of hyperbole in describing the numerous rencontres which have occurred, and of giving praise to the gallant officers and troops as well as burghers.” Possessing, however, some experience in war, he says, in his spirited despatch to Earl Grey, dated Camp Blinkwater, March 17, 1852, “I must maintain that such is not the case. Troops acting in the open field expect not the stimulus of praise; the soldier sees his foe, and his British courage rises at each step; but he who, after perhaps a night-march of great length, has to ascend mountains, or penetrate dense bush and ravines, filled probably with a daring and intrepid enemy, as resolute as athletic, ready to murder any one who may fall into his hands, and when warfare is of the most stealthy and enterprising kind, appreciates the praise of his commander, because, when his acts are conspicuously daring, he is conscious he deserves it. He does his duty; but human nature renders even the soldier’s intrepid heart sensible of the approbation of his superior, which he is proud to know may reach the eye of his parents and friends.”

[456] We regret exceedingly that we have been unable to procure an authentic portrait of Colonel Seton.

[457] This officer met his death by a sad mischance in 1873, at one of the London Metropolitan Railway Stations.

[458] His bust is on page 583, vol. ii.

[459] Brevet Lieut.-Colonel.

[460] Brevet Lieut.-Colonel, 30th June 1813

[461] Brevet Major, 21st June 1813.

[462] Brevet Lieut.-Colonel. 9th Dec. 1872

SEVENTY-FIFTH REGIMENT.

1787-1809.

Raising of the Regiment--India--Home--Ceases to be a Highland Regiment.

While Major-General Sir Archibald Campbell was appointed Colonel of the 74th, the colonelcy of its coeval regiment, the 75th, was conferred on Colonel Robert Abercromby of Tullibody. He had commanded a light infantry brigade during six campaigns in the American war; and as several companies of this brigade had been composed of the light infantry of the Highland regiments then in America, the colonel was well known to the Highlanders, and had acquired an influence among them rarely enjoyed by officers born south of the Grampians. There are instances, no doubt, such as those of the Marquis of Montrose and Viscount Dundee, and others of modern date, “where Highland corps have formed attachments to officers not natives of their country, and not less ardent than to the chiefs of old;”[463] and if the instances have been few, it must be attributed entirely to want of tact in officers themselves, who, from ignorance of the Highland character, or from some other cause, have failed to gain the attachment of the Highland soldiers.

From personal respect to Colonel Abercromby, many of the Highlanders, who had served under him in America, and had been discharged at the peace of 1783, enlisted anew, and with about 300 men who were recruited at Perth, and in the northern counties, constituted the Highland part of the regiment. According to a practice which then prevailed, of fixing the head-quarters of a regiment about to be raised in the neighbourhood of the colonel’s residence, if a man of family, the town of Stirling was appointed for the embodying of the 75th; it was accordingly regimented here in June 1788, and being immediately ordered to England, embarked for India, where it arrived about the end of that year.

For eighteen months after its arrival in India, the regiment was subjected to extreme severity of discipline by one of the captains, who appears to have adopted the old Prussian model for his rule. A more unfortunate plan for destroying the morale of a Highland regiment could not have been devised, and the result was, that during the existence of this discipline, there were more punishments in the 75th than in any other corps of the same description. But as soon as the system was modified by the appointment of an officer who knew the dispositions and feelings of the Highlanders, the conduct of the men improved.

The regiment took the field in 1790, under the command of Colonel Hartley, and in the two subsequent years formed part of the force under Major-General Robert Abercromby, on his two marches to Seringapatam. The regiment was also employed in the assault on that capital in 1799, the flank companies having led the left columns.[464] From that period down to 1804, the regiment was employed in the provinces of Malabar, Goa, Goojerat, and elsewhere, and in 1805 was with General Lake’s army in the disastrous attacks on Bhurtpoor.

The regiment was ordered home in 1806; but such of the men as were desirous of remaining in India were left behind. In 1809 there were not one hundred men in the regiment who had been born north of the Tay; on which account, it is believed, the designation of the regiment was at that time changed.

The regiment, however, still retains its old number, and is known as the “Stirlingshire Regiment.” It has had a distinguished career, having been present in many of the engagements which we have had to notice in connection with the existing Highland regiments. As will be seen in our account of the 78th Highlanders, the 75th formed part of the force with which Sir Colin Campbell marched to the relief of Lucknow in November 1857, it having been left to guard the Alum Bagh while Sir Colin, with the rest of the force, made his way to the besieged garrison on the 14th of that month.

FOOTNOTES:

[463] Jackson’s Characteristics.

[464] See histories of the 71st, 72nd, 73rd, and 74th regiments in this volume.

THE 78th HIGHLANDERS, OR ROSS-SHIRE BUFFS.[465]

I.

1793 to 1796.

The Clan Mackenzie--The various Battalions of the 78th--Offers from F. H. Mackenzie, Esq. of Seaforth, to raise a Regiment for Government--Letter of service granted to F. H. Mackenzie, Esq., to raise a Regiment of Highlanders, to be numbered the 78th--The 1st Battalion--List of officers--Inspected and passed by Sir Hector Munro--Under Lord Moira in Guernsey--The Campaign of 1794-95 in Holland--The Regiment joins the Duke of York on the Waal--Nimeguen--Disastrous retreat on Deventer--The Regiment returns home--The Loyalist war in La Vendée--The Quiberon Expedition--Occupation of L’Île-Dieu--The Regiment returns home--Colonel F. H. Mackenzie’s proposals to raise a 2nd Battalion for the 78th--Letter of Service granted to him for that purpose--List of Officers--Inspected and passed by Sir Hector Munro--Granted the title of the Ross-shire Buffs--Ordered to England--Difficulties prior to embarkation at Portsmouth--The Regiment sails on secret service--Capture of the Cape of Good Hope--The Regiment goes into quarters at Capetown, until the arrival of the 1st Battalion.

The clan Mackenzie was, next to the Campbells, the most considerable in the Western Highlands, having built its greatness upon the fallen fortunes of the Macdonalds. Its military strength was estimated in 1704, at 1200 men; by Marshal Wade in 1715, at 3000 men; and by Lord President Forbes in 1745, at 2500 men; but probably all these conjectures were below the mark.[466]

The clan Mackenzie furnished large contingents to the present 71st and 72nd Regiments when they were first raised.

In 1793, Francis Humberstone Mackenzie, heir-male of the family, and afterwards Lord Seaforth, raised the present 78th Highlanders, and a second battalion in the following year, when nearly all the men enlisted were from his own or his clansmen’s estates in Ross-shire and the Lewis. Another second battalion was subsequently raised in 1804, when, Lord Seaforth being absent as Governor of Demerara, his personal influence was not of so much avail. However, again the greater part of the men were recruited on the estates of the clan by his brother-in-law, Colonel Alexander Mackenzie of Belmaduthy (who afterwards adopted the additional surname of Fraser, on succeeding to the Castle Fraser estates in right of his mother) and Colonel J. R. Mackenzie of Suddie. Several Fencible, Militia, and local Volunteer regiments were also raised among the Mackenzies at the end of the last and beginning of the present century.

As the early history of the 78th is a little complicated, owing to its having been twice augmented with a 2nd battalion, it is as well to remember the following chronology:--

1st Battalion--Letter of Service dated 7th March 1793.

2nd Battalion--Letter of Service dated 10th February 1794.

Both Battalions amalgamated, June 1796.

2nd Battalion--Letter of Service, dated 17th April 1804.

Both Battalions amalgamated, July 1817.

The regiment has ever since remained as a single battalion.

As early as the autumn of 1787 (when the 74th, 75th, 76th, and 77th Regiments were ordered to be raised for service in India), Francis Humberstone Mackenzie of Seaforth, lineal descendant and representative of the old earls of Seaforth, had made an offer to the King for the raising of a Highland corps on his estates in Ross-shire and the Isles, to be commanded by himself. As the Government, however, merely accepted his services in the matter of procuring recruits for the regiments of Sir Archibald Campbell and Colonel Abercromby (the 74th and 75th), he did not come prominently forward. On the 19th of May 1790, he again renewed his offer, but was informed that Government did not contemplate raising fresh corps, the establishment of the army having been finally fixed at 77 regiments.

Undismayed, however, by the manner in which his offers had been hitherto shelved, he was the first to step forward, on the declaration of war, and place his great influence in the Highlands at the disposal of the Crown. Accordingly, a Letter of Service, dated 7th March, 1793, was granted to him, empowering him, as Lieut.-Colonel Commandant, to raise a Highland battalion, which, as the first to be embodied during the war, was to be numbered the 78th. The strength of the battalion was to be 1 company of grenadiers, 1 of light infantry, and 8 battalion companies. Seaforth immediately appointed as his major his brother-in-law, Alexander Mackenzie of Belmaduthy, son of Mackenzie of Kilcoy, a captain in the 73rd Regiment, and a man in every way fitted for the post. A notice was then posted through the counties of Ross and Cromarty, and the island of Lewis.

Applications for commissions now poured in upon Seaforth; and, besides his own personal friends, many who were but slightly known to him solicited favours for their relatives. The following is a list of those whose names were approved by the King:--

FIRST LIST OF OFFICERS.

Lieut.-Colonel Commandant.--F. H. Mackenzie, afterwards Lord Seaforth, Lieut.-Gen. 1808. Died 1815. [His portrait is on the Plate of the Colonels of the 78th and 79th Regiments.]

Lieut.-Colonel.--Alexander Mackenzie of Belmaduthy, afterwards of Castle Fraser, when he assumed the name of Fraser. Lieut.-General 1808. Died 1809.

Majors.

George, Earl of Errol, died 1799. Alexander Mackenzie of Fairburn, Lieut.-General 1809.

Captains.

Alexander Malcolm, died 1798. Thomas Fraser of Leadclune. John Mackenzie (Gairloch). Gabriel Murray, Brevet-Major, killed at Tuil, 1794. Alexander Grant, died 1807. J. R. Mackenzie of Suddie, Major-General, killed at Talavera 1809. Alexander Adams, Major-General 1814. Hon. Geo. Cochrane, son of the Earl of Dundonald. Captain-Lieutenant--Duncan Munro of Culcairn.

Lieutenants.

Colin Mackenzie. James Fraser, retired 1795. Charles Rose. Hugh Munro, Captain of Invalids. Charles Adamson. William Douglas, son of Brigton, Lieut.-Colonel 91st Regiment. George Bayley, promoted to 44th. Thomas, Lord Cochrane, Captain Royal Navy.

Ensigns.

Duncan Macrae. John Macleod, Colonel 1813. J. Mackenzie Scott, Captain 57th, killed at Albuera, 1811. Charles Mackenzie (Kilcoy). John Reid. David Forbes, Lieut.-Colonel, H.P. Alexander Rose, Major of Veterans. John Fraser.

Chaplain--The Rev. Alexander Downie, D.D. Adjutant--James Fraser. Quarter-Master--Archibald Macdougall. Surgeon--Thomas Baillie. He died in India.

SEAFORTH’S HIGHLANDERS

To be forthwith raised for the DEFENCE of His Glorious Majesty KING GEORGE the Third, and the Preservation of our Happy Constitution in Church and State.

All LADS of TRUE HIGHLAND BLOOD, willing to shew their Loyalty and Spirit, may repair to SEAFORTH, or the Major, ALEXANDER MACKENZIE of Belmaduthy; Or, the other Commanding Officers at Head Quarters, at _____________ where they will receive HIGH BOUNTIES, and SOLDIER-LIKE ENTERTAINMENT.

The LADS of this Regiment will LIVE and DIE together;--as they cannot be DRAUGHTED into other Regiments, and must be reduced in a BODY in their OWN COUNTRY.

Now for a Stroke at the Monsieurs my Boys!

KING George for ever!

HUZZA!

The martial spirit of the nation was now so thoroughly roused, and recruits poured in so rapidly, that, on the 10th of July, 1793, only four months after the granting of the Letter of Service, the regiment was inspected at Fort George, and passed by Lieut.-General Sir Hector Munro. Orders were then issued to augment the corps to 1000 rank and file, and 5 companies, including the flank ones, under the command of Major Alexander Mackenzie, were embarked for Guernsey. In October of the same year the remaining 5 companies were ordered to join their comrades.

“This was an excellent body of men, healthy, vigorous, and efficient; attached and obedient to their officers, temperate and regular; in short, possessing those principles of integrity and moral conduct which constitute a valuable soldier. The duty of officers was easy with such men, who only required to be told what duty was expected of them. A young officer, endowed with sufficient judgment to direct them in the field, possessing energy and spirit to ensure the respect and confidence of soldiers, and prepared on every occasion to show them the eye of the enemy, need not desire a command that would sooner and more permanently establish his professional character, if employed on an active campaign, than that of 1000 such men as composed this regiment.

“Colonel Mackenzie knew his men, and the value which they attached to a good name, by tarnishing which they would bring shame on their country and kindred. In case of any misconduct, he had only to remonstrate, or threaten to transmit to their parents a report of their misbehaviour. This was, indeed, to them a grievous punishment, acting like the curse of Kehama, as a perpetual banishment from a country to which they could not return with a bad character.”[467]

After being stationed a short time in Guernsey and the Isle of Wight, the 78th, in September 1794, embarked with the 80th to join Lord Mulgrave’s force in Walcheren. While detained by contrary winds in the Downs, fever broke out on board the transports, which had recently brought back prisoners of war from the West Indies, and had not been properly purified; thus several men fell victims to the disease.

The British troops had landed in Holland, on the 5th of March, 1793, and since then the war had been progressing with varying success. Without, therefore, giving details of their operations during the first year and a half, we shall merely sketch the position they occupied when the 78th landed at Flushing.

On the 1st of July, 1794, the allies having decided to abandon the line of the Scheldt, the Duke of York retired behind the Dyle, and was there joined by Lord Moira and 8000 men. On the 22nd the Duke, having separated from the Austrians, established himself at Rosendaal, and there remained inactive in his camp the whole of August and the early part of September; but, on the 15th of September, Boxtel having fallen into the hands of General Pichegru, he was constrained to break camp and retire across the Meuse, and finally across the Waal, establishing his head-quarters at Nimeguen.

At this juncture the 78th and 80th reached Flushing, and found that Lord Mulgrave was ordered home. They therefore embarked with the 79th, 84th, and 85th, to join the Duke’s army. Early in October the 78th landed at Tuil, and proceeded to occupy the village of Rossem in the Bommeler-Waart, or Island of Bommel, where they first saw the enemy, scarcely one hundred yards distant, on the opposite side of the river. Here, through the negligence of a Dutch Emigrant Officer, a sad accident occurred. This person hearing voices on the bank of the river, and dreading a surprise, ordered his gunners to fire an iron 12-pounder, loaded with case shot, by which discharge the officer of the day, Lieut. Archibald Christie, 78th, and a sergeant, were seriously wounded while visiting a sentry. They both recovered, but were unable to serve again; strange to say, the sentry escaped untouched. While quartered here, by a tacit understanding, the sentries exchanged no shots, but it was observed that the French frequently fired howitzers with effect when the troops were under arms, and that, before the fire commenced, the sails of a certain windmill were invariably put in motion. The owner was arrested, found guilty as a spy, and condemned to death, but was reprieved through the lenity of Lieut.-Colonel Mackenzie, the commandant, with the full understanding that, on a repetition of the offence, the last penalty would be enforced.

About the end of October the 78th proceeded to Arnheim, the Duke of York’s headquarters, and thence, by a night march, to Nimeguen, against which place the French were erecting batteries. On the 4th of November a sortie was made, when the 78th was for the first time under fire, and did such execution with the bayonet, as to call forth the highest encomiums from experienced and veteran officers. The loss of the regiment in this engagement was Lieutenant Martin Cameron (died of his wounds) and seven men, killed; wounded, Major Malcolm, Captain Hugh Munro, Captain Colin Mackenzie, Lieutenant Bayley, 4 sergeants, and 56 rank and file.

On the 6th the regiment marched from Nimeguen to Arnheim, and finally to Dodewaart on the Waal, where they were brigaded with the 12th, the 33rd, under Lieut.-Colonel Arthur Wellesley (afterwards Duke of Wellington), and the 42nd under Major Dickson. The General going home on leave, the command devolved on Colonel Alexander Mackenzie of the 78th, who, however, still remained with his regiment.

On the 2nd of December the Duke of York quitted Arnheim for England, and handed over his command to Lieut.-General Harcourt.

On the 29th of December General Daendels, having crossed the Waal on the ice and driven back the Dutch, Major-General Sir David Dundas was ordered to dislodge him. He, therefore, marched towards Thiel by Buren and Geldermalsen, and came up with the enemy at Tuil, which village he carried at the point of the bayonet with comparatively little loss, though Brevet Major Murray and three men of the light company, 78th, were killed by the bursting of a shell thrown from a distant battery. After the action the troops lay on their arms in the snow until the evening of the 31st, and the French recrossed the Waal.

On the 3rd of January 1795 the French repossessed themselves of Tuil, and on the 5th they drove in the British outposts at Meteren, capturing two three-pounders, which were, however, recovered later in the day. They then attacked Geldermalsen. The 78th were in advance, supported by the 42nd, when they were charged by a Republican cavalry corps, dressed in the same uniform as the French Emigrant Regiment of Choiseul. They advanced towards the Highlanders with loud cries of “Choiseul! Choiseul!” and the 78th, believing them to be that regiment, forbore to fire upon them until they were quite close, when, discovering the mistake, they gave them a warm reception, and those of the enemy who had penetrated beyond their line were destroyed by the 42nd. The infantry then came up, the officers shouting “Avançez, Carmagnoles!” but the 78th, reserving their fire till the foe had almost closed with them, poured in such a withering volley, that they were completely demoralised and retreated in great confusion. It was remarked that in this action the French were all half drunk, and one officer, who was wounded and taken, was completely tipsy. The loss of the 78th was four men killed, and Captain Duncan Munro and seven men wounded. It was on this occasion that a company of the 78th, commanded by Lieutenant Forbes, showed an example of steadiness that would have done honour to the oldest soldiers, presenting and recovering arms without firing a shot upon the cavalry as they were coming down. The whole behaved with great coolness, and fired nearly 60 rounds per man.

On the night of the 5th the troops retired to Buren. On the 6th the British and Hanoverians retired across the Leck, with the exception of the 6th Brigade, Lord Cathcart’s, which remained at Kuilenburg. On the 8th both parties assumed the offensive, but the British advance was countermanded on account of the severity of the weather. It happened, however, luckily for the picquet of the 4th Brigade, which was at Burenmalsen, opposite to Geldermalsen, that the order did not reach Lord Cathcart until he had arrived at Buren, as being driven in, it must otherwise have been taken. Here a long action took place, which ended in the repulse of the French. The 4th and a Hessian Brigade went into Buren, and the British into the castle.

The day the troops remained here, a man in the town was discovered selling gin to the soldiers at such a low price as must have caused him an obvious loss, and several of the men being already drunk, the liquor was seized, and ordered by General Dundas to be divided among the different corps, to be issued at the discretion of commanding officers. Thus what the French intended to be a means of destruction, turned out to be of the greatest comfort and assistance to the men during their fearful marches through ice and snow. During the afternoon a man was apprehended at the outposts, who had been sent to ascertain whether the trick had taken effect, and whether the troops were sufficiently drunk to be attacked with success.

Abercromby and Hammerstein having been unable to reach Thiel, were, with Wurmb’s Hessians, united to Dundas at Buren. On the 10th the French crossed the Waal, and General Regnier crossing the Oeg, drove the British from Opheusden, back upon Wageningen and Arnheim, with a loss of fifty killed and wounded. Abercromby, therefore, withdrew, and the British retired across the Rhine at Rhenen. This sealed the fate of Holland, and on the 20th General Pichegru entered Amsterdam.

The inclemency of the season increased, and the rivers, estuaries, and inundations froze as they had never been known to do before, so that the whole country, land and water, was one unbroken sheet of ice.

The Rhine was thus crossed on the ice on the night of the 9th of February, and for two more nights the 78th lay upon their arms in the snow, and then marched for Wyk. On the 14th Rhenen was attacked by the French, who were repulsed by the Guards, with a loss of 20 men; however, the same night it was determined to abandon the Rhine, and thus Rhenen, the Grand Hospital of the army, fell into the hands of the French, who, nevertheless, treated the sick and wounded with consideration. After resting two hours in the snow during the night, the 78th resumed their march, passed through Amersfoort, and about 11 A.M. on the 15th lay down in some tobacco barns, having marched nearly 40 miles. It had been decided to occupy the line of the Yssel, and Deventer therefore became the destination. On the 16th at daybreak the regiment commenced its march across the horrible waste called the Veluwe. Food was not to be obtained, the inhabitants were inhospitable; with the enemy in their rear, the snow knee deep, and blown in swirls by the wind into their faces, until they were partially or entirely blinded, their plight was most pitiable.

They had now a new enemy to encounter. Not only was the weather still most severe, and the Republicans supposed to be in pursuit, but the British had, in consequence of French emissaries, a concealed enemy in every Dutch town and village through which they had to pass. Notwithstanding the severity of the climate,--the cold being so intense that brandy froze in bottles--the 78th, 79th (both young soldiers), and the recruits of the 42nd, wore their kilts, and yet the loss was incomparably less than that sustained by the other corps.

After halting at Loo to allow the officers and men to take off their accoutrements, which they had worn day and night since the 26th December, they on the 18th marched to Hattem on the Yssel. Finally, on the 28th of March the 78th entered Bremen, and the army being embarked, the fleet sailed on the 12th of April. On the 9th of May, 1795, the shores of Old England brought tears into the eyes of the war-worn soldiers, and the first battalion of the Ross-shire Buffs landed at Harwich, and proceeded to Chelmsford, where they took over the barracks. After making up the returns, and striking off the names of all men supposed to be dead or prisoners, the regiment, which had embarked on the previous September 950 strong, and in excellent health, was found to be reduced to 600 men, which number included the disabled and sick who had not been yet invalided. The 78th remained three weeks at Chelmsford, and marched to Harwich, where it was brigaded with the 19th, under command of General Sir Ralph Abercromby. It then proceeded to Nutshalling (now Nursling) Common, where a force was assembling under the Earl of Moira, with a view to making a descent on the French coast.

On the 18th of August the 78th, in company with the 12th, 80th, and 90th Regiments, and some artillery, embarked under the command of Major-General W. Ellis Doyle, and sailed for Quiberon Bay; the design was to assist the French Royalists. They bore down on Noirmoutier, but finding the island strongly reinforced, and a landing impracticable, they made for L’Île-Dieu, where they landed without opposition. Here they remained for some time, enduring the hardships entailed by continued wet weather and a want of proper accommodation, coupled with an almost total failure of the commissariat, but were unable to assist Charette or his royalist companions in any way. Finally, the expedition embarked in the middle of December, joined the grand fleet in Quiberon Bay, and proceeded with it to Spithead.

On the 13th of October 1793, Seaforth made an offer to Government to raise a second battalion for the 78th Highlanders; and on the 30th Lord Amherst signed the king’s approval of his raising 500 additional men on his then existing letter of service. However, this was not what he wanted; and on the 28th of December he submitted three proposals for a second battalion to Government.

On the 7th of February 1794, the Government agreed to one battalion being raised, with eight battalion and two flank companies, each company to consist of “one hundred private men,”[468] with the usual complement of officers and non-commissioned officers. But Seaforth’s services were ill requited by Government; for while he contemplated raising a second battalion to his regiment, Lord Amherst had issued orders that it was to be considered as a separate corps. The following is a copy of the letter addressed to Mr Secretary Dundas by Lieut.-Colonel Commandant F. H. Mackenzie[469]:--

“ST ALBAN’S STREET, “8th Feb. 1794.

“SIR,--I had sincerely hoped I should not be obliged to trouble you again; but on my going to-day to the War Office about my letter of service (having yesterday, as I thought, finally agreed with Lord Amherst), I was, to my amazement, told that Lord Amherst had ordered that the 1000 men I am to raise were not to be a second battalion of the 78th, but a separate corps. It will, I am sure, occur to you that should I undertake such a thing, it would destroy my influence among the people of my country entirely; and instead of appearing as a loyal honest chieftain calling out his friends to support their king and country, I should be gibbeted as a jobber of the attachment my neighbours bear to me. Recollecting what passed between you and me, I barely state this circumstance; and I am, with great respect and attachment, Sir, your most obliged and obedient servant,

“F. H. MACKENZIE.”

This argument had its weight; Lord Amherst’s order was rescinded, and on the 10th February 1794, a letter of service was granted to Seaforth, empowering him, as Lieut.-Colonel Commandant, to add a second battalion to the 78th Highlanders, of which the strength was to be “one company of grenadiers, one of light infantry, and eight battalion companies.”[470]

Stewart states that of this number 560 men were of the same country and character as the first, and 190 from different parts of Scotland; but he alludes to the first six companies, as the regiment was almost entirely composed of Highlanders.

The following is a list of the officers appointed to the regiment:--

Lieutenant-Colonel Commandant.

F. H. Mackenzie of Seaforth.

Lieutenant-Colonel.

Alexander Mackenzie of Fairburn, from first battalion.

Majors.

J. R. Mackenzie of Suddie, from first battalion. Michael Monypenny, promoted to 73d, dead.

Captains.

J. H. Brown, killed in a duel in India. Simon Mackenzie. William Campbell, Major, killed in Java, 1811. John Mackenzie, Major-General, 1813. Patrick M’Leod (Geanies), killed at El Hamet, 1807. [His portrait will be found on page 650.] Hercules Scott of Benholm, Lieut.-Colonel 103d Regiment, 1814, killed in Canada. John Scott. John Macleod, Colonel, 1813, from first battalion.

Lieutenants.

James Hanson. Alexander Macneil. Æneas Sutherland. Murdoch Mackenzie. Archd. C. B. Crawford. Norman Macleod, Lieut.-Colonel Royal Scots. Thomas Leslie. Alexander Sutherland, sen. Alexander Sutherland, jun. P. Macintosh. John Douglas. George Macgregor. B. G. Mackay. Donald Cameron. James Hay. Thomas Davidson. William Gordon. Robert Johnstone. Hon. W. D. Halyburton, Colonel, half-pay. John Macneil. John Dunbar.

Ensigns.

George Macgregor, Lieut.-Colonel 59th Regiment. Donald Cameron. John Macneil. William Polson. Alexander Wishart.

Chaplain.--The Rev. Charles Proby. Adjutant.--James Hanson. Quarter-Master.--Alexander Wishart.

The records of this battalion having been lost many years since, the only knowledge we can derive of its movements is to be obtained from the Seaforth papers. The regiment was inspected and passed at Fort-George by Sir Hector Munro in June 1794. In July his Majesty authorised the regiment to adopt the name of “The Ross-shire Buffs” as a distinctive title. In August six companies embarked for England, and proceeded to Netley Camp, where they were brigaded with the 90th, 97th, and 98th. The troops suffered much from fever, ague, and rheumatism, the situation being very unfavourable; but here again the 78th was found to be more healthy than their neighbours. The young battalion was chafing at this enforced idleness, and longed to go on active service. On the 5th of November, the regiment marched from Netley, four companies proceeding to Poole, one to Wimborne, and one to Wareham, Corff Castle, &c.

In the end of February 1795, the second battalion of the 78th Highlanders, Lieut.-Colonel Alexander Mackenzie of Fairburn in command, embarked, under Major-General Craig, with a secret expedition. Major J. R. Mackenzie of Suddie, writing to Seaforth under date “Portsmouth, 4th March 1795,” narrates the following unpleasant circumstance which happened on the day previous to embarkation:--

“The orders for marching from Poole were so sudden that there was no time then for settling the men’s arrears. They were perfectly satisfied then, and expressed the utmost confidence in their officers, which continued until they marched into this infernal place. Here the publicans and some of the invalids persuaded the men that they were to be embarked without their officers, and that they would be sold, as well as lose their arrears. This operated so far on men who had never behaved ill before in a single instance, that they desired to have their accounts settled before they embarked. Several publicans and other villains in this place were guilty of the most atrocious conduct even on the parade, urging on the men to demand their rights, as they called it. Fairburn having some intimation of what was passing, and unwilling that it should come to any height, addressed the men, told them it was impossible to settle their accounts in the short time previous to embarkation, but that he had ordered a sum to be paid to each man nearly equal to the amount of their credit. This was all the publicans wanted, among whom the greatest part of the money rested. Next morning the men embarked in the best and quietest manner possible, and I believe they were most thoroughly ashamed of their conduct. I passed a most miserable time from receiving Fairburn’s letter in London till I came down here, when it had all ended so well; for well as I knew the inclinations of the men to have been, it was impossible to say how far they might have been misled.

“There is little doubt of the expedition being intended for the East. It is said the fleet is to run down the coast of Guinea, proceed to the Cape, which they hope to take by negotiation; but if unsuccessful, to go on to the other Dutch possessions.”

The fleet sailed on the morning of Sunday the 1st of March. 1 major, 1 ensign, 4 sergeants, 1 drummer, and 124 privates were left behind; and the most of them, with others, were incorporated with the first battalion, on its amalgamation with the second battalion.

Holland having entirely submitted to France, as detailed in the record of the first battalion, and Britain being fully aware that submission to France became equivalent to a compulsory declaration of war against her, it behoved her to turn her attention to the Dutch colonies, which, from their proximity to India, would prove of immense importance to an enemy.

In June 1795 a British fleet under Sir G. Elphinstone arrived off the Cape, having Major-General Craig and the 78th Highlanders (second battalion) on board; and the commanders immediately entered into negotiations with Governor Slugsken for the cession of the colony to Great Britain in trust for the Stadtholder. A determination to resist the force having been openly expressed, the commanders determined to disembark their troops and occupy a position. Accordingly, the 78th and the Marines were landed at Simon’s Bay on the 14th, and proceeded to take possession of Simon’s Town without opposition. The Dutch were strongly posted in their fortified camp at Muysenberg, six miles on this side of Capetown; and accordingly a force of 800 seamen having been sent to co-operate with the troops on shore, the whole body moved to its attack; while the ships of the fleet, covering them from the sea, opened such a terrific fire upon the colonists that they fled precipitately. Muysenberg was taken on the 7th of August, and on the 9th a detachment arrived from St Helena with some field-pieces; but it was not till the 3rd of September, when Sir A. Clarke, at the head of three regiments, put into the bay, that an advance became practicable. Accordingly, the Dutch position at Wineberg was forced on the 14th, and on the 15th Capetown capitulated, the garrison marching out with the honours of war. Thus, after a two months’ campaign, during which they suffered severely from the unhealthiness of their situation, the scarcity of provisions, and the frequent night attacks of the enemy, this young battalion, whose conduct throughout had been exemplary in the highest degree, saw the object of the expedition accomplished, and the colony taken possession of in the name of his Britannic Majesty.

Under date “Cape of Good Hope, 19th September 1795,” Lieut.-Colonel Alexander Mackenzie of Fairburn, commanding the second battalion of the 78th Highlanders, sends a long account of the transactions at the Cape to Lieut.-Colonel F. H. Mackenzie of Seaforth. We are sorry that our space permits us to give only the following extracts:--

“I think if you will not be inclined to allow that the hardships have been so great, you will at all events grant that the comforts have been few, when I assure you that I have not had my clothes off for nearly nine weeks, nor my boots, except when I could get a dry pair to put on.

“ ... If the regiment is put on the East India establishment, which is supposed will be the case, it will be equally the same for you as if they were in India. I must observe it is fortunate for us that we are in a warm climate, as we are actually without a coat to put on; we are so naked that we can do no duty in town....

“I cannot tell you how much I am puzzled about clothing. The other corps have all two years’ clothing not made up, and I should not be surprised if this alone was to turn the scale with regard to their going to India. General Clarke advises mo to buy cloth, but I fear putting you to expense; however, if the clothing does not come out in the first ship I shall be obliged to do something, but what, I am sure I don’t know. I hope your first battalion may come out, as there cannot be a more desirable quarter for the colonel or the regiment. We are getting into excellent barracks, and the regiment will soon get well of the dysentery and other complaints. They are now immensely rich, and I shall endeavour to lay out their money properly for them. I shall bid you adieu by saying that I do not care how soon a good peace may be brought about. I think we have at last turned up a good trump card for you, and I daresay the Ministry will play the negotiating game well.”

In Capetown the regiment remained quartered until the arrival of the first battalion in June 1796.

II.

1796-1817.

1st and 2d Battalions amalgamated--The Regiment sails for the Cape--The consolidation completed--Capture of a Dutch fleet--Ordered to India--Lucknow--Cession of Allahabad--Various changes of Quarters--Colonels Alexander Mackenzie and J. R. Mackenzie quit the Regiment--Ordered to Bombay--Join General Wellesley’s Army--The Mahrattas--The Treaty of Bassein--Lake and Wellesley take the field--War between the British and the Mahrattas--Ahmednuggur taken--Battle of Assaye--Colours granted to the 74th and 78th--Wellesley’s pursuit of the Enemy--Battle of Argaum--Gawilghur taken--The Regiment goes to Goojerat--From Bombay to Goa--Excellent conduct--Ordered to Madras and thence to Java--Landing near Batavia, which is invested--The Cantonment of Waltevreeden forced--The Fortification of Cornelis captured, when General Jansens flies--Colonel Gillespie defeats Jansens--The French army surrender and evacuate the Island--Rebellion of the Sultan of Djokjokarta--His Capital is taken, and he is deposed--Colonel Fraser and Captain Macpherson murdered by Banditti at Probolingo--Major Forbes defeats the Insurgents--Thanks of Government to the Regiment--Expeditions against the Islands of Bali and Celebes--The Regiment sails for Calcutta--Six Companies wrecked on the Island of Preparis--General Orders by the Indian Government--The Regiment lands at Portsmouth and proceeds to Aberdeen--Unfounded charge against the Highland Regiments.

On the 28th of November, 1795, the Duke of York had issued orders for the consolidation of both battalions, and accordingly, on the arrival of the 1st battalion from L’Île-Dieu, the work was commenced by the attachment to it of that part of the 2nd battalion which had been left behind. On the 26th of February, 1796, only seven weeks after its return from abroad, the battalion proceeded from Poole to Portsmouth, where it embarked for the Cape in two divisions under the command of Lieut.-Colonel Alexander Mackenzie of Belmaduthy, and sailed on the 6th of March. On the 30th of May the 78th arrived in Simon’s Bay, and on the 1st of June landed and commenced its march to Capetown. Here the work of consolidation was completed, and the supernumerary officers and men ordered home. The regiment now presented the appearance of a splendid body of men, and mustered 970 Highlanders, 129 Lowlanders, and 14 English and Irish, the last chiefly bandsmen. The Batavian Republic had formally declared war against England in May; and, accordingly, on the 3rd of August, apparently with the view of attempting the recapture of the Cape, a Dutch fleet under Admiral Lucas anchored in Saldanha Bay. General Craig, the commander of the troops, marched up a force, which included the grenadier and light battalions of the 78th. As the Dutch fleet, however, surrendered, the troops marched back to a place called Groenekloof, about half-way to Capetown, where they remained encamped for three or four weeks, when the 78th marched to Capetown, and occupied the hill near the Castle until the transports were ready to convey them to India.

On the 4th of November the regiment embarked, and sailed on the 10th; it had a long passage, during which scurvy made its appearance, but to no formidable extent. On the 10th of February 1797 the transports reached Calcutta, and the following day the regiment marched into Fort William. Ten days later it embarked in boats on the Hoogly, and proceeded to Burhampoor, the voyage occupying fourteen days. About the 1st of August, on the embarkation of the 33rd Regiment with the expedition intended against Manilla, the 78th proceeded to Fort William. In the beginning of October six companies were again embarked in boats, and proceeded to Chunar. From Chunar, about the end of November, the division, having drawn camp equipment from the magazine, was ordered to drop down to Benares, there to land, and form part of a large escort to the Governor-General (Sir John Shore), and the Commander-in-Chief (Sir A. Clarke), about to proceed to Lucknow. The division accordingly landed at Benares on the 6th of December and marched to Sheopoor, six miles on the road, where it halted to complete its field equipment. In the beginning of November, the 33rd having returned to Fort William, the second division of the 78th embarked and proceeded to Chunar, where it was landed and encamped until the following March.

On the 9th of December the first division was joined by a part of the 3rd Native Infantry, some artillery with field-pieces, and two russallahs or squadrons of Irregular Hindoostani Cavalry, formerly the body-guard of General De Boigne, a Savoyard in Sindiah’s service, and marched forward, forming the escort above mentioned. The march was continued without halting for fifteen days, which brought the force to the race-course of Lucknow, where it was joined by the remainder of the 3rd Native Infantry. It is unnecessary to enter here into the complications of native Indian politics. It is enough to say that on the death, in 1797, of the troublesome Asoph-ud-Dowla, the Nawaub Vizir of Oudh, he was succeeded by his equally troublesome and weak-minded son, Mirza Ali.

The young prince had barely ascended the throne, however, ere reports were brought to the Governor-General of his incapacity, faithless character, and prodigality. It was on receiving these reports, therefore, that Sir John Shore determined to proceed to Lucknow in person, and, by actual observation, satisfy himself of the merits of the case. The narrative is resumed from the regimental records of the 78th.

“On the frontier of the Nawaub Vizir’s dominions, we had been met by the new Nawaub Vizir, Ali, a young lad of known faithless principles, with a large force; and his intentions being considered very suspicious, each battalion furnished a captain’s outlying picquet, for the security of the camp at night, which was continued until after his deposition and the elevation of his successor, Saadut Ali, on the 22nd January 1798.”

By skilful management Vizir Ali was secured without violence, and his uncle, Saadut Ali, placed in his stead.

On the 23rd of February, the 78th, the 1st Battalion Native Infantry, and a company of Artillery, under the command of Colonel Mackenzie of the 78th, marched for the Fort of Allahabad, which had lately been ceded to the British by Saadut Ali.

After various movements, the 78th found itself in garrison at Fort William in December 1800. In the October of that year Lieut.-Colonel Alexander Mackenzie had left for England, handing over his command to Lieut.-Colonel J. Randoll Mackenzie of Suddie.[471] And in the latter part of November Lieut.-Colonel Mackenzie also went to England, and was succeeded in the command of the regiment by Lieut.-Colonel Adams. The regiment remained in quarters at Fort William during the whole of 1801 and 1802.

In the middle of January, 1803, the 78th received orders to prepare for embarkation for Bombay, where head-quarters arrived on the 26th of March, and immediately received orders to prepare for field service. The regiment re-embarked on the 4th of April, and proceeded to Bassein, where it landed on the 7th, and marched at once to join the camp of Colonel Murray’s detachment at Sachpara, 7 miles from the town; being formed as an escort to His Highness the Peshwah, who had been driven from his dominions by Holkar during the previous October.

The detachment set out on the 18th of April, and marched by Panwell and the Bhore Ghât. In the beginning of June the 78th joined at Poonah the army under General Wellesley, destined to act against Sindiah and the Mahrattas. The regiment was posted to the brigade commanded by Lieut.-Colonel Harness, 80th Regiment, which was called the 4th brigade, with reference to the Grand Madras Army, from which General Wellesley was detached, but which formed the right of the General’s force. Its post in line was the right of the centre, which was occupied by the park, and on the left of the park was the 74th Highlanders, in the brigade commanded by Colonel Wallace, 74th, and called the 5th Brigade. Besides these two brigades of infantry there was one of cavalry, commanded by Lieut.-Colonel Maxwell, 19th Light Dragoons; each brigade consisted of 1 European and 3 native regiments. The train consisted of four iron and four brass 12-pounders, besides two 5½-inch howitzers, and some spare field-pieces.

A very few days after the army moved forward the rainy season commenced, but was by no means a severe one; the great want of forage, however, at the commencement of this campaign, destroyed much cattle, and the 78th Highlanders, who were by no means so well equipped as the other corps, were a good deal distressed at first. The movements of the army were slow, making long halts, and not keeping in a straight direction till the beginning of August, when it encamped about 8 miles south of Ahmednuggur, in which position it was when negotiations were broken off and war declared with Dowlut Rao Sindiah and the Rajah of Berar, Ragojee Bhoonslah.

On the 8th of August the advanced guard was reinforced by the flank companies of the 74th and 78th Highlanders, and the city of Ahmednuggur was attacked and carried by storm in three columns, of which the advanced guard formed one, the other two being led by battalion companies of the same regiments. “The fort of Ahmednuggur is one of the strongest in India, built of stone and a strong Indian cement called chunam. It is surrounded by a deep ditch, with large circular bastions at short intervals, and was armed with guns in casemated embrasures, and with loopholes for musketry. The escarp was unusually lofty, but the casemates were too confined to admit of their being effectively employed, and the glacis was so abrupt that it offered good shelter to an enemy who could once succeed in getting close to the walls. The Pettah was a large and regular Indian town, surrounded by a wall of stone and mud 18 feet high, with small bastions at every hundred yards, but with no rampart broad enough for a man to stand upon. Here, both in the Pettah and the fort, the walls were perceived to be lined by men, whose appointments glittered in the sun. The Pettah was separated from the fort by a wide space, in which Sindiah had a palace and many valuables, surrounded with immense gardens, where the remains of aqueducts and many interesting ruins of Moorish architecture show the once flourishing condition of the Nizam’s capital in the 16th century.”[472] Having determined on taking the Pettah by escalade, General Wellesley ordered forward the stormers, who were led by the advanced guard. Unfortunately, on account of the height and narrowness of the walls, and the difficulty of obtaining footing, the men, having reached the top of the scaling ladders, were, one after the other as they came up, either killed or thrown down. At length, Captain Vesey, of the 1/3rd Native Infantry, having secured a bastion, a party of his men leaped down within the walls, and, opening a gate, admitted the remainder of the force; some skirmishing took place in the streets, but the enemy was speedily overcome, and though the fort continued to fire round shot, it was with but little precision, and occasioned no damage.[473] The army lost 140 men, the casualties of the 78th being Captains F. Mackenzie Humberstone and Duncan Grant (a volunteer on this occasion), Lieut. Anderson of the Grenadier Company, and 12 men killed; and Lieut. Larkin of the Light Company, and 5 men wounded.

After the action the army encamped a long shot’s distance from the fort, which was reconnoitred on the 9th, and a ravine having been discovered, not 300 yards from the wall, it was occupied, and a battery erected, which opened with four iron 12-pounders on the morning of the 10th. During that night the battery was enlarged, and two howitzers added to its armament, and the fire re-opened on the 11th, on the evening of which day the Killedar capitulated; and next morning the garrison, to the number of 1400 men having marched out, the grenadiers of the 78th and a battalion of Sepoys took possession. The victorious troops proceeded to the plunder of Sindiah’s palace. Its treasures can have been surpassed only by those of the Summer Palace at Pekin. “There were found in it, besides many objects of European manufacture and luxury, the richest stuffs of India--gold and silver cloths, splendid armour, silks, satins, velvets, furs, shawls, plate, cash. &c.”[474] Here, as afterwards, General Wellesley set his face against all such demoralising practices, but it was only after hanging a couple of Sepoys in the gateway, as a warning to the rest, that order could be restored and the native troops restrained.

Along with the fort and city of Ahmednuggur, a province of the same name became subject to British authority. This fortress, long regarded as the key of the Deccan, besides covering his communications with Poonah, afforded General Wellesley an invaluable depôt from which to draw supplies; and from its position overawed the surrounding population, and formed a bulwark of defence to the western territories of the Nizam.[475]

The army remained for some days in the neighbourhood of Ahmednuggur, and then marching down the Nimderrah Ghât, directed its route to Toka, on the Godavery. On the 24th it crossed the river in boats. On the 17th of September the army encamped at Goonjee, the junction of the Godavery and Galatty, and thence moved to Golah Pangree on the Doodna, which it reached on the 20th.

On the 24th of August the united armies of Sindiah and the Rajah of Berar had entered the territories of the Nizam by the Adjunteh Ghât, and were known to be occupying the country between that pass and Jalnah. General Wellesley’s plan of operations now was, if possible, to bring the enemy to a general action; but, if he failed in that object, at least to drive them out of the Nizam’s country and secure the passes. On the 19th of September he wrote to Colonel Stevenson, directing that officer to march upon the Adjunteh Ghât, he himself moving by Jafferabad upon those of Bhaudoola and Laukenwarra. On the 21st, having obtained intelligence that the enemy lay at Bokerdun, he, after a personal interview with Colonel Stevenson at Budnapoor, arranged that their forces should separate, marching on the 22nd, and traversing two parallel roads about 12 miles apart. On the 22nd both officers broke camp, the General proceeding by the eastern route, round the hills between Budnapoor and Jalnah, and Colonel Stevenson moving to the westward. On the 23rd General Wellesley arrived at Naulniah, and found that, instead of being 12 or 14 miles distant from the enemy’s camp, as he had calculated, he was within 6 miles of it. General Wellesley found himself unable to make a reconnaissance without employing his whole force, and to retire in the face of the enemy’s numerous cavalry would have been a dangerous experiment; but the hircarrahs having reported that the cavalry had already moved off, and that the infantry were about to follow, the General determined to attack at once, without waiting for Colonel Stevenson. He, however, apprised Stevenson of his intention, and desired him to move up without delay. On coming in sight of the enemy he was rudely undeceived as to his intelligence, for, instead of the infantry alone, the whole force of the allied Rajahs was drawn up on the further bank of the river Kaitna, ready to receive him.

“The sight was enough to appal the stoutest heart: thirty thousand horse, in one magnificent mass, crowded the right; a dense array of infantry, powerfully supported by artillery, formed the centre and left: the gunners were beside their pieces, and a hundred pieces of cannon, in front of the line, stood ready to vomit forth death upon the assailants. Wellington paused for a moment, impressed but not daunted by the sight. His whole force, as Colonel Stevenson had not come up, did not exceed 8000 men, of whom 1600 were cavalry; the effective native British were not above 1500, and he had only 17 pieces of cannon. But feeling at once that retreat in presence of so prodigious a force of cavalry was impossible, and that the most audacious course was, in such circumstances, the most prudent, he ordered an immediate attack.”[476]

Before receiving intelligence of the enemy, the ground had been marked out for an encampment, and the cavalry had dismounted: General Wellesley ordered them to remount, and proceeded with them to the front. Of the infantry, the 1/2nd Native Infantry was ordered to cover the baggage on the marked ground, and to be reinforced by the rearguard as it came up. The 2/12th Native Infantry was ordered to join the left, in order to equalise the two brigades, which were to follow by the right, and the four brass light 12-pounders of the park were sent to the head of the line.

These dispositions did not cause above ten minutes’ halt to the column of infantry, but the cavalry, moving on with the General, came first in sight of the enemy’s position from a rising ground to the left of the road. This was within cannon-shot of the right of their encampment, which lay along the further bank of the river Kaitna, a stream of no magnitude, but with steep banks and a very deep channel, so as not to be passable except at particular places, chiefly near the villages. Sindiah’s irregular cavalry formed the right; the troops of the Rajah of Berar, also irregulars, the centre; and Sindiah’s regular infantry, the left. The latter was composed of 17 battalions, amounting to about 10,500 men, formed into 3 brigades, to each of which a body of regular cavalry and a corps of marksmen, called Allygoots, were attached. 102 pieces of their artillery were afterwards accounted for, but they probably had a few more.[477] The infantry were dressed, armed, and accoutred like British Sepoys; they were very fine bodies of men, and though the English officers had quitted them, they were in an admirable state of discipline, and many French and other European officers held command among them. Their guns were served by Gollundaze, exactly like those of the Bengal service, which had been disbanded some little time previously, and were probably the same men. It was soon found that they were extremely well trained, and their fire was both as quick and as well-directed as could be produced by the British artillery. What the total number of the enemy was cannot be ascertained, or even guessed at, with any degree of accuracy; but it is certainly calculated very low at 30,000 men, including the light troops who were out on a plundering excursion, but returned towards the close of the action. The two Rajahs were in the field in person, attended by their principal ministers, and, it being the day of the Dusserah feast, the Hindoos, of which the army was chiefly composed, had religious prejudices to make them fight with spirit and hope for victory.

The force of General Wellesley’s army in action was nearly 4700 men, of whom about 1500 were Europeans (including artillery), with 26 field-pieces, of which only four 12 and eight 6-pounders were fired during the action; the rest, being the guns of the cavalry and the battalions of the second line, could not be used.

On General Wellesley’s approaching the enemy for the purpose of reconnoitring, they commenced a cannonade, the first gun of which was fired at twenty minutes past one o’clock P.M., and killed one of his escort. The General, although he found himself in front of their right, determined to attack their left, in order to turn it, judging that the defeat of their infantry was most likely to prove effectual, and accordingly ordered his own infantry column to move in that direction. Meanwhile some of the staff looked out for a ford to enable the troops to pass the Kaitna and execute this movement, and found one, which the enemy had fortunately left undefended, scarcely half a mile beyond their left flank, near the old fort of Peepulgaon, where the ground, narrowing at the confluence of the Kaitna and Juah, would prevent them from attacking with overwhelming numbers. The whole of this march was performed considerably within range of their cannon, and the fire increased so fast that by the time the head of the column had reached Peepulgaon, it was tremendously heavy, and had already destroyed numbers.

For some time the enemy did not discover Major-General Wellesley’s design; but as soon as they became aware of it, they threw their left up to Assaye, a village on the Juah, near the left of their second line, which did not change its position. Their first line was now formed across the ground between the Kaitna and the Juah, the right resting upon the Kaitna, where the left had been, and the left occupying the village of Assaye, which was garrisoned with infantry and surrounded with cannon. They also brought up many guns from their reserve and second line to their first.

The British being obliged to cross the ford in one column by sections, were long exposed to the cannonade. After passing the river, their first line was formed nearly parallel to that of the enemy, at about 500 yards distance, having marched down the alignment to its ground. The second line rather out-flanked the first to the right, as did the third (composed of the cavalry) the second. The left of the first line was opposite the right of the enemy during the formation, and their artillery fired round-shot with great precision and rapidity, the same shot often striking all three lines. It was answered with great spirit by the first British line, but the number of gun-bullocks killed soon hindered the advance of the artillery, with the exception of a few guns which were dragged by the men themselves. The British lines were formed from right to left as follows:--

First Line.

The picquets, four 12-pounders, the 1/8th and 1/10th Native Infantry, and the 78th Highlanders.

Second Line.

The 74th Highlanders and the 2/12th and 1/4th Native Infantry.

Third Line.

The 4th Native Cavalry, the 19th Light Dragoons, and the 5th and 7th Native Cavalry.

Orders were now given for each battalion to attach a company to the guns, to assist and protect them during the advance. These orders, though immediately afterwards countermanded, reached the 78th, and, consequently, the 8th battalion company, under Lieutenant Cameron, was attached to the guns.

Major-General Wellesley then named the picquets as the battalion of direction, and ordered that the line should advance as quickly as possible consistent with order, and charge with the bayonet without firing a shot. At a quarter to three the word was given for the line to advance, and was received by Europeans and Natives with a cheer. Almost immediately, however, it was discovered that the picquets were not moving forward as directed, and the first line received the word to halt. This was a critical moment, for the troops had got to the ridge of a small swell in the ground that had somewhat sheltered them, particularly on the left; and the enemy, supposing them to be staggered by the fire, redoubled their efforts, discharging chain-shot and missiles of every kind. General Wellesley, dreading the consequences of this check in damping the ardour of the troops, rode up to one of the native corps of the first line, and, taking of his hat, cheered them on in their own language, and repeated the word “March!” Again the troops received the order with loud cheers, and the three battalions of the first line, followed by the 1/4th, advanced in quick time upon the enemy with the greatest coolness, order, and determination.

The 78th, on coming within 150 yards of the enemy’s line, withdrew its advanced centre sergeant, and the men were cautioned to be ready to charge. Soon after the battalion opposed to them fired a volley, and about the same time some European officers in the enemy’s service were observed to mount their horses and ride off. The 78th instantly ported arms, cheered, and redoubled its pace, and the enemy’s infantry, deserted by its officers, broke and ran. The 78th pushed on and fired, and coming to the charge, overtook and bayonetted a few individuals. The gunners, however, held firm to their guns, many being killed in the acts of loading, priming, or pointing; and none quitted their posts until the bayonets were at their breasts. Almost at the same moment the 1/10th Native Infantry closed with the enemy in the most gallant style; but the smoke and dust (which, aided by a high wind, was very great) prevented the troops from seeing further to the right.

The 78th now halted for an instant to complete their files and restore exact order, and then moved forward on the enemy’s second line, making a complete wheel to the right, the pivot being the right of the army, near the village of Assaye. The picquets having failed to advance, the 74th pushed up, in doing which they were very much cut up by grape, and were charged by the Mahratta cavalry, led by Sindiah in person. They suffered dreadfully, as did also the picquets and 2/12th; and they were only saved by a brilliant charge, headed by Lieut.-Colonel Maxwell. This part of the British line, though it broke the enemy’s first line, did not gain much ground; and the enemy still continued in possession of several guns about the village of Assaye, from which they flanked the British line when it arrived opposite their second line.

Several of the enemy also coming up from the bed of the river and other ways, attacked and killed a good many of the British artillerymen. A considerable number also who, after the fashion of Eastern warfare, had thrown themselves on the ground as dead, regained possession of the guns of their first line, which had been taken and passed, and from them opened a fire of grape upon the British rear. The guns of the 78th, with the escort under Lieutenant Cameron, escaped, and joined the regiment as it halted opposite to the enemy’s second line.

The British infantry was now in one line, the 78th on the left of the whole; and as it had the longest sweep to make in the wheel, it came up last. When the dust cleared a body of the enemy’s best cavalry was seen a little in advance of the left flank, purposing to turn it, on which the left wing of the 78th was thrown back at a small angle, and preparations were made for opening the two guns, which at that moment came up. It is impossible to say too much for the behaviour of the infantry at this awful crisis. Deprived of the assistance of their own artillery, having the enemy’s second line, untouched and perfectly fresh, firing steadily upon them, flanked by round-shot from the right, grape pouring upon their rear, and cavalry threatening their left, not a word was heard or a shot fired; all waited the orders of the General with the composure of a field-day, amidst a scene of slaughter scarcely ever equalled. This, however, was not of long duration; for the British cavalry came up and drove off the body of horse which threatened the left, and which did not wait to be charged, and General Wellesley ordered the principal part of the line to attack the enemy in front, while the 78th and 7th Native Cavalry moved to the rear and charged the guns which were firing thence. The enemy’s second line immediately retired, one brigade in perfect order--so much so, that it repulsed an attack of the 19th Light Dragoons, at the head of which Colonel Maxwell was killed.

The 78th had great difficulty in clearing the field towards the rear and recovering the guns. The enemy strongly resisted, and three times forced them to change their front and attack each party separately, as none would give way until they were so attacked. Meanwhile, as the regiment marched against the one, the remainder kept up a galling fire of grape, till they were all driven off the field. The enemy’s light troops, who had been out plundering, now appeared upon the ground, and the Mysore horse were ordered to attack them; however, they did not wait for this, but made off as fast as possible. About half-past four the firing entirely ceased, and the enemy set fire to his tumbrils, which blew up in succession, many of them some time later. The corps which retired at first in such good order soon lost it, and threw its guns into the river, four of which were afterwards found, exclusive of ninety-eight taken on the field of battle. Seven stand of colours were taken from the enemy. After plundering their dead, their camp, and bazaar, they retreated along the Juah for about ten miles and made a halt, but on moving again the flight became general. Then casting away their material of every kind, they descended the Adjunteh Ghât into Candeish, and made for the city of Burhanpoor, when they were described as having no artillery, nor any body of men that looked like a battalion, while the roads were strewed with their wounded and their dying.

The loss of the British was most severe. No part of the Mysore or Mahratta allies was actually engaged. Their infantry was with the baggage, and their cavalry not being in uniform, the General was apprehensive of mistakes should any part of them come into action. Between one-half and one-third of the British actually in the field were either killed or wounded. The 78th was fortunate in having but a small proportion of the loss to bear. Lieutenant Douglas and 27 men were killed, and 4 officers, 4 sergeants, and 73 men were wounded. The officers wounded were Captain Alexander Mackenzie, Lieutenant Kinloch, Lieutenant Larkin, and Ensign Bethune (Acting Adjutant). Besides those mentioned, Colonel Adams received a contusion of the collar-bone which knocked him off his horse; Lieutenant J. Fraser a contusion of the leg; and all the other officers were more or less touched in their persons or their clothes. The sergeant-major was very badly wounded, and died a few days afterwards.

General Wellesley had two horses killed under him; and nearly all the mounted officers lost horses, some as many as three.

The loss of the enemy must have been terrible. The bodies of 1200 were found on the field, and it was said that 3000 were wounded. Owing to the part they played in the action, the cavalry were unable to pursue, and the enemy suffered much less in their retreat than they should otherwise have done. This fact, too, enabled many of their wounded to creep into the jungle, whence very few returned; but it is impossible to conjecture the total loss, and all computations probably fall short of the actual amount. Jadoon Rao, Sindiah’s first minister, and the chief instigator of the war, was severely wounded, and died a few days afterwards; and Colonel Dorsan, the principal French officer, was also killed.

Such was the battle of Assaye, one of the most decisive as well as the most desperate ever fought in India.

Major-General Wellesley and the troops under his command received the thanks of the Governor-general in Council for their important services. His Majesty was pleased to order that the corps engaged should bear upon their colours and appointments an elephant, superscribed “Assaye,” in commemoration of the victory; and honorary colours were granted to the 19th Light Dragoons, and the 74th and 78th Highlanders, by the government of India in a general order.[478] For some unknown reason the 78th ceased to use these special colours after leaving India, the 74th being the only one of the three regiments still possessing them.

After various independent movements, Colonel Stevenson, on the 29th of November, formed a junction with General Wellesley at Parterly, on which day the whole of the enemy’s force was discovered drawn up on the plains of Argaum about six miles distant. Their line extended five miles, having in its rear the gardens and enclosures of Argaum, while in its front was the uncultivated plain, which was much cut up by watercourses. The Berar cavalry occupied the left, and the artillery and infantry the left centre. Sindiah’s force, which occupied the right, consisted of one very heavy body of cavalry, with a number of pindarries or light troops on its right again.

The enemy, though nearly as numerous as at Assaye, were neither so well disciplined nor so well appointed, and they had besides only thirty-eight pieces of cannon. The British army, on the other hand, was more numerous than in the late engagement, having been reinforced by Colonel Stevenson’s division. The British moved forward in one column to the edge of the plain. A small village lay between the head of the British columns and the line. The cavalry formed in close column behind this village; and the right brigade formed line in its front, the other corps following and forming in succession. The moment the leading picquet passed the village, the enemy, who was about 1200 yards distant, discharged 21 pieces of cannon in one volley. The native picquets and two battalions, alarmed by this noisy demonstration, which was attended with no injurious consequences, recoiled and took refuge behind the village, leaving the picquets of the 78th and the artillery alone in the field. By the exertions of the officers these battalions were again brought up into line,--not, however, till the 78th had joined and formed into line with the picquets and artillery.

The army was drawn up in one line of fifteen battalions, with the 78th on the right, having the 74th on its immediate left, and the 94th on the left of the line, supported by the Mysore horse. The cavalry formed a reserve or second line. In the advance, the 78th directed its march against a battery of nine guns, which supported the enemy’s left. In the approach, a body of 800 infantry darted from behind the battery, and rushed forward with the apparent intention of passing through the interval between the 74th and 78th. To close the interval, and prevent the intended movement, the regiments obliqued their march, and with ported arms moved forward to meet the enemy; but they were prevented by a deep muddy ditch from coming into collision with the bayonet. The enemy, however, drew up alongside the ditch, and kept up the fire until his last man fell. Next morning upwards of 500 dead bodies were found lying by the ditch. Religious fanaticism had impelled these men to fight.

With the exception of an attack made by Sindiah’s cavalry on the left of Colonel Stevenson’s division, in which they were repulsed by the 6th Native Infantry, no other attempt of any moment was made by the enemy. After this attack the whole of the enemy’s line instantly gave way, leaving all their artillery on the field. They were pursued by the cavalry by moonlight till nine o’clock.

The loss of the British was trifling; no European officer was killed, and only nine wounded, one of whom had his thigh broken. The number of killed and wounded was small, and fell principally upon the 78th, which had eight men killed and about forty wounded; but no officer among the number. In the orders thanking the army for its exertions on this day, General Wellesley particularised the 74th and 78th:--“The 74th and 78th regiments had a particular opportunity of distinguishing themselves, and have deserved and received my thanks.” Colonel Harness being extremely ill, Lieut.-Colonel Adams of the 78th commanded the right brigade in the action; and Major Hercules Scott being in command of the picquets as field-officer of the day, the command of the 78th fell to Captain Fraser. In this action, as at the battle of Assaye, a scarcity of officers caused the colours of the 78th to be carried by sergeants; and it is noticeable that not a shot penetrated the colours in either action, probably owing to the high wind which prevailed and caused them to be carried wrapped closely round the poles. The names of the sergeants who carried the colours at Assaye were Sergeant Leavoch, paymaster’s clerk, afterwards quarter-master; and Sergeant John Mackenzie, senior sergeant of the regiment, and immediately afterwards quarter-master’s sergeant. At Argaum, Sergeant Leavoch, and Sergeant Grant, regimental clerk, afterwards an ensign, and now (1815, says the Record), a lieutenant in the regiment.

“At the battle of Assaye,” General Stewart tells us, “the musicians were ordered to attend to the wounded, and carry them to the surgeons in the rear. One of the pipers, believing himself included in this order, laid aside his instrument and assisted the wounded. For this he was afterwards reproached by his comrades. Flutes and hautboys they thought could be well spared; but for the piper, who should always be in the heat of the battle, to go to the rear with the whistlers was a thing altogether unheard of. The unfortunate piper was quite humbled. However, he soon had an opportunity of playing off this stigma; for in the advance at Argaum, he played up with such animation, and influenced the men to such a degree, that they could hardly be restrained from rushing on to the charge too soon, and breaking the line. Colonel Adams was indeed obliged to silence the musician, who now in some manner regained his lost fame.”

The next, and, as it turned out, the last exploit of General Wellesley’s army, was against the strong fort of Gawilghur, which was taken by assault on the 13th of December. It, however, continued in the field, marching and counter-marching, till the 20th of July, 1804, when the 78th reached Bombay.

The regiment remained in quarters at Bombay till May, 1805, when five companies were ordered to Baroda in the Goojerat. The strength of the regiment was kept up by recruits, chiefly from the Scotch militia, and latterly by reinforcements from the second battalion, 800 strong, added to the regiment in 1804. In July, 1805, a detachment of 100 recruits arrived from Scotland. The regiment removed to Goa in 1807, whence it embarked for Madras in March, 1811.

“The numerical strength of this fine body of men was less to be estimated than their character, personal appearance, efficiency, and health. Upwards of 336 were volunteers from the Perthshire and other Scotch militia regiments, and 400 were drafts from the second battalion, which had been seasoned by a service of three years in the Mediterranean. Such was the stature of many of the men that, after the grenadier company was completed from the tallest men, the hundred next in height were found too tall and beyond the usual size of the light infantry. The harmony which so frequently subsisted between Highland corps and the inhabitants of the countries where they have been stationed, has been frequently observed. In Goa it appears to have been the same as elsewhere. The Condè de Surzeela, Viceroy of Portuguese India, on the departure of the regiment from under his command, embraced that opportunity ‘to express his sentiments of praise and admiration of the regular, orderly, and honourable conduct of His Britannic Majesty’s 78th Highland regiment during the four years they have been under his authority, equally and highly creditable to the exemplary discipline of the corps, and to the skill of the excellent commander; and his Excellency can never forget the inviolable harmony and friendship which has always subsisted between the subjects of the regent of Portugal and all classes of this honourable corps.’”[479]

On the 14th of March, 1811, the regiment embarked, and sailed in three transports for Madras. Very few men were left behind sick. The strength embarked was 1027, of whom 835 were Highlanders, 184 Lowlanders, and 8 English and Irish.

The transports arrived at Madras on the 10th of April, but the regiment was not landed, and sailed on the 30th with the last division of troops detailed for the expedition under the command of Lieut.-General Sir Samuel Auchmuty, destined for the capture of Java.

On the 5th of June the last division of the troops arrived at Malacca, when the army was formed into four brigades as follows:--The first or advanced brigade, under Colonel Gillespie, was composed of the flank battalions (formed by the rifle and light companies of the army), a wing of the 89th, a battalion of marines, of Bengal Light Infantry, and of volunteers, three squadrons of the 22nd Dragoons, and some Madras Horse Artillery. The left flank battalion was formed by the rifle and light companies of the 78th, the light company of the 69th, and a grenadier company of Bengal Native Infantry, and was commanded by Major Fraser of the 78th. The second brigade, commanded by Colonel Gibbs of the 59th, consisted of the 14th and 59th, and a battalion of Bengal Native Infantry. The third brigade, commanded by Colonel Adams of the 78th, was composed of the 69th and 78th, and a battalion of Bengal Native Infantry. The 78th was commanded by Brevet Lieut.-Colonel Campbell, and the light battalion by Major Forbes of the 78th. At Goa, a company of marksmen had been formed in the 78th, under the command of Captain T. Cameron, and at Madras they had received a rifle equipment and clothing. The reserve, under Colonel Wood, was composed entirely of Native Infantry. Attached to the army were detachments of Bengal and Madras Artillery and Engineers; and the whole force amounted to about 12,000 men, of whom about half were Europeans.

Early in June the fleet sailed from Malacca, and on the 4th of August came to anchor off the village of Chillingching, about twelve miles to the eastward of Batavia, and the troops landed without opposition. On the 7th the advance took up a position within two miles of Batavia, and on the 8th the magistrates surrendered the city at discretion.

It was understood that General Jumelle, with 3000 men, held the cantonment of Weltevreeden, about three miles from the city; and that about the same distance further on lay the strongly entrenched camp of Cornelis, where the greater portion of the French force, about 10,000 men, were posted under command of General Jansen, the governor.

Before daybreak, on the morning of the 10th, the advance marched against Weltevreeden, and the enemy was discovered strongly posted in the woods and villages. His right was defended by the canal called the Slokan; his left was exposed, but the approach in front and flank was defended by a marsh and pepper plantations, and the road rendered impassable by a strong abbatis of felled trees. The enemy’s infantry, enforced by four field-pieces served with grape, was drawn up behind this barrier, and commenced a destructive fire upon the head of the column as it advanced. Captain Cameron, who was in advance with his rifle company, was severely wounded, and a number of his men killed or disabled while entangled in the abbatis. Captain Forbes, with the aid of the light company, was then ordered to charge the obstacle; but he met with such resistance, that, after losing 15 out of 37 men, Colonel Gillespie directed him to retire and cross the ditch to the enemy’s left. Lieutenant Munro was killed here while in command of a party detailed to cover the British guns. An order was now given to turn the enemy’s left, which after a little delay succeeded,--“the grenadier company of the 78th, as in every Eastern field of fame, heading the attack.”[480] The grenadiers, in company with a detachment of the 89th, under Major Butler, carried the enemy’s guns after a most obstinate resistance, the gunners being cut down or bayoneted almost to a man. The general wrote--“The flank companies of the 78th (commanded by Captains David Forbes and Thomas Cameron) and the detachment of the 89th, particularly distinguished themselves.” The main body of the force shortly after came up, and the villages having been fired, the camp was occupied, and its war material, consisting of 300 guns, and a vast quantity of stores, taken possession of. The enemy’s loss was said to be very heavy, and the Brigadier-General Alberti was dangerously wounded. The British loss fell principally upon the 78th and 89th, the former having 33 men killed and wounded, besides the officers mentioned. By the occupation of Weltevreeden, the army obtained a good communication with Batavia and the fleet, a healthy situation, the command of the country and supplies, and a base of operations against the main position of Cornelis.

On the night of the 21st, when in company with the 69th, the 78th relieved Colonel Gillespie’s brigade in the advance. Early on the morning of the 22nd, three English batteries being nearly completed, the enemy made a sortie from Cornelis, and obtained possession of two of them, whence they were driven by a party of the 78th, which happened, fortunately, to be in the trenches at the time, under Major Lindsay and Captain Macleod. The battery on the right was energetically defended by Lieutenant Hart and a company of the 78th, who repulsed the enemy’s attack with considerable loss.

The camp of Cornelis was an oblong of 1600 by 900 yards. It was strongly entrenched: the river Jacatra or Liwong flowed along its west side, and the canal, called the Slokan, washed the east. Neither was fordable, and the banks of the river were steep and covered with jungle, while on the canal and beyond it powerful batteries were raised. The north and south faces were defended by deep ditches, which could be inundated at pleasure, and were strengthened with palisades, fraises, and chevaux de frise. These faces between the river and canal were further protected by seven formidable redoubts, constructed by General Daendels, and numerous batteries and entrenchments. A strong work also covered and protected the only bridge which communicated with the position, and which was thrown across the Slokan. The entire circumference of the works was about five miles; they were mounted with 280 pieces of cannon, and were garrisoned by over 10,000 men, of whom about 5000 were Europeans, and the remainder disciplined native regiments, commanded by French and Dutch officers.

Sir Samuel Auchmuty had broken ground on the 20th, at 600 yards distance from the works; and on the 24th, though no practicable breach had been made, the general being apprehensive of the danger of delay, determined upon an assault. The command of the principal attack was entrusted to Colonel Gillespie. The advance guard was formed by the rifle company of the 14th, while the grenadiers of the 78th led the column, to which the light and rifle companies also belonged. Immediately after midnight of the 25th Colonel Gillespie marched, but his advance was impeded by the darkness of the night and the intricacy of the country, which was parcelled out into pepper and betel gardens, and intersected with ravines, so that the troops were frequently obliged to move in single file. Towards daylight it was found that the rear division, under Colonel Gibbs, had strayed, but as it was impossible to remain long concealed, and to retreat would have been to abandon the enterprise, it was determined to assault without them. With the earliest streak of dawn the column was challenged, but the men, advancing with fixed bayonets at the double, speedily annihilated the enemy’s picquets, and obtained possession of the protecting redoubt No. 3. At the same time the grenadiers of the 78th rushed up on the bamboo bridge over the Slokan, mingling with the fugitives, and thus prevented its destruction by them. Owing to the darkness still prevailing, many of the men fell over the bridge into the canal, and were with difficulty rescued; while everywhere the carnage was terrific, the road being enfiladed by numerous pieces of artillery. The left of the attack now stormed and carried a large redoubt, No. 4, to the left of the bridge, which was strongly palisaded, and mounted upwards of twenty 18-pounders, besides several 24 and 32-pounders. Colonel Gibbs also came up at this moment, and his force was joined by a portion of the 78th, under Captain Macleod and Lieut. Brodie, who carried the redoubt No. 1 to the right; but scarcely had his advance entered when it blew up with a tremendous explosion, by which many of both parties were killed. It was said that a train had been fired by some of the enemy’s officers, but this has never been proved. Lieut.-Colonel Macleod’s (69th) attack against redoubt No. 2 was also completely successful, though the army had to deplore the loss of that gallant officer in the moment of victory. “Major Yule’s attack was equally spirited, but after routing the enemy’s force at Campong Maylayo, and killing many of them, he found the bridge on fire, and was unable to penetrate further.”[481] He therefore had to content himself with firing across the river. The two attacks now joined, and, under Colonel Gillespie, advanced to attack a body of the enemy inforced by a regiment of cavalry, which was stationed on a rising ground above the fort, and protected their park of artillery. The fire was very heavy, and though the British actually reached the mouths of the enemy’s guns, they were twice driven back, but rallying each time, they made a final charge and dislodged the enemy. Here Lieutenants Hart and Pennycuik of the 78th were wounded, the former having his thigh broken in two places by a grape-shot. The commander-in-chief now ordered a general attack upon the north face, which was led by Colonel Adams’ brigade, and “the heroic 78th, which, though long opposed, now burst in with loud shouts in the front of the line, and successively carried the works on either hand.”[482] The regiment, under Lieut.-Colonel Campbell, advanced along the high road, crossed the ditch and palisade under a very heavy fire of grape and musketry, and carried the enemy’s work in that direction. Two companies, under Colonel Macpherson, proceeded along the bank of the Slokan and took possession of the dam-dyke, which kept back the water from the ditch, thus preventing the enemy from cutting it, and leaving the ditch dry for the main body of the regiment to cross. In this service “Captain Macpherson was wounded in a personal rencontre with a French officer.”[483] The loss of the 78th in this part of the action was very heavy. Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell had both his thighs shattered by a grape-shot, and died two days afterwards, and Captain William Mackenzie and Lieutenant Matheson were also wounded. The regiment was necessarily much broken up in crossing the ditch and palisades, but soon re-formed, and completed the rout of the enemy.

In the space of three hours from the commencement of the action, all the enemy’s works were in the possession of the British.

The loss of the enemy in killed, during the attack and pursuit, was nearly 2000. The wounded were estimated at about 3000, while between 5000 and 6000 prisoners were taken, mostly Europeans, including a regiment of Voltigeurs lately arrived from France.

The main body of the 78th lost 1 field officer (Lieut.-Colonel Campbell) and 18 rank and file killed, and 3 sergeants and 62 rank and file wounded; its total of killed and wounded, including the three companies with Colonel Gillespie’s attack, being 164.

A force, which had been sent by sea to Cheribon to intercept General Jansen’s retreat into the eastern portion of the island, having arrived two days after he had passed, Sir Samuel Auchmuty determined to undertake the pursuit. Accordingly, on the 5th of September, he embarked at Batavia with the 14th and 78th Regiments, the grenadiers of the 3rd Volunteer Regiment, and some artillery and pioneers, less than 1000 men in all, with six field-pieces. The headquarters, grenadier, rifle, and one battalion company of the 78th sailed in the “Mysore,” under Major Fraser, and the remaining seven companies, under Major Lindsay, in the “Lowjee Family.” On the 12th the troops commanded by Major Lindsay landed at Samarang, and occupied the town without opposition, and learnt that a considerable body of the enemy, principally cavalry, was strongly posted upon the hills of Serondole, about 5 or 6 miles distant. On the 16th the whole force, under the command of Colonel Gibbs, advanced against Serondole at an early hour. Although the position of the enemy was most formidable, his troops gave way on all hands.

On the morning of the 18th a flag of truce arrived from General Jansen, accepting unconditionally any terms Sir Samuel Auchmuty might suggest. These were that the governor should surrender himself and his army prisoners of war, resign the sovereignty of Java and all the Dutch and French possessions in the East Indies into the hands of Great Britain, who should be left free with regard to the future administration of the island, the guarantee of the public debt, and the liquidation of paper money.

Thus the fertile island of Java and its rich dependencies, the last colonial possession of France, was wrested from her by British prowess.

The regiment remained in Java till September 1816, when it embarked for Calcutta. The only other enterprise we need mention in which the 78th was engaged while in Java was an expedition against the rebellious Sultan of Djokjokarta, when a great amount of treasure was captured, including two solid silver soup-tureens of antique design and exquisite finish, which the regiment still possesses. We must also mention the melancholy death, at Probolingo, on the 18th of May, 1813, of Lieut.-Colonel Fraser and Captain Macpherson at the hands of some fierce banditti, these officers being on a visit to a friend at Probolingo, when the banditti approached the place. Next day a detachment, consisting of 100 of the most active of the grenadier, rifle, and light companies, under Major Forbes of the 78th, marched against the banditti. After marching 64 miles in 18 hours the detachment came up with the main body of the banditti, and the commanding officers thought it advisable to make a halt, in order that the men might obtain some water before proceeding to the attack. The enemy seeing this, and mistaking the motive, advanced boldly and rapidly, headed by their chiefs. When within about 100 yards they halted for a moment, and again advanced to the charge at a run, in a close compact body, at the same time setting up a most dreadful yell. The men on this occasion showed a steadiness which could not be surpassed, not a shot being fired until the enemy was within a spear’s length of their line, when they gave their fire with such effect that it immediately checked the advance, and forced the enemy to retreat with terrible loss. Upwards of 150 lay dead on the spot; one of their chiefs was killed, and two more, who were taken alive that afternoon, suffered the merited punishment of their rebellion. Only a few of the 78th were wounded. The detachment now moved on to Probolingo House, which it was supposed the insurgents would defend, but having lost their principal leaders they dispersed without making any further stand. Their force was estimated to have amounted to upwards of 2500 men. The same evening the bodies of Colonel Fraser and Captain Macpherson were brought in and interred in the square of Probolingo.

During the period of its residence in Java the men of the regiment had suffered extremely from the climate. Of that splendid body of men, which in 1811 had left Madras 1027 strong, about 400 only now remained, and strange to say, it had been observed that the stoutest and largest men fell the first victims to disease.

The headquarters, in the “Guildford,” sailed from Batavia roads on the 18th of September, and arrived safely at Calcutta on the 29th of October.

The “Frances Charlotte,” with the remaining six companies, under Major Macpherson, had a fine passage up the Bay of Bengal, until the night of the 5th of November, when the vessel struck upon a rock about 12 miles distance off the island of Preparis. Fortunately the weather was moderate, but the ship carrying full sail at the time, struck with such violence that she remained fast, and in fifteen minutes filled to her main-deck.

“Now was displayed one of those examples of firmness and self-command which are so necessary in the character of a soldier. Although the ship was in the last extremity, and momentarily expected to sink, there was no tumult, no clamorous eagerness to get into the boats: every man waited orders, and obeyed them when received. The ship rapidly filling, and appearing to be lodged in the water, and to be only prevented from sinking by the rock, all hope of saving her was given up. Except the provisions which had been brought up the preceding evening for the following day’s consumption, nothing was saved. A few bags of rice and a few pieces of pork were thrown into the boats, along with the women, children, and sick, and sent to the island, which was so rocky, and the surf so heavy, that they had great difficulty in landing; and it was not until the following morning that the boats returned to the ship. In the meantime, a small part of the rock on which the ship lay was found dry at low water, and covered with little more than a foot of water at full tide. As many as this rock could admit of (140 men) were removed on a small raft, with ropes to fix themselves to the points of the rock, in order to prevent their being washed into the sea by the waves at high water. The highest part of the rock was about 150 yards from the ship. It was not till the fourth day that the boats were able to carry all in the ship to the island, while those on the rock remained without sleep, and with very little food or water, till the third day, when water being discovered on the island, a supply was brought to them.

“During all this time the most perfect order and resignation prevailed, both on the island and on the rock. Providentially the weather continued favourable, or those on the rock must have been swept into the sea. In the evening of the fourth day the ‘Prince Blucher,’ Captain Weatherall, and the ‘Po,’ Captain Knox, appeared in sight, and immediately bore down to the wreck. They had scarcely taken the men from the rock, and begun to steer for the island, when it came on to blow a furious gale. This forced them out to sea. Being short of provisions, and the gale continuing with great violence, the commanders were afraid that they could not get back to the island in sufficient time to take the people on board[484] and reach a port before the stock was expended, and therefore bore away for Calcutta, where they arrived on the 23rd of November. Two fast-sailing vessels were instantly despatched with provisions and clothes, and, on the 6th of December, made the Island of Preparis. The people there were by that time nearly reduced to the last extremity. The allowance of provisions (a glass-full of rice and two ounces of beef for two days to each person) was expended, and they had now only to trust to the shell-fish which they picked up at low water. These soon became scarce, and they had neither lines to catch fish nor firearms to kill the birds and monkeys, the only inhabitants of the island, which is small and rocky, covered with low trees and brushwood. In this deplorable state the men continued as obedient, and the officers had the same authority, as on parade. Every privation was borne in common. Every man that picked up a live shell-fish carried it to the general stock, which was safe from the attempts of the half-famished sufferers. Nor was any guard required. However, to prevent any temptation, sentinels were placed over the small store. But the precaution was unnecessary. No attempt was made to break the regulations established, and no symptoms of dissatisfaction were shown, except when they saw several ships passing them without notice, and without paying any regard to their signals. These signals were large fires, which might have attracted notice when seen on an uninhabited island. Captain Weatherall required no signal. He met with some boards and other symptoms of a wreck, which had floated to sea out of sight of the island; and suspecting what had happened, immediately steered towards it. To his humanity the safety of the people on the rock may, under Providence, be ascribed; for, as the violence of the gale was such as to dash the ship to pieces, leaving no part visible in a few hours, the men must have been swept off the rock at its commencement.

“Five men died from weakness; several were drowned in falling off the kind of raft made to convey them from the ship to the rock; and some were drowned by the surf in going on shore; in all, fourteen soldiers and two Lascars were lost. Unfortunately, the gale that destroyed the ship blew off the island, so that no part of the wreck floated on shore. Had it been otherwise, some things might have been carried back to the island.”[485]

Many men died subsequently, in consequence of their sufferings on this occasion. The officers and men lost the whole of their baggage, and upwards of £2000 of the funds of the regiment went down in the transport.

On the 9th the surviving officers and men were relieved; and, after a quick run to Calcutta, landed on the 12th of December. All were now assembled in Fort William, with the exception of one company in Java; and, having received orders to make preparations to embark for Europe, the following General Order was issued by his Excellency the Governor-General in Council:--

“FORT WILLIAM, “SATURDAY, 22nd February 1817.

“The embarkation of the 78th Regiment for Europe calls upon the Governor-General in Council to bear testimony to the conduct of that distinguished corps during its service in every part of India. It is most gratifying to this Government to pay to the regiment a tribute of unqualified applause; the zeal and gallantry so conspicuously manifested by the corps at Assaye, and so uniformly maintained throughout all its subsequent exertions in the field, not having been more exemplary than its admirable regularity and discipline on every other occasion. Such behaviour, while it must be reflected on by themselves with conscious pride, cannot fail to procure for the officers, non-commissioned officers, and soldiers of the 78th Regiment, the high reward of their sovereign’s approbation.”

An equally complimentary order was issued by the Commander-in-Chief.

The regiment embarked for England on board the “Prince Blucher” transport, Captain Weatherall, to whom in a measure they owed their lives, and sailed from the Sandheads on the 1st of March 1817. On the 5th of July the regiment arrived at Portsmouth, and re-embarked in the “Abeona” transport for Aberdeen. A few weeks later the 78th was was ordered to Ireland.

In rebutting an unfounded report as to the disaffection of the three Highland regiments, the 42nd, 78th, and 92nd, General Stewart says:--“The honour of Highland soldiers has hitherto been well supported, and Ross-shire has to boast that the 78th has all along maintained the honourable character of their predecessors. All those who value the character of a brave and virtuous race may look with confidence to this corps, as one of the representatives of the military and moral character of the peasantry of the mountains. In this regiment, twenty-three have been promoted to the rank of officers during the war. Merit thus rewarded will undoubtedly have its due influence on those who succeed them in the ranks.”[486]

III.

1804-1816.

Letter of Service granted to Major-General Mackenzie-Fraser to raise a 2nd Battalion--Inspected and passed by the Marquis of Huntly--List of Officers--At Hythe under Sir John Moore--Ordered to Sicily--Joseph Bonaparte proclaimed King of Naples--Sir John Stuart invades Calabria--Battle of Maida--Cotrone Capitulates--The Regiment returns to Sicily--The Egyptian Expedition--Landing at Aboukir--Capture of Alexandria--Failure at Rosetta--Disastrous affair of El Hamet--Colonel M’Leod killed--Regiment Returns Home--Sickness--Drafts to India--370 Men in the Walcheren Expedition--Death of General Mackenzie-Fraser--Operations against Napoleon in 1814--The Regiment lands in Holland--Brilliant affair of Merxem--Antwerp besieged--The Siege abandoned--Various changes of Quarters--Napoleon returns from Elba--During the 100 Days, the Regiment garrisons Nieuwpoort--Sickness--Ordered to Brussels after Waterloo--Conduct of the Highlanders in the Netherlands--The Regiment returns Home--Ordered to be reduced--Effectives join the 1st Battalion, and the Dépôt proceeds to Aberdeen.

On the 17th of April 1804, a letter of service was granted to Major-General Alexander Mackenzie-Fraser, Colonel of the 78th Highlanders, in which his Majesty was pleased to approve of a second battalion being added to that regiment, with a strength of 1000 men.

General Mackenzie-Fraser had been connected with the regiment ever since it was first raised in 1793, his brother-in-law, now Lord Seaforth, having appointed him its first Major; and it was chiefly owing to his unremitting zeal and attention at headquarters, in personally superintending and teaching the recruits, that its energy and discipline in the field became so early conspicuous. He therefore, when called upon to organise a young battalion, threw his whole soul into the task, and his vigorous mind rested not until he had collected around him a body of men in every way worthy of their predecessors.

“No officer could boast of circumstances more favourable to such an undertaking. Beloved by every one that had the good fortune of his acquaintance, he found no difficulty in selecting gentlemen possessed of various local interests in furtherance of his plan.

“The quality of the men, their youth and vigour, in short, we may say with confidence, the raw material was unexampled.”[487]

LIST OF OFFICERS.

Colonel.

Major-General Alexander Mackenzie-Fraser of Castle Fraser, Colonel of 1st battalion.

Lieutenant-Colonel.

Patrick M’Leod, younger of Geanies, from 1st Battalion.

Majors.

David Stewart of Garth (author of the Sketches), Colonel, half-pay. James Macdonell of Glengarry, Colonel and Major, Coldstream Guards.

Captains.

Alexander Wishart, from first battalion. Duncan Macpherson. James Macvean. Charles William Maclean, from 42nd. Duncan Macgregor, Major, half-pay. William Anderson. Robert Henry Dick, from 42nd, and afterwards Lieut.-Colonel 42nd.[488] Colin Campbell Mackay of Bighouse, Major, half-pay. George Mackay.

Lieutenants.

William Balvaird, Major, Rifle Brigade. Patrick Strachan. James Macpherson, killed in Java, 1814. William Mackenzie Dick, killed at El Hamet, 1807. John Matheson, Captain, half-pay. Cornwallis Bowen. William Mackenzie, Captain, half-pay. Malcolm Macgregor. James Mackay, Captain, half-pay. Thomas Hamilton. Robert Nicholson. Charles Grant, Captain, half-pay. Horace St Paul, Lieut.-Colonel, half-pay. George William Bowes. William Matheson. William Cameron, Captain, half-pay.

Ensigns.

John Mackenzie Stewart. John Munro, killed in Java, 1811. Christopher Macrae, killed at El Hamet, 1807. Roderick Macqueen. Neil Campbell, Captain, half-pay. John L. Strachan. Alexander Cameron. Alexander Gallie. Robert Burnet, Captain, 14th.

Paymaster.--James Ferguson. Adjutant.--William Mackenzie, Captain. Quarter-Master.--John Macpherson. Surgeon.--Thomas Draper, D.I.

Assistant-Surgeon.

William Munro, Surgeon, half-pay.

On the 25th of February 1805 the regiment embarked at Fort George, and landed at Dover on the 9th of March, whence it marched into quarters at Hythe, then under the command of Major-General Sir John Moore.[489]

On the 19th of the same month they were inspected by their Colonel, Major-General Mackenzie-Fraser, who published an order expressive of his high approval of the condition in which he found the regiment.

On the 23rd of the same month they were inspected by Major-General Sir John Moore, who conveyed in an order his approval of their appearance.

“As one of the objects I have in view is to point out such characteristic traits of disposition, principle, and habits as may be in any way interesting, I shall notice the following circumstance which occurred while this regiment lay at Hythe. In the month of June orders were issued for one field-officer and four subalterns to join the first battalion in India. The day before the field-officer fixed on for this purpose left the regiment, the soldiers held conferences with each other in the barracks, and in the evening several deputations were sent to him, entreating him, in the most earnest manner, to make application either to be allowed to remain with them or obtain permission for them to accompany him. He returned his acknowledgments for their attachment and for their spirited offer; but as duty required his presence in India, while their services were at present confined to this country, they must therefore separate for some time. The next evening, when he went from the barracks to the town of Hythe, to take his seat in the coach for London, two-thirds of the soldiers, and officers in the same proportion, accompanied him, all of them complaining of being left behind. They so crowded round the coach as to impede its progress for a considerable length of time, till at last the guard was obliged to desire the coachman to force his way through them. Upon this the soldiers, who hung by the wheels, horses, harness, and coach-doors, gave way, and allowed a passage. There was not a dry eye amongst the younger part of them. Such a scene as this, happening to more than 600 men, and in the streets of a town, could not pass unnoticed, and was quickly reported to General Moore, whose mind was always alive to the advantages of mutual confidence and esteem between officers and soldiers. The circumstance was quite suited to his chivalrous mind. He laid the case before the Commander-in-Chief; and his Royal Highness, with that high feeling which he has always shown when a case has been properly represented, ordered that at present there should be no separation, and that the field-officer should return to the battalion in which he had so many friends ready to follow him to the cannon’s mouth, and when brought in front of an enemy, either to compel them to fly or perish in the field.”[490]

Having been ordered for foreign service, the regiment embarked at Portsmouth on the 28th of September 1805; but, hearing that the combined French and Spanish fleets had put to sea from Cadiz, the transports ran into the Tagus, where they remained until intelligence arrived of the total destruction of the enemies’ flotilla at Trafalgar. They then proceeded to Gibraltar, where they disembarked the first battalion of the 42nd and the second battalion of the 78th.

On the 2nd of May, 1806, the regiment embarked for Sicily, and landed at Messina on the 25th. There it was inspected by Major-General Sir John Stuart,[491] who, at the earnest solicitation of the spirited Queen of Naples, had determined on an expedition to Calabria against the French, Napoleon having annexed to his empire the kingdom of Naples. On the 16th of June, the 78th marched and encamped in the vicinity of Milazzo, under command of Brigadier-General Auckland.

On the 27th of June the regiment embarked at Milazzo, and, on the 1st of July, landed in the Bay of St Euphemia in Calabria without opposition. The force at first numbered 4200, but, being further augmented by the arrival of the 20th Regiment, the total was 4790 men, as opposed to 7000 of the enemy, with the addition of 300 cavalry. General Stuart, who expected a large accession of Calabrian volunteers to his standard, remained at St Euphemia till the 3rd, with the mortification of finding nothing but apathetic indifference among the people, where he had been led to expect a chivalrous loyalty and effectual support. On the evening of that day news was brought to him that General Regnier lay near the village of Maida, about ten miles distant, with a force of 4000 infantry and 300 cavalry, and that he was merely waiting for a reinforcement of 3000 men to attack the British and drive them back upon the sea. Stuart, who had no further assistance to expect, immediately made up his mind to attack the French before the arrival of their fresh troops, which course would at least equalise numbers in the first instance, and give him the chance of beating them in detail. Accordingly, he marched the same night and halted within a short distance of the French camp; and, renewing the march at daylight, he crossed the River Amato, which covered the front of the enemy’s position, near its mouth, and sent forward his skirmishers to the attack. However, as he advanced further into the plain, the truth suddenly broke upon him. Like Wellesley at Assaye, he had expected to encounter merely one-half of his adversary’s force; like him, he found himself deceived. The whole French army was before him.

Stuart was a man of action; his decision once formed, he proceeded to act upon it. He would advance. To retreat would be certain ruin to the expedition, as he should be forced to re-embark even if he escaped defeat; the morale of his troops would be destroyed; and Calabria would be left hopelessly in the hands of the French. He knew that he had the veterans of Napoleon before him in a proportion of nearly two to one; but he preferred to trust to a cool head, British pluck, and British steel. The following was the disposition of his force:--

The light brigade, Lieut.-Colonel James Kempt, was composed of the light infantry companies of the 20th, 27th, 35th, 58th, and 81st Regiments, of two companies of Corsican Rangers under Lieut.-Colonel Hudson Lowe, and of 150 chosen men of the 35th Regiment under Major George Robertson. The first brigade, Brigadier-General Auckland, consisted of the 78th and 81st Regiments. The second, Brigadier-General Lowrie Cole, was formed of the grenadier companies of the 20th, 27th, 35th, 58th, and 81st, under the Hon. Lieutenant-Colonel O’Calloghan, and the 27th Regiment. The reserve, Colonel John Oswald, consisted of the 58th and Watteville Regiment.

Stewart, in his admirable Sketches, gives a most spirited and circumstantial account of the battle; and as he himself fought on the occasion, it has been thought better to give his narrative entire rather than to collate from other sources, especially as the regimental records are very destitute of information:--

“The army was drawn up, having in its rear the head of the bay, and in its front a broad and extensive valley, level in the centre, and bounded on both sides by high, and in some places precipitous, hills, with woods covering their sides in many parts, and in others with corn-fields up to a considerable height. This valley, which is of unequal breadth, being in some places four miles and in others not more than two, runs across the Calabrian peninsula, from St Euphemia to Cortona on the Adriatic, intersected at intervals to nearly one-half its breadth by high ridges, which run out at right angles from the mountains, forming the lateral boundaries of the plain.... On the summit of one of these ridges, at somewhat more than four miles distant, the army of General Regnier was seen drawn up in columns, apparently ready either to descend to the plains or to wait the attack of the British. General Stuart had now to come to an instant decision. Disappointed of the support of the Calabrese, of whom not more than 1000 had joined, and these badly armed and worse disciplined, and therefore of no use in the attack, and being also informed that a reinforcement of 3000 men was expected by the enemy on the following day, he had no alternative but an immediate advance or a retreat, either to the ships or to some strong position.

“To retreat was little congenial to the spirit of the commander; and accordingly, actuated by the same confidence in his little army which had encouraged him to engage in the enterprise, he resolved upon advancing, little aware that the expected addition to the enemy’s force had already taken place. While General Stuart’s ignorance of this fact confirmed his resolution to attempt the strong position of the enemy, the consciousness of superior numbers gave additional confidence to General Regnier, who, looking down upon his enemy from his elevated position, could now count every file below; and who, as it is said, called out to his troops to mark his confidence in their invincible courage, and his contempt for the English, whose presumption in landing with so small a force he was determined to punish by driving them into the sea. Accordingly, giving orders to march, he descended the hill in three lines, through narrow paths in the woods, and formed on the plain below. His army consisted of more than 7000 men, with 300 cavalry, and a considerable train of field artillery. He drew up his troops in two parallel lines of equal numbers, with artillery and cavalry on both flanks, and with field-pieces placed in different parts of the line. To oppose this force, General Stuart placed in the front line the light brigade of Lieut.-Colonel Kempt on the right, the Highland regiment in the centre, and the 81st on the left.

“At eight o’clock in the morning, the corps composing the first line advanced, the enemy commencing his forward march (presenting a parallel front) nearly at the same moment. The distance between the armies was at the time nearly three miles, and the ground perfectly level, intersected only by drains, to carry off the water in the rainy season, but not so large as to intercept the advance of the field-pieces. When the first brigade moved forward, the second halted for a short time, and then proceeded, followed by the reserve. The forward movement of the opposing lines lessened the intervening distance in double ratio. The first brigade passed over several corn-fields with parties of reapers, who eagerly pointed out the advance of the enemy, then at a distance of less than a mile. On a nearer approach they opened their field-pieces; and, contrary to the usual practice of French artillery, with little effect, the greater part of the shot passing over the first line and not reaching the second.

“This was an interesting spectacle. Two armies in parallel lines, in march towards each other, on a smooth and clear plain, and in dead silence, only interrupted by the report of the enemy’s guns; it was more like a chosen field fixed upon by a general officer for exercise, or to exhibit a sham fight, than, as it proved, an accidental encounter and a real battle. No two rival commanders could ever wish for a finer field for a trial of the courage and firmness of their respective combatants; and as there were some present who recollected the contempt with which General Regnier, in his account of the Egyptian expedition, had chosen to treat the British, there was as much feeling, mixed up with the usual excitements, as, perhaps, in any modern engagement, excepting that most important of all modern battles, where Buonaparte for the first, and perhaps the last time, met a British army in the field.

“To the young Highlanders, of whom nearly 600 were under age, the officers, with very few exceptions, being equally young and inexperienced, it was a critical moment. If we consider a formidable line, which, from numbers, greatly outflanked our first line, supported by an equally strong second line, the glancing of whose bayonets was seen over the heads of the first, the advance of so preponderating a force on the three regiments of the first brigade (the second being considerably in the rear) was sufficiently trying, particularly for the young Highlanders.... I have already noticed that the enemy’s guns were not well served, and pointed too high; not so the British. When our artillery opened, under the direction of Major Lemoine and Captain Dougal Campbell, no practice could be more perfect. Every shot told, and carried off a file of the enemy’s line. When the shot struck the line, two or three files on the right and left of the men thrown down gave way, leaving a momentary opening before they recovered and closed up the vacancy. The inexperienced young Highlanders, believing that all the vacant spaces had been carried off, shouted with exultation at the evident superiority. It is not often that in this manner two hostile lines, in a reciprocally forward movement, at a slow but firm pace, can make their observations while advancing, with a seeming determination to conquer or perish on the spot. These criticisms were, however, to be soon checked by the mutual forward movement on which they were founded. The lines were fast closing, but with perfect regularity and firmness. They were now within 300 yards’ distance, and a fire having commenced between the sharp-shooters on the right, it was time to prepare for an immediate shock. The enemy seemed to hesitate, halted, and fired a volley. Our line also halted and returned the salute; and when the men had reloaded, a second volley was thrown in. The precision with which these two volleys were fired, and their effect, were quite remarkable. When the clearing-off of the smoke--there was hardly a breath of wind to dispel it--enabled us to see the French line, the breaks and vacancies caused by the men who had fallen by the fire appeared like a paling of which parts had been thrown down or broken. On our side it was so different, that, glancing along the rear of my regiment, I counted only 14 who had fallen by the enemy’s fire. The smoke having cleared off so that the enemy could be seen, the line advanced at full charge. The enemy, with seeming resolution to stand the shock, kept perfectly steady, till, apparently intimidated by the advance, equally rapid and firm, of an enemy, too, who they were taught to believe would fly before them, their hearts failed, and they faced to the right-about, and fled with speed, but not in confusion. When they approached within a short distance of their second line, they halted, fronted, and opened a fire of musketry on our line, which did not follow up the charge to any distance, but halted to allow the men to draw breath, and to close up any small breaks in the line. They were soon ready, however, to advance again. A constant running fire was now kept up on the march, the enemy continuing the same, but retiring slowly as they fired, until they threw their first line on their second. They then seemed determined to make a resolute stand, thus giving our line the advantage of sooner closing upon them; but they would not stand the shock; they gave way in greater confusion than in the first instance. They had now lost a considerable number of men.

“At this period the enemy’s cavalry attempted to charge, but either from the horses not being properly broke, or rather from the sharp running fire kept up in their faces, the dragoons could not, with all their exertions, bring them to the charge. At last, finding their efforts unavailing, they galloped round the flanks of their line to the rear, turned their horses loose, and fought on foot.

“Both lines of the enemy were now completely intermixed, and Regnier, who was seen riding about, and from his violent gesticulations seemingly in great agitation, seeing himself completely foiled in his attack on the front, and being driven back more than a mile, made an attempt to turn the left flank. For this purpose he brought some battalions by an oblique movement to the British left, and gained so much on that flank that the second line (the grenadier battalions and the 27th Regiment, which now came up under General Cole) could not form the line in continuation. Throwing back their left, they therefore formed an angle of about 60 degrees to the front line, and in this position opened a most admirably directed and destructive fire, which quickly drove back the enemy with great loss. While in this angular formation, the fire was incessantly and admirably sustained, till a circumstance occurred in the centre which gave the enemy a momentary advantage, but from which they afterwards suffered severely.

“On the side of the French there was a Swiss Regiment, commanded by an officer of the family of Watteville, a family which had also a regiment in our service, and in the field that day. The Watteville Regiment in the French service was dressed in a kind of light claret-coloured uniform, something like scarlet when much worn, and with hats so much resembling those of the band of our Watteville’s, that when this corps was seen advancing from their second line, the Highlanders, in their inexperience, believed they were our own, who had in some manner got to the front; and a word passed quickly to cease firing. The fire had accordingly slackened, before the voice of the mounted officers, whose elevated position enabled them to distinguish more clearly, could be heard, and the enemy, believing this relaxation to proceed from a different cause, advanced with additional boldness. This brought them so close that when the men were undeceived and recommenced firing, it was with such effect that, in ten minutes, the front was cleared, and the enemy driven back with great precipitation. Indeed, the precision with which the men took their aim during the whole action was admirable, and clearly established the perfect self-possession and coolness of their minds.

“Unwilling to break the continuity of the narrative of the proceedings on the centre and the left, where the action was now nearly finished, I have delayed noticing the movements of Lieut.-Colonel Kempt’s light brigade. This corps had for some time been exercised in a uniform manner, under the training of that officer, and they now even exceeded the high expectations formed of them and their spirited commander. The party of the Corsican Rangers attached to the light infantry were on the right. When the line advanced within reach of musketry, they were sent out on the flank and in front to skirmish, but on the first fire from the enemy’s sharpshooters, they retreated in great haste. This, in some cases, would have been an inauspicious, if not a fatal commencement to a battle, when so much was to be done, and so much superior a force to be opposed. But here this repulse did not extend beyond those who gave way to the panic, and the light company of the 20th Regiment, who had the right of the line, rushed forward, and in an instant drove off the party which had advanced on the Corsicans, but with the loss of Captain Maclean, the only officer killed on that day. In a few minutes after this the two hostile lines came within charge distance; and the left of the enemy pushing forward, both lines had nearly met, when at this momentous crisis the enemy became appalled, broke, and endeavoured to fly, but it was too late;--they were overtaken with most dreadful slaughter.

“I now return to the centre and left, which continued hotly engaged, always vigorously pushing the enemy, who still endeavoured to gain upon the flank. But in this he was frustrated by the continued advance of the British, who preserved the same angular formation, the first line moving directly on its original front, and the second in an oblique direction, with its right touching the left of the first.

“The fire now slackened, the enemy having lost much ground, being repulsed in every attempt, and having sustained an unusual, and, indeed, altogether an extraordinary loss of men. But General Regnier, despairing of success against Colonel Kempt’s light corps on the right, and still pushed by the troops in the centre and left, prepared to make a desperate push in order to take our line in flank on the left. At this moment the 20th Regiment marched up, and formed on the left, nearly at right angles to General Cole’s brigade. This regiment had that morning disembarked in the bay from Sicily (the scarcity of transports preventing their earlier arrival), and Lieut.-Colonel Ross having landed with great promptitude the moment he heard the firing, moved forward with such celerity, that he reached the left of the line as the enemy were pushing round to turn the flank. Colonel Ross formed his regiment with his right supported by the left of the 27th, and opposed a full front to the enemy. This reinforcement seemed to destroy all further hopes of the enemy. So feeble was this last attempt, that when Colonel Ross ordered out 80 men to act as sharpshooters in his front, they could not face even the small detachment.

“The battle was now over. The confidence which had animated the enemy during the greater part of the action appeared to have at last totally forsaken them; they gave way at all points in the greatest confusion, numbers, to assist their speed, throwing away their arms, accoutrements, and every encumbrance....

“The disadvantage so frequently experienced in the transmarine expeditions of England, occasioned by the want of ships for the conveyance of a sufficient number of troops, was now severely felt; for though the field was most favourable for the operations of cavalry, that arm was, on the present occasion, totally wanting. As soon as the ships had landed the infantry at St. Euphemia, they were ordered back for the cavalry, who arrived the day after the battle. Few victories, however, have been more complete, and as under equal advantages of ground, of discipline in the troops, and ability in the commanders, a hard fought battle is the most honourable, if gained with little loss to the victors, and with great destruction to the vanquished, so that engagement must be particularly so, in which a greatly superior force is totally routed with a loss in killed of more than 30 to 1: that is, on the present occasion with a loss of 1300 killed of the French to 41 killed of the British.

“The disparity of numbers being so great, the proofs of courage and other military qualities, on the part of the victors, are conclusive. Equally decisive were the advantages on the side of the victors in regard to the subsequent operations of the campaign; for while the English army was, on the following morning, but little diminished, and quite prepared to meet a fresh opponent, if such could have been brought against it, the enemy were so dispirited that on no after occasion did they attempt to make a stand, which indeed their reduced numbers rendered impossible. Their loss was 1300 killed and 1100 wounded, left on the field, besides the slightly wounded who retired to the rear. Upwards of 200 of the latter were taken afterwards in the hospital at Cotrone, on the opposite coast of the Adriatic.

“The loss of the Highlanders was 7 rank and file killed; Lieut.-Colonel Patrick M’Leod, Major David Stewart, Captains Duncan Macpherson and Duncan Macgregor, Lieutenant James Mackay, Ensigns Colin Mackenzie and Peter Macgregor, 4 sergeants, 1 drummer, and 69 rank and file wounded.”

The British minister at the Sicilian court thus alluded to the battle in his despatch:--“There is not to be found in the annals of military transactions an enterprise prepared with more deliberate reflection or executed with greater decision, promptitude, and success, than the late invasion of Calabria by Sir John Stuart. I trust, therefore, you will not think me presumptuous for venturing to add my testimony of the high sense entertained by this court of the merits of the British General and of his gallant army, who, on the fertile plains of Maida, have added new trophies to those which the same troops had formerly earned, from the same enemy, on the sandy regions of Egypt.”

The King of the Two Sicilies created Sir John Stuart, Count of Maida. In England he received the thanks of Parliament, a pension of £1000 per annum, the Order of the Bath, a sword of honour, and the freedom of the city of London.

In commemoration of this victory a gold medal was struck, and conferred upon all the superior officers who were present.

The troops were re-embarked on the 2nd of August, and on the night of the 9th the regiment made Messina harbour, and having been disembarked, was ordered to take over quarters in the town of Taormina, where it became subjected to the consequences of its fatigues and privations during the late campaign, frequently suffering from ill-health to the extent of from twenty to thirty men per month. On the 13th of October, however, it was ordered round to Syracuse, where it arrived on the 17th, and remained during the rest of its stay in Sicily, until it was ordered to embark and join the Egyptian expedition.

Early in 1807 an armament was fitted out in Sicily for the purpose of occupying Alexandria, Rosetta, and the adjoining coast of Egypt. The force on this occasion consisted of a detachment of artillery, the 20th Light Dragoons, the 31st, 35th, 78th, and De Rolle’s regiment, and the corps of Chasseurs Britanniques, all under the command of Major-General Mackenzie-Fraser. The expedition sailed on the 6th of March, but, encountering bad weather, the “Apollo” frigate and nineteen transports were separated from the fleet. The remainder, with the commodore, anchored on the 16th off the Arab’s Tower to the west of Alexandria. General Fraser, in consequence of the absence of so large a proportion of his force, hesitated about landing; but, being pressed by Major Misset, the British resident, who informed him that the inhabitants were favourably disposed, and that there were not more than 500 men in garrison, he disembarked his troops on the 17th and 18th. On the morning of the 19th took up a position on the same ground that the British army occupied in March 1801. The town, on being summoned, surrendered the next day, and in the evening the other transports anchored in Aboukir bay. Vice-Admiral Duckworth, with a fleet from the Dardanelles, arrived in the bay on the 22nd.

On the 27th of March a detachment, under Major-General Wauchope and Brigadier-General Meade, took possession, without opposition, of the forts and heights of Abûmandûr, a little above Rosetta. The capture of this place was the next object. General Wauchope, unconscious of danger, marched into the town at the head of the 31st Regiment. Not a human being was to be seen in the streets, nor was a sound to be heard. The troops wended their way through the narrow and deserted streets towards an open space or market-place in the centre of the town; but they had not proceeded more than half-way when the portentous silence was broken by showers of musketry from every house, from the first floor to the roof. Cooped up in these narrow lanes, the troops were unable to return the fire with any effect, nor, amidst the smoke in which they were enveloped, could they see their assailants, and could only guess their position from the flashes of their guns. They had, therefore, no alternative but to retire as speedily as possible; but, before they had extricated themselves, General Wauchope was killed, and nearly 300 officers and soldiers were killed and wounded. General Meade was among the wounded.

After this repulse the troops returned to Alexandria; but General Fraser, resolved upon the capture of Rosetta, sent back a second detachment, consisting of the 35th, 78th, and De Rolle’s regiment, under the command of Brigadier-General the Hon. William Stewart and Colonel Oswald. This detachment, after some skirmishing, took possession of Abûmandûr on the 7th of April, and on the following day Rosetta was summoned to surrender, but without effect. Batteries were therefore speedily erected, and a position was taken up between the Nile and the gate of Alexandria; but, from the paucity of the troops, it was found impossible to invest the town on all sides, or prevent a free communication across the Nile to the Delta. The batteries opened their fire; but with no other effect than damaging some of the houses.

The enemy having erected some batteries on the Delta for the purpose of taking the British batteries in flank, Major James Macdonell of the 78th, with 250 men, under Lieutenant John Robertson, and 40 seamen from the Tigre, were detached on the 16th across the river, opposite to Abûmandûr, to destroy these batteries. To conceal his movements, Major Macdonell made a considerable circuit, and coming upon the rear of the batteries at sunrise, attacked the enemy, and driving him from the batteries, turned the guns upon the town. But as the enemy soon collected in considerable force, he destroyed the batteries, and embarking the guns, recrossed the river with only four men wounded.

General Stewart had been daily looking for a reinforcement of Mamelukes from Upper Egypt; but he was disappointed in this expectation. While a detachment of De Rolle’s, under Major Vogelsang of that regiment, occupied El Hamet, another detachment, consisting of five companies of the Highlanders, two of the 35th Regiment, and a few cavalry and artillery under Lieut.-Colonel Macleod, was sent on the 20th to occupy a broad dyke or embankment, which, with a dry canal, runs between the Nile and the Lake Etko, a distance of about two miles. On reaching his destination, Colonel Macleod stationed his men, amounting to 720, in three divisions, with an equal number of dragoons and artillery between each. One of these he disposed on the banks of the Nile, another in the centre, and the third upon the dry canal.

Meanwhile the enemy was meditating an attack on the position, and on the morning of the 21st, while numerous detached bodies of their cavalry began to assemble round the British posts, a flotilla of about 70 djerms or large boats full of troops was observed slowly descending the Nile. With the intention of concentrating his force, and of retreating if necessary to the camp at Rosetta, Colonel Macleod proceeded to the post on the right, occupied by a company of the 35th and the Highland grenadiers. He had not, however, sufficient time to accomplish this object, as the enemy left their boats with great rapidity; and while they advanced on the left and centre posts, their cavalry, with a body of Albanian infantry, surrounded the right of the position, and attacked it furiously at all points. Colonel Macleod formed his men into a square, which, for a long time, resisted every effort of the enemy. Had this handful of men been attacked in one or two points only, they might have charged the enemy; but they were so completely surrounded that they could not venture to charge to any front of the square, as they would have been assailed in the rear the moment they faced round. At every successive charge made by the cavalry, who attempted, at the point of the bayonets, to cut down the troops, the square was lessened, the soldiers closing in upon the vacancies as their comrades fell. These attacks, though irregular, were bold, and the dexterity with which the assailants handled their swords proved fatal to the British.

This unequal contest continued till Colonel Macleod and all the officers and men were killed, with the exception of Captain Colin Mackay of the 78th and eleven Highlanders, and as many more of the 35th.[492] With this small band, Captain Mackay, who was severely wounded, determined to make a desperate push to join the centre, and several succeeded in the attempt; but the rest were either killed or wounded. Captain Mackay received two wounds, and was about reaching the post when an Arab horseman cut at his neck with such force that his head would have been severed from his body, had not the blow been in some measure neutralised by the cape of his coat and a stuffed neckcloth. The sabre, however, cut to the bone, and the captain fell flat on the ground, when he was taken up by Sergeant (afterwards Lieutenant) Waters, who alone escaped unhurt, and carried by him to the post.

During their contest with the right, the enemy made little exertions against the other posts; but when, by the destruction of the first, they had gained an accession of disposable force, they made a warm onset on the centre. An attempt was at first made to oppose them; but the commanding officer soon saw that resistance was hopeless, and desirous of saving the lives of his men, he hung out a white handkerchief as a signal of surrender. The firing accordingly ceased, and the left, following the example of the centre, also surrendered. A general scramble of a most extraordinary kind now ensued amongst the Turks for prisoners, who, according to their custom, became the private property of the captors. In this melée the British soldiers were pulled about with little ceremony, till the more active amongst the Turkish soldiery had secured their prey, after which they were marched a little distance up the river, where the captors were paid seven dollars for every prisoner they had taken. Some of the horsemen, less intent upon prize-money than their companions, amused themselves by galloping about, each with the head of a British soldier stuck upon the point of his lance.

When General Stewart was informed of the critical situation of Colonel Macleod’s detachment, he marched towards Etko, expecting that it would retreat in that direction; but not falling in with it he proceeded to El Hamet, where, on his arrival, he learned its unfortunate fall. With a force so much reduced by the recent disaster, and in the face of an enemy emboldened by success and daily increasing in numbers, it was vain to think of reducing Rosetta, and therefore General Stewart determined to return to Alexandria. He accordingly commenced his retreat, followed by the enemy, who sallied out from Rosetta; but although the sandy plain over which he marched was peculiarly favourable to their cavalry, they were kept in effectual check by the 35th and the 78th. No further hostile operations were attempted; and the prisoners, who had been sent to Cairo, having been released by capitulation, the whole army embarked for Sicily on the 22nd of September.

The loss of the 78th at El Hamet was 159 men, with Lieut.-Colonel Patrick Macleod, younger of Geanies, Lieutenants William Mackenzie Dick, Christopher Macrae, and Archibald Christie, killed. The officers taken prisoners were Captain Colin Campbell Mackay (severely wounded), Lieutenants John Matheson, Malcolm Macgregor, Alexander Gallie, P. Ryrie and Joseph Gregory (wounded), with Assistant-Surgeon Alexander Leslie.

“The death of Lieut.-Colonel Macleod was sincerely regretted by the battalion which he had hitherto commanded since its formation, and confirmed by his own example. He ever laboured to render the relative duties of officers and men merely habitual; his chief object was to establish a high character to his corps, and those common interests by which he found means to unite every individual. The regiment still embraces his memory, which, combined with every pleasing retrospect to our little history, shall long be cherished amongst us with feelings of fraternal attachment and sincere respect.”[493]

After returning to Sicily, the 78th joined an expedition under Sir John Moore, intended for Lisbon; but the regiment was withdrawn, and ordered to England, where it landed, and was marched to Canterbury in the spring of 1808.

About this time several changes took place amongst the field-officers of the regiment. Lieutenant-Colonel Hercules Scott of the 1st battalion was removed to the 103d Regiment, and was succeeded by Major John Macleod from the 56th. Major David Stewart was promoted to the lieutenant-colonelcy of the Royal West India Rangers, and was succeeded by Major Robert Hamilton from the 79th Highlanders.

Shortly after the return of the regiment to England, it obtained a considerable accession of recruits raised from several Scotch militia regiments, chiefly from that of Perthshire, by Major David Stewart, who, in consequence of a wound received at Maida, had been obliged to return to Scotland. A detachment of 400 men, including 350 of the newly-raised men (of whom 280 were six feet in height and upwards, and of a proportionate strength of limb and person), was drafted to reinforce the second battalion in India. The remainder of the second battalion was then removed from Little Hampton, in Sussex, where they had been for a short time quartered, to the Isle of Wight, where they remained till August 1809, when a detachment of 370 men, with officers and non-commissioned officers, was sent on the unfortunate expedition to Walcheren, being incorporated with a battalion commanded by the Honourable Lieutenant-Colonel Cochrane. The men suffered greatly from fever and ague, which affected the rest of the troops, and were so emaciated that they did not recover their usual strength till the following year. Another draft of all the men fit for service in India was made in 1810, and joined the first battalion at Goa on the eve of the departure of the expedition against Batavia in 1811.

Lieut.-General Mackenzie-Fraser had had the command of a division in the Walcheren expedition, but the fever spared neither rank nor age, and the gallant and veteran colonel of the Ross-shire Buffs was struck down, and expired, to the inexpressible grief of the regiment, with which he had been connected since it was first raised. “’Twas now that we were doomed to sustain a loss, which was keenly felt by every rank, in the death of Lieut.-General Mackenzie-Fraser, adored in our first battalion, to whom his virtues were more particularly known; the same manifest qualities could not fail to have endeared him to every member of the second, and to draw from it a genuine tribute of heart-felt regret, whilst it mingles with the public voice its filial homage to the memory of such uncommon worth. Individually we lament the departure of a father and a friend--as a regiment we would weep over the ashes of the most beloved of colonels! Although the undeviating advocate of discipline and good order, never did the star of rank impose a humiliating deference upon those whose affection and esteem he never failed to secure by his boundless benevolence and gentle manners. To indulge in this heart-felt eulogy is not peculiarly our province--his country has already weighed his value--and in its acknowledgments he has amply received what was ever the proudest meed of his soul.”[494]

Lieut.-General Sir James Craig succeeded to the command of the regiment on the 15th of September 1809, and on his death, about eighteen months afterwards, the colonelcy was conferred on Sir Samuel Auchmuty.

On the 10th of January, the same day that it landed, the 78th marched to Oudenbosch, the head-quarters of Sir Thomas Graham,[495] and his force of 8000 men, and the following day proceeded to Rosendaal, and thence to Calmpthout. General Bülow had established his headquarters at Breda, and the object of the allied commanders was the investiture and reduction of Antwerp, and the destruction of the docks and shipping. On the 12th Colonel Macleod was ordered to march, so as to come up with the division of Major-General Kenneth Mackenzie, then moving upon Capelle, and arrived just before dark, when, notwithstanding a most fatiguing day’s march, it was found that only three men had fallen out. On the 13th the division was under arms an hour before daylight, and on the arrival of Sir Thomas Graham, Colonel John Macleod was appointed to the command of a brigade, consisting of the 25th (2nd battalion), 33rd, 56th, and 78th, when the command of the latter regiment devolved on Lieut.-Colonel Lindsay. The divisions of Majors-General Kenneth Mackenzie and Cooke, with their guns, were put in motion about 8 o’clock, on the road to Eeckeren, with the intention of feeling the environs of Antwerp, and reconnoitring the position of the enemy’s fleet, in conjunction with the advance of General Bülow’s corps. It was deemed necessary for this purpose to dispossess the enemy of the village of Merxem, within a few hundred yards of the outworks, and this service was confided by Major-General Mackenzie to Colonel Macleod.

The 78th, previously the left centre battalion of the brigade, was now brought to the front, by the special order of Sir Thomas Graham; and its light company, together with that of the 95th (rifle regiment), commenced skirmishing with the enemy among the hedges and thick underwood in advance, and to the left of the road. The regiment then moved forward in oblique échelon through the fields on the right, and formed line on the leading division. In advancing it became exposed to the fire of the enemy’s sharp-shooters, who were firing from behind the hedges in front, the light companies of the 78th and 95th, having uncovered to the left when the line moved forward. It, however, wisely reserved its fire, as it would have had but little effect from the formation of the ground, which was completely intersected with hedges and frozen ditches; but a full view of the enemy was shortly after obtained in a small field close to the village. They appeared to be numerous, but retired before the fire of the 78th, which now opened and appeared to gall them very much. Colonel Macleod, seeing the necessity of an immediate assault, ordered up the Highlanders, who, without a moment’s hesitation, rushed forward at the charge, and falling upon the enemy, drove them through and beyond the village. The light company had crossed the Breda Chaussée (which intersected the advance of the battalion, and forms the principle street of the village), and making a detour round that part of the village beyond it, swept everything before it, and came up on the flank of the battalion, which had arrived on the Antwerp side. “Every appearance at the time, and subsequent accounts from sources likely to be correct, give reason to believe that there were upwards of 3000 men (the French themselves admit of 4 battalions), put to the most shameful flight by the 78th, not quite 300 men, and about 40 riflemen; and it may be assumed that the panic struck that day into the garrison of Antwerp prevented any subsequent sortie from the garrison till the day it was given up.”

In their determined and steady onslaught, the 78th was exposed on both flanks to the fire of the enemy who were posted in houses commanding the entrance to the village, and had the regiment hesitated in its movements, their loss must have been very severe; but the rapidity with which they carried out their orders ensured success with a comparatively small loss. The enemy left a large number of killed and wounded in the street, and the regiment took 25 prisoners. Among the dead was found the body of the French Général-de-division, Avy, said to have been an excellent officer. The loss of the regiment in killed was Ensign James Ormsby, who carried the regimental colour, with nine rank and file left on the field; Lieutenant William Mackenzie, who was mortally wounded through the body, and died next morning upon the waggons, going to Calmpthout. Colonel Macleod was very severely wounded in the arm; and Captain Sime and Lieutenants Bath and Chisholm were also severely wounded. Lieutenant Mackenzie was extremely regretted by his brother officers, as he was a young man of a clear and strong mind, and a most promising officer.

His Excellency Sir Thomas Graham, in a general order of January 13th, spoke of the conduct of the 78th and other regiments engaged in the highest terms. “No veteran troops,” he said, “ever behaved better than these men, who met the enemy the first time, and whose discipline and gallantry reflect great credit on themselves and their officers.”

This was the only enterprise in which the Highlanders were engaged in the Netherlands. Their duties, until the return of the battalion to Scotland in 1816, were confined to the ordinary details of garrison duty at Brussels, Nieuwpoort, and other places.

In the month of March 1815, when in daily expectation of returning to England, accounts were received of the change of affairs in France. Napoleon had returned from Elba, the Bourbons had fled, and the hundred days had commenced. Orders were therefore issued immediately for the army to be in readiness to take the field.

Nieuwpoort, a garrison town, nine miles from Ostend, and regarded as a frontier fortress, had been suffered to fall into a state of dilapidation when in the hands of the French, and since it had come into the possession of the government of the Netherlands, they had done nothing towards placing it in an efficient state for defence. A company of German artillery, with some guns and stores, was sent there on the 19th of March, and the 2nd battalion of the 78th, mustering about 250 effective men, followed on the 22nd, when the garrison was placed under the command of Colonel Macleod. Little respite from duty or labour was to be expected until the place was put out of all danger of being taken by a coup-de-main. On the 24th the garrison was augmented by a Hanoverian battalion, of between 500 and 600 men, and the works progressed so quickly, that they were completed and inspected by His Grace the Duke of Wellington on the 17th of April. At this time the battalion was the least effective British regiment in the Netherlands in point of numbers, and when the army commenced its operations, it was so much further reduced by the unhealthiness of its station, as to have 70, 80, and finally 100 men totally disabled by ague. It was therefore, unhappily, condemned to the daily routine of garrison duty and labour, and did not share in that glorious campaign which culminated in the victory of Waterloo.

After repeated representations to the authorities of the extreme unhealthiness of their quarters, and the alarming increase of the numbers on the sick list, the matter happened to come to the ears of the commander of the forces, when His Grace ordered the immediate removal of the 78th to Brussels. Here it remained for more than three months. During its former stay it had greatly ingratiated itself with the inhabitants, and on the present occasion, as soon as the rumour of its departure was circulated among them, they did all they could to have the order rescinded. Failing this, the Mayor of the city was called upon to make, in their name, the following declaration:--

“As Mayor of Brussels, I have pleasure in declaring that the Scotch Highlanders, who were garrisoned in the city during the years 1814 and 1815, called forth the attachment and esteem of all by the mildness and suavity of their manners and excellent conduct, insomuch that a representation was made to me by the inhabitants, requesting me to endeavour to detain the 78th regiment of Scotchmen in the town, and to prevent their being replaced by other troops.”

Brussels was the last quarters of the battalion before its return home, but the same spirit as that breathed in the above testimony had been apparent in every part of the country. In no town was the regiment stationed where the inhabitants did not hail its advent with pleasure, and witness its departure with regret.

“This battalion was no more employed except on garrison duties, in the course of which the men conducted themselves so as to secure the esteem of the people of Flanders; as their countrymen of the Black Watch had done seventy years before. It is interesting to observe, at such distant periods, the similarity of character on the one hand, and of feelings of respect on the other. In examining the notices of what passed in 1744 and 1745, we find that an inhabitant of Flanders was happy to have a Highlander quartered in his house, as he was not only kind and peaceable in his own demeanour, but protected his host from the depredations and rudeness of others. We find also that in Germany, in 1761 and 1762, in regard to Keith’s Highlanders, much was said of ‘the kindness of their dispositions in everything, for the boors were much better treated by those savages, than by the polished French and English.’ When such accounts are read and compared with those of what passed in 1814 and 1815, in which it is stated that ‘they were kind as well as brave’--‘enfans de la famille’--‘Lions in the field, and lambs in the house;’--when these accounts of remote and recent periods are compared, they display a steadiness of principle not proceeding from accidental occurrences, but the result of natural dispositions originally humane and honourable.

“It is only justice to mention, that it was the conduct of this battalion, for eighteen months previous to June 1815, that laid the foundation of that favourable impression in the Netherlands, which was confirmed by the 42nd, and the other Highland regiments who had arrived only just previous to the battle of Waterloo, so that little could have been known to the Flemish of what their conduct in quarters might prove. Enough was known, however, to cause a competition among the inhabitants who should receive them into their houses.”[496]

On the 24th of December, orders had been received to reduce the regiment by four companies, and the supernumerary officers had proceeded home.

The six remaining companies marched from Brussels, on the 5th of February, 1816, to Ostend, where they embarked for England, three companies sailing on the 10th, and three on the 11th. The right wing landed at Ramsgate on the 12th, and was ordered to march immediately to Deal Barracks. The left wing arrived at Ramsgate on the 16th, and was forwarded to Canterbury, where it was joined by the right wing next day.

Major-General Sir George Cooke, K.C.B., having been ordered to inspect the regiment, and report upon the number of men fit for service in India, and those to be discharged or placed in veteran battalions, found 20 sergeants, 9 drummers, and 253 rank and file fit for Indian service; and this being reported to the Horse Guards, the men were ordered to be held in readiness for embarkation, to join the 1st battalion.

An order for reducing the 2nd battalion was received from the Horse Guards, and carried into effect on the 29th of February 1816, the effective non-commissioned officers and men being transferred to the 1st battalion.

The colours of the regiment were presented to Colonel Macleod by Sir Samuel Auchmuty, the colonel of the regiment, to be by him preserved as “a pledge of the mutual attachment which subsisted between himself and the battalion.”

To the records of the 2nd battalion Colonel Macleod appended the following remarks:--

“Colonel Macleod, in reading over the history of the 2nd battalion of the 78th Regiment, and considering its progress and termination under such happy circumstances, would do violence to his own feelings did he not subjoin his testimony to the interesting narrative in which he bore his share for nine years of the period. Were he capable of doing justice to his sentiments on a review of the proceedings of that period of his services in the battalion, those results from the grateful and best feelings of his heart must render the expression of them impracticable.

“To record the merits of all the officers that served under him would be unavailing, but he will sum up with an assertion, that no commanding officer in His Majesty’s service has the pride to boast of never having for nine years found it necessary to place an officer under arrest; that no regulation for the discipline of the army had ever been violated, and that in every instance the rules of good breeding regulated the discharge of the duties of the officer and the gentleman; he never witnessed a dispute at the mess-table, nor ever heard of a quarrel from it: with what pleasure must he ever meet those who contributed so much to his personal comforts as a friend, and pride as an officer.

“To the conduct of the non-commissioned officers and men his exultation is equally due in their degree; their order and discipline on every occasion attracted the notice and approbation of general officers and inhabitants in quarters, and their marked admiration in the field. For their individual and collective attachment to him, he must ever consider them the dutiful children of a fond parent....

“As a lasting testimony of his approbation, and thanks to Lieut.-Colonel Lindsay, Major Macpherson, Major Colin Mackay, Lieut. and Adjutant Smith, Lieut. Chisholm, Quartermaster Gunn, and Surgeon Munro, the field officers and staff who so ably assisted him in the more immediate discharge of his duties at the concluding services of the battalion, he desires that their names, as well as that of every officer composing the battalion, may be inserted in this conclusion of the narrative. He will retain a copy of it to remind him of those who have been his faithful friends, his valuable associates, and sharers in his everlasting esteem.”

The reduction having been carried into effect, and the claims of the men to be discharged settled, the dépôt proceeded to Aberdeen, where it remained quartered till July 1817, when it was joined by the 1st battalion newly returned from India, and the two battalions of the 78th were once more consolidated.

On the 13th of July 1817, the 1st battalion landed at Aberdeen, and marched into barracks occupied by the dépôt of the 2nd battalion, with which it was immediately amalgamated, and the regiment has since remained as a single battalion. The regiment, now consisting of 638 rank and file, maintained its headquarters at Aberdeen, with detachments at Perth, and Forts George, William, and Augustus.[497]

Having received a route for Ireland, the headquarters marched from Aberdeen on the 31st of October, embarked at Port Patrick on the 22nd of November, and a few hours later landed at Donaghadee. Thence the regiment proceeded to Belfast, and having there received orders for Mullingar, it marched thither, and arrived at its destination on the 3rd of December; headquarters and four companies remained at Mullingar, and the remaining five (the 5th company being still in India), under Lieut.-Colonel Lindsay, proceeded to Tullamore, two small detachments being sent to Ballymahon and Longford.

We need not follow the movements of the 78th during its stay in Ireland for nearly nine years, during which time it was broken up into numerous detachments, stationed at various small towns throughout the country, for the purpose of keeping in check the many disturbers of the peace with whom the country was at this period infested. Wherever the regiment was stationed while in Ireland at this time, it invariably won the good-will and respect of the magistrates and people. When about to leave Mullingar, in June 1819, an extremely flattering series of resolutions was sent to Colonel Macleod by a meeting of magistrates and gentlemen held at Trim.

In October 1818 the Highland Society of London presented to the regiment twenty-five copies of the Poems of Ossian in Gaelic, “to be disposed of by the commanding officer of the regiment in such manner as he may judge most expedient, and as best calculated to promote the views of the Society.” At the same time the secretary of the Highland Society conveyed the high respect which the Society entertained “for that national and distinguished corps and the wish on their part that it may long continue to cherish, as it now does, the noble sentiments of the patriotic Ossian.” We need scarcely say that these sentiments were warmly reciprocated by Colonel Macleod, who then commanded the 78th. About a year after this, in September 1819, Colonel Macleod was promoted to the rank of major-general, and was succeeded in the command of the regiment by Lieutenant-Colonel Lindsay, who, on the reduction of the establishment of the regiment in September 1818, had been placed on half-pay.

The regiment was reviewed by the Right Honourable Sir David Baird, Commander of the Forces,[498] on the 24th of July, when its appearance and steadiness called forth his highest approbation.

On the 11th of August 1822, Lieutenant-General Sir Samuel Auchmuty, G.C.B., colonel of the regiment, died in Dublin, having been, a short time previously, appointed to the command of the forces in Ireland. He was succeeded in the regiment by Major-General Sir Edward Barnes, K.C.B.

When the regiment left Kilkenny for Dublin, in August 1824, a letter was received from the grand jury of the county Kilkenny, expressive of their high sense of the good conduct of the regiment during its stay of two years and a half in that county, and of their satisfaction at the unanimity which had at all times prevailed between them and the inhabitants. The regiment would have changed its station the preceding year, but was allowed to remain at the particular request of the gentlemen of the county. Lieut.-Colonel Lindsay was appointed a magistrate of the counties of Kilkenny and Carlow, and Captain Lardy a magistrate of Carlow.

On the 13th of January 1826, the regiment moved from Fermoy to Cork. Orders were received on the 26th of January for the regiment to hold itself in readiness to embark for Ceylon, in consequence of which four service companies and six dépôt companies were immediately formed. On the 7th of March new arms were issued to the six service companies, and a selection of the old ones made for the dépôt. The old arms had been in possession more than nine years, but not having been originally good, were considered unfit to be taken to a foreign station. Some of the arms issued as new had been previously for a short time in the possession of the 42nd Highlanders.

The service companies of the regiment embarked at the Cove of Cork on board three ships, which sailed together on the morning of the 23rd of April, and arrived at Colombo on the 9th, the 17th, and the 28th of August respectively, after a favourable passage.

The regiment remained in garrison at Colombo, from its disembarkation until the 2nd of October 1828, when the first division marched for Kandy.

“It was a great satisfaction to the officers of the regiment, to receive from the officers of the civil service their testimony to the good conduct of the men, that during nearly three years’ residence in Kandy no complaint had ever been made of ill treatment or injustice by them to any of the natives.”

On the 2nd of August 1831, the regiment received routes for four companies to Trincomalee, and to Galle. The companies for Trincomalee, with the headquarters, disembarked at their destination on the 22nd of August.

A year after its arrival the station was attacked by cholera in its most malignant form, and the regiment suffered severely.

The crisis of the disease, both in the fort and in the hulk, was from the night of the 22nd to that of the 24th; in these 48 hours 25 men died. The cases after that became gradually fewer and less virulent, and, by the 2nd of November, the disease may be said to have entirely left the fort, though it continued to rage among the natives outside for a month or six weeks longer. Altogether, in the 78th, there were attacked 132 men, 10 women, and 3 children, and of these there died 56 men, 2 women, and 1 child.

The regiment, after this lamentable visitation, became tolerably healthy, and continued so during the remainder of its stay at Trincomalee; it returned to Colombo in October and November 1834, and remained there until September 1835, when it was ordered to Kandy.

Colonel Lindsay having embarked on leave of absence to England on the 11th of April 1836, the command of the regiment devolved on Major Douglas, who eventually succeeded to the lieutenant-colonelcy, on Colonel Lindsay selling out in April 1837.

The regiment remained in Kandy, detaching a company to Nuwera Ellia, until the orders were received for its return to England on the 28th of March 1837; and on the 1st and 3rd of August it marched in two divisions to Colombo. At the different inspections, Sir John Wilson, the Major-General commanding, expressed his satisfaction with the general appearance and conduct of the regiment, and previous to the embarkation on its return to England, he issued an order conveying the high opinion he had formed of officers and men during their service in Ceylon.

Two companies had embarked on board the “Numa” transport on the 15th of May, and on the 2nd of September following the headquarters embarked on board the “Barossa” transport, and sailed next day.

The deaths which took place during the service of the regiment in Ceylon were--Captains Macleod and Lardy, Paymaster Chisholm, and Assistant-Surgeon Duncan, with 295 men. Detachments had been received at various periods, but of the original number embarked from England, 1 field officer, 2 captains, 1 subaltern, 2 regimental staff, 3 sergeants, 4 drummers, and 208 rank and file returned. The total strength of the regiment on embarkation for England was--1 lieutenant-colonel, 5 captains, 9 subalterns, 3 regimental staff, 30 sergeants, 10 drummers, and 363 rank and file.

The headquarters landed at Limerick on the 9th of February 1838. The division in the “Numa” transport had previously landed at the same place in November 1837, both vessels having been driven into the Shannon by stress of weather and shortness of provisions. In the headquarters’ ship, owing to its being later in the season, the officers and men suffered more severely from the intense cold and wet.

The detachment in the “Numa” transport, after landing, had joined the dépôt at Cork, and the headquarters, after remaining three weeks in Limerick to recover from the general debility occasioned by their late sufferings, marched to Buttevant, where the service and dépôt companies were reunited.

The regiment brought home a young elephant (an elephant being the regimental badge), which had been presented to the officers in Kandy by Major Firebrace of the 58th, and which had been trained to march at the head of the band.

Orders having been given to permit volunteers to be transferred to the 71st, 85th, and 93rd Regiments, to complete these corps previous to their embarking for America, 23 men volunteered to the 71st, and 38 to the 85th; 28 men were discharged as unfit for further service, thus leaving the regiment 183 below its establishment.

The regiment having been ordered to Glasgow, embarked in steamers at Cork, and landed in two divisions on the 8th of June 1838. In Glasgow it remained until August 1839, when it was ordered to Edinburgh. The establishment had been completed in June, and in August the order for augmenting regiments to 800 rank and file was promulgated, when the regiment recommenced recruiting, and finally completed its number in January 1840.

On the 17th of July the regiment embarked at Glasgow for Liverpool, where it arrived on the 22nd. Headquarters were at Burnley, and detachments were sent out to various places.

The regiment remained thus detached, in consequence of disturbances which had taken place in the manufacturing towns of Lancashire, until the 23rd of June 1841, when it was moved to Manchester. This was the first time the regiment had been together since its return from Ceylon. It left Manchester for Dublin on the 19th of November, and on the 1st of April 1842, it re-embarked for Liverpool, and proceeded by train to Canterbury, where it arrived on the 8th, having been ordered to hold itself in readiness for India. Volunteers were received from the 72nd, 79th, 92nd, and 93rd Highlanders, and from the 55th Regiment. The embarkation, on board six ships, was very hurried, owing to the disastrous news received from India.

The elephant, which had been brought from Ceylon, was presented to the Zoological Society of Edinburgh, previous to the regiment leaving Dublin.

The 78th sailed from Gravesend about the end of May, in various ships, and had arrived in Bombay by the 30th of July, with the exception of the “Lord Lynedoch,” which did not arrive until a month after. The regiment landed at Panwel, en route for Poonah, marching by the same road that it took in 1803, when proceeding to reinstate the Peishwah on his musnud.

The regiment was quartered in Poonah until the 7th of April 1843, when it was ordered to Sindh. The right wing marched on the 7th. Lieutenant-Colonel Douglas being ordered on special duty to Sindh, the command of the regiment was taken over by Major Forbes. After several contradictory orders, a final order was received at Khandallah, to leave the families and heavy baggage, and embark immediately at Panwel for Kurrâchee. There the headquarters and five companies landed on the 20th of May. The left wing having joined from Bombay after the rains, the regiment marched for Sukhur in two divisions. There was no beaten track, and native guides were procured to lead the column, but even these frequently went astray. The march was sometimes through dreary wastes of heavy sand, dotted with the cactus and other bushes, and at other times through the dry bed of a river. Frequently, when the regiment halted, there was no sign of water to be seen, but by digging a few feet down, in certain spots, the water would suddenly well up, and in a short time form a little pond. The water would subside again after some hours, but men, camp followers, and cattle, received their supply, and the skins and other vessels would meanwhile be filled. The regiment marched into Sukhur apparently in excellent health, but disease must have been contracted on the way up, when passing through swampy tracts where the heat of the sun had engendered malaria.

“The excitement of the march kept the scourge from showing itself, but no sooner had the men settled in their barracks than a most virulent fever broke out, which continued, without cessation, throughout the stay of the regiment. Some lingered for weeks, some for days. It was not unfrequent to hear of the death of a man to whom one had spoken but half an hour previously. The hospital, a large one, was of course filled at once; some of the barrack-rooms were converted into wards, and at one time there were upwards of 800 men under treatment. Some hundreds of the less dangerously affected were marched about, a few paces, morning and evening, in hopes that by their being called ‘convalescent,’ the mind might act beneficially on the body, but as death called them away the group became less and less.

“Day after day we attended at the hospital for, in fact, funeral parade; for four or five, and then eight or nine, men died daily; you did not ask who had died, but how many. Firing parties were discontinued, not only that the sad volleys might not disturb the dying, but because there were no men for the duty. In the graveyard at Sukhur lie the bodies of hundreds of the regiment--officers, men, women, and children. Major-General Simpson, Sir Charles Napier’s lieutenant (who afterwards commanded our armies in the Crimea), was at Sukhur at the time, and on his return to Hyderabad, caused to be erected there at his own expense a monument to the memory of all those who died, which feeling and tender act filled our hearts with the warmest gratitude. It was the spontaneous effusion of a truly noble mind. The remains of the regiment also erected a monument in St Giles’ Cathedral, Edinburgh, to the memory of their comrades who died in Sindh.

“The regiment lost, between the 1st of September 1844 and 30th of April 1845, 3 officers, 532 men, 68 women, 134 children--total, 737 souls.

“The medical men attributed the sickness in a great degree to the improper time at which the regiment was moved, and the malaria engendered by the heat of the sun on the swampy plains which had been overflowed by the Indus. The deaths continued very frequent all the time we remained, and at last, on the 21st and 25th of December 1844, we embarked, or rather the men crawled, on board common country boats, which conveyed us to Hyderabad. These boats were very imperfectly chuppered, i.e., straw, reed, or matting roofed. The sun struck through the thatching by day, and the very heavy dews penetrated it by night, when it was extremely cold. When we moored in the evening we used to bury our dead, and I sewed up many of the poor fellows in their blankets and rugs, the only substitutes for a coffin we had. We dug the graves deep, and with the bodies buried the boxes and everything else that had belonged to them. We put layers of thorns inside, round, and on the top of the graves, in hopes of preserving the remains of our poor comrades from the attacks of the troops of jackals swarming in the neighbourhood. There were no stones to be had, so thorns and bushes well beaten down were all the protection we could give. We were much pleased on learning afterwards that in many cases our efforts had been successful, and that the wild people who live near the river had respected the graves of the white men. The two divisions of the regiment buried between Sukhur and Hyderabad, nearly 100 men, besides women and children. After its arrival the mortality still continued very great, and it was not until the warm weather set in that the sickness began to abate. The miserable remains of as fine a regiment as ever was seen, left Hyderabad in two parties, on the 24th of February and 4th of March 1845, respectively, for the mouth of the river, whence they went by steamer to Bombay. Some of the officers of the regiment, myself among the number, were detained in Sindh on court-martial duty; when relieved some went to Bombay via Kurrâchee, and at the latter place heard reports to the effect that the mortality in the regiment was to be attributed to intemperance. Indignation at this cruel and false charge, which was reported to Major Twopeny, caused him to write to Sir Charles Napier’s military secretary. Had not some of the officers of the regiment passed through Kurrâchee, these reports might have been believed, for every exertion was made at the time to persuade the public that climate had nothing to do with the disease. There was not a murmur heard in the regiment all the time of the plague, but the survivors were determined to relieve the memory of their dead from such a charge, and prove that the will of God, and not alcohol, had caused the mortality. The canteen returns showed how little liquor had been consumed, and the officers, who daily visited the hospital and the barracks, not only in the common course of duty, but to tend, comfort, and read to the men, could not fail to have observed any irregularity, had any existed. The poor dying men were not thinking of intoxicating liquors, but met death with the utmost firmness and resignation. It was an accursed charge, and cannot be too highly censured. When relieved from duty, the officers who had been detained joined the wreck of the regiment at Fort George, Bombay. Invaliding committees sat, and most of the survivors were sent home, so that but a very small remnant of that once splendid corps slowly took its way to Poonah, which, two years before, it had left full of health, strength, and hope. There the regiment got 100 volunteers from the 2nd Queen’s, then going home, and between recruiting and volunteering, by December 1845, 700 had joined. These were afterwards always known as ‘The 700.’”[499]

At Bombay 105 non-commissioned officers and men were invalided, and the regiment in one division, amounting in number to 313 (being reduced by sickness to less than one-third its strength), proceeded to Poonah on the 4th of April 1845, but did not arrive there until the 18th, being unable to march more than six or seven miles a day.

“FORT-WILLIAM, 15th August 1845.

“To the Secretary to Government, “Military Department, Bombay.

“Sir,--I am directed to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, No. 3167, of the 14th ultimo, and in reply, to express to you, for the information of the Government of Bombay, the satisfaction with which the Governor-General in Council has perused the correspondence to which it gave cover, so clearly proving, as it does, to be utterly unfounded, the report that intemperance had occasioned the sickness by which Her Majesty’s 78th Highlanders was prostrated in Sinde, and which, unhappily, proved so fatal to that fine corps.--I am, Sir, your most obedient servant,

(Signed) “J. STUART, Lieut.-Col. “Secretary to Government of India, “Military Department.”

The 78th left Goraporee lines, Poonah, on the 18th of December 1845, for Khirkee, six miles distant. The regiment returned to Poonah on the 14th of February 1846, and marched for Belgaum, under command of Lieutenant-Colonel Douglas, who died of fever at Hyderabad on the 1st of October 1849, while on staff employ, and was succeeded by Major Walter Hamilton.

After being stationed at Khirkee and Belgaum for some time, the regiment left Belgaum for Bombay and Aden, on the 6th and 7th of November 1849. The left wing, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel W. Hamilton, arrived at Aden on the 25th, and the right wing, under the command of Major H. Stisted, proceeded to Colabba, Bombay, where it arrived on the 16th of the same month. An exchange of wings took place in October 1850, the headquarters still remaining at Aden.

During the year 1851 the Arab tribes round Aden committed several outrages, in one of which, near Labaj, in the month of March, Lieutenant Macpherson of the 78th was very dangerously wounded, having been stabbed in no fewer than seven places. About a fortnight after this affair, as Lieutenant Delisser of the regiment was riding to Steamer Point (about five miles distant from the barracks), at eight o’clock A.M., he was attacked by an Arab, armed with a crease or dagger, and wounded severely in the arm and slightly in the stomach. Lieutenant Delisser got off his horse, and, seizing the Arab, wrested the crease from his hand, and with one blow nearly severed his head from his body. The corpse was afterwards hung in chains at the entrance to the fortifications from the interior.

The regiment being ordered to Poonah, the left wing, consisting of the light and Nos. 5, 6, and 7 companies, under command of Major Colin Campbell M’Intyre, left Bombay for that station on the 10th of February 1853, and arrived on the 18th of the same month. The right wing left Aden for Poonah in three detachments in January and February; and thus, after a separation of upwards of three years, the regiment was once more united at Poonah on the 5th of March 1853.

In the month of May 1854 new accoutrements and colours were furnished to the regiment by the estate of the late General Paul Anderson. The alteration in the new accoutrements consisted in a waist and cross-belt, instead of double cross-belts.

The clothing of the whole army having been altered in the year 1856, the regiment was supplied with the Highland jacket.

IV.

1857.

War declared with Persia--Expedition despatched--Gen. Stalker takes Resheer and Busheer--A second division despatched, of which the 78th forms part, and the whole placed under command of Sir James Outram--Expedition to Boorasjoon and destruction of the enemy’s stores--Night attack and battle of KOOSHAB--General Havelock joins the second division--Naval and military expedition up the Euphrates--Mohammrah bombarded and taken--Flight of the Shah-zada, Prince Khander Meerza, and his army--The Persian camps occupied--Expedition to Ahwaz, on the Karoon--The Shah-zada and his troops fly from 300 men to Shuster--Total destruction of the Persian dépôts of provisions at Ahwaz--Return of the expedition--Peace signed--Havelock’s opinion of the 78th--The 78th sail from Persia, and arrive safely at Calcutta.

The Governor-General of India having declared war against Persia on the 1st of November 1856, an expedition was despatched the same month from Bombay to the Persian Gulf. The force consisted of one division only, comprising two infantry brigades, with cavalry, artillery, and engineers, the whole under the command of Major-General Stalker. Its strength was 5670 fighting men, of whom 2270 were Europeans, with 3750 followers, 1150 horses, and 430 bullocks, and its equipment and embarkation were completed in an incredibly short space of time, chiefly owing to the manly exertions of Lord Elphinstone, the Governor of Bombay. On the 6th of December a sufficiently large portion of the fleet arrived off Busheer to commence operations, and on the 7th a landing was effected at Ras Hallila, about twelve or thirteen miles below Busheer. On the 9th the expedition advanced against Resheer, which, after some resistance, was taken. Next day General Stalker formed his line of attack against Busheer, but after a bombardment of four hours, the Governor surrendered, and the garrison, to the number of about 2000 men, laid down their arms, and being conducted into the country, were set at liberty. Sixty-five pieces of artillery were found in the town, which now became the head-quarters of the army, an entrenched camp being formed, with a ditch 3 feet deep and 6 feet wide, and a parapet, about a mile beyond the walls.

This expedition was subsequently reinforced by a second division, of which the 78th Highlanders formed part. Early on the morning of the 7th of January 1857 the left wing, consisting of 12 officers and 388 men, commenced its march under the command of Major M’Intyre, and the head-quarters, consisting of 16 officers and 421 men, under the command of Colonel Stisted, started on the morning of the 8th. A dépôt, consisting of 1 officer and 89 men, was left at Poonah in charge of Lieutenant Gilmore. After staying a short time at Khandallah, the regiment arrived at Bombay on the 19th, and embarked in three ships, which sailed the same day. Headquarters arrived off Busheer on July 1st, and disembarked immediately in light marching order, with no baggage except bedding, consisting of a settzingee, or cotton padded rug, and a pair of blankets. The left wing having arrived on the previous day, had already landed in the same order, and marched into the entrenched camp, where the whole regiment was assembled, occupying an outwork near the lines of the 64th Regiment, in which tents had been pitched for officers and men. Owing, however, to the insufficient supply of these, 30 men, or 2 officers and their servants, had to find accommodation in a zowtee tent, 10 feet by 8. Both officers and men were received in camp with great hospitality, the men of the different companies of the 64th and 2d Bombay Europeans sending their rations of spirits and porter to the corresponding companies of the 78th.

It had come to the notice of Sir James Outram that the Persian Government were making vast preparations for the recovery of Busheer, and that Sooja-ool-Moolk, the Persian commander, and reputed to be the best general in the Persian army, had assembled a formidable force at the town of Boorasjoon, 46 miles from Busheer, where he had formed an entrenched camp. This force consisted of a total of 8450 cavalry and infantry.

The Persian force was well supplied with food and ammunition, and it had been intended that it should form the nucleus of a very large army assembling for the recovery of Busheer.

At six o’clock in the evening of the 3d of February the following force was drawn up, in two lines of contiguous columns at quarter-distance, outside the entrenched camp:--

Cavalry--3d Bombay Light Cavalry, 243; Poona Horse, 176. Infantry (Europeans)--H.M. 64th regiment, 780; H.M. 78th Highlanders, 739; 2d Bombay European Light Infantry, 693. Infantry, &c. (Natives)--Sappers, 118; 4th Bombay Rifle Regiment, 523; 20th Regiment Bombay N.I., 442; 26th Regiment Bombay N.I., 479; Beloochee Battalion, 460. Guns--3d Troop Horse Artillery, 6; 3d Light Field Battery, 6; 5th Light Field Battery, 6. Total sabres, 419; Europeans, 2212; Natives, 2022. Total men, 4653; guns, 18.

The force was not provided with tents or extra clothing of any kind; but every man carried his great coat, blanket, and two days’ cooked provisions.

After a march of 46 miles in forty-one hours, during which the troops were exposed to the worst of weather--cold winds, deluging storms of rain and thunder, and clouds of driving sand, the greater part of the march lying through a reedy swamp--the force reached the enemy’s entrenched position near the town of Boorasjoon, on the morning of the 5th, but was only in time to find the enemy abandoning it. A smart brush, however, took place between their rearguard and the British cavalry, in which an officer and two or three troopers received some slight wounds. By two o’clock the force was in possession of the enemy’s entrenched camp, and great quantities of ammunition of all kinds, together with grain and camp equipage, were captured, the enemy having gone off in a most hurried and disorderly manner.

“The 6th and 7th of February were passed in the enemy’s position, destroying stores and searching for buried guns, which were afterwards ascertained to have been thrown down wells; their carriages and wheels, being found by us, were burned. Some treasure was also discovered, and many horses and carriage cattle secured. During this time no annoyance was experienced from the enemy, though an alarm on the night of the 6th caused the whole of the troops to stand to arms. From information received afterwards, and their own despatch, this alarm was not altogether a groundless one, as they fell up to our outposts; but finding the troops under arms, and it being a bright moonlight night, they attempted nothing. Many jokes were, however, current in camp next day on the events of the night, the picket of one regiment having taken a door prisoner, which was leaning against a bush in a most suspicious manner; and those of two other gallant corps skirmished up to, and were very nearly having a battle of their own with a patrol of the Poonah Horse. However, all passed off without accident.

“Many spies were doubtless in our camp during the entire period of our stay, and the enemy were well informed of every movement; regardless of which, however, intercourse between the villagers and camp was encouraged, and such strict precautions enforced that they should not be pillaged or ill-treated, that they were civil if not friendly, and at any rate gave no trouble.”[500]

The troops had been somewhat exhausted by their march of 46 miles through rain, mud, morass, and sand in forty-one hours; but being now recruited by their two days’ rest, and Sir James Outram having heard that the enemy had succeeded in getting his guns through the difficult pass of Maak, considered it better to rest content with the moral effect produced by the capture and destruction of their stores, and accordingly ordered a return to Busheer.

“At eight o’clock on the evening of the 7th,” Captain Hunt says, “the return march to Busheer was commenced, the column taking with it as much of the captured stores as carriage was procurable for, and the military Governor of Boorasjoon as a prisoner--this personage proving a double traitor. The General’s intention that the return march should be a leisurely one had been so widely made known through the force, that the stirring events then so shortly to occur were little indeed expected by any one.... Shortly after midnight a sharp rattle of musketry in the rear, and the opening of two horse artillery guns, put every one on the qui vive, and that an attack in force upon the rearguard was taking place became apparent to all. The column at once halted, and then moved back to extricate the baggage and protecting troops. These, however, were so ably handled by Colonel Honnor (who was in command) as to need little assistance, save for the increasing numbers of the assailants.

“In about half an hour after the first shot was fired, not the rearguard only, but the entire force, was enveloped in a skirmishing fire. Horsemen galloped round on all sides, yelling and screaming like fiends, and with trumpets and bugles making as much noise as possible. One of their buglers had the audacity to go close to a skirmishing company of the Highlanders, and sound first the ‘Cease fire,’ and afterwards, ‘Incline to the left,’ escaping in the dark. Several English officers having, but a few years since, been employed in organising the Persian troops, accounted for the knowledge of our bugle-calls, now artfully used to create confusion. The silence and steadiness of the men were most admirable, and the manœuvring of regiments that followed, in taking up position for the remaining hours of darkness, was as steady as an ordinary parade, and this during a midnight attack, with an enemy’s fire flashing in every direction, and cavalry surrounding, ready to take advantage of the slightest momentary confusion. Pride may well be felt in the steadiness of any troops under such circumstances; and how much more so when, as on the present occasion, two-thirds had never before been under an enemy’s fire. The horsemen of the enemy were at first very bold, dashing close up to the line, and on one occasion especially to the front of the 78th Highlanders; but finding that they could occasion no disorder, and having been in one or two instances roughly handled by the cavalry and horse artillery, this desultory system of attack gradually ceased, and the arrangement of the troops for the remainder of the night was effected under nothing more serious than a distant skirmishing fire. The formation adopted was an oblong, a brigade protecting each flank, and a demi-brigade the front and rear, field battery guns at intervals, and a thick line of skirmishers connecting and covering all; the horse artillery and cavalry on the flank of the face fronting the original line of march, the front and flanks of the oblong facing outwards; the baggage and followers being in the centre. When thus formed the troops lay down, waiting for daylight in perfect silence, and showing no fire or light of any kind.

“Scarcely was the formation completed when the enemy opened five heavy guns, and round shot were momentarily plunging through and over our position, the range of which they had obtained very accurately. Our batteries replied; and this cannonade continued, with occasional intervals, until near daylight, causing but few casualties, considering the duration of the fire.”

It appears that, in abandoning their position at Boorasjoon, Sooja-ool-Moolk (reputed to be the best officer in the Persian army), with his force, had taken the direct road to Shiraz by the Maak Pass, and the Elkanee, with his horse, had retired to the one leading to the Haft Moola, and that they had planned a night attack on the British camp on the night that the troops marched. The explosion of the magazine at Boorasjoon gave the Persians the first intimation of the departure of the British force, when they hastened after it, in the expectation of being able to attack it on the line of march, and possibly create confusion and panic in the dark.

At daybreak on the 8th of February the Persian force, amounting to over 6000 infantry and 2000 horse, besides several guns, was discovered on the left rear of the British (north-east of the line of march) in order of battle. The Persians were drawn up in line, their right resting on the walled village of Kooshab and a date grove, and their left on a hamlet with a round fortalice tower. Two rising mounds were in front of their centre, which served as redoubts, behind which they placed their guns; and they had deep nullahs on their right front and flank, thickly lined with skirmishers. Their cavalry, in considerable bodies, were on both flanks, commanded by the hereditary chief of the tribes in person. The whole army was commanded by Sooja-ool-Moolk.

The British artillery and cavalry at once moved rapidly to the attack, supported by two lines of infantry, a third line protecting the baggage. The first line was composed of the 78th Highlanders under Major M’Intyre, a party of Sappers on the right, the 26th Regiment Native Infantry, the 2nd European Light Infantry, and the 4th Regiment Bombay Rifles on the left of all. The second line had H.M.’s 64th Regiment on its right, then the 20th Regiment Native Infantry, and the Belooch Battalion on its left. The light companies of battalions faced the enemy’s skirmishers in the nullahs, and covered both flanks and rear of their own army. A detachment of the 3d Cavalry assisted in this duty, and as the enemy showed some bodies of horse, threatening a dash on the baggage or wounded men, these were of considerable service. They had also in their charge the Governor of Boorasjoon, who, endeavouring to attract attention by placing his black Persian cap on a stick, and waving it as a signal to his countrymen, was immediately, and very properly, knocked off his horse, and forced to remain on his knees until the fortune of the day was decided.

“The lines advanced directly the regiments had deployed, and so rapidly and steadily did the leading one move over the crest of a rising ground (for which the enemy’s guns were laid) that it suffered but little, the Highlanders not having a single casualty, and the 26th Native Infantry, their companion regiment in brigade, losing only one man killed, and having but four or five wounded. The 1st Brigade, 1st Division, fared worse, as the shot, passing over the regiments then in their front, struck the ranks, and occasioned the greatest loss of the day. The 2nd Brigade, 1st Division, suffered equally, but had more killed among their casualties especially in the 2nd European Light Infantry.

“During this time the cannonade had been continuous; but as the Persian fire in some degree slackened, our artillery advanced to closer action, making most beautiful practice, and almost silencing the opposing batteries. Some bodies of horse soon presented an opportunity for a charge, and the squadrons of the 3rd Cavalry and Tapp’s Irregulars, who had hitherto been on the right front, dashed at them, accompanied by Blake’s Horse Artillery, and made a most sweeping and brilliant charge, sabring gunners, and fairly driving the enemy’s horse off the field. The infantry lines were still advancing rapidly, and in beautifully steady order, to sustain this attack, and were just getting into close action when the enemy lost heart, and his entire line at once broke and fled precipitately.

“More than 700 of their dead were left upon the field, with many horses; how many were slain in the pursuit, or died of their wounds, it was of course impossible to ascertain. No great number of prisoners (said to be about 100) fell into our hands; their own cowardly treachery in many instances, after having received quarter, enraged the men, and occasioned a free use of the bayonet. One or two men of consequence were, however, among those taken. These brilliant results were secured on our part with a loss of only 1 officer and 18 men killed, and 4 officers and 60 men wounded. Among the unfortunate camp-followers, however, crowded together during the preceding night attack, several were killed and wounded, and many not accounted for.”[501]

The troops bivouacked for the day in the battlefield, and at night accomplished a march of twenty miles (by another route) over a country rendered almost impassable by the heavy rains which fell incessantly. Through sticky mud, half clay and sand, the column marched the whole night after the action. The guide misled the force, and at four o’clock in the morning of the 9th a halt was called to wait for daylight. In the midst of pelting rain, sunk knee-deep in mud, and exposed to a biting north-easterly wind, two hours were passed, without a tree even in sight, and the swamp around looking in the hazy light like a vast lake. Yet men and officers alike stretched themselves in the mire, endeavouring to snatch some sort of rest after their exhausting labours. The foot of Chah Gudack was at length reached by ten in the morning, whence, after a rest of six hours, the march was continued through deep swamps to Busheer, which was reached before midnight; the force having thus performed another most arduous march of forty-four miles, under incessant rain, besides fighting and defeating the enemy during its progress, within the short space of fifty hours. Though the men were tired and fagged, they were in excellent spirits.

In Sir James Outram’s despatch to General Sir H. Somerset the name of Brigadier Stisted (78th) was particularly mentioned.

This wet march from Boorasjoon having completely destroyed the shoes of the men, Sir James Outram generously took upon himself to order that each man of the force should be supplied with a new pair free of expense, the cost of which was subsequently defrayed by Government. The marching hose of the 78th were all spoiled and rendered useless, and in many cases could only be taken off by being cut to pieces. A long gray stocking, procurable from the Government stores, was substituted, and continued to be worn until the adoption of the white spats in the following year.

On the return of the expedition it was the intention of General Outram immediately to proceed against the Fort of Mohammrah, situated at the junction of the Shut-el-Arab (the Euphrates) and the Karoon, but owing to the non-arrival of the requisite reinforcements from India, occasioned by tempestuous weather in the Gulf of Persia, and other causes, Sir James was unable to leave Busheer until the 18th of March. In the meantime the troops were busily employed in erecting five formidable redoubts, four in front and one in rear of the entrenched camp. While lying before Busheer the light company of the 78th was supplied with Enfield rifles.

Brigadier-General Havelock[502] having arrived in February, took command of the Indian division, and Brigadier Walker Hamilton, of the 78th Highlanders, arriving from Kurrâchee, where he had been for some months commanding the brigade, assumed command of the 1st Brigade, 2nd Division, which had hitherto been commanded by Colonel Stisted of the 78th; the latter officer now resumed the command of the regiment.

In the beginning of March the embarkation of the troops destined for the bombardment of Mohammrah commenced, and continued at intervals as the weather permitted, until the departure of General Outram on the 18th. The place of rendezvous for the expedition was about sixteen miles from the mouth of the Euphrates, opposite the village of Mohammrah. On the 16th of March the “Kingston” sailed from Busheer with 6 officers and 159 non-commissioned officers and rank and file, being No. 8 and the light company of the 78th, under Captain Hunt. These were followed on the 12th by headquarters, consisting of 9 officers and 228 men, under command of Colonel Stisted, accompanied by Brigadier-General Havelock; also by 6 officers and 231 men under Major M’Intyre. A few days previous to the attack on Mohammrah, Nos. 1, 2, and 3 companies, under Major Haliburton, joined the rest of the regiment.

All the ships comprising the expedition were assembled at the appointed rendezvous by the 21st of March, and the next two days were occupied in the arrangement of details for the attack.

For some months past the Persians had been strengthening their position at Mohammrah; batteries of great strength had been erected, consisting of solid earth, 20 feet thick and 18 feet high, with casemated embrasures on the northern and southern points of the banks of the Karoon and Shut-el-Arab, at the junction of the two rivers. These, with other earthworks, armed with heavy ordnance, completely commanded the passage of the latter river, and were so judiciously placed and so skilfully formed as to sweep the whole stream to the extent of the range of the guns down the river and across to the opposite shore. Indeed, everything that science could suggest and labour accomplish in the time appeared to have been done by the enemy, to prevent any vessel from passing up the river above their position. The banks, for many miles, were overgrown with dense date groves, affording a perfect cover for riflemen; and the opposite shore, being neutral (Turkish) territory, was not available for the erection of counter batteries.

The plan of action resolved upon was to attack the enemy’s batteries with the armed steamers and sloops of war, and when the fire was nearly silenced, to pass up rapidly with the troops in small steamers towing boats, land the force above the northern forts, and immediately advance upon and attack the entrenched camp.

The Persian army, numbering 13,000 men of all arms, with 30 guns, was commanded by the Shah-zada, Prince Khanler Meerza, in person. The strength of the British force was 4886 of all arms, together with five steamers of the Indian navy, and two sloops of war, the entire command of the expedition being committed to Commodore Young of that service; the 78th Highlanders numbered 830.

On the morning of the 24th of March the fleet of ships of war and transports got under weigh, and made up the river to within three miles of the southern battery, opposite the village of Harteh, where they anchored.

By nine o’clock on the morning of the 26th the fire of the heavy batteries was so reduced by the fire from a mortar raft, followed up by that from the vessels of war, that the rendezvous flag was hoisted by the “Feroze” as a signal for the advance of the troops in the small steamers and boats. This was accomplished in admirable order, although at the time the fire from the batteries was far from being silenced. The leading steamer was the “Berenice,” carrying on her deck the whole of the 78th Highlanders and about 200 Sappers.

Passing under the shelter of the ships of war, the troopships were brought to the banks above the forts, the water being sufficiently deep for them to lie close alongside the bank, and skirmishers were at once thrown out to cover the disembarkation of the force. In the meantime, the artillery fire from the Persian forts gradually ceased, and musketry was opened from them and from breastworks in their vicinity, and maintained with spirit for some time, when storming parties were landed, that drove out the defenders and took possession of their works and guns.

By half-past one o’clock the troops were landed and formed, and advanced without delay in contiguous columns at quarter-distance, through the date groves and across the plain, upon the entrenched camp of the enemy, who, without waiting for the approach of the British, fled precipitately after exploding their largest magazine, leaving behind them tents and baggage and stores, with several magazines of ammunition and 16 guns. Their loss was estimated at about 200 killed.

For the next few days, while the tents and the baggage were being disembarked, the army bivouacked under the date trees on the river-bank by day, and removed to the sandy plain by night, to avoid the unhealthy miasma.

It having been ascertained that the enemy had retreated to the town of Ahwaz, about 100 miles distant up the river Karoon, where they had large magazines and supplies, Sir James Outram determined to despatch an armed flotilla to that place to effect a reconnaissance.

The expedition was placed under the command of Captain Rennie of the Indian navy, and consisted of three small armed steamers, towing three gunboats and three cutters, and carrying on board No. 5 and the light company of the 78th, with Captain M’Andrew, Lieutenants Cassidy, Finlay, and Barker, and the grenadiers of the 64th Regiment; in all 300 men, under command of Captain Hunt of the 78th. This force came in sight of Ahwaz on the morning of the 1st of April. The whole Persian army was here observed posted in a strong position on the right bank of the Karoon. It having been ascertained from some Arabs that the town itself, on the left bank, was nearly deserted, it was determined to land the party, advance upon Ahwaz, and, if possible, destroy the dépôt of guns and ammunition.

At eleven in the morning the little band of 300 landed and advanced at once in three columns, covered by skirmishers, the whole party being extended in such a way that it appeared like a large body of men. The left column consisted of the light company of the 78th, with its skirmishers and supports, both in one rank, the remainder of the company marching in columns of threes in single ranks, with three paces distance between each man. The grenadier company of the 64th and No. 5 company of the 78th formed the right and centre columns in the same order. The gun-boats were sent off in advance up the river, and taking up a position within shell-range of the enemy’s ridges, opened fire upon them.

The troops thus marched in a mimic brigade, advanced under cover of the gunboats’ fire, and within an hour and a half Ahwaz was in their possession, and the Persian army, consisting of 6000 infantry, 5 guns, and a cloud of Bukhtyuri horsemen, numbering upwards of 2000, was in full retreat upon Dizful, leaving behind it 1 gun, 154 stand of new arms, a great number of mules and sheep, and an enormous quantity of grain.

Having remained at Ahwaz for two days, the plucky little force returned to Mohammrah, which it reached on the 5th of April, and where it received the hearty thanks of the General for the signal service which it had rendered.[503]

On the very same day news was received that peace with Persia had been concluded at Paris on the 4th of March; but the British forces were to remain encamped at Mohammrah until the ratification of the treaty.

On the 15th of April the regiment was inspected by Brigadier-General Havelock, C.B., who expressed his extreme satisfaction at the highly efficient state in every respect in which he found it.[504]

At length, on the 9th of May, a field force order was issued, directing the Indian division to be broken up, and the several regiments composing it to be sent to their respective destinations. In this order Sir James Outram bade the troops farewell, and expressed in the very highest terms his admiration of their conduct in every respect.

Thus ended the Persian campaign, during which the 78th had the good fortune to mature its campaigning qualities under the auspices of Outram and Havelock, names which were shortly destined to render its own illustrious.

A medal was sanctioned to be worn by the troops engaged in the Persian campaign.

In the regiment, Colonel Stisted, who for a time acted as brigadier, and afterwards commanded the regiment, was made a Companion of the Bath; and Captains Drummond, Hay, and Bouverie, who acted as majors of brigade at Busheer and Mohammrah, respectively, received brevet majorities. The regiment received orders to place the words “Persia” and “Kooshab” upon its colours and appointments.

On the 10th of May 1857, the 78th sailed from Mohammrah en route for Bombay. Touching only at the port of Muscat, the vessels all arrived safe in Bombay harbour on the 22nd and 23rd, and there received the astounding intelligence that the entire Bengal army had mutinied, seized Delhi, and in many cases massacred all the Europeans. The 78th was ordered to proceed immediately to Calcutta, along with the 64th, its old comrades, who had also just arrived from Persia. Colonel Walter Hamilton, having arrived from Persia, took command of the regiment, which, numbering 28 officers and 828 men, was transferred to four ships, which arrived at Calcutta on the 9th and 10th of June.

V.

1857-1859.

The Indian Mutiny[505]--Barrackpoor--Benares--Allahabad--Havelock’s force--March to Cawnpoor and Lucknow--Futtehpoor--Aong--Pandoo Nuddee--Nana Sahib’s iniquities--The taking of Cawnpoor--Havelock’s opinion of the 78th--His stirring Order--March to Lucknow--Onao --Buseerutgunge--Havelock retires to Munghowar--Reinforced --Commences second march--Buseerutgunge again--Bourbeake Chowkey --Bithoor--Force returns to Cawnpoor--Cholera--Sir James Outram and reinforcements arrive--Sir James resigns command of the army of relief to Havelock--Third march to Lucknow--Munghowar--Lucknow reached--The enemy encountered and repulsed--The Alum Bagh occupied--Position of the garrison--Advance from the Alum Bagh --Char Bagh--The road to the Residency--The 78th the rear-guard --Its fierce encounter with the enemy--Fights its way to the main body at the Furrah Buksh--The desperate advance led by the 78th--The Residency reached--“Martin’s House”--Dangerous position of Surgeons Jee and Home and their wounded men--The guns brought in--The Victoria Cross--Sorties upon the enemy--Arrangements for holding out until relief comes--Position of the 78th--Arrival of Sir Colin Campbell--Preparations for a junction--The relief effected--Evacuation of the Residency--The 78th selected to cover the retreat--Rewards--The occupation of the Alum Bagh under Colonel M’Intyre--Sir James Outram occupies the Alum Bagh--Engagement with the enemy--Sir James Outram’s opinion of the 78th--Capture of the city of Lucknow--The three field forces--The 78th occupy Bareilly--Ordered to England--Fêted at Bombay--Arrival at home.

On the 10th of June 1857 the 78th Highlanders proceeded to Chinsurah, where arrangements were made for their immediate transit to Benares. The grenadiers and No. 1 company started on the 11th and 12th. On the night of the 13th, at 11 P.M., an order was received by express from Calcutta for the 78th to march immediately to Barrackpoor, and if possible reach that place by daybreak. The regiment marched to Barrackpoor, and after assisting in disarming the native troops, it returned to Chinsurah on the 16th, and the daily departure of detachments to Benares was resumed.

After a short halt at Benares the detachments proceeded to Allahabad, at which place a moveable column was being formed under Brigadier-General Havelock to advance against the mutineers. On arrival at that place it was found that the whole of the country between it and Delhi was in the hands of the insurgents; that Cawnpoor and Lucknow were in a state of siege; and a rumour, which eventually proved to be too true, stated that the British garrison of the former place had been induced to surrender, and had been basely massacred.[506]

On the 7th of July General Havelock advanced from Allahabad with a small force of about 1000 British and a few Sikhs, with six guns, to endeavour to retake Cawnpoor and rescue Lucknow. His force consisted of a light field battery, a portion of the 1st Madras Fusiliers, the 64th Regiment, and 78th Highlanders; of the latter were the grenadiers, Nos. 3, 6, and the light companies, numbering 305 men, besides 13 officers, under Colonel Walter Hamilton. The heat was intense, and the monsoon having just set in, the rain fell in torrents, rendering the entire country one large morass.

Major Renaud had been sent on with a small force as an advanced guard, and on the 10th General Havelock set out after him, coming up with him at moonlight, after a hard and long march. The united forces continued their march to Khaga, five miles from Futtehpoor, where Havelock commenced to encamp. His force now amounted to about 1400 Europeans and 400 natives, with 8 guns. While the camp was being pitched, the enemy, numbering about 3500, with 12 guns, was observed in the distance bearing down upon a reconnoitering party which had been sent to the front under Colonel Tytler.

Futtehpoor constituted a strong position, and the enemy had already occupied the many advantageous positions, both natural and artificial. Among the rebel force was the 56th Bengal Native Infantry, the regiment which Havelock led on at Maharajpoor.

After the General had disposed his troops the action was soon decided. Captain Maude, pushing on his guns to point-blank range, electrified the enemy with his fire. The Madras Fusiliers gained possession of a hillock on the right, and struggled on through the inundation; the 78th, in extension, wading knee-deep in mud and water, kept up communication with the centre; the 64th gave strength to the centre and left; while on the left the 84th and Sikhs of Ferozepoor pressed back the enemy’s right.

As the British force pressed forward, the rebel guns continued to fall into its hands; the rebels were driven by the skirmishers and columns from every point, one after the other, of which they held possession, into, through, and beyond the town, and were very soon put to a final flight. General Havelock then taking up his position in triumph, halted his weary men to breakfast, having marched 24 miles, and beaten the enemy so completely that all their ammunition, baggage, and guns (11 in number) fell into his hands. The loss on the British side was merely nominal; but the moral effect on the mutineers of this their first reverse was immense.

During the action the heat was excessive, and 12 men died from exposure to the sun and fatigue. Next day General Havelock issued a Field-force Order, highly and justly complimenting the force for its conduct, which he attributed to the fire of British artillery, to English rifles in British hands, to British pluck, “and to the blessing of Almighty God on a most righteous cause.”

On the 14th the moveable column recommenced its march, and after dislodging the rebels from a strong position at Aong, pushed on for Pandoo Nuddee, at the bridge of which place the enemy had prepared another strong position. Here, also, by the promptitude and admirable tactics of General Havelock, the rebels were completely routed; both on this occasion and at Aong they left behind them a number of heavy guns and a quantity of ammunition. It was on hearing the intelligence of the defeat of his troops at the Pandoo Nuddee that Nana Sahib put the finishing stroke to the atrocious conduct which has rendered his name an abhorrence to the whole civilized world, and which turned this warfare on the part of the English into “a most righteous cause” indeed. On the 15th of July this diabolical wretch filled up the measure of his iniquities; for it was on hearing that the bridge over the Pandoo Nuddee had been forced and his army driven back, that he ordered the immediate massacre of all the English women and children still in his possession.

Between four in the afternoon of the 15th, and nine in the morning of the 16th of July, 206 persons, mostly women and children of gentle birth, comprising the survivors of the massacre of 27th June and the captured fugitives from Futteghur,--who had been confined for a fortnight in a small building which has since been known in India as the Beebeegur, or House of the Ladies, in England as the House of the Massacre,--were butchered with the most barbarous atrocity, and their bodies thrown into a dry well, situated behind some trees which grew hard by. Our illustration, taken from a photograph, shows the Mausoleum erected over the well, and part of the garden which covers the site of the House of Massacre. Just within the doorway, at top of the flight of steps, may be seen the carved pediment which closes the mouth of the well. Around this pediment are carved the words:--

Sacred to the perpetual memory of a great Company of Christian people, chiefly women and children. XVI. day of July MDCCCLVII.

On the pediment has been erected, since our view was taken, an emblematical figure of an angel in front of a tall cross, carved in marble by Baron Marochetti.

At daybreak, on the 16th, Havelock’s column again moved on, the troops being strongly in hope of being able to save the wives and children of the murdered garrison of Cawnpoor, being ignorant of their brutal massacre. After a march of 16 miles the army halted in a mango grove at the village of Maharajpoor, to take refreshment and a slight rest in the shade from the powerful sun, before engaging the Nana, who was strongly posted about two miles off.

The camp and baggage being left here under proper escort, the column again moved at 2 o’clock P.M. The Fusiliers led, followed by two guns; then came the 78th Highlanders, in rear of whom was the central battery under Captain Maude; the 64th and 84th had two guns more in the rear, and the regiment of Ferozepoor closed the column.

Nana Sahib had taken up a strong position at the village of Aherwa, where the grand trunk road joined that which led to Cawnpoor. His entrenchments had cut and rendered impassable both roads, and his heavy guns, seven in number, were disposed along his position, which consisted of a series of villages. Behind these the infantry, consisting of mutinous troops and his own armed followers, numbering in all about 5000, was disposed for defence.

General Havelock resolved to take the position by a flank movement. Accordingly, after a short advance along the road, the column moved off to the right, and circled round the enemy’s left. As soon as the Nana perceived Havelock’s intention, he pushed forward on his left a large body of horse, and opened upon the British column a fire of shot and shell from all his guns.

Havelock’s troops continued their progress until the enemy’s left was entirely turned, and then forming line, the British guns opened fire upon the rebels’ batteries, while the infantry advanced in direct échelon of regiments from the right, covered by a wing of the Fusiliers as skirmishers. “The opportunity had now arrived,” wrote General Havelock in his despatch, “for which I have long anxiously waited, of developing the prowess of the 78th Highlanders. Three guns of the enemy were strongly posted behind a lofty hamlet, well entrenched. I directed this regiment to advance, and never have I witnessed conduct more admirable. They were led by Colonel Hamilton, and followed him with surpassing steadiness and gallantry under a heavy fire. As they approached the village they cheered and charged with the bayonet, the pipers sounding the pibroch. Need I add, that the enemy fled, the village was taken, and the guns captured.” Until within a few hundred yards of the guns the line advanced in perfect order and quietness, with sloped arms. Here for a few moments they lay down to allow the fierce iron storm to pass over. At the word from the General, “Rise up, advance,” they sprang to their feet, and with a cheer rushed upon the battery. General Havelock followed close in behind, and when the regiment was halted in rear of the village, exclaimed, “Well done, 78th, you shall be my own regiment! Another charge like that will win the day.”

Having halted here for a few minutes to take breath, the regiment pushed on at the double march to a hamlet about 500 yards distant still held by the enemy, who were quickly dislodged from it. Meanwhile, the 64th and 84th regiments advanced on the left, and captured two guns strongly posted on the enemy’s original right.

Nana Sahib having withdrawn his forces in the direction of Cawnpoor, and taken up a new position in rear of his first, the British infantry now changed line to the front and rear, while the guns were brought up. This was a work of great difficulty, the ground being very heavy and the bullocks worn out with fatigue. About this time the Nana sent some of his numerous cavalry to the British flanks and rear, which did some execution before they were repulsed. The rebel infantry appeared to be in full retreat when a reserve 24-pounder was opened on the Cawnpoor road which caused considerable loss to the British force; and under cover of its fire, at the same time two large bodies of cavalry riding insolently over the plain, and the rebel infantry once more rallied. “The beating of their drums and numerous mounted officers in front announced the definitive struggle of the Nana for his usurped dominion.”

But the final crisis approached. The artillery cattle being tired out could not bring up the guns to the assistance of the British, and the Madras Fusiliers, 64th, 78th, and 84th formed in line were exposed to a heavy fire from the 24-pounder on the road, and from the musketry of the rebel skirmishers. Colonel Hamilton about this time had his horse shot under him by a musket ball. The General now called upon the infantry, who were lying down in line, to rise and make another steady advance. “It was irresistible,” he wrote, “the enemy sent round shot into our ranks until we were within 300 yards, and then poured in grape with great precision.” The gun was more immediately in front of the 64th, which regiment suffered severely by its fire; but the line advancing steadily upon the gun, at length charged with a cheer and captured it.

The enemy now lost all heart, and after a hurried fire of musketry gave way in total rout. Four of the British guns coming up by the road completed the discomfiture by a heavy cannonade; and as it grew dark the roofless artillery barracks were dimly descried in advance, and it was evident that Cawnpoor was once more in possession of the British.

The entire loss from the action of the day was about 100 killed and wounded--that of the 78th being 3 killed and 16 wounded. Many men also died from the effects of the sun and extreme fatigue, the 78th alone losing 5 men from this cause.

An incident occurred about this time which is worth recording. By some mistake a bugler sounded the “officers’ call” in rear of the 78th. The officers of the regiment immediately assembled near the general--who was standing close by--imagining that he wished to see them. On finding out the mistake, General Havelock addressed them as follows:--“Gentlemen, I am glad of having this opportunity of saying a few words to you which you may repeat to your men. I am now upwards of sixty years old; I have been forty years in the service: I have been engaged in action about seven-and-twenty times; but in the whole of my career I have never seen any regiment behave better, nay more, I have never seen any one behave so well, as the 78th Highlanders this day. I am proud of you, and if ever I have the good luck to be made a major-general, the first thing I shall do, will be to go to the Duke of Cambridge and request that when my turn arrives for the colonelcy of a regiment, I may have the 78th Highlanders. And this, gentlemen, you hear from a man who is not in the habit of saying more than he means. I am not a Highlander, but I wish I was one.”

The wounded were now gathered together and cared for, and the tired troops lay down for the night, when a crash that shook the earth woke them; Nana Sahib had blown up the great Cawnpoor magazine and abandoned the place.

The next morning a few troops were sent into the town, which was found to be entirely evacuated. The sight presented by the house of murder, and the well into which were thrown the mangled bodies of upwards of 200 women and children as yet scarcely cold, can never be effaced from the memories of those who witnessed it, and who, though fresh from the horrors of the battle-field, shuddered and wept at the revolting scene.

On the morning of the 17th, the force was joined by the camp and baggage, and encamped on the Cawnpoor parade-ground (where the 78th was last encamped in the year 1799), and on the 18th moved round to the western side of Cawnpoor, where General Havelock issued a stirring general order, his words burning with horror and righteous indignation at what had taken place at Cawnpoor. “Your comrades at Lucknow are in peril,” the order said, “Agra is besieged, Delhi still the focus of mutiny and rebellion.... Highlanders! it was my earnest desire to afford you the opportunity of showing how your predecessors conquered at Maida. You have not degenerated. Assaye was not won by a more silent, compact, and resolute charge than was the village near Jansenvoor on the 16th instant.”

On the 20th of July, Brigadier General Neill arrived from Allahabad with 270 men. Thus reinforced, Havelock began to cross the Ganges; and on the 25th, with his band of 1500, commenced his first march to relieve Lucknow, leaving General Neill to command at Cawnpoor. Though the season was that of the monsoon, and the country in a deluge, the troops took the field without tentage of any kind, getting such shelter as could be afforded by the deserted and ruined hamlets.

The strength of the 78th was 16 officers and 293 men, being the grenadiers, Nos. 3, 6, and light companies.

On the 26th, the force moved forward a few miles and took up its quarters at the village of Mungulwar, about six miles from Cawnpoor. On the morning of the 29th, it advanced to meet the rebels, who were stationed in great strength at the town of Oonao, and a small village close in front of it. The houses were surrounded by walled enclosures, every wall being loopholed, and a deep swamp protected the enemy’s right.

The 78th and the 1st Madras Fusiliers, with two guns, began the attack. They drove the enemy from the gardens; but when they approached the village, where every house was loopholed, a destructive fire was opened upon them. From one house in particular the line suffered a heavy musketry fire; Lieutenant Bogle with part of No. 3 company was ordered to attack it. He gallantly led on the men through a narrow and strongly defended doorway (the only means of ingress), into a court filled with armed fanatics, but immediately on entering he fell severely wounded, together with nearly all who had entered with him. The defenders were ultimately overcome by shells thrown into the house by the artillery. After an obstinate resistance, the mutineers were driven beyond the town, where they rallied, but were soon put to flight, and their guns taken.

After a halt of three hours the column moved on, and in the afternoon came in sight of Buseerutgunge, where the rebels again made a stand. This town was walled, surrounded by deep ditches, and had been strengthened by earthworks. The gate in front was defended by a round tower, mounting four heavy guns. Behind the town was a wide nullah full of water, crossed by a narrow causeway and bridge.

The troops immediately deployed, the 64th being ordered to turn the town on the left, and penetrate between the bridge and the enemy. The 78th and the Fusiliers advancing on the front face, carried the earthworks and drove out the enemy, capturing their guns. It was now 6 P.M., and too dark, without cavalry, to pursue the enemy through the swamps beyond the causeway, over which the rebels succeeded in escaping.

These two actions had cost the little force 12 killed and 76 wounded, and cholera had, moreover, broken out. To send the sick and wounded, numbering nearly 300, back to Cawnpoor would have required an escort which could not be spared, and Lucknow was still 36 miles away. Without reinforcements General Havelock found the relief impossible, he therefore fell back to Mungulwar, which he reached on the morning of the 31st. Here he remained entrenched awaiting reinforcements from Cawnpoor, whither all the sick and wounded were sent.

Brigadier-General Neill having thrown up a strong entrenchment at Cawnpoor, sent over all the men whom he could spare to Havelock, who, with his force thus again increased to about 1400 men, commenced on the 4th of August his second march to relieve Lucknow. The enemy were found on the following day occupying their old position at Buseerutgunge. They were driven from the town in confusion and with severe loss, by Maude’s battery, the 78th, and the Sikhs, and also from a position which they had taken up across the nullah. Their loss was supposed to be about 300, that of the British being 2 killed and 23 wounded; Colonel Hamilton’s charger was killed under him.

The British force being again diminished by sickness and the sword, General Havelock was compelled to retire upon his old position at Mungulwar. It was the only course he could pursue, as to advance to Lucknow with the small force at his command was to court annihilation, and as a consequence the certain destruction of the British garrison at Lucknow. Preparations were therefore made to recross the river to Cawnpoor, which was now threatened on all sides by the Dinapoor mutineers, the Gwalior contingent, and Nana Sahib at Bithoor. Perceiving Havelock’s intention a large force of the enemy assembled at Oonao, with the design of attacking the British position at Mungulwar, or of annoying the force during its passage of the Ganges. To obviate this the general moved out to meet the mutineers in the morning of the 11th of August, after sending his force, now reduced to about 1000 men, and all his baggage and stores across the river. On Havelock’s force reaching Oonao, the enemy’s advanced posts fell back, and it bivouacked during the night near the town.

On advancing the next day (July 29th) the enemy were descried drawn up at the village of Boorbeek Chowkey, about a mile from Buseerutgunge. Their centre rested on the village, and their guns were conveniently placed behind a series of high mounds, forming strong natural defences, which they had scarped and otherwise artificially improved. The British troops deployed, and, covered by artillery fire and skirmishers, advanced in direct échelon of battalions from the right, receiving, as they came within range of the enemy’s batteries, a deadly fire of shell, grape, and round shot, which was aimed with greater precision than had hitherto been manifested by their artillerymen anywhere. The British guns on the right having sufficiently advanced to get a flanking fire on the enemy’s line, the 78th charged a battery of three guns on the enemy’s left, captured two of the guns, and turning them on the retreating hosts, pounded them with their own shell and grape, putting them completely to rout. At the same time the Madras Fusiliers repulsed a strong demonstration made by the enemy’s cavalry on the right. The loss of the British in the action was 140 killed and wounded.

Having rested for two hours on the field, the column slowly retired to Mungulwar, and on the following morning, August 13th, recrossed the Ganges to Cawnpoor, having been in the field, in an Indian monsoon, without tents, for twenty-three days, during which it had four times met and defeated the enemy.

In these four engagements the 78th lost 6 men killed and 2 officers, Lieutenant and Adjutant Macpherson and Lieutenant Bogle, and 6 men wounded. To Lieutenant Crowe of the 78th the Victoria Cross was subsequently awarded, as having been the first man to enter the battery at Boorbeek Chowkey, where the two guns were captured.

The regiment was joined at Cawnpoor by Colonel Stisted, Captain Archer, and No. 4 Company.

Early on the morning of the 16th of August the movable column marched against Bithoor, the residence of Nana Sahib, about 14 miles from Cawnpoor. About noon the column came in sight of the enemy, numbering in all, infantry and cavalry, about 4000, strongly posted. General Havelock called it “one of the strongest positions in India.” The plain in front of the enemy’s position was covered with thick sugar-cane plantations, which reached high above the heads of the men, and their batteries were defended by thick ramparts flanked by entrenched quadrangles. The whole position was again flanked by other villages and comprehended the town of Bithoor.

The enemy having opened upon the advancing British force a continued shower of shot and shell, and as the British guns made no impression upon them, it was resolved to have recourse to the bayonet, and a simultaneous advance of the line was ordered. While the Fusiliers moved upon the flanking villages, the 78th advanced upon the batteries, alternately lying down and moving on, as the volleys of grape issued from the enemy’s guns. The rebels awaited the approach of the advancing men until the foremost entered the works, when they fled in confusion. The British troops pursued the enemy into and through the town, but being completely knocked up by exposure to the fierce sun, and by the great fatigue they had undergone, could follow the retreating rebels no further, and bivouacked on the ground they had won.

The 78th had in this affair only Captain Mackenzie and 10 men wounded, though several men died of cholera, which had again broken out.

The next morning the force returned to Cawnpoor, and took up a position on the plain of Subada, where General Havelock issued a commendatory and stirring note, in which he told the small force that it “would be acknowledged to have been the prop and stay of British India in the time of her severest trial.”

During the next month the force rested at Cawnpoor, while reinforcements gradually arrived. Immediately on crossing the Ganges cholera broke out, and carried off a great number of the little band. The headquarters of the 78th lost from this cause alone 1 officer, Captain Campbell, and 43 men. The strength of the regiment was still further reduced by the departure of 1 officer and 56 men, sick and wounded, to Allahabad. At the end of the month, however, the five companies that had been left behind, and the detachment that came from Chinsurah by the steamer route, joined headquarters from Allahabad.

In the middle of September the regiment was supplied with Enfield rifles, but there was little time left for giving the men any instruction in the use of that weapon.

The force despatched from England to assist in the Chinese war (the 23rd, 82nd, 90th, and 93rd Regiments) had been stopped at Singapore and brought to Calcutta. The 37th Regiment also arrived from Ceylon, and the 5th from Mauritius. Of these regiments, the 5th and 90th were immediately on arrival sent up the country, and reached Cawnpoor in the beginning of September. Sir James Outram also arrived at this time, having been appointed to the military command of the Cawnpoor and Dinapoor divisions.

A bridge of boats was thrown across the Ganges, and every preparation made for another attempt to relieve Lucknow, the garrison of which was still successfully and heroically holding out. On the 16th of September, Sir James Outram issued a division order, in which he generously resigned to Major-General Havelock the honour of leading on the force intended to make a second attempt to relieve Lucknow. This Sir James did “in gratitude for, and in admiration of the brilliant deeds in arms achieved by General Havelock and his gallant troops.” Sir James was to accompany the force as a volunteer, and on the relief of Lucknow would resume his position at the head of the forces.

The army of relief was divided into two brigades of infantry and one of artillery, as follows:--First brigade of infantry, under Brigadier-General Neill, consisted of the 5th Fusiliers, 84th Regiment, 1st Madras Fusiliers, and 100 men of the 64th Regiment. Second brigade of infantry, under Colonel Walter Hamilton of the 78th, consisted of the 78th Highlanders under Colonel Stisted, 90th light infantry, and the Sikh regiment of Ferozepoor. The Artillery brigade, under Major Cooper, B.A., consisted of the batteries of Captain Maude, Captain Olphert, and Brevet-Major Eyre. The volunteer cavalry, a few irregulars, under Captain Barrow, and a small body of Engineers, accompanied the forces. The entire force was under the command of Brigadier-General Havelock, accompanied, as we have stated, by Major-General Outram as a volunteer.

The entrenchment at Cawnpoor having been completed was garrisoned by the 64th regiment under Colonel Wilson.

On the 18th of September an advance party, consisting of No. 8 and the Light Company of the 78th, the Sikh regiment, and four guns under Major McIntyre of the 78th, was pushed across the river to form a tête-de-pont to enable the bridge to be completed on the enemy’s side of the river. The men were exposed during the day to a skirmishing fire from the enemy, who also opened a few guns upon them from a distance, but with little effect. During the day these companies were relieved by Nos. 6 and 7 of the 78th, and Major Haliburton took command of the advanced party. Before daybreak on the 19th, this party, which was stationed all night on a dry sandbank in the middle of the Ganges, pushed quietly across the intervening islands to the mainland, in order to cover the advance of the force, which crossed with little opposition, the rebel army, after a slight show of resistance, retiring on their entrenched position about three miles off, towards Mungulwar.

The strength of the force amounted to about 3000, that of the 78th being 26 officers and 523 men; Colonel Walter Hamilton being Brigadier, Colonel Stisted commanded the regiment.

On the morning of September 21st, the advance on Lucknow commenced, and the enemy’s position was soon reached near Mungulwar, which for some weeks they had been busily employed in fortifying. The position, however, was soon carried, the enemy rapidly pursued, and many of them cut up by the British cavalry; four guns and a colour were captured. The British loss was merely nominal.

Rain now commenced to pour in monsoon torrents, and hardly ceased for three days. Through it the force pushed in column of route over the well-known scenes of their former struggles, by Buseerutgunge and the village of Bunnee, when, about 2 o’clock in the afternoon of the 23rd, the enemy were descried in a strong position in the neighbourhood of Lucknow. The head of the column at first suffered from the fire of the enemy’s guns as it was compelled to pass along the trunk road between morasses; but these passed, the force quickly deployed into line, and the 2nd brigade advancing through a sheet of water drove back the right of the mutinous army, while the 1st Brigade attacked it in front. Victory soon declared for the British force, which captured five guns. The enemy’s cavalry, however, 1500 strong, creeping through lofty cultivation, made a sudden irruption on the baggage in the rear of the relieving force, inflicting some loss on the detachment of the 90th that was guarding it. In this engagement the 78th lost 1 man killed and 6 wounded.

The British passed the night of the 23rd on the ground they had won, exposed, however, to a cannonade from the enemy’s guns. On the morning of the 24th, their fire inflicted such loss on the British force, especially the 78th, which had 4 men killed and 11 wounded by it, that the General, having determined to halt this day to obtain rest previous to the attack on the city, found it necessary to retire the left brigade out of reach of the guns.

The 24th was spent in removing all the baggage and tents, camp-followers, sick and wounded, into the Alum Bagh, which, on the advance being made next day, was left in charge of Major M’Intyre of the 78th, with a detachment of 280 Europeans, some Sikhs, and 4 guns. Of these, Major M’Intyre, Lieutenant Walsh, and 71 non-commissioned officers and men, besides 34 sick and wounded, belonged to the 78th.

A short description of the desperate position of those whom Havelock hoped to rescue may not be out of place here.

In the month of June (1857), most of the native regiments at Lucknow, as elsewhere, having broken out into open mutiny, the Residency and a strong fort in the city called Muchee Bhorwan, were put in a state of defence for the protection of the Europeans. On the 30th of June, the garrison, consisting of 300 of H.M.’s 32nd Regiment, and a few Native infantry, cavalry, and artillery, marched out to Chinhut to meet a rebel army which was marching upon Lucknow; but the native gunners proved traitors, overturned the guns, cut the traces, and then deserted to the enemy. The remainder of the force thus exposed to a vastly superior fire, and completely outflanked, was compelled to make a disastrous retreat, with the loss of 3 guns and a great number killed and wounded.

The force being thus diminished the Muchee Bhorwan had to be evacuated. On the night of the 1st of July it was blown up, and the troops marched into the Residency, the investment of which the enemy now completed; and for three months the brave garrison had to undergo a siege regarding which the Governor-General of India justly writes, “There does not stand in the annals of war an achievement more truly heroic than the defence of the Residency of Lucknow.”

This brave handful had heard through spies of the frightful tragedy of Cawnpoor; the dangers multiplied; the provisions were failing; more than 300 of the men had been killed, and many more had succumbed to disease, when the joyful sound of the British guns at the Alum Bagh, on the 23d of September, announced to them that relief was at hand.

And now came the rescue. On the morning of the 25th of September, General Havelock’s force advanced from the Alum Bagh.

The enemy had taken up an exceedingly strong position at the village of Char Bagh, on the city side of the canal, the bridge over which was defended by several guns in position; they also occupied in force numerous gardens and walled enclosures on one side of the canal, from which they poured a most destructive musketry fire on the advancing troops.

The 1st brigade led, accompanied by Captain Maude’s battery, and after a desperate resistance, in which one-third of the British artillerymen fell, they succeeded in storming the bridge of Char Bagh and capturing the guns, supported by the 2nd brigade, which now moved to the front, and occupying the houses on both sides of the street, bayoneted the defenders, throwing the slain in heaps on the roadside.

From this point the direct road to the Residency through the city was something less than two miles; but it was known to have been cut by trenches and crossed by barricades at short intervals, all the houses, moreover, being loopholed. Progress in this direction was impossible; so, the 78th Highlanders being left to hold the position until the entire force, with ammunition, stores, &c., had passed, the united column pushed on, detouring to the right along a narrow road which skirted the left bank of the canal. The advance was not seriously impeded until the force came opposite the Kaiser Bagh, or King’s Palace, where two guns and a body of mercenary troops were entrenched, who opened a heavy fire of grape and musketry. The artillery with the column had to pass a bridge exposed to this fire, but they were then shrouded by the buildings adjacent to the palace of the Furrah Buksh.

In the meantime the 78th was engaged in a hot conflict. As soon as the enemy perceived the deviation made by the main body, and that only a small force was left at the bridge of the Char Bagh, they returned in countless numbers to annoy the Highlanders. Two companies, Nos. 7 and 8, under Captains Hay and Hastings, were sent to occupy the more advanced buildings of the village; four companies were sent out as skirmishers in the surrounding gardens; and the remainder, in reserve, were posted in the buildings near the bridge.

The lane out of which the force had marched was very narrow and much cut up by the passage of the heavy guns, so that it was a work of great difficulty to convey the line of commissariat carts and cattle along it, and in a few hours the 78th was separated from the main body by a distance of some miles. The enemy now brought down two guns to within 500 yards of the position of the 78th, and opened a very destructive fire of shot and shell upon the advanced companies, while the whole regiment was exposed to a heavy musketry fire. This becoming insupportable, it was determined to capture the guns at the point of the bayonet. The two advanced companies, under Captains Hay and Hastings, and Lieutenants Webster and Swanson, formed upon the road, and by a gallant charge up the street captured the first gun, which, being sent to the rear was hurled into the canal. In the meantime the skirmishing companies had been called in, and they, together with the reserve, advanced to the support of Nos. 7 and 8. The united regiment now pushed on towards the second gun, which was still annoying it from a more retired position. A second charge resulted in its capture, but as there was some difficulty in bringing it away, and it being necessary to retire immediately on the bridge to keep open the communications, which were being threatened by the hosts who surrounded the regiment, the gun was spiked, and the 78th fell back upon the bridge, carrying with them numbers of wounded, and leaving many dead on the road. In the charge Lieutenant Swanson was severely wounded.

The entire line of carts, &c., having now passed, the regiment evacuated the position and bridge of the Char Bagh, and forming the rear-guard of the force, proceeded along the narrow lane taken by the column on the left bank of the canal. The rebels immediately seized the bridge, crossed it, and lined the right bank of the canal, where they were protected by a wall, from behind which they poured a galling musketry fire, and placing a gun upon the bridge, enfiladed the road along which the route of the 78th lay; thus the regiment was almost completely surrounded, and had to stand and protect its rear at every step. Captain Hastings was severely wounded, while making a brave stand with No. 8 company against the advancing mass of rebels; Captain Lockhart and a large number of men were also wounded here.

A report having been sent to the general that the 78th was hard pressed, the volunteer cavalry and a company of the 90th Regiment were sent back to its assistance; the lane, however, was too narrow for cavalry to work in, and they suffered severely. At length a point was reached, near Major Banks’s house, where four roads meet; the 78th had no guide, the main body was far out of sight, and all that could be ascertained regarding the locality was that the turning to the left, which evidently led into the city, was the direct road to the Residency. The force therefore followed that route, which led through a street of fine houses loopholed and occupied by the rebels; to the gate of the Kaiser Bagh, or King’s Palace, where it came in reverse upon the battery which was firing upon the main body near the Motee Mahul. After spiking the guns, the force pushed on under the walls of the Kaiser Bagh, and after being exposed to another shower of musketry from its entire length, the little column, consisting of the 78th and cavalry, about four o’clock in the afternoon, joined the main body near the entrance to the Furrah Buksh, where for a short time it obtained rest.

From this point the Residency was about half a mile distant, and as darkness was coming on, it was deemed most important to reach the Residency that night.

The 78th Highlanders and the regiment of Ferozepore were now directed to advance. “This column,” wrote General Havelock in his despatch, “pushed on with a desperate gallantry, led by Sir James Outram and myself and staff, through streets of flat-roofed, loopholed houses, from which a perpetual fire was kept up, and overcoming every obstacle, established itself within the enclosure of the Residency. The joy of the garrison may be more easily conceived than described. But it was not till the next evening that the whole of my troops, guns, tumbrils, and sick and wounded, continually exposed to the attacks of the enemy, could be brought step by step within the enceinte and the adjacent palace of the Furrah Buksh. To form an adequate idea of the obstacles overcome, reference must be made to the events that are known to have occurred at Buenos Ayres and Saragossa.”

Lieutenant Kirby was mortally wounded in this advance, while gallantly waving the Queen’s colour which he had carried throughout the action. On his fall, Sergeant Reid of the grenadier company seized the colour and carried it for some distance, when assistant-surgeon M’Master took it from him, and carried it up to near the Residency gate, where he handed it over to Colour-sergeant Christie, by whom it was brought into the Residency. The regimental colour was carried throughout the day by Ensign Tweedie, 4th Bengal Native Infantry, who was attached to the regiment. Lieutenant Webster was killed within 200 yards of the gate; Lieutenant Crowe and Lieutenant and Adjutant Macpherson were wounded, and 2 officers attached to the regiment--Lieutenant Joly of the 32nd Regiment, and Lieutenant Grant of the Bengal army--were also wounded, the former mortally.

Early the next morning a party was sent out under Captain R. Bogle, of the 78th, to assist in bringing in the wounded, who had been left with the 90th Regiment and heavy guns in the Motee Mahul. While performing this duty Captain Bogle received a severe wound, of which he died two months afterwards.

A request for reinforcements having been sent by Major Haliburton of the 78th, who now commanded the troops at the Motee Mahul (his two seniors having fallen), the 5th regiment and part of the Sikhs were sent to assist him. In the forenoon another party was sent, consisting of 50 men of the 78th, under Captain Lockhart and Lieutenant Barker, who occupied the house called “Martin’s House,” on the bank of the Goomtee, which secured the communication between the palaces and the Motee Mahul. Here they were exposed during the whole day to a hot cannonade, until towards evening the house was a complete ruin.

In the meantime the wounded men were conveyed from the Motee Mahul under charge of their medical officers, Surgeons Jee of the 78th, and Home of the 90th, who had gallantly remained with them under the heavy fire to which they had been exposed for many hours. Some of them, with the former officer, reached the Residency in safety, but those under charge of Surgeon Home were misled by a civilian, who had kindly volunteered to show the way. The enemy surrounded them; the doolie bearers fled, and the small escort, with a few wounded officers and men, took refuge in a neighbouring house, where during the whole day and night they were closely besieged by a large body of rebels, numbering from 500 to 1000, against whom the escort defended themselves and their wounded comrades in a most heroic manner. Those of the wounded, however, who were unable to leave their doolie, fell into the hands of the enemy, and were put to death with horrible tortures, some of them being burned alive. Lieutenant Swanson was one of the wounded of the 78th who were saved, but not until he had received two fresh wounds, one of which proved mortal. Privates James Halliwell, Richard Baker, and William Peddington of the 78th, were among those few gallant men who fought against such unequal odds. The first-named was rewarded with the Victoria Cross, as were also Surgeon Home of the 90th and two men of other regiments. The party was most fortunately saved from this perilous situation on the following morning, as will appear in the sequel.

After the wounded and commissariat stores had left the Motee Mahul by the river bank, it was found impossible to take the heavy guns by that way, and the only practicable route for them being the high road which ran through the enemy’s position to the Furrah Buksh palace, it was resolved to attempt to bring them in by that route under cover of the night. The remainder of the 78th, under Colonel Stisted, was sent out from the Residency about sunset on the 26th to assist in this operation, together with two guns under Captain Olpherts, and some irregular cavalry. The 5th, and part of the Sikh Regiment had already been sent there in the early part of the day.

At three o’clock on the morning of the 27th the column was formed in perfect silence, the 78th leading, and the remainder following, with heavy guns and ammunition in the centre; the Sikhs covered each flank. Thus formed, the whole force proceeded undiscovered up to the enemy’s posts. The leading division had nearly reached the palace when the alarm was given by the enemy’s sentries, bugles sounded the “assembly,” and confusion reigned in the rebel camp. The British soldiers now raised a cheer, and rushed on the opposing force into their own line of works, losing only 1 officer and 2 men killed, and 1 officer and 9 men wounded--2 of the latter belonging to the 78th.

The route of this little force fortunately lay through the square where, as above mentioned, a few men were heroically defending their wounded comrades in a most critical situation, and they were thus saved at a most opportune moment.

The relief of the Lucknow garrison having been thus gloriously accomplished, Sir James Outram resumed his position as the commander of the troops, and in an Order (dated the 26th of September 1857) he bears just and high testimony to the bravery and heroism of the troops and their leader, who thus accomplished a feat unsurpassed in history. Among the regiments specially mentioned in the Order is “the 78th Highlanders, who led the advance on the Residency, headed by their brave commander, Colonel Stisted.”

In effecting the relief the army lost 535 in killed, wounded, and missing. The loss fell heaviest on the 78th, which throughout the day was exposed to more fighting than the rest of the force. This regiment alone lost 122 killed and wounded; 2 officers and 39 men being killed, and 8 officers and 73 men wounded, out of 18 officers and 428 men who left the Alum Bagh on the 25th. Besides the officers already named, Lieutenant Crowe was wounded.

The Victoria Cross was subsequently awarded to Lieutenant and Adjutant Macpherson, for “distinguished conduct in setting an example of heroic gallantry to the men of the regiment at the period of the action in which they captured two brass 9-pounders at the point of the bayonet.”

The Victoria Cross was also conferred upon the regiment as a body, which was required to nominate one individual to wear it as its representative. On a vote being taken, it was almost unanimously agreed that it should be given to Assistant-Surgeon M’Master, upon whom accordingly it was conferred, “for the intrepidity with which he exposed himself to the fire of the enemy in bringing in and attending to the wounded on the 25th of September at Lucknow.”

In addition to these, a Victoria Cross was conferred upon Colour-sergeant Stewart Macpherson and Private Henry Ward of the light company.

On the 26th the enemy were cleared away from the rear of the position, and on the 27th the palace, extending along the line of the river from the Residency to near the Kaiser Bagh, was also cleared and taken possession of for the accommodation of the troops.

At daylight on the 29th three columns, aggregating 700 men, attacked the enemy’s works at three different points, destroyed the guns, and blew up the houses which afforded positions to the enemy for musketry fire. One of the columns was composed of 20 men of the 32nd Regiment, 140 men of the 78th (under Captains Lockhart and Hay, and Lieutenants Cassidy and Barker), and the 1st Madras Fusiliers.

The column fell in and filed out of the breach in the Sikh Square at daybreak, the advance consisting of the 32nd and the 78th, the Madras Fusiliers being in reserve. They formed silently under cover of some broken ground, and made a sudden dash upon the first gun, which was taken by the 32nd with a cheer, and burst by an artilleryman. The 78th, led by Captain Lockhart, who was slightly wounded, then charged a gun up a street leading to the right; the covering party of the first gun and a considerable body of the enemy rallied round this gun, which was twice fired as the regiment advanced up the lane. Sergeant James Young, of the 78th, the first man at the gun, bayonetted one of the enemy’s gunners while reloading for the third discharge, and was severely wounded by a sword-cut. The rest of the gunners were shot or cut down, and some who had taken refuge in an adjoining house were destroyed by means of hand-grenades thrown in by the windows. Proceeding further, the regiment captured a small gun and some wall-pieces, which were brought in, the large gun being blown up. The position was retained while the engineers made preparations for blowing up the houses which it was deemed advisable to destroy; these being ready, the columns retired into the entrenchment, and the explosions took place. The loss of the 78th on this day was 1 man killed, and 1 officer and 8 men wounded.

Brigadier-General Neill having been killed on the 25th of September 1857, Colonel Stisted was appointed brigadier of the 1st brigade, and Major Haliburton assumed command of the regiment.

After the heavy loss sustained by the relieving force in pushing its way through the enemy, it was clearly impossible to carry off the sick, wounded, women, and children (amounting to not fewer than 1500) through five miles of disputed suburb; the want of carriage alone rendering it an impossibility. It was therefore necessary for the now considerably increased garrison to maintain itself in its present position on reduced rations until reinforcements should advance to its relief. Brigadier Inglis retained command of the old Lucknow garrison, reinforced by the volunteer cavalry, Madras Fusiliers, and a detachment of the 78th; while General Havelock commanded the field force that occupied the palaces and outposts.

One of the enemy’s batteries, known as Phillip’s Battery, still remained in a strong position close to the Residency, and continued to annoy the garrison by its fire; its capture, therefore, became necessary, and a force, consisting in all of 568 men, of which the 78th formed a part, was placed at the disposal of Colonel Napier, of the Bengal Engineers, on the 1st of October. On the afternoon of that day the column formed on the road leading to the Pyne Bagh, and advancing to some houses near the Jail, drove the enemy away from them and from a barricade, under a sharp musketry fire. The column having to work its way through strongly barricaded houses, it was late before a point was reached from which the enemy’s position could be commanded. This having been obtained, and it being found, on reconnoitring, that the battery was in a high position, scarped, and quite inaccessible without ladders, it was determined to defer the assault till daylight. The position gained having been duly secured and loopholed, the men occupied the buildings for the night, and were subjected to a heavy fire from the battery.

On the morning of the 2nd the troops advanced, covered by a fire of artillery from the Residency entrenchment. A severe fire was opened from a barricade which flanked the battery on the right; but this being turned, the troops advanced and drove the enemy from the battery, capturing the guns, which had been withdrawn to some distance, and driving off the enemy, who defended them with musketry and grape. The guns having been destroyed, and Phillip’s house blown up, the troops withdrew to their position of the previous night, the 78th having lost 1 man killed and 3 wounded.

The command of this sallying party now fell to Major Haliburton of the 78th, who, under instructions from the general, commenced on the 3rd of October to work from house to house with crowbar and pickaxe, with a view to the possibility of adapting the Cawnpoor road as the line of communication with the Alum Bagh. On the 4th, Major Haliburton was mortally wounded and his successor disabled. On the 6th the proceedings were relinquished, and the troops gradually withdrew to the post at the junction of the Cawnpoor road and Main Street, which was occupied by the 78th Highlanders, and retained by that regiment as a permanent outpost during the two months’ blockade which ensued.

The regiment being greatly reduced, both in officers and men, the ten companies were told off into four divisions, each under the command of an officer--Captain Hay, Lieutenants Cassidy, Finlay, and Barker. The position was divided into three different posts, each defended by one of these divisions, the fourth being in reserve. By this arrangement, each man was on guard for three days and nights out of four, and on the fourth day was generally employed on a working party in erecting the defences.

Everything was now done by the garrison to strengthen its position; barricades were erected at all available points, the defences of the Residency were improved, and all the palaces and buildings occupied by the field force were put into a state of defence. One of the greatest dangers that the besieged had to apprehend was from the enemy’s mines, which threatened the position of the British from every possible quarter, thus requiring the garrison to be continually on the alert, and to be constantly employed in countermining. In this the garrison was very successful, the underground attempts of the besiegers being outwitted on almost every hand, and many of their mines frequently destroyed. The outpost of the 78th, under Captain Lockhart (who on the death of Major Haliburton took command of the regiment, and held it during the rest of the siege), was vigorously assailed by these means by the enemy; but they were completely outwitted by some of the soldiers of the 78th (who volunteered for this work, for which they received extra pay at the rate of 10s. per diem), directed by Lieutenant Hutchinson, of the Bengal Engineers, and Lieutenant Tulloch, Acting Engineer.

The enemy kept so persistently sinking shafts and driving galleries towards the position occupied by the 78th, that in order to countermine them five shafts were sunk at several angles of the position, from each of which numerous galleries were driven, of a total length of 600 feet. Indeed, in regard to the mining operations in connection with the siege of Lucknow, Sir James Outram wrote, “I am aware of no parallel to our series of mines in modern war; 21 shafts, aggregating 200 feet in depth, and 3291 feet of gallery, have been erected. The enemy advanced 20 mines against the palace and outposts.”

The post of the 78th was all this time exposed by day and night to a ceaseless fire of shot, shell, and musketry, and scarcely a day passed in which some casualty did not occur. The outer walls of the houses forming the post were reduced to ruins by round shot, and sharp-shooters occupied the houses around to within 50 yards, watching for their prey. All the other regiments were similarly situated during the two months’ blockade.

The rations had now for some time been reduced to one-half, and the troops, having left everything behind them at the Alum Bagh, had nothing to wear but the clothes they wore on entering. At length, however, tidings of relief arrived.

Sir Colin Campbell arrived at the Alum Bagh on the 12th of November with about 700 cavalry, 2700 infantry, and some artillery (being chiefly troops which had been engaged in the siege of Delhi), after having a smart skirmish at Buntera, where Captain Mackenzie of the 78th was a second time wounded; that officer, with Lieutenant-Colonel Hamilton, Captain Archer, and several men of the 78th, having accompanied the relieving force. Changing the garrison of the Alum Bagh, where the 75th Regiment was left, Sir Colin Campbell formed a battalion of detachments of the 7th Fusiliers, the 64th and 78th Regiments, numbering in all about 400 men, of whom 118 belonged to the 78th, with Lieutenant-Colonel M’Intyre, Captain Archer, and Lieutenant Walsh, the battalion being commanded by Lieut.-Colonel Henry Hamilton of the 78th.

The commander-in-chief being further joined by a reinforcement of about 700 men (of the 23rd Fusiliers and 82nd Regiment), advanced from the Alum Bagh in the direction of Dilkhoosha Park, and after a running fight of about two hours, the enemy were driven through the park of the Martinière beyond the canal. The Dilkhoosha and Martinière were both occupied, and all baggage being left at the former place in charge of the regiment, the advance on Secundur Bagh commenced early on the 16th. This place, as well as the Shah Nujeef, was taken in the most gallant manner, the 93rd Highlanders forming part of the attacking force.

In the meantime Havelock’s force had been employed in digging trenches and erecting batteries in a large garden held by the 90th Regiment; these were concealed by a lofty wall, under which several mines were driven for the purpose of blowing it down when the moment for action should arrive. It was determined by the general, that as soon as the commander-in-chief should reach Secundur Bagh, this wall should be blown in by the miners, and that the batteries should open on the insurgent defences in front, when the troops were to storm the three buildings known as the Hera Khanah, or Deer House, the Steam Engine House, and the King’s Stables.

On the morning of the 16th, all the troops that could be spared from the defences were formed in the square of the Chuttur Munzil; at 11 A.M. the mines under the wall were sprung, and the batteries opened an overwhelming fire, which lasted for three hours, on the buildings beyond. When the breaches were declared practicable, the troops were brought up to the front through the trenches, and lay down before the batteries until the firing should cease, and the signal be given to advance. The storming parties were five in number, with nearly 800 men in all, each accompanied by an engineer officer and a working party. A reserve of 200 men, part of whom belonged to the 78th, under Major Hay of that regiment, remained in the palace square. The 78th storming party, 150 strong, was commanded by Captain Lockhart, and the working party by Lieutenant Barker, accompanied by an engineer officer.

The guns having ceased firing at half-past three in the afternoon, the bugle sounded the advance. “It is impossible,” wrote General Havelock, “to describe the enthusiasm with which the signal was received by the troops. Pent up, inactive, for upwards of six weeks, and subjected to constant attacks, they felt that the hour of retribution and glorious exertion had returned. Their cheers echoed through the courts of the palace, responsive to the bugle sound, and on they rushed to assured victory. The enemy could nowhere withstand them. In a few minutes the whole of their buildings were in our possession.”

Guns were mounted on the newly-occupied post, and the force retired to its quarters. On the following day the newly-erected batteries opened fire upon the Tara Kotee (or Observatory) and the Mess House, while Sir Colin Campbell’s artillery battered them from the opposite direction. In the afternoon these and the intermediate buildings were occupied by the relieving force, and the relief of the besieged garrison was accomplished.

All arrangements having been made for the silent and orderly evacuation of the Residency and palaces hitherto occupied by General Havelock’s troops, the retreat commenced at midnight on the 22nd, and was carried out most successfully in perfect silence, the 78th Highlanders forming the rear-guard. When the 78th reached the last palace square, Sir James Outram, who was riding with it, halted the regiment for a few moments, and in a low but clear voice addressed to them a few words, saying that he had selected the 78th for the honour of covering the retirement of the force, as they had had the post of honour, in advance, on entering to relieve the garrison, and none were more worthy of the post of honour in leaving it. The evacuation was so successfully accomplished, and the enemy were so completely deceived by the movements of the British force, that they did not attempt to follow, but, on the contrary, kept firing on the old position many hours after its evacuation.

The entire force reached the Dilkhoosha Park at four o’clock on the morning of the 23rd. Here the army sustained a great loss by the death of the brave and noble-minded Sir Henry Havelock, K.C.B., who died of dysentery brought on by the severe privations of the campaign.

Lieutenant-Colonel Hamilton’s battalion of detachments was broken up, and that part of it belonging to the 78th joined the headquarters of the regiment, that officer assuming the command. For their services in Sir Colin Campbell’s force, Lieutenants-Colonel H. Hamilton and M’Intyre received the thanks of the Governor-General, and were afterwards created Companions of the Bath.

Between the 26th of September and the 22nd of November, the 78th lost in the defence of Lucknow 9 men killed, and 5 officers and 42 men wounded; the names of the officers were, Major Haliburton, Captain Bogle, Assistant-Surgeon M’Master, Captain Lockhart, Lieutenant Swanson, and Lieutenant Barker. The two first mentioned and Lieutenant Swanson, besides 27 men, died of their wounds during these two months.

As might be expected, Sir James Outram in his despatches spoke in the very highest terms of the conduct of the troops during this trying period, and the Governor-General in Council offered his hearty thanks to Brigadiers Hamilton and Stisted, and Captains Bouverie and Lockhart of the 78th, for their efficient co-operation. General Havelock’s force was rewarded by a donation of twelve months’ batta, which reward was also conferred on the original garrison of Lucknow. Colonel Walter Hamilton and Surgeon Jee of the 78th were made C.B.’s, the former receiving the distinguished service pension of L.100 per annum, and the latter the Victoria Cross; Captain Lockhart was made a Brevet-Major.

Mention should be made of the occupation and defence of the post at the Alum Bagh under Lieutenant-Colonel M’Intyre of the 78th, from the 25th of September until the arrival of Sir Colin Campbell’s force. That officer, it may be remembered, was appointed to the command of the Alum Bagh, with detachments of regiments of about 200 Europeans, with some Sikhs, and foreigners. In it were placed the sick and wounded of the force, amounting to 128 (of whom 64 were wounded), the baggage, commissariat and ordnance stores. The native followers left them amounted to nearly 5000, and there was an enormous number of cattle of various descriptions. Though closely besieged by the enemy, and suffering greatly at first from scarcity of provisions, the small force held gallantly out until relieved, with a loss of only one European killed and two wounded during the 49 days’ siege. For this service Lieutenant-Colonel M’Intyre received the special thanks of the Government.

On the afternoon of the 25th of November the whole force under Sir Colin Campbell encamped in the plain to the south of the Alum Bagh. On the 27th, the commander-in-chief moved off with General Grant’s division in the direction of Cawnpoor, which was threatened by the Gwalior contingent, leaving Sir James Outram’s division, now numbering 4000 men of all arms, to retain a defensive position at the Alum Bagh, with a view of keeping in check the masses of Lucknow rebels. Sir James took up a strong position, fortifications being erected at every possible point, and the force at his command being disposed in the most advantageous manner. The circuit of the entire position was nearly ten miles, and here the force remained for the next three months (December, January, and February), while Sir Colin Campbell, after retaking Cawnpoor, was engaged in recovering the Doab, and making preparations for a final assault upon the city of Lucknow. The numbers of the enemy daily increased in front of Sir James Outram’s position, until they amounted to little less than 100,000. The unceasing activity of the enemy kept Outram’s force continually on the alert.

Towards the end of December, Sir James learned that the enemy contemplated surrounding his position and cutting off supplies, and with that object had despatched to Guilee a force which took up a position between that village and Budroop, which places are about a mile distant from each other, and were about three miles to the right front of the British position. This force, on the evening of December 21st, amounted to about 4000 infantry, 400 cavalry, and 4 field guns.

Sir James moved out at 5 o’clock on the morning of the 22nd, with a force composed of 6 guns, 190 cavalry, 1227 infantry under Colonel Stisted of the 78th, including 156 of the 78th under Captain Lockhart. Notwithstanding the very unequal odds, the enemy were completely and brilliantly repulsed on all hands, 4 guns, and 12 waggons filled with ammunition being captured. In his Division Order of the next day Sir James Outram said, “The right column, under command of Lieutenant-Colonel Purnell, 90th Regiment, consisting of detachments of the 78th and 90th Regiments and Sikhs, excited his admiration by the gallant way in which, with a cheer, they dashed at a strong position held by the enemy, and from which they were met by a heavy fire, regardless of the overwhelming numbers, and 6 guns reported to be posted there. The suddenness of the attack, and the spirited way in which it was executed, resulted in the immediate flight of the enemy, with hardly a casualty on our side.” In the same order. Sir James thanked Lieutenant-Colonel H. Hamilton for the manner in which he commanded the reserve, and Brigadiers Hamilton (78th) and Eyre, who had charge of the camp, for the way in which they kept the enemy in check.

After this successful repulse the enemy did not again attempt to surround the position, but continued day after day to make attacks upon it from their position in front. Want of space forbids us to give details of these attacks, every one of which, notwithstanding the overwhelming numbers of the rebels, was most brilliantly repulsed with but little loss to the British.

“Thus was this position before Lucknow held for three months by Sir James Outram’s division, his troops being continually called on to repel threatened attacks, and frequently employed in defending the numerous picquets and outposts, all of which were exposed to the fire of the enemy’s batteries.”

The casualties of the 78th during this defence were only 8 men wounded.

On the 26th of January 1858, the 2nd brigade was paraded to witness the presentation of six good-conduct medals to men of the 78th Highlanders, on which occasion Sir James Outram addressed the regiment in terms in which, probably, no other regiment in the British army was ever addressed. Indeed, the Ross-shire Buffs may well be proud of the high opinion formed of them by Generals Havelock and Outram, neither of whom were given to speaking anything but the severe truth. So extremely complimentary were the terms in which Sir James Outram addressed the 78th, that he thought it advisable to record the substance of his address in writing, lest the 78th should attribute anything to the excitement of the moment. In a letter addressed to Brigadier Hamilton he wrote,--“What I did say is what I really feel, and what I am sure must be the sentiment of every Englishman who knows what the 78th have done during the past year, and I had fully weighed what I should say before I went to parade.” We must give a few extracts from the address as Sir James wrote it:--

“Your exemplary conduct, 78th, in every respect, throughout the past eventful year, I can truly say, and I do most emphatically declare, has never been surpassed by any troops of any nation, in any age, whether for indomitable valour in the field or steady discipline in the camp, under an amount of fighting, hardship, and privation such as British troops have seldom, if ever, heretofore been exposed to. The cheerfulness with which you have gone through all this has excited my admiration as much as the undaunted pluck with which you always close with the enemy whenever you can get at him, no matter what his odds against you, or what the advantage of his position.... I am sure that you, 78th, who will have borne the brunt of the war so gloriously from first to last, when you return to old England, will be hailed and rewarded by your grateful and admiring countrymen as the band of heroes, as which you so well deserve to be regarded.”

In the meantime Sir Colin Campbell having relieved Cawnpoor and retaken the Doab, and having received large reinforcements from England, had assembled a large army for the capture of the city of Lucknow. This army was composed of an artillery division, an engineer brigade, a cavalry division, and four infantry divisions. The 78th Highlanders, consisting of 18 officers and 501 men, under Colonel Stisted, formed with the 90th Light Infantry, and the regiment of Ferozepore, the 2nd Brigade, under Brigadier Wanklin of the 84th Regiment, of the 1st Division under Major-General Sir James Outram, G.C.B. In the 2nd Division were the 42nd and 93rd Highlanders, and in the 3rd Division, the 79th Highlanders. The whole army amounted to 1957 artillery, 2002 engineers, 4156 cavalry, and 17,549 infantry, or a grand total of 25,664 effective men, to which was added during the course of the siege the Ghoorka army, under the Maharajah Jung Bahadoor, numbering about 9000 men and 24 guns.

We need not enter into the details of the siege of Lucknow, especially as the 78th was not engaged in the aggressive operations, particulars of which will be found in our histories of the 42nd, 79th, and 93rd. After nineteen days’ incessant fighting, the city was taken complete possession of by the British, and the enemy put to utter rout. During the siege operations the 78th was in position at the Alum Bagh, where the regiment sustained little more than the usual annoyance from the enemy, until the 16th, when the front and left of the position were threatened by large forces of the enemy’s infantry and cavalry. Brigadier Wanklin had hardly time to dispose his troops in the best positions for supporting the outposts, when a determined advance of the enemy’s line took place, their cavalry in myriads making a most brilliant charge on the front left picquets. A heavy fire from these, however, aided by that of the field artillery, who were detached to the left, caused them to turn and flee precipitately.

The 78th being thus not actively engaged during the siege, sustained a loss of only 1 officer, Captain Macpherson, and 2 men wounded.

The officers of the regiment honourably mentioned in the despatches were Colonel Stisted, C.B., Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel H. Hamilton, C.B., Brevet-Major Bouverie, on whom the brevet rank of Lieutenant-Colonel was conferred, Captain Macpherson, on whom the brevet rank of Major was conferred, and Lieutenant Barker. The brevet rank of Major was also conferred on Captain Mackenzie.

On the 29th of March 1858 the divisions of the army were broken up, and three new forces of all arms combined were formed as follows:--the Azimgurh Field Force under General Lugard, the Lucknow Field Force under General Sir Hope Grant, and the Rohilcund Field Force under Brigadier-General Walpole.

After going to Cawnpoor the 78th joined, on the 26th of April, the Rohilcund Field Force, among the regiments composing which were the 42nd, 79th, and 93rd Highlanders. On the same day Sir Colin Campbell arrived and took the command, moving on the following day to Bareilly, the enemy everywhere retiring before the advancing forces. Early on the morning of the 5th of May a movement was made upon Bareilly from Furreedpoor; but into the details of the hot work that took place here we need not enter: they will be found elsewhere. On the forenoon of the 7th, the 78th was sent to protect the heavy guns which were detached to the front for the purpose of shelling some large buildings intervening between the British force and the town, and which were supposed to be undermined.

On the morning of the 7th the town of Bareilly was finally reduced, and the Mussulman portion of it, where there were still detached parties of Ghazees remaining with the intention of selling their lives as dearly as possible, was cleared. In these affairs the 78th lost only 1 man killed and 1 officer, Lieutenant Walsh, and 1 man wounded.

The 42nd, 78th, and 93rd Highlanders were now left to garrison Bareilly, where the 78th remained till February 20th, 1859, having in the meantime received orders to prepare for embarkation to England; previous to which 176 of the men volunteered to join other corps remaining in India. Before leaving Bareilly, an order highly complimentary to the corps was issued by Brigadier-General (now Sir Robert) Walpole, K.C.B. We regret that space does not permit us to reproduce the order here, and for a similar reason we must pass over with as great brevity as possible the remaining history of the regiment; we have devoted considerable space to its periods of active service.

The regiment left Bareilly on the 20th of February, and on the 4th of March reached Agra, where a farewell order was received from the commander-in-chief to the regiment leaving India, in which he, as was to be expected, spoke in high terms of the 78th. The whole of the regiment was collected at Mhow on the 30th of March 1859, and here a banquet was given by the inhabitants of the station to the officers of the 64th and 78th, to welcome back to the Presidency of Bombay these two regiments which had been so distinguished in the late struggle.

On the 26th of March another complimentary order was received from Sir Henry Somerset, commander-in-chief of the Bombay army.

Finally, on the 28th of April, the whole regiment, which had been travelling in detachments, assembled at Bombay, and in honour of its arrival Commodore Wellesley, commander-in-chief of the Indian navy, ordered all H.M.’s ships to be dressed “rainbow-fashion.”

On the evening of this day a grand entertainment was given to the 78th by the European inhabitants of Bombay, in the form of a banquet, to which were invited the non-commissioned officers, privates, women, and children of the regiment. A magnificent suite of tents was pitched on the glacis of the fort, and many days had been spent in preparing illuminations, transparencies, and other decorations, to add lustre to the scene. At half-past 7 o’clock P.M. the regiment entered the triumphal arch which led to the tents, where the men were received with the utmost enthusiasm by their hosts, who from the highest in rank to the lowest had assembled to do them honour. After a magnificent and tasteful banquet, speeches followed, in which the men of the ROSS-SHIRE BUFFS were addressed in a style sufficient to turn the heads of men of less solid calibre. The entertainment was described in a local paper as “one of the most successful demonstrations ever witnessed in Western India.”

The depôt had a few days previous to this arrived from Poonah, and joined the regiment after a separation of two years and four months.

Finally, the regiment embarked on the morning of the 18th in two ships, under the distinguished honour of a royal salute from the battery. The two ships arrived at Gravesend about the middle of September, and the regiment having been transhipped, proceeded to Fort-George, where it once more rested from its hard labours, after an absence of seventeen years from home. The strength of the regiment on leaving India was 21 officers, 44 sergeants, 30 corporals, 11 drummers, 424 privates, 30 women, and 67 children; 59 men only being left of those who came out with the regiment in 1842.

We may mention here, that during this year an alteration was made in the clothing of the pipers, the colour of whose uniform was changed from buff to a dark green.

VI.

1859-1874.

Reception of the regiment in the Northern Counties--Banquet at Brahan Castle--Regiment fêted at Nairn and Inverness--Medals for Persia--Removed to Edinburgh--Officers and men fêted at Edinburgh and Hamilton--Abolition of Grenadiers and Light Companies--Medals for the Indian Mutiny--Removed to Aldershot--thence to Shorncliffe --thence to Dover--The Duke of Cambridge’s opinion of the 78th --Additional year’s service granted to Indian men--Inauguration of the Monument on the Castle Hill, Edinburgh--Presentation of Plate and Pipe-major’s Flag by the Countess of Ross and Cromarty--Lucknow Prize-money--Gibraltar--Retirement of Colonel M’Intyre--Retirement of Colonel Lockhart--His farewell Address--Canada--Presentation of Colours--Nova Scotia--Internal changes--Lieutenant-General Sir C. H. Doyle’s opinion of the 78th--Home--Belfast--Aids the civil power--Fort-George--Aldershot.

As we have devoted so much space to a narrative of the active service of this distinguished regiment, we shall be compelled to recount with brevity its remaining history; this, however, is the less to be regretted, as, like most regiments during a time of peace, the history of the Ross-shire Buffs since the Indian mutiny is comparatively uneventful.

On the 1st of June 1859 Colonel Walter Hamilton was appointed to be Inspecting Field Officer of a recruiting district, by which the command of the regiment fell to Colonel Stisted, who, on the 30th of the following September, exchanged to the 93rd Highlanders with Colonel J. A. Ewart, C.B., aide-de-camp to the Queen.

The regiment being once more assembled on the borders of Ross-shire (the county from which it received its name), after an absence of twenty years, was received on all sides with a most hearty and spontaneous and certainly thoroughly well-deserved welcome. The northern counties vied with each other in showing civility to the regiment by giving banquets to the men and balls to the officers. Into the details of these fêtes we cannot of course enter. One of the most characteristic of these entertainments was a banquet given at Brahan Castle, by the Honourable Mrs Stewart Mackenzie, daughter of the Earl of Seaforth who raised the regiment, when a large family gathering of the Mackenzies of Seaforth assembled to do honour to the corps raised by their ancestors, on its return from the Indian wars. The regiment as a body was fêted by the inhabitants of the town and county of Nairn, and by the noblemen and gentlemen of the northern countries and burgh of Inverness at the latter town. The freedom of the burgh of Nairn was also conferred on Lieutenant-Colonel M’Intyre, and in both cases addresses were presented to the regiment, showing a high and well-deserved appreciation of the noble work done by the “Saviours of India.” On entering Inverness, Colonel M’Intyre halted the regiment in front of the house of General John Mackenzie, the oldest officer then in the British army, and who originally raised the light company of the 78th Highlanders. The men gave three cheers for the gallant veteran before proceeding along the streets appointed for the procession to the banqueting hall.

In the month of November a large meeting was held at Dingwall, for the purpose of considering the propriety of presenting some lasting testimonial from all classes in the county of Ross to the Ross-shire Buffs. The result of the meeting will appear in the sequel.

Shortly after this, Nos. 11 and 12 companies were formed into a dépôt, numbering 4 officers and 96 men, who, under Captain M’Andrew, proceeded to Aberdeen to join the 23rd dépôt battalion at that place.

The medals for the Persian campaign were received in February 1860, and on the 18th of that month were issued to the regiment. Out of the 36 officers and 866 men who served in Persia in the early part of the year 1857, only 15 officers and 445 men at this time remained on the strength of the regiment.

The 78th left Fort-George in two detachments, on the 21st and 24th of February, for Edinburgh, where its reception was most enthusiastic. The streets were rendered almost impassable by the people that thronged in thousands to witness the arrival of the famous 78th. In Edinburgh, as when at Fort-George, the people showed their appreciation of the services of the regiment by fêting officers and men. On the 23rd of March the officers were entertained at banquet given by the Royal Company of Archers, Queen’s Body-Guard for Scotland; and on the 21st of April a grand banquet was given to the officers and men by the citizens of Edinburgh, in the Corn Exchange.

The 78th remained in Edinburgh till April 1861, furnishing detachments to Greenlaw and Hamilton. The detachment stationed at the latter place was duly banqueted, and the freedom of the borough conferred upon Lieutenant-Colonel M’Intyre, C.B.

While in Edinburgh, in accordance with a circular from the Horse-Guards, dated May 30th, 1860, directing that all distinction between flank and battalion companies be abolished, the grenadiers and light companies ceased to exist, as such; the green heckles, grenades, and bugles being done away with, together with all distinction as to the size of the men, &c. This step, though no doubt conducive to the greater efficiency of the service, was not a little grievous to old officers, who as a rule took considerable pride in the stalwart men of the grenadier companies.

On the 2nd of June, General Sir William Chalmers, K.C.B., died at Dundee, and was succeeded in the colonelcy of the regiment by Lieutenant-General Roderick M’Neil, formerly an officer of the 78th Highlanders.

On the 9th of August the medals granted for the suppression of the Indian mutiny were presented to the regiment by Lady Havelock (widow of the late Sir Henry Havelock), who happened to be in Edinburgh at the time. Out of about 900 of all ranks, who commenced the Indian campaign with the 78th in May 1857, only 350 remained at this time in the strength of the service companies, a few also being at the depôt at Aberdeen.

The 78th left Edinburgh for Aldershot in detachments between April 27th and May 8th, 1861, remaining in huts till the end of August, when it removed into the permanent barracks. After staying a year at Aldershot it was removed on the 15th of May 1862 to Shorncliffe, where it spent about another year, removing to Dover on the 26th of May 1863. Here it was quartered on the Western Heights, furnishing detachments regularly to the Castle Hill Fort, to be employed as engineer working parties. After staying in Dover until August 1864, the 78th embarked on the 5th of that month, under command of Colonel J. A. Ewart, C.B., for Ireland, disembarking at Kingstown on the 8th, and proceeding to Dublin. Here the regiment remained for another year, when it received the route for Gibraltar. During this period there is little to record in connection with the peaceful career of the 78th.

Since the return of the regiment from India, it had, of course, been regularly inspected, the inspecting officers, as was naturally to be expected, having nothing but praise to bestow upon its appearance, discipline, and interior economy. Shortly after the arrival of the 78th at Aldershot, it was inspected by H.R.H. the Duke of Cambridge, who spoke of it in terms of the highest praise; “it was a noble regiment and admirably drilled,” the Duke said.

On the 19th of November 1861, an authority was received for an additional year’s service to be granted to those officers and soldiers of the 78th Highlanders who formed part of the column that entered Lucknow under Sir Henry Havelock; and on the 6th of March, in the same year, a similar reward was granted to those who were left by Sir Henry Havelock in defence of the Alum Bagh post on the 25th of September 1857.

On the 15th of April 1862, a monument to the memory of the officers, non-commissioned officers, and privates of the 78th Highlanders, who fell in India during the suppression of the mutiny in 1857-58, and which had been erected on the Castle Esplanade at Edinburgh by the officers and men of the regiment, and others who had formerly served in the Ross-shire Buffs, was publicly inaugurated by Major-General Walker, C.B., commanding the troops in Scotland, in presence of the Scots Greys, the 26th Cameronians, and the Royal Artillery. The monument is in the form of a handsome and tasteful large Runic cross, an illustration of which we are glad to be able to give on the preceding page.

We mentioned above that a meeting had been held at Dingwall, to consider the propriety of presenting some testimonial to the Ross-shire Buffs from the county which gives the regiment its distinctive name. The outcome of the meeting was that, while the regiment was at Shorncliffe, on the 26th of June 1862, two magnificent pieces of plate, subscribed for by the inhabitants of the counties of Ross and Cromarty, were presented to the 78th by a deputation consisting of Keith Stewart Mackenzie (a descendant of Kenneth, Earl of Seaforth, who raised and equipped the regiment), Macleod of Cadbol, Major F. Fraser, and Lord Ashburton. The plate consists of a Centre Piece for the officers’ mess, and a cup for the sergeants’ mess, and bears the following inscription:--

Presented by the Counties of Ross and Cromarty to the 78th Highlanders or Ross-shire Buffs, in admiration of the gallantry of the regiment and of its uniform devotion to the service of the country.--1859.

A very handsome flag for the pipe-major was also presented by Keith Stewart Mackenzie of Seaforth to the regiment, which has six pipers.

While at Dover, on the 17th of October 1863, the first issue of the Lucknow prize-money was made, a private’s share amounting to £1, 14s.; that of the various other ranks, from a corporal upwards, increasing in regular proportion, up to the Lieutenant-Colonel, who received 17 shares, amounting to £28, 18s.

On the 22nd of this month died the colonel of the 78th, General Roderick Macneil (of Barra), to whom succeeded Lieutenant-General Sir Patrick Grant, G.C.B.[507] In October of the following year, Lieutenant-Colonel Ewart, who had had command of the regiment for five years, retired on half-pay, and was succeeded by Major and Brevet-Colonel Colin Campbell M’Intyre, C.B.

It may be interesting to note here, that in compliance with a circular memorandum, dated Horse-Guards, 10th June 1865, the companies of the regiment, from July 17th, were designated by letters from A to M (excluding J), for all purposes of interior economy, instead of by numbers as hitherto.

The 78th had been at home for nearly six years, when on the 2nd of August 1865, it embarked at Kingstown for Gibraltar, the whole strength of the regiment at the time being 33 officers, 713 men, 74 women, and 95 children. Asiatic cholera was prevalent at Gibraltar at the time of the regiment’s arrival, and it therefore encamped on Windmill Hill until the 18th of October. The loss of the regiment from cholera was only 5 men, 1 woman, and 1 child.

During the two years that the 78th remained at Gibraltar, in performance of the tedious routine duties incident to that station, the only event worthy of record here is the retirement on full pay, in October 1866, of Colonel M’Intyre, who had been so long connected with the regiment, and who, as we have seen, performed such distinguished service in India. He was succeeded by Lieutenant-Colonel Lockhart, C.B., who, in assuming the command of the regiment, paid, in a regimental order, a high and just compliment to his predecessor.

On the 6th of July 1867 the 78th embarked at Gibraltar for Canada. Previous to embarkation the regiment paraded on the Alameda, where his Excellency Lieutenant-General Sir Richard Airey, G.C.B., Governor of Gibraltar, bade the 78th “good-bye” in a short address highly complimentary to the regiment, and especially to Colonel Lockhart, who also, before his old regiment sailed, had to say farewell to it. Colonel Lockhart, after being connected with the 78th for thirty years, was about to retire on full pay, and therefore on the morning of the 8th, before the vessel quitted the bay, he handed over the command of the regiment to Major Mackenzie; and on the evening of that day his farewell regimental order was issued, in which he exhibited the deepest feeling at having to bid farewell to his dear old regiment, as well as intense anxiety for the highest welfare of the men. The address is, indeed, very impressive, and we are sorry that space does not permit us to quote it here. “If any 78th man meets me in Scotland,” the colonel said, “where, by God’s permission, I hope to spend many happy days, I shall expect he will not pass me by; I shall not him.”

After being transhipped at Quebec on board a river steamer, the regiment landed at Montreal on the 23rd of July. The regular routine of garrison duty at Montreal was relieved by a course of musketry instruction at Chambly, and by a sojourn in camp at Point Levis, on the fortification of which place the regiment was for some time engaged.

The only notable incident that happened during the stay of the regiment in Canada was the presentation to it of new colours, the old ones being sadly tattered and riddled, and stained with the life-blood of many a gallant officer. The new colours were presented to the regiment by Lady Windham, in the Champ de Mars, on the 30th of May 1868, amid a concourse of nearly ten thousand spectators. After the usual ceremony with regard to the old colours, and a prayer for God’s blessing on the new by the Rev. Joshua Fraser, Lady Windham, in a few neat, brief, and forcible words, presented the new colours to Ensigns Waugh and Fordyce. Lieutenant-General C. A. Windham, the commander-in-chief, also addressed the regiment in highly complimentary terms. “Though he had not a drop of Scotch blood in his veins,” he said, “he had exceedingly strong Scottish sympathies. It was under Scotchmen that he got his first military start in life, and under succeeding Scotchmen he had made his earlier way in the service.... The 78th Highlanders had always conducted themselves bravely and with unsullied loyalty.” At the déjeuner which followed, General Windham said that in the whole course of his service he had never seen a regiment which pulled together so well as the 78th, and among whom there were so few differences. All the toasts were, of course, drunk with Highland honours, and all went off most harmoniously down to the toast of the “Ladies,” to which Lieutenant Colin Mackenzie had the honour to reply, advising his young brothers in arms to lose no time in coming under the sway of the “dashing white sergeant.”

The old colours of the Ross-shire Buffs were sent to Dingwall, in Ross-shire, there to be deposited in the County Buildings or the Parish Church.

On the 8th of May 1869 the regiment left Montreal; and, after being transhipped at Quebec, proceeded to Halifax, Nova Scotia, where it arrived on the 14th of May. Previous to the regiment’s leaving Montreal, a very warm and affectionate address was presented to it by the St Andrew’s Society.

The regiment remained in Nova Scotia till November 1871, furnishing detachments regularly to St John’s, New Brunswick. On several occasions since its return from India, the strength of the regiment had been reduced; and while at Halifax, on the 21st of April 1870, a general order was received, notifying a further reduction, and the division of the regiment into two depôts and eight service companies, consisting in all of 34 officers, 49 sergeants, 21 drummers, 6 pipers, and 600 rank and file. This involved a redistribution of the men of some of the companies; and, moreover, depôt battalions having been broken up on the 1st of April, the depôt companies of the 78th Highlanders were attached to the 93rd Highlanders.

Lieutenant-General Sir Charles Hastings Doyle, K.C.M.G., commanding the forces in British North America, inspected the regiment on the 11th of October 1870, a day or two after which the following very gratifying letter was received by Lieutenant-Colonel Mackenzie, C.B., from Brigade-Major Wilsome Black:--“The general desires me to say that he is not in the habit of making flourishing speeches at half-yearly inspections of Queen’s troops (although he does so to militia and volunteers), because her Majesty expects that all corps shall be in perfect order. When they are not, they are sure to hear from him, and a report made accordingly to the Horse Guards; but when nothing is said, a commanding officer will naturally take for granted that his regiment is in good order. The general, however, cannot refrain from saying to you, and begs you will communicate to the officers and men of the regiment under your command, that he was perfectly satisfied with everything that came under his observation at his inspection of your regiment on Tuesday last.”

In compliance with orders received, the 78th, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander Mackenzie, C.B., embarked on board H.M.’s troop-ship “Orontes,” on the 25th of November 1871, and arrived at Queenstown, Ireland, on the 17th of December, where the regiment was transhipped and conveyed to Belfast, arriving in Belfast Lough on the 20th, and disembarking next day.

The strength of the regiment on its arrival in the United Kingdom was 32 officers and 472 non-commissioned officers and men, which on the 22nd of December was augmented by the arrival of the depôt battalion from Edinburgh, consisting of 2 officers and 45 non-commissioned officers and men. Shortly afterwards the strength of the regiment was augmented to 33 officers and 592 non-commissioned officers and privates; and in accordance with the Royal Warrant, dated October 30th, 1871, all the ensigns of the regiment were raised to the rank of lieutenant, the rank of ensign having been abolished in the army.

During its stay at Belfast the 78th regularly furnished detachments to Londonderry; and on several occasions it had the very unpleasant and delicate duty to perform of aiding the civil power in the suppression of riots caused by the rancour existing between Orangemen and Roman Catholics in the North of Ireland. This trying duty the regiment performed on both occasions to the entire satisfaction of the Irish authorities as well as of the War Office authorities, receiving from both quarters high and well-deserved praise for its prudent conduct, which was the means of preventing greatly the destruction of life and property.

Under the new system of localisation of regiments, it was notified in a Horse Guards General Order, that the 71st Highland Light Infantry and the 78th Highlanders would form the line portion of the 55th infantry sub-district, and be associated for the purposes of enlistment and service. The counties included in this sub-district are Orkney and Shetland, Sutherland, Caithness, Ross and Cromarty, Inverness, Nairn, and Elgin, and the station assigned to the brigade depôt is Fort George. In accordance with this scheme, Major Feilden, with a small detachment, proceeded to Fort-George on the 9th of April, to form part of the brigade depôt.

The 78th embarked at Belfast on the 3rd of May 1873, under command of Colonel Mackenzie, C.B. The streets were densely crowded, and the people gave vent to their good feeling by cheering repeatedly as the regiment marched from the barracks to the quay. The regiment was transferred to the “Himalaya,” which sailed on the 4th round the west and north coast of Scotland, and anchored in Cromarty Bay on the evening of the 7th, headquarters and six companies disembarking opposite Fort George next day. Two companies remained on board and proceeded to Aberdeen, there to be stationed. A detachment of the companies at Aberdeen proceeded to Ballater on the 15th of May, as a guard of honour to her Majesty the Queen, and again on the 14th of August.

The regiment was inspected by Major-General Sir John Douglas, K.C.B., on the 19th of May, the report of the inspection being considered by H.R.H. the Field-Marshal Commanding-in-Chief as most satisfactory.

The 78th remained at Fort George for only one year, embarking on the 11th of May 1874, under command of Colonel Mackenzie, C.B., for conveyance to Portsmouth, en route to Aldershot. The regiment disembarked at Portsmouth on the 15th of May, and proceeded by special train to Farnborough, marching thence to Aldershot. A period of exactly twelve years had elapsed since the 78th was last at this camp.

On the 19th of May the 78th was brigaded with the 42nd, 79th, and 93rd Highlanders, at a review which took place in the presence of the Czar of Russia; and it is worthy of note that these four kilted regiments are those that represented Scotland at the siege and fall of Lucknow. It is also a curious coincidence that Colonels Macleod, Mackenzie, M’Bean, and Miller all served with the regiments they led on this occasion before the Czar.

Major-General William Parke, C.B., commanding the 1st brigade, inspected the regiment on the 21st of May, and expressed himself highly pleased with the appearance and drill of the Ross-shire Buffs.

At the time we write, the establishment of this most distinguished regiment consists of 27 officers, 64 non-commissioned officers, drummers, and pipers, 40 corporals, and 480 privates,--the total of all ranks thus being 611.

We have the gratification of being able to present our readers with two authentic portraits on steel of two of the most eminent colonels of the Ross-shire Buffs. That of the first colonel, Francis Humberstone Mackenzie, Lord Seaforth, is from the original painting in the possession of Colonel Mackenzie-Fraser, of Castle-Fraser; and that of Sir Patrick Grant, G.C.B., G.C.M.G., is from a photograph by Bassano, kindly sent to us by Sir Patrick himself.

SUCCESSION LIST OF COLONELS AND FIELD OFFICERS OF THE 78th HIGHLANDERS.

COLONELS

+-------------------------+-------------------+---------------------------+ | NAMES. | Date of | Remarks. | | | Appointment. | | +-------------------------+-------------------+---------------------------+ |Francis Humberstone |March 7, 1793 |Resigned command of the | | Mackenzie, afterwards | | regiment, retaining his | | Lord Seaforth | | rank. Died, 11th January | | | | 1815. | |Alex. Mackenzie of |May 3, 1796 |Died a Lieutenant-General, | | Belmaduthy, took the | | September 1809, from | | name of Fraser of | | fever contracted in the | | Castle Fraser | | Walcheren expedition. | |Sir James Henry Craig, |September 15, 1809 |Died, 1812. | | K.C.B. | | | |Sir Samuel Auchmuty, |January 13, 1812 |Died, 1822. | | G.C.B. | | | |Sir Edward Barnes, G.C.B.|August 25, 1822 |Appointed to 31st Foot, | | | | 10th October 1834. | |Sir L. Smith, Bart., |October 10, 1834 |Appointed to the 40th Foot,| | K.C.B., G.C.H. | | 9th February 1837. | |Paul Anderson, C.B., K.C.|February 9, 1837 |Died, 28th December 1851. | |Sir Neil Douglas, K.C.B.,|December 28, 1851 |From Colonel 72nd. Died, | | K.C.H. | | 30th Sept. 1853. | |Sir W. Chalmers, C.B., |September 30, 1853 |Died, 2d June 1860. | | K.C.H. | | | |Roderick Macneil |June 3, 1860 |Died, 22d October 1863. | |Sir Patrick Grant, |October 23, 1863 |Governor of Chelsea | | G.C.B., G.C.M.G. | | Hospital (1874). | | | | LIEUTENANT-COLONELS. | | | |Alex. Mackenzie of |July 24, 1793 |Promoted Colonel-Commandant| | Belmaduthy | | 27th Feb. 1796. | |Alex. Mackenzie of |February 10, 1794 |2nd Battalion of 1794. To | | Fairburn | | 36th Regiment, 1797. | |John Randoll Mackenzie of|February 27, 1796 |A Col. in the army in 1794;| | Suddie | | he became a Major-General,| | | | and was killed at | | | | Talavera, 1809. | |Alexander Malcolm | 1795 |Died, 1798. | |John Mackenzie, Gairloch | 1795 |Placed on Half-pay, | | | | 1799.[508] | |John Mackenzie, junior | 1795 |Placed on Half-pay, 1795. | |Hay Macdowall |May 22, 1797 |Col. in the army in 1795, | | | | Major-General in 1798, | | | | and was promoted to 40th | | | | Regiment, 1802. Lost on | | | | passage from India, 1809.| |Alexander Adams |April 7, 1802 |Promoted Major-General, | | | | 1814. | |Patrick Macleod, Geanies |April 17, 1804 |2nd Bat. 1804; Killed at | | | | El-Hamet, 21st Ap. 1807. | |Hercules Scott, Benholm |July 23, 1807 |To 103rd, 1808. Killed in | | | | Canada, 1814. | |John Macleod, C.B. |May 12, 1808 |2nd Battalion of 1804. | | | | Major-General, 1819. | |James Macdonell, |September 7, 1809 |Exchanged to Coldstream | | Glengarry | | Guards, 1810. | |Sir Edward Michael Ryan, |February 21, 1811 |Died in 1812. | |James Fraser |May 1, 1812 |Killed at Probolingo in | | | | Java, 1813. | |Martin Lindsay, C.B. |November 25, 1813 |Succeeded Colonel John | | | | Macleod in command, 12th | | | | Aug. 1819, and retired | | | | 27th April 1837. | |David Forbes |July 28, 1814 |Reduced on Half-pay, 1816. | |Henry N. Douglas |April 28, 1837 |Died, 1st October 1849. | |Martin G. T. Lindsay |April 8, 1842 |Exchanged, 15th April 1842.| |Roderick Macneil |April 15, 1842 |Colonel in the army June | | | | 17, 1828, and was | | | | promoted Major-General, | | | | 9th November 1846. | |Jonathan Forbes |November 9, 1846 |Retired, 10th December | | | | 1847. | |E. Twopeny |December 10, 1847 |Exchanged to 10th Foot. | |Walter Hamilton, C.B. |October 2, 1849 |Appointed Inspecting Field | | | | Officer, 1st June 1859. | |Henry W. Stisted, C.B. |April 19, 1850 |Exchanged to 93d | | | | Highlanders, 30th Sept. | | | | 1859. | |John Alexander Ewart, |September 30, 1859 |Retired on Half-pay, 28th | | C.B. | | October 1864. | |Colin Campbell M’Intyre, |October 28, 1864 |Retired on Full-pay, 2d | | C.B. | | October 1866. | |Græme A. Lockhart, C.B. |October 2, 1866 |Retired on Full-pay, 13th | | | | July 1867. | |Alexander Mackenzie, C.B.|July 13, 1867 | | | | | MAJORS. | | | |Alex. Mackenzie, |March 8, 1793 |Promoted Colonel- | | Belmaduthy | | Commandant, 27th Feb. | | | | 1796. | |George, Earl of Errol |July 24, 1793 |To 1st Regiment Foot | | | | Guards, 1794. Died, 1799.| |Alex. Mackenzie of |July 24, 1793 |To command of 2nd | | Fairburn | | Battalion, 10th Feb. 1794.| |John Randoll Mackenzie of|February 10, 1794 |Promoted, 1794. | | Suddie | | | |Michael Monypenny |October 28, 1794 |Promoted to 73rd Regiment, | | | | 1798. Died, 1808. | |Alexander Malcolm |May 2, 1794 |Promoted, 1795. | |John Mackenzie, Gairloch |May 3, 1794 |Promoted, 1795. | |John Mackenzie, junior | 1794 |Promoted, 1795. | |Alexander Grant | 1795 |Retired, 1798. Died, 1807. | |William Montgomery | 1795 |Promoted to 64th Regiment. | | | | Died 1800. | |Alexander Adams |August 30, 1798 |Promoted, 1802. | |Hercules Scott, Benholm |May 9, 1800 |Promoted, 1807. | |Patrick Macleod, Geanies |November 18, 1802 |To command of 2nd | | | | Battalion, 17th April | | | | 1804. | |David Stewart, Garth |April 17, 1804 |Promoted to Royal West | | | | Indian Rangers, 1808. | | | | Author of the Sketches.| |James Macdonell, |April 17, 1804 |Promoted, 1809. | | Glengarry | | | |William Campbell |December 13, 1804 |Killed at taking Fort | | | | Cornelis, in Java, 1810. | |James Fraser |July 23, 1807 |Promoted, 1813. | |Robert Hamilton |April 21, 1808 |Retired, 1810. | |Martin Lindsay |January 4, 1810 |Promoted, 1813. | |David Forbes |August 29, 1811 |Promoted, 1814. | |Duncan Macpherson |November 7, 1811 |Major of the regiment in | | | | 1820. | |James Macbean |December 14, 1811 |Major of the regiment in | | | | 1820. | |Duncan Macgregor |November 25, 1813 |Reduced on Half-pay in | | | | 1816. | |Colin Campbell Mackay, |August 11, 1814 |Reduced on Half-pay in | | Bighouse | | 1816. | |Joseph Bethune |June 14, 1821 | | |C. G. Falconer |June 26, 1823 | | |Henry N. Douglas |October 22, 1825 |Promoted, 28th April 1837. | |James Mill |April 8, 1826 | | |Benjamin Adams |May 7, 1829 |Retired, 17th May 1838. | |Martin G. T. Lindsay |April 28, 1837 |Promoted, 8th April 1842. | |Jonathan Forbes |May 18, 1838 |Promoted, 9th November | | | | 1846. | |E. Twopeny |April 8, 1842 |Promoted, 10th December | | | | 1847. | |R. J. P. Vassall |November 9, 1846 |Exchanged to Half-pay. | |Walter Hamilton |December 10, 1847 |Promoted, 2d October 1849. | |J. Burns |May 23, 1848 |Exchanged to 2nd Foot. | |Henry W. Stisted |May 26, 1848 |Promoted, 19th April 1850. | |T. J. Taylor |October 2, 1849 |Died, 18th June 1850. | |Henry Hamilton, C.B. |April 19, 1850 |Appointed to the Staff, 1st| | | | July 1862. | |Colin Campbell M’Intyre, |June 19, 1850 |Promoted, 28th October | | C.B. | | 1864. | |Græme A. Lockhart, C.B. |July 1, 1862 |Promoted, 2d October 1866. | |Alexander Mackenzie |October 28, 1864 |Promoted, 13th July 1867. | |Oswald B. Feilden |October 2, 1866 | | |Augustus E. Warren |July 13, 1867 | | | | | ADJUTANTS. | | | |James Fraser |March 8, 1793 |Retired, 1794. | |James Hanson |February 10, 1794 |2nd Battalion of 1794. | | | | Became Adjutant of the | | | | consolidated Battalion in| | | | 1796. Retired. | |Donald Fraser |October 1, 1794 | | |Alexander Wishart |October 20, 1797 |Promoted. | |John Hay |December 30, 1800 |Died in India, 1803. | |Joseph Bethune |June 25, 1803 |Promoted. | |William Mackenzie |April 17, 1804 |2nd Battalion of 1804. | | | | Promoted. | |Thomas Hamilton |September 26, 1805 |Deceased. | |John Cooper |October 15, 1807 |Adjutant of the regiment | | | | till succeeded by Bull. | |James Fraser |June 15, 1810 | | |William Smith |June 24, 1813 |Adjutant of the 2nd | | | | Battalion when reduced. | |J. E. N. Bull |May 4, 1826 |Promoted, 19th October | | | | 1838. | |S. M. Edington |October 19, 1838 |Resigned, 31st August 1839.| |C. Pattison |August 31, 1839 |Promoted in Newfoundland | | | | Companies. | |Hamilton Douglas Gordon |June 16, 1848 |Promoted, 10th October | | | | 1850. | |Laurence Pleydell |October 10, 1850 |Promoted, 22nd December | | Bouverie | | 1854. | |Herbert T. Macpherson, |December 22, 1854 |Promoted, 6th October 1857.| | V.C. | | | |Andrew C. Bogle, V.C. |October 6, 1857 |Promoted, 5th November | | | | 1858. | |G. D. Barker |November 5, 1858 |Promoted, 2nd April 1861. | |Thomas Mackenzie |April 2, 1861 |Resigned, 16th May 1862. | |Richard P. Butler |May 16, 1862 |Retired, 21st November | | | | 1865. | |George E. Lecky |November 21, 1865 |Resigned, 27th February | | | | 1867. | |Robert Lockhart Dalglish |February 27, 1867 |Retired, 20th July 1867. | |E. P. Stewart |July 20, 1867 |Promoted, 7th July 1869. | |C. E. Croker-King |July 7, 1869 |Promoted, 17th July 1872. | |Arthur Dingwall Fordyce |August 21, 1872 | | | | | PAYMASTERS. | | | |Alexander Bannerman |February 25, 1804 | | |James Ferguson |March 21, 1805 |2nd Battalion of 1804. | | | | Deceased. | |John Chisholm |December 11, 1817 |Retired. Succeeded by | | | | Paymaster Taylor. | |M. G. Taylor |August 26, 1836 |Exchanged to 45th Foot. | |E. Evans |July 7, 1846 |Retired, 22nd April 1853. | |Joseph Webster |April 22, 1853 |Retired, 1st April 1864. | |Charles Skrine |April 1, 1864 | | | | | QUARTER-MASTERS. | | | |Archibald Macdougal |March 8, 1793 |Retired. | |Alexander Wishart |February 10, 1794 |2nd Battalion of 1794. | | | | Establishment reduced. | |Duncan Macrae |January 23, 1801 |To 76th Foot as Ensign. | |John Leavoch |February 11, 1804 |Promoted from Paymaster’s | | | | Clerk. He carried the | | | | Queen’s colour at Assaye | | | | and Argaum. | |John Macpherson |April 17, 1804 |2nd Battalion of 1804. | | | | Retired. | |Alexander Waters |June 30, 1808 | | |William Smith |April 19, 1810 | | |William Gunn |August 6, 1812 |Paymaster in Cape Mounted | | | | Rifles, May 31, 1839. | |Joseph Webster |May 31, 1839 |Promoted Paymaster, 22nd | | | | April 1853. | |Patrick Carroll |April 22, 1853 |Retired on Full-pay, 12th | | | | September 1856. | |Charles Skrine |September 12, 1856 |Promoted Paymaster, 1st | | | | April 1864. | |Alexander Weir |April 26, 1864 | | | | | SURGEONS. | | | |Thomas Baillie |March 8, 1793 |Died in India, 1802. | |William Kennedy | 1794 |2nd Battalion of 1794. | |John Macandie |November 17, 1802 | | |Thomas Draper |April 17, 1804 |2nd Battalion of 1804. | | | | Promoted Deputy | | | | Inspector-General. | |Neil Currie |September 1, 1808 | | |William Munro |June 3, 1813 |To Half-pay. | |John M’Roberts, M.D. |November 13, 1817 | | |Robert Henry Bolton, M.D.|October 30, 1823 | | |Duncan Henderson |March 23, 1826 |Exchanged to 14th Foot. | |John M’Andrew |February 15, 1833 |Appointed to 40th Foot. | |James Burt |July 29, 1836 |Appointed to 16th Dragoons.| |Archibald Alexander |October 3, 1845 |Exchanged to 50th Foot. | |Arthur C. Webster |March 23, 1849 |Transferred to 10th | | | | Hussars. | |Joseph Jee, V.C. & C.B. |June 23, 1854 |Exchanged to 1st Dragoons, | | | | 20th Sept. 1864. | |L. C. Stewart |September 20, 1864 |Promoted, 17th March 1867. | |J. Meane |March 8, 1867 |Appointed to the Staff, 6th| | | | March 1869. | |V. M. M’Master, V.C. |March 6, 1869 |Died, 22nd January 1872. | |A. W. Beveridge, M.D. |February 17, 1872 | | +-------------------------+-------------------+---------------------------+

ASSISTANT-SURGEONS.--John Macandie (1795), Alex. Young (1795), John Bowen (1803), Wm. Munro (1805), Alex. Leslie (1805), Walter Irwin (1810), John Hughes (1811), Wm. Macleod (1814), George Maclean (1814), Duncan Henderson, M.D. (1817), Alex Duncan (1826), James Thomson (1826), Arthur Wood, M.D. (1826), James Young (1826), Wm. Robertson (1832), W. H. Allman (1842), John Innes (1842), G. Archer, M.D. (1839), J. Mitchell, M.D. (1843), D. R. M’Kinnon (1844), W. Bowie, M.D. (1844), J. Leitch, M.D. (1846), J. M’Nab, M.D. (1847), A. S. Willocks (1852), E. K. O’Neill (1854), V. M. M’Master (1855), S. S. Skipton, M.D. (1857), A. W. Beveridge, M.D. (1857), P. Kilgour (1866), N. Wade (1867), W. Johnston, M.D. (1872).

DRESS OF THE 78TH HIGHLANDERS,

THE FULL HIGHLAND COSTUME.

Officers.--Kilt and belted plaid of Mackenzie tartan; scarlet Highland doublet, trimmed with gold lace according to rank, buff facings (patrol jacket and trews for fatigue dress); bonnet of black ostrich plumes, with white vulture hackle; Menzies tartan hose, red garter knots, and white spatterdashes (shoes and gold buckles, and Mackenzie tartan hose and green garter knots for ball dress); sporran of white goat’s hair, with eight gold tassels (two long black tassels undress); buff leather shoulder-belt, with gilt breast plate; red morocco dirk belt, embroidered with gold thistles; dirk and skean-dhu, mounted in cairngorm and silver gilt; the claymore, with steel scabbard; round silver-gilt shoulder brooch, surmounted by a crown. The field officers wear trews, shoulder plaid, and waist belt. The Cabar Feidh on all appointments, with the Elephant, superscribed “Assaye.”

Mess Dress.--Scarlet shell jacket, with buff rolling collar and facings, and gold shoulder-knots; Mackenzie tartan vest, with cairngorm buttons.

Sergeants.--Same as privates, with the exception of finer cloth and tartan. Staff sergeants wear the buff cross-belt and claymore, and shoulder plaid with brooch.

Privates.--Kilt and fly of Mackenzie tartan; scarlet Highland doublet, buff facings (buff jacket and trews for fatigue dress); bonnet of black ostrich plumes, with white hackle; sporran of white goat’s hair, with two long black tassels; Menzies tartan hose, red garter knots, and white spatterdashes; the Cabar Feidh and the Elephant on the appointments.

Band.--Same as privates, with the exception of red hackles, grey sporrans, buff waist-belts and dirks, and shoulder plaids and brooch.

Pipers.--Same as privates, with the exception of green doublets, green hackles, Mackenzie tartan hose, green garter knots, grey sporrans, black shoulder and dirk belts, claymore, dirk, and skean-dhu, and shoulder plaids with round brooch.

FOOTNOTES:

[465] For this history of the 78th Highlanders up to the beginning of the Persian War, we are entirely indebted to Captain Colin Mackenzie, formerly an officer of the regiment, who is himself preparing a detailed history of the 78th.

[466] See page 238, vol. ii.

[467] Stewart’s Sketches.

[468] The corporals were included in this number, which should therefore have appeared as “rank and file” instead of “private men.”--C.M.

[469] Private papers of the late Lord Seaforth.

[470] Extract from letter of service.

[471] “During six years’ residence in different cantonments in Bengal no material event occurred. The corps sustained throughout a character every way exemplary. The commanding officer’s system of discipline, and his substitution of censure for punishment, attracted much attention. The temperate habits of the soldiers, and Colonel Mackenzie’s mode of punishment, by a threat to inform his parents of the misconduct of a delinquent, or to send a bad character of him to his native country, attracted the notice of all India. Their sobriety was such that it was necessary to restrict them from selling or giving away the usual allowance of liquor to other soldiers.

“There were in this battalion nearly 300 men from Lord Seaforth’s estate in the Lewis. Several years elapsed before any of these men were charged with a crime deserving severe punishment. In 1799 a man was tried and punished. This so shocked his comrades that he was put out of their society as a degraded man, who brought shame on his kindred. The unfortunate outcast felt his own degradation so much that he became unhappy and desperate; and Colonel Mackenzie, to save him from destruction, applied and got him sent to England, where his disgrace would be unknown and unnoticed. It happened as Colonel Mackenzie had expected, for he quite recovered his character. By the humane consideration of his commander, a man was thus saved from that ruin which a repetition of severity would have rendered inevitable.”--Stewart’s Sketches.

[472] Cust’s Wars.

[473] “A Mahratta chief, residing in the British camp, gave the following account of the action in a letter to his friends at Poonah:--‘The English are a strange people, and their General a wonderful man. They came here in the morning, looked at the Pettah wall, walked over it, killed all the garrison, and then turned in to breakfast. Who can resist such men as these?’”--Cust’s Wars.

[474] Cust’s Wars.

[475] “It may not be known to the public, and perhaps not to the 78th Regiment itself, that the handsome black granite slab inserted in the Pettah wall of Ahmednuggur, bearing an inscription that on this spot fell, at the storming of the fort, Captain Thomas Mackenzie-Humberstone (son of Colonel Mackenzie-Humberstone, who was killed at the close of the Mahratta War, 1783), also to the memory of Captain Grant, Lieutenant Anderson, the non-commissioned officers, and privates of that Regiment who fell on that occasion, was placed here as a memorial by the Honourable Mrs Stewart-Mackenzie (then Lady Hood), eldest daughter of Lord Seaforth (brother of Colonel Humberstone), when she visited this spot on her way from Poonah to Hyderabad, in March 1813.”--Memorandum found among the papers of the late Colonel C. Mackenzie-Fraser of Castle Fraser.

[476] Alison’s History of Europe.

[477] “It is now said that they had in their camp 128 guns.”--General Wellesley to Major Shaw, 28th September 1803.

[478] See History of the 74th, vol. ii. p. 575.

[479] Stewart’s Sketches.

[480] Alison’s History of Europe.

[481] Sir Samuel Auchmuty’s Despatch.

[482] Alison’s History of Europe.

[483] Stewart’s Sketches.

[484] “On the 10th, the ‘Prince Blucher,’ Captain Weatherall, came in sight, and took on board Major Macpherson, Lieutenants Mackenzie and M’Crummin, with a considerable number of men and all the women and children. He would have taken the whole, but was driven off during the night by a severe gale, and obliged to proceed to Calcutta, leaving Captain M’Queen, Lieutenants M’Rae, Macleod, Brodie, Macqueen, and Smith, and 109 non-commissioned officers and privates on the island, which is barren and uninhabited.”--Regimental Record.

[485] Stewart’s Sketches.

[486] Stewart’s Sketches.

[487] Records of 2nd Battalion.

[488] His portrait will be found on page 396, vol. ii.

[489] Before launching out into its history, it may be as well to state that the uniform of this battalion was formed on the exact model of the original dress of the first battalion, viz., a Highland jacket, neck and cuffs of light buff, edging and frogs trimmed with a narrow stripe of green, the button bearing the number of the regiment beneath a crown, the breastplate engraved with a G. R. circumscribed with the regimental motto, “Cuidich ’n Righ” (“Aids of the King”); and in all other respects the full Highland uniform as established by his Majesty’s regulations.

[490] Stewart’s Sketches. In relating the above interesting anecdote, it is generally understood that Stewart alludes to an incident in his own career.

[491] It is said that Sir John Stuart was greatly disappointed to find the second battalion of the 78th a “corps of boys,” he having expected the 42nd to be sent to his command, and calculated on their assistance in his projected descent on Calabria. However, this disappointment was of but short duration, as his order of the 6th of July, after the battle of Maida, will testify.

[492] “Sergeant John Macrae, a young man, about twenty-two years of age, but of good size and strength of arm, showed that the broadsword, in a firm hand, is as good a weapon in close fighting as the bayonet. If the first push of the bayonet misses its aim, or happens to be parried, it is not easy to recover the weapon and repeat the thrust, when the enemy is bold enough to stand firm; but it is not so with the sword, which may be readily withdrawn from its blow, wielded with celerity, and directed to any part of the body, particularly to the head and arms, whilst its motions defend the person using it. Macrae killed six men, cutting them down with his broadsword (of the kind usually worn by sergeants of Highland corps), when at last he made a dash out of the ranks on a Turk, whom he cut down; but as he was returning to the square he was killed by a blow from behind, his head being nearly split in two by the stroke of a sabre. Lieutenant Christopher Macrae, whom I have already mentioned as having brought eighteen men of his own name to the regiment as part of his quota of recruits, for an ensigncy, was killed in this affair, with six of his followers and namesakes, besides the sergeant. On the passage to Lisbon in October 1805, the same sergeant came to me one evening crying like a child, and complaining that the ship’s cook had called him English names, which he did not understand, and thrown some fat in his face. Thus a lad who, in 1805, was so soft and so childish, displayed in 1807 a courage and vigour worthy a hero of Ossian.”--Stewart’s Sketches.

[493] Records, 2d Battalion. He was succeeded in the command by Lieut.-Colonel John Macleod.

[494] Records, 2d Battalion.

[495] The victor of Barossa, afterwards Lord Lynedoch.

[496] Stewart’s Sketches.

[497] At these stations the regiment was inspected, and most favourably reported upon, by Major-General Hope.

[498] His portrait will be found on page 482, vol. ii.

[499] Journal of Captain Keogh, late 78th Highlanders.

[500] Captain Hunt’s (78th Highlanders) Persian Campaign.

[501] Captain Hunt’s Persian Campaign.

[502] This portrait is copied, by the permission of John Clark Marshman, Esq., and the Messrs Longman, from that in Marshman’s Memoirs of Major-General Sir Henry Havelock, K.C.B.

[503] Captain Hunt, 78th Highlanders, “Persian Campaign.” We may remark that Captain Hunt’s conduct of the Ahwaz force was very highly praised. Sir James Outram says in his despatch to Sir Henry Somerset, “Great praise is also due to Captain Hunt, 78th Highlanders, who so successfully carried out the military operations,” and Sir Henry acknowledges this by alluding to Captain Hunt, “whose excellent disposition of his small force I have remarked with much satisfaction.” Captain Hunt also received the thanks of the Governor-General in Council. This very promising officer unfortunately fell a victim to cholera during the Mutiny, and thus, at an early age, terminated a career which must have done honour to himself and reflected credit upon his regiment.--C. M.

[504] “Of the 78th Highlanders Havelock had formed a very high estimate, and in his confidential report of that corps, made before leaving Persia, a copy of which was found among his papers, he had said:--‘There is a fine spirit in the ranks of this regiment. I am given to understand that it behaved remarkably well in the affair at Kooshab, near Busheer, which took place before I reached the army; and during the naval action on the Euphrates, and its landing here, its steadiness, zeal, and activity, under my own observation, were conspicuous. The men have been subjected in this service to a good deal of exposure, to extremes of climate, and have had heavy work to execute with their entrenching tools, in constructing redoubts and making roads. They have been, while I have had the opportunity of watching them, most cheerful; and have never seemed to regret or complain of anything but that they had no further chance of meeting the enemy. I am convinced the regiment would be second to none in the service if its high military qualities were drawn forth. It is proud of its colours, its tartan, and its former achievements.’”--Marshman’s Memoirs of Havelock.

[505] This account of the part taken by the regiment in the suppression of the Indian mutiny is compiled mainly from the admirable narrative contained in the Regimental Record Book.

[506] The garrison at Cawnpoor, under the command of Sir Hugh Wheeler, was induced to surrender, after a most heroic defence of three weeks, on promise of a safe conduct to Allahabad, and on condition that the force should march out under arms, with 60 rounds of ammunition to every man; that carriages should be provided for the conveyance of the wounded, the women, and the children; and that boats, victualled with a sufficiency of flour, should be in readiness, at the Suttee Chowra Ghât, or landing-place (on the Ganges), which lay about a mile from the British entrenchment. On the morning of the 27th of June 1857 the garrison, numbering, with women and children, nearly 800, was marched down to the landing-place; but before the embarkation was completed, a fire of grape and musketry was opened upon the boats, and a fearful massacre took place. Only 125 women and children were spared from that day’s massacre, and reserved for the more awful butchery of the 15th of July. Upwards of a hundred persons got away in a boat, but only four made good their escape, as within three days the boat was captured by the mutineers and taken back to Cawnpoor, where the sixty male occupants were shot, the women and children being put into custody with the 125 already mentioned.

Our illustration is from a photograph, and shows the Fisherman’s Temple. For full details of the Cawnpoor massacres, we may refer our readers to the volume entitled Cawnpore, by G. O. Trevelyan.

[507] See portrait on the steel plate of the Colonels of the 78th and 79th Regiments.

[508] “A General, and, at the time of his death, the oldest officer in the British army. He served with high distinction and without cessation from 1779 to 1814. He became a General (full) in 1837. So marked was his daring and personal valour, that he was known among his companions in arms as ‘Fighting Jack.’ General Mackenzie married Lilias, youngest daughter of Alexander Chisholm of Chisholm, and died 14th June 1860, aged 96.”--Burke’s Peerage and Baronetage. When the 78th Highlanders were received in Inverness with the utmost enthusiasm, on their return from the Indian Mutiny, General Mackenzie, verging on 100 years, appeared on his balcony to bid them welcome, and was warmly cheered by the successors of those he had so often led to victory.--C. M.

THE 79TH QUEEN’S OWN CAMERON HIGHLANDERS.

I.

1793-1853.

The Clan Cameron--Raising of the Regiment--Flanders--West Indies --Holland--Ferrol and Cadiz--Egypt--Ireland--A 2nd battalion--Proposed abolition of the kilt--Denmark--Sweden--Portugal--Corunna--Spain--The Peninsular War--Busaco--Foz d’Arouce--Fuentes d’Onor--Death of Colonel Philip Cameron--Lord Wellington’s opinion of the 79th--Salamanca --Siege of Burgos--Vittoria--Pyrenees--Nivelle--Nive--Orthes--Toulouse --Home--Quatre Bras--Waterloo--France--Home--Chichester--Portsmouth --Jersey--Ireland--Canada--New Colours--Scotland--England--Gibraltar --“Bailie Nicol Jarvie”--Canada--Scotland--Chobham--Portsmouth.

The Camerons are well known as one of the bravest and most chivalrous of the Highland clans. They held out to the very last as steadfast adherents to the cause of the Stuarts, and the names of Ewen Cameron, Donald the “gentle Lochiel,” and the unfortunate Dr Cameron, must be associated in the minds of all Scotchmen with everything that is brave, and chivalrous, and generous, and unyieldingly loyal. The clan itself was at one time one of the most powerful in the Highlands; and the regiment which is now known by the clan name has most faithfully upheld the credit of the clan for bravery and loyalty; it has proved a practical comment on the old song, “A Cameron never can yield.”

This regiment was raised by Alan Cameron of Erracht, to whom letters of service were granted on the 17th of August 1793. No bounty was allowed by Government, as was the case with other regiments raised in this manner, the men being recruited solely at the expense of the officers. The regiment was inspected at Stirling in January 1794, and at the end of the same month its strength was raised to 1000 men, Alan Cameron being appointed Lieutenant-Colonel Commandant.[509] The 79th was at first designated the “Cameronian Volunteers,” but this designation was subsequently changed to “Cameron Highlanders.”

The following is the original list of the officers of the 79th:--

Major-Commandant--Alan Cameron.

Major--George Rowley.

Captains.

Neil Campbell Patrick M’Dowall. Donald Cameron. George Carnegie.

Captain-Lieutenant and Captain--Archibald Maclean.

Lieutenants.

Archibald Maclean. Alexander Macdonell. Duncan Stewart. John Urquhart. Colin Maclean. Joseph Dewer. Charles MacVicar.

Ensigns.

Neil Campbell. Gordon Cameron. Archibald Macdonell. Archibald Campbell. Donald Maclean. Archibald Cameron. Alexander Grant. William Graham.

Chaplain--Thomas Thompson. Adjutant--Archibald Maclean. Quartermaster--Duncan Stewart, Surgeon--John Maclean.

After spending a short time in Ireland and the south of England, the 79th embarked in August 1794 for Flanders. During the following few months it shared in all the disasters of the unfortunate campaign in that country, losing 200 men from privation and the severity of the climate.[510]

Shortly afterwards the regiment returned to England, and landed in the Isle of Wight, in April 1795. Its strength was ordered to be completed to 1000 men, preparatory to its embarkation for India. While Colonel Cameron was making every exertion to fulfil this order, he received an intimation that directions had been given to draft the Cameron Highlanders into four other regiments. This impolitic order naturally roused the indignation of the colonel, who in an interview[511] with the commander-in-chief deprecated in the strongest terms any such unfeeling and unwise proceeding. His representations were successful, and the destination of the regiment was changed to the West Indies, for which it embarked in the summer of 1795. The 79th remained in Martinique till July 1797, but suffered so much from the climate that an offer was made to such of the men as were fit for duty to volunteer into other corps, the consequence being that upwards of 200 entered the 42nd, while about a dozen joined four other regiments. The officers, with the remainder of the regiment, returned home, landing at Gravesend in August, and taking up their quarters in Chatham barracks. Orders were issued to fill up the ranks of the 79th, and by the exertions of Colonel Cameron and his officers a fresh body of 780 men was raised, who assembled at Stirling in June 1798. In the following year it was ordered to form part of the expedition to the Helder, landing at Helder Point, in North Holland, in August, when it was brigaded with the 2nd battalion Royals, the 25th, 49th, and 92nd Regiments, under the command of Major-General Moore. After various movements, the fourth division, under the command of Sir Ralph Abercromby, came up, on the 2nd of October, with the enemy, strongly posted near the village of Egmont-op-Zee. Notwithstanding the unfavourable nature of the ground, consisting of loose sand-hills, General Moore’s brigade made such a vigorous attack with the bayonet, that the enemy were quickly driven from their position, and pursued over the sand-hills till night prevented further operations. In this enterprise, Captain James Campbell, Lieutenant Stair Rose, and 13 rank and file, were killed; and Colonel Cameron, Lieutenants Colin Macdonald, Donald Macniel, 4 sergeants, and 54 rank and file wounded. The regiment was specially complimented for its conduct both by the commander-in-chief and by General Moore; the former declaring that nothing could do the regiment more credit than its conduct that day. It embarked in the end of October, and landed in England on the 1st of November.

In August 1800 the 79th embarked at Southampton as part of the expedition fitted out to destroy the Spanish shipping in the harbours of Ferrol and Cadiz. It arrived before Ferrol on the 25th, and shortly afterwards the brigade of which the regiment formed part, forced the enemy from their position and took possession of the heights of Brion and Balon, which completely commanded the town and harbour of Ferrol. Lieutenant-General Sir James Pulteney, however, did not see meet to follow out the advantage thus gained, and abandoned the enterprise. In this “insignificant service,” as Captain Jameson calls it, the 79th had only Captain Fraser, 2 sergeants, and 2 rank and file wounded.

On the 6th of October the expedition landed before Cadiz, but on account of the very unfavourable state of the weather, the enterprise was abandoned.

In 1801 the Cameron Highlanders took part in the famous operations in Egypt, under Sir Ralph Abercromby; but as minute details of this campaign are given in the histories of the 42nd and 92nd Regiments, it will be unnecessary to repeat the story here. The 79th was brigaded with the 2nd and 50th Regiments, and took an active part in the action of March 13th, in which it had 5 rank and file killed, and Lieutenant-Colonel Patrick M’Dowall, Lieutenants George Sutherland and John Stewart, Volunteer Alexander Cameron, 2 sergeants, and 56 rank and file wounded.

In the general engagement of March 21st, in which the brave Abercromby got his death-wound, the light companies of the 79th and the other regiments of its brigade kept the enemy’s riflemen in check in front, while the fight was raging hotly on the right. The regiment lost one sergeant killed, and Lieutenant Patrick Ross, 2 sergeants, and 18 rank and file wounded.

While proceeding towards Cairo with Major-General Craddock’s brigade (to which the Cameron Highlanders had been transferred) and a division of Turks, they had a brush on the 9th of May with a French force, in which the 79th had Captain M’Dowall and one private wounded. At Cairo the regiment had the honour of being selected to take possession of the advanced gate, the “Gate of the Pyramids,” surrendered to the British in terms of a convention with the French.

For its distinguished services during the Egyptian campaign, the Cameron Highlanders, besides receiving the thanks of the king and parliament, was one of the regiments which received the honour of bearing the figure of a Sphinx, with the word “Egypt,” on its colours and appointments.

After staying a short time at Minorca, the regiment returned to Scotland in August 1802, whence, after filling up its thinned ranks, it was removed to Ireland in the beginning of 1803. In 1804 a second battalion was raised, but was never employed on active service, being used only to fill up vacancies as they occurred in the first battalion, until 1815, when it was reduced at Dundee.

In 1804 the question of abolishing the kilt seems to have been under the consideration of the military authorities, and a correspondence on the subject took place between the Horse-Guards and Colonel Cameron, which deserves to be reproduced for the sake of the Highland Colonel’s intensely characteristic reply. In a letter dated “Horse Guards, 13th October 1804,” Colonel Cameron was requested to state his “private opinion as to the expediency of abolishing the kilt in Highland regiments, and substituting in lieu thereof the tartan trews.” To this Colonel Cameron replied in four sentences as follows:--

“GLASGOW, 27th October 1804.

“SIR,--On my return hither some days ago from Stirling, I received your letter of the 13th inst. (by General Calvert’s orders) respecting the propriety of an alteration in the mode of clothing Highland regiments, in reply to which I beg to state, freely and fully, my sentiments upon that subject, without a particle of prejudice in either way, but merely founded upon facts as applicable to these corps--at least as far as I am capable, from thirty years’ experience, twenty years of which I have been upon actual service in all climates, with the description of men in question, which, independent of being myself a Highlander, and well knowing all the convenience and inconvenience of our native garb in the field and otherwise, and perhaps, also, aware of the probable source and clashing motives from which the suggestion now under consideration originally arose. I have to observe progressively, that in the course of the late war several gentlemen proposed to raise Highland regiments, some for general service, but chiefly for home defence; but most of these corps were called from all quarters, and thereby adulterated with every description of men, that rendered them anything but real Highlanders, or even Scotchmen (which is not strictly synonymous), and the colonels themselves being generally unacquainted with the language and habits of Highlanders, while prejudiced in favour of, and accustomed to wear breeches, consequently averse to that free congenial circulation of pure wholesome air (as an exhilarating native bracer) which has hitherto so peculiarly befitted the Highlander for activity, and all the other necessary qualities of a soldier, whether for hardship upon scanty fare, readiness in accoutring, or making forced marches, &c., besides the exclusive advantage, when halted, of drenching his kilt, &c., in the next brook, as well as washing his limbs, and drying both, as it were, by constant fanning, without injury to either, but, on the contrary, feeling clean and comfortable, while the buffoon tartan pantaloon, &c., with all its fringed frippery (as some mongrel Highlanders would have it) sticking wet and dirty to the skin, is not very easily pulled off, and less so to get on again in case of alarm or any other hurry, and all this time absorbing both wet and dirt, followed up by rheumatism and fevers, which ultimately make great havoc in hot and cold climates; while it consists with knowledge, that the Highlander in his native garb always appeared more cleanly, and maintained better health in both climates than those who wore even the thick cloth pantaloon. Independent of these circumstances, I feel no hesitation in saying, that the proposed alteration must have proceeded from a whimsical idea, more than from the real comfort of the Highland soldier, and a wish to lay aside that national martial garb, the very sight of which has, upon many occasions, struck the enemy with terror and confusion,--and now metamorphose the Highlander from his real characteristic appearance and comfort in an odious incompatible dress, to which it will, in my opinion, be difficult to reconcile him, as a poignant grievance to, and a galling reflection upon, Highland corps, &c., as levelling that martial distinction by which they have been hitherto noticed and respected,--and from my own experience I feel well founded in saying, that if anything was wanted to aid the rack-renting Highland landlords in destroying that source, which has hitherto proved so fruitful for keeping up Highland corps, it will be that of abolishing their native garb, which His Royal Highness the Commander-in-chief and the Adjutant-General may rest assured will prove a complete death-warrant to the recruiting service in that respect. But I sincerely hope His Royal Highness will never acquiesce in so painful and degrading an idea (come from whatever quarter it may) as to strip us of our native garb (admitted hitherto our regimental uniform) and stuff us into a harlequin tartan pantaloon, which, composed of the usual quality that continues, as at present worn, useful and becoming for twelve months, will not endure six weeks fair wear as a pantaloon, and when patched makes a horrible appearance--besides that the necessary quantity to serve decently throughout the year would become extremely expensive, but, above all, take away completely the appearance and conceit of a Highland soldier, in which case I would rather see him stuffed in breeches, and abolish the distinction at once.--I have the honour to be, &c.

(Signed) “ALAN CAMERON, “Colonel 79th or Cameron Highlanders.

“To Henry Thorpe, Esq.”

The regiment remained in Ireland till November 1805, when it was removed to England, where it did duty at various places till July 1807. In that month the 79th formed part of the expedition against Denmark, where it remained till the following November, the only casualties being four men wounded, during the bombardment of Copenhagen.

After a fruitless expedition to Sweden in May 1808, under Lt.-General Sir John Moore, the regiment was ordered, with other reinforcements, to proceed to Portugal, where it landed August 26th, 1808, and immediately joined the army encamped near Lisbon. After the convention of Cintra, the 79th, as part of Major-General Fane’s brigade, joined the army under Sir John Moore, whose object was to drive the French out of Spain. Moore, being joined by the division under Sir David Baird, at Mayorga, had proceeded as far as Sahagun, when he deemed it advisable to commence the ever memorable retreat to Corunna, details of which have already been given. At Corunna, on the 16th of January 1809, the 79th had no chance of distinguishing itself in action, its duty being, as part of Lt.-General Fraser’s division, to hold the heights immediately in front of the gates of Corunna; but “they also serve who only stand and wait.” The embarkation was effected in safety, and on the army arriving in England in February, the 79th marched to Weeley Barracks, in Essex, about 10 miles from Chelmsford, where many of the men were shortly afterwards attacked with fever, though not a man died.[512]

While in Portugal, Colonel Cameron, who had been appointed commandant of Lisbon with the rank of Brigadier-General, retired from the personal command of the regiment, after leading it in every engagement and sharing all its privations for fifteen years; “his almost paternal anxiety,” as Captain Jameson says, “for his native Highlanders had never permitted him to be absent from their head.” He was succeeded in the command of the regiment by his eldest son, Lt.-Colonel Philip Cameron.

After taking part in the siege of Flushing, in August 1809, the regiment returned to England, and again took up its quarters in Weeley Barracks, where it was attacked with fever, which carried off a number of men, and prostrated many more, upwards of 40 having to be left behind when the regiment embarked for Portugal in January 1810, to join the army acting under Sir Arthur Wellesley.

Meanwhile a number of men of the 79th, who had been left behind in Portugal on the retreat to Corunna, had, along with several officers and men belonging to other regiments, been formed into a corps designated the 1st battalion of detachments. The detachment of the 79th consisted of 5 officers, 4 sergeants, and 45 rank and file; and out of this small number who were engaged at Talavera de la Reyna on July 27th and 28th, 1809, 14 rank and file were killed, and one sergeant and 27 rank and file wounded.

Shortly after landing at Lisbon, the regiment was ordered to proceed to Spain to assist in the defence of Cadiz, where it remained till the middle of August 1810, having had Lts. Patrick M’Crummen, Donald Cameron, and 25 rank and file wounded in performing a small service against the enemy. After its return to Lisbon, the 79th was equipped for the field, and joined the army under Lord Wellington at Busaco on the 25th of September. The 79th was here brigaded with the 7th and 61st Regiments, under the command of Major-General Alan Cameron.

The regiment had not long to wait before taking part in the active operations carried on against the French by England’s great general. Wellington had taken up a strong position along the Sierra de Busaco, to prevent the further advance of Marshal Massena; and the division of which the 79th formed part was posted at the extreme right of the British line. At daybreak on the 27th of Sept. the French columns, preceded by a swarm of skirmishers, who had nearly surrounded and cut off the picket of the 79th, advanced against the British right, when Captain Neil Douglas gallantly volunteered his company to its support, and opening fire from a favourable position, checked the enemy’s advance, and enabled the picket to retire in good order. As the enemy’s attack was changed to the centre and left, the 79th had no other opportunity that day of distinguishing itself in action. It, however, lost Captain Alexander Cameron[513] and 7 rank and file killed, Captain Neil Douglas, and 41 rank and file wounded.

After this battle, Wellington deemed it prudent to retire within the strong lines of Torres Vedras, whither he was followed by Massena, who remained there till the 14th of November, when he suddenly broke up his camp and retired upon Santarem, followed by Wellington. The French again commenced their retreat in the beginning of March 1811, closely pursued by the British army. During the pursuit several small skirmishes took place, and in a sharp contest at Foz d’Arouce, the light company of the 79th had 2 men killed, and 7 wounded. In this affair, Lt. Kenneth Cameron of the 79th captured the Lieutenant-Colonel of the 39th French infantry.

On the 2nd of May, Massena, desirous of relieving Almeida, which Wellington had invested, took up a position in front of Dos Casas and Fuentes d’Onor. “The English position,” says Jameson, “was a line whose left extended beyond the brook of Onoro, resting on a hill supported by Fort Conception; the right, which was more accessible, was at Nave d’Aver, and the centre at Villa Formosa.”

On the 3rd of May, Massena commenced his attack upon the English position, his strongest efforts being directed against the village of Fuentes d’Onor, which he seemed determined to get possession of. The defence of the position was entrusted to the 79th, along with the 71st Highlanders, with the 24th regiment and several light companies in support, the whole commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Philip Cameron of the 79th. During the whole of the day the enemy in superior numbers made several desperate attempts to take the village, and indeed did manage to get temporary possession of several parts, “but after a succession of most bloody hand to hand encounters, he was completely driven from it at nightfall, when darkness put an end to the conflict.”[514]

Early on the morning of the 5th of May, Massena, who in the meantime had been making dispositions for a renewal of the contest, again directed his strongest efforts against the position held by the 79th and its comrades. By the force of overwhelming numbers the French did succeed in carrying the lower portion of the village, at the same time surrounding and taking prisoners two companies of the 79th, which had got separated from the main body. Meantime, in the upper portion of the village a fierce and deadly contest was being waged between the French Grenadiers and the Highlanders, the latter, according to Captain Jameson, in numerous instances using their muskets as clubs instead of acting with the bayonet, so close and deadly was the strife maintained. “About this period of the action, a French soldier was observed to slip aside into a doorway and take deliberate aim at Colonel Cameron, who fell from his horse mortally wounded. A cry of grief, intermingled with shouts for revenge, arose from the rearmost Highlanders, who witnessed the fall of their commanding officer, and was rapidly communicated to those in front. As Colonel Cameron was being conveyed to the rear by his sorrowing clansmen, the 88th regiment, detached to reinforce the troops at this point, arrived in double-quick time; the men were now at the highest pitch of excitement, and a charge being ordered by Brigadier-General Mackinnon, the enemy was driven out of the village with great slaughter. The post was maintained until the evening, when the battle terminated, and the Highlanders being withdrawn, were replaced by a brigade of the light division.”[515]

In these fierce contests, besides Lt.-Colonel Cameron, who died of his wound, the 79th had Captain William Imlach, one sergeant, and 30 rank and file killed; Captains Malcolm Fraser and Sinclair Davidson, Lts. James Sinclair, John Calder, Archibald Fraser, Alexander Cameron, John Webb, and Fulton Robertson, Ensigns Charles Brown and Duncan Cameron, 6 sergeants, and 138 rank and file wounded, besides about 100 missing, many of whom were afterwards reported as killed.

The grief for the loss of Colonel Cameron, son of Major-General Alan Cameron, former and first colonel of the 79th, was deep and wide-spread. Wellington, with all his staff and a large number of general officers, notwithstanding the critical state of matters, attended his funeral, which was conducted with military honours. Sir Walter Scott, in his “Vision of Don Roderick,” thus alludes to Colonel Cameron’s death:--

“And what avails thee that, for Cameron slain, Wild from his plaided ranks the yell was given? Vengeance and grief gave mountain-rage the rein, And, at the bloody spear-point headlong driven, The despot’s giant guards fled like the rack of heaven.”[516]

Wellington,--and many other officers of high rank,--sent a special letter of condolence to the colonel’s father, Major-General Cameron, in which he speaks of his son in terms of the highest praise. “I cannot conceive,” he says, “a string of circumstances more honourable and glorious than these in which he lost his life in the cause of his country.”

Cameron was succeeded in the command of the regiment by Major Alexander Petrie, who, besides receiving a gold medal, had the brevet rank of Lt.-Colonel conferred on him; and the senior captain, Andrew Brown, was promoted to the brevet rank of Major.

How highly Lord Wellington esteemed the services performed by the 79th on these two bloody days, will be seen from the following letter:--

“VILLA FORMOSA, 8th May, 1811.

“SIR,--I am directed by Lord Wellington to acquaint you that he will have great pleasure in submitting to the Commander-in-Chief for a commission the name of any non-commissioned officer of the 79th regiment whom you may recommend, as his lordship is anxious to mark the sense of the conduct of the 79th during the late engagement with the enemy.

“I have the honour to be, &c., (Signed) “FITZROY SOMERSET.

“Major Petrie, Commanding “79th Highlanders,” &c.

Sergeant Donald M’Intosh was selected for this distinguished honour, and, on the 4th of June 1811, was appointed ensign in the 88th Regiment.

The 79th did not take part in any other engagement till the 22nd of July 1812, when it was present as part of the reserve division under Major-General Campbell at the great victory of Salamanca. Its services, however, were not brought into requisition till the close of the day, and its casualties were only two men wounded. Still it was deemed worthy of having the honour of bearing the word “Salamanca” on its colours and appointments, and a gold medal was conferred upon the commanding officer, Lt.-Colonel Robert Fulton, who had joined the regiment at Vellajes in September 1811, with a draft of 5 sergeants, and 231 rank and file from the 2nd battalion.

In the interval between Fuentes d’Onor and Salamanca the 79th was moved about to various places, and twice was severely attacked with epidemic sickness.

After the battle of Salamanca, the 79th, along with the rest of the allied army, entered Madrid about the middle of August, where it remained till the end of that month.

On the 1st of September the 79th, along with the rest of the army, left Madrid under Lord Wellington, to lay siege to Burgos, before which it arrived on the 18th; and on the morning of the 19th, the light battalion, formed by the several light companies of the 24th, 42nd, 58th, 60th, and 79th regiments, commanded by Major the Hon. E. C. Cocks of the 79th, was selected for the purpose of driving the enemy from their defences on the heights of St Michael’s, consisting of a horn-work and flèches commanding the approach to the castle on the right.

“The attack was made by a simultaneous movement on the two advanced flèches, which were carried in the most gallant manner by the light companies of the 42nd and 79th; but a small post, close to and on the left of the horn-work, was still occupied by the enemy, from which he opened a fire upon the attacking party. Lieut. Hugh Grant, with a detachment of the 79th light company, was sent forward to dislodge him, but finding himself opposed to continually increasing numbers, he found it impossible to advance; but being equally resolved not to retire, he drew up his small party under cover of an embankment, and, possessing himself of the musket of a wounded soldier, he fired together with his men and gallantly maintained himself. The remainder of the company now coming up, the enemy was driven within the works; but this brave young officer was unfortunately mortally wounded, and died a few days afterwards, sincerely and deeply regretted.

“The two light companies maintained the position until nightfall, when the light battalion was assembled at this point, and orders were issued to storm the horn-work at 11 P.M. A detachment of the 42nd and a Portuguese regiment were directed to enter the ditch on the left of the work, and to attempt the escalade of both demi-bastions, the fire from which was to be kept in check by a direct attack in front by the remainder of the 42nd. The light battalion was to advance along the slope of the hill, parallel to the left flank of the work, which it was to endeavour to enter by its gorge. The attack by the 42nd was to be the signal for the advance of the light battalion, the command of the whole being entrusted to Major-General Sir Denis Pack.[517]

“In execution of these arrangements, the troops at the appointed hour proceeded to the assault. The light companies, on arriving at the gorge of the work, were received with a brisk fire of musketry through the opening in the palisades, causing severe loss; they, however, continued to advance, and, without waiting for the application of the felling-axes and ladders, with which they were provided, the foremost in the attack were actually lifted over the palisades on each other’s shoulders. In this manner, the first man who entered the work was Sergeant John Mackenzie of the 79th; Major Cocks, the brave leader of the storming party, next followed, and several others in succession.

“In this manner, and by means of the scaling-ladders, the light battalion was, in a few minutes, formed within the work; and a guard, consisting of Sergeant Donald Mackenzie and twelve men of the 79th, having been placed at the gate leading to the castle, a charge was made on the garrison, which, numbering between 400 and 500 men, having by this time formed itself into a solid mass, defied every attempt to compel a surrender; in this manner the French troops rushed towards the gate, where, meeting with the small guard of the 79th, they were enabled, from their overwhelming numbers to overcome every opposition, and to effect their escape to the castle.

“Sergeant Mackenzie, who was severely wounded in this affair,[518] and his small party behaved with the greatest bravery in their endeavours to prevent the escape of the French garrison; and bugler Charles Bogle of the 79th, a man of colour, was afterwards found dead at the gate, near a French soldier, the sword of the former and bayonet of the latter through each other’s bodies.

“The front attack had in the meantime completely failed, and a severe loss was sustained.”[519]

The enemy having opened a destructive fire from the castle on the horn-work, the light battalion was withdrawn to the ditch of the curtain; and strong parties were employed during the night in forming a parapet in the gorge.

Afterwards a series of assaults was made against the castle, with but little success. In one of these Major Andrew Lawrie of the 79th was killed while entering a ditch, and encouraging on the party he led by escalade; and the Hon. Major Cocks met with a similar fate while rallying his picket during a night sortie of the French. The death of this officer was very much regretted by Wellington, who in his despatch of October 11, 1812, said he considered “his loss as one of the greatest importance to this army and to His Majesty’s service.” The army continued before Burgos till Oct. 21, when, being threatened by the advance of strong reinforcements of the enemy, it was deemed advisable to retreat towards the frontiers of Portugal.

At the siege of Burgos, besides the two officers just mentioned, the 79th had one sergeant and 27 rank and file killed; Captain William Marshall, Lt. Hugh Grant, Kewan J. Leslie, and Angus Macdonald, 5 sergeants, 1 drummer, and 79 rank and file wounded.

The regiment, with the rest of the army, remained in cantonments till the middle of May 1813; and in February of that year Lt.-Colonel Fulton retired from the command of the regiment, which was assumed by Lt.-Colonel Neil Douglas,[520] from the 2nd battalion.

Breaking up from winter-quarters about the middle of May, the army advanced against the enemy, who occupied various strong positions on the north of the Douro, which, however, were precipitately evacuated during the advance of the British army. The enemy retired towards the north-east, in the direction of Burgos, which the British found had been completely destroyed by the French. In the action at Vittoria, in which the enemy was completely routed on the 21st of June, the 79th had not a chance of distinguishing itself in action, as it formed part of Major-General Pakenham’s division, whose duty it was to cover the march of the magazines and stores at Medina de Pomar.

At the battle of the “Pyrenees,” on the 28th of July, the 6th division, to which the 79th belonged, was assigned a position across the valley of the Lanz, which it had scarcely assumed when it was attacked by a superior French force, which it gallantly repulsed with severe loss; a similar result occurred at all points, nearly every regiment charging with the bayonet. The loss of the 79th was 1 sergeant and 16 rank and file killed; Lieutenant J. Kynock, 2 sergeants, and 38 rank and file wounded. Lt.-Colonel Neil Douglas had a horse shot under him, and in consequence of his services he was awarded a gold medal; and Major Andrew Brown was promoted to the brevet rank of Lt.-Colonel for his gallantry.

Along with the rest of the army, the 79th followed the enemy towards the French frontier, the next action in which it took part being that of Nivelle, November 19, 1813, fully described elsewhere. Here the steadiness of its line in advancing up a hill to meet the enemy excited the admiration of Sir Rowland Hill, and although its casualties were few, the part it took in the action gained for the regiment the distinction of inscribing “Nivelle” on its colours and appointments. Its loss was 1 man killed, and Ensign John Thomson and 5 men wounded.

Continuing to advance with its division, the 79th shared, on the 10th of December, in the successful attack on the enemy’s entrenchments on the banks of the Nive, when it had 5 men killed, and Lt. Alexander Robertson, 2 sergeants, and 24 rank and file wounded.[521]

The enemy having retired to the Gave d’Oléron, and the severity of the weather preventing further operations, the 79th went into quarters at St Pierre d’Yurbe, and while here, in Feb. 1814, it marched over to the seaport town of St Jean de Luz to get a new supply of clothing, of which it stood very much in need.

In the battle of Orthes, on February 25th, the 79th had no opportunity of taking part, but took an active share, and suffered severely, in the final engagement at Toulouse.

Early on the morning of the 10th, the 6th division, of which the 79th, under the command of Sir Henry Clinton, formed part, along with the 42nd and 91st regiments, constituting the Highland Brigade of Sir Denis Pack, crossed the Garonne and the Ers at Croix d’Orade, following the 4th division, and halted near the northern extremity of the height (between and running parallel with the canal of Languedoc, and the river Ers) on which the enemy was posted, strongly fortified by entrenchments and redoubts. Arrangements were here made for a combined attack, the 6th division, continuing its march along the left bank of the Ers, filed by threes in double-quick time, close under the enemy’s guns, from which a heavy cannonade of round and grape-shot was opened, occasioning considerable loss. “The Highland Brigade of Sir Denis Pack,” Captain Jameson says, “halted about midway to the position, formed line to the right, and proceeded to ascend the hill. The light companies were now ordered out, and directed to conform to the movements of the brigade, General Pack having mingled with the former, and cheering them on.” The grenadier company of the 79th was brought up as a reinforcement to the light troops; and after a vigorous resistance, the enemy was driven to a considerable distance down the opposite slope of the ridge. The pursuit was then discontinued, and a slackened and desultory fire of advanced posts succeeded.

The brigade had, in the meantime, formed on the Balma road across the height, the light companies were recalled, and final arrangements completed for an attack on the two centre redoubts of the enemy’s position, designated respectively La Colombette and Le Tour des Augustins. The attack of the former or most advanced redoubt was assigned to the 42nd, and the latter to the 79th, the 91st and 12th Portuguese being in reserve. Both these redoubts were carried at a run, in the most gallant style, in the face of a terrific fire of round shot, grape, and musketry, by which a very severe loss was sustained. About 100 men of the 79th, headed by several officers, now left the captured work to encounter the enemy on the ridge of the plateau; but, suddenly perceiving a discharge of musketry in the redoubt captured by the 42nd in their rear, and also seeing it again in possession of the enemy, they immediately fell back on the Redoubt des Augustins. The Colombette had been suddenly attacked and entered by a fresh and numerous column of the enemy, when the 42nd was compelled to give way and, continuing to retire by a narrow and deep road leading through the redoubt occupied by the 79th (closely pursued by an overwhelming force of the enemy), the alarm communicated itself from one regiment to the other, and both, for a moment, quitted the works.[522]

At this critical juncture, Lt.-Colonel Douglas having succeeded in rallying the 79th, the regiment again advanced, and in a few minutes succeeded in retaking, not only its own former position, but also the redoubt from which the 42nd had been driven. For this service, Lt.-Colonel Douglas received on the field the thanks of Generals Clinton and Pack, commanding the division and brigade; and the regiments in reserve having by this time come up, the brigade was moved to the right, for the purpose of carrying, in conjunction with the Spaniards, the two remaining redoubts on the left of the position. While, however, the necessary preparations were making for this attack, the enemy was observed to be in the act of abandoning them, thus leaving the British army in complete possession of the plateau and its works. The 79th occupied the Redoubt Colombette during the night of the 10th of April 1814.[523]

The importance of the positions captured by the 42nd and the 79th was so great, and the behaviour of these regiments so intrepid and gallant, that they won special commendation from Wellington, being two of the four regiments particularly mentioned in his despatch of the 12th of April 1814.

The 79th lost Captains Patrick Purves and John Cameron, Lt. Duncan Cameron, and 16 rank and file killed; the wounded were Captains Thomas Mylne, Peter Innes, James Campbell, and William Marshall; Lts. William M’Barnet, Donald Cameron, James Fraser, Ewen Cameron (1st), John Kynock, Ewen Cameron (2nd), Duncan Macpherson, Charles M’Arthur, and Allan Macdonald; Ensign Allan Maclean, Adjutant and Lt. Kenneth Cameron, 12 sergeants, 2 drummers, and 182 rank and file. Of those wounded, Lts. M’Barnet, Ewen Cameron (2nd), and 23 men died of their wounds. Of the 494 officers and men of the 79th who went into action at Toulouse, only 263 came out unwounded.

Lt.-Colonel Neil Douglas received the decoration of a gold cross for this action, in substitution of all his former distinctions; Major Duncan Cameron received the brevet rank of Lt.-Colonel in the army; and the 79th was permitted by royal authority to bear on its colours and appointments the word TOULOUSE, in addition to its other inscriptions. As a proof, likewise, of the distinction earned by it during the successive campaigns in the Peninsula, it was subsequently authorised to have the word PENINSULA inscribed on its colours and appointments.

Napoleon Buonaparte’s abdication having put an end to further hostilities, the regiment, after remaining a few weeks in the south of France, embarked in July 1814, arriving at Cork on the 26th, and taking up its quarters in the barracks there. While here, in December, its ranks were filled up by a large draft from the 2nd battalion, and in the beginning of Feb. 1815, it set sail, along with several other regiments, for North America, but was driven back by contrary winds; the same happened to the expedition when attempting to sail again on the 1st of March. On the 3rd, the expedition was countermanded; and on the 17th the 79th sailed for the north of Ireland, to take up its quarters at Belfast, where it remained till May, when, with all the other available forces of Britain, it was called upon to take part in that final and fierce struggle with the great disturber of the peace of Europe, and assist in putting an end to his bloody machinations against the peace of civilised nations. The 79th, having joined Wellington’s army at Brussels, was brigaded with the 28th, 32nd, and 95th Regiments, under the command of Major-General Sir James Kempt, the three regiments forming the first brigade of the fifth, or Sir Thomas Picton’s division, the Royal Scots, 42nd, 44th, and 92nd regiments forming the other brigade under Major-General Pack.

The events from the night of the 15th to the 18th of June 1815 are so well known, and so many details are given in connection with the 42nd and 92nd Regiments, that it will be sufficient here to indicate the part taken in them by the 79th. The alarm having been rapidly spread of the approach of the French on the night of the 15th--the night of the famous ball well known to all readers of Byron,--preparations were immediately made for marching out, and by four o’clock on the morning of the 16th, the regiment, with its division, provisioned for three days, was on the road to Charleroi. In the passage of Childe Harold where Byron’s famous description of the episode preceding Quatre Bras occurs, the poet thus refers to the Cameron Highlanders:--

“And wild and high the ‘Cameron’s Gathering’ rose, The war-note of Lochiel, which Albyn’s hills Have heard, and heard, too, have her Saxon foes:-- How in the noon of night that pibroch thrills Savage and shrill! But with the breath which fills Their mountain-pipe, so fill the mountaineers With the fierce native daring which instils The stirring memory of a thousand years, And Evan’s,[524] Donald’s fame rings in each clansman’s ears!”

The division halted near the village of Waterloo to cook its provisions; but before this could be accomplished it was ordered forward towards Quatre Bras, where it halted on the road, at the distance of about half a mile from the enemy, from whom the column was separated by a rising ground. After the two brigade companies had halted for a very short time on this road the division broke off to the left, lining the Namur Road, the banks of which were from ten to fifteen feet high on each side. The Cameron Highlanders formed the extreme left of the British army, and the 92nd the right of the division, being posted immediately in front of Quatre Bras.

Scarcely had this position been taken up, when the enemy advanced in great force, sending out “a cloud of sharpshooters,” who were met by the light companies of the first brigade, along with the 8th company and marksmen of the 79th. These maintained their ground bravely, despite the fearful execution done upon them by the overwhelming numbers of the enemy’s sharpshooters, who picked out the officers especially, and the artillerymen serving the only two guns yet brought into action. At about four o’clock in the afternoon, the Cameron Highlanders had the honour of being ordered forward to cover the guns and drive the enemy from his advanced position, and gallantly did the regiment perform the service.

“The regiment,” says Captain Jameson,[525] “cleared the bank in its front, fired a volley, and, charging with the bayonet, drove the French advanced troops with great precipitation and in disorder to a hedge about a hundred yards in their rear, where they attempted to re-form, but were followed up with such alacrity that they again gave way, pursued to another hedge about the same distance, from which they were a second time driven in confusion upon their main column, which was formed in great strength upon the opposite rising ground. The regiment, now joined by its detached companies, commenced firing volleys upon the enemy from behind the last-mentioned hedge, and in the course of fifteen minutes expended nearly all its ammunition. Whilst in this exposed situation, it was ordered to retire, which it accomplished without confusion, although it had a broad ditch to leap, and the first hedge to repass, when it formed line about fifty yards in front of its original position. Being here much exposed to the fire of the enemy’s guns, it was ordered to lie down, and it continued thus for nearly an hour, when it was again directed to resume its first position on the road, and form in column as circumstances might require. Being afterwards repeatedly threatened by cavalry, it formed and moved forward in square, but without being attacked.”

Meantime all the other regiments of the division were engaged; indeed, each battalion of the British army had to sustain, in several instances separately and independently, the whole weight of the superior French masses which bore down upon it. The enemy, however, notwithstanding the many advantages he had, seems to have failed in almost every attack, and the contest for that day ended about dusk decidedly in favour of the British.

The loss of the 79th was Captain John Sinclair, Lt. and Adjutant John Kynock, and 28 rank and file killed; Lt.-Colonel Neil Douglas, Brevet Lt.-Colonels Andrew Brown and Duncan Cameron; Captains Thomas Mylne, Neil Campbell, William Marshall, Malcolm Fraser, William Bruce, and Robert Mackay; Lieuts. Thomas Brown, William Maddock, William Leaper, James Fraser, Donald MacPhee, and William A. Riach; Ensign James Robertson, Volunteer Alexander Cameron, 10 sergeants, and 248 rank and file wounded. All the field officers, according to Captain Jameson, in addition to severe wounds, had their horses shot under them.

At dusk on the 17th the division took up its position among some corn-fields near the farm La Haye Sainte, under cover of a rising ground, the ridge opposite to which was lined by the enemy’s columns. The 28th and 79th formed the centre of Picton’s division, the left of the division extending towards Ohain, its right resting on the Brussels road.

About half-past ten on the morning of the 18th of June, the French began to move forward to the attack, under cover of a tremendous cannonade, spiritedly answered by the British artillery, posted in advance of a road which ran along the crest of the rising ground in front of the division, and on each side of which was a hedge. Kempt’s brigade, deploying into line, advanced to this road, the light companies and the rifles descending into the valley, and maintaining a severe contest against overwhelming numbers. Meantime a heavy column of the enemy’s infantry, advancing towards the right of the division, was warmly received by the 28th; and the 32nd and 79th, following up the advantage, each attacking the column opposed to it, a close and obstinate engagement followed, “shedding lasting honour on Kempt’s brigade,” till at length the enemy gave way in the greatest confusion. It was during this contest that General Picton was killed and General Kempt severely wounded; but although unable, from the severity of the wound, to sit on horseback, the latter would not allow himself to be carried off the field. The column of the enemy thus routed was shortly afterwards surrounded and taken captive by Ponsonby’s brigade of cavalry.

Shortly after this the first brigade, being threatened by a body of the enemy’s cavalry, formed into squares, and soon afterwards returned to its former position on the road,[526] lining the hedge nearest the enemy, where it was exposed to a galling and destructive fire, both from the guns and sharpshooters, against whom the light companies of Kempt’s brigade and the division rifles were several times sent.

After falling back for a supply of ammunition, the first brigade again moved forward, and a general charge having been made along the whole line about seven o’clock, the enemy gave way in all directions, pursued by the Prussians and the English cavalry. The fifth division rested for the night near the farm of La Belle Alliance.

The loss of the 79th was Captain John Cameron, Lts. Duncan Macpherson, Donald Cameron, and Ewen Kennedy, 2 sergeants, and 27 rank and file killed; Captains James Campbell, senior, Neil Campbell; Lts. Alexander Cameron, Ewen Cameron, Alexander Forbes, Charles Macarthur, and John Powling; Ensigns A. J. Crawford and J. Nash, 7 sergeants, 4 drummers, and 121 rank and file wounded. Captain Neil Campbell, Lts. Donald Cameron, John Powling, and 48 men died soon afterwards. The total number of officers and men who entered the engagement on the 16th was 776, and out of that only 297 came out on the 18th unwounded; the loss of the 79th exceeded by one that of any other regiment in the army, except the 3rd battalion of the 1st Foot Guards, which was almost annihilated.

Wellington, in his despatch of the 19th, mentions the regiment in terms of high praise; and, as in the case of Toulouse, it was one of the only four British regiments--the 28th, 42nd, 79th, and 92nd--specially mentioned in the despatch. The distinction of a Companionship of the Bath was conferred upon Lt.-Colonel Neil Douglas, and upon Brevet Lt.-Colonels Andrew Brown and Duncan Cameron; Capt. Thomas Mylne was promoted by brevet to be major in the army; and Lt. Alexander Cameron, upon whom, from the great loss sustained in superior officers, the command of the regiment ultimately devolved, was promoted to the brevet rank of major for his distinguished conduct. Each surviving officer and soldier received the decoration of the “Waterloo” silver medal, and was allowed to reckon two additional years’ service.

The regiment, along with the rest of the army, proceeded on the 19th in pursuit of the enemy, arriving on July 8th at Paris, near which it was encamped till the beginning of December. While here, on the 17th of August, at the special request of the Emperor of Russia, Sergeant Thomas Campbell of the grenadiers, a man of gigantic stature, with Private John Fraser and Piper Kenneth Mackay, all of the 79th, accompanied by a like number of each rank from the 42nd and 92nd Highlanders, proceeded to the Palais Elysée in Paris, to gratify the Emperor’s desire of examining the dress and equipments of the Highland regiments. Sergeant Campbell especially was most minutely inspected by the Emperor, who, says Campbell, “examined my hose, gaiters, legs, and pinched my skin, thinking I wore something under my kilt, and had the curiosity to lift my kilt to my navel, so that he might not be deceived.” After asking Campbell many questions, the Emperor “requested Lord Cathcart to order me to put John Fraser through the ‘manual and platoon’ exercise, at which performance he was highly pleased. He then requested the pipers to play up, and Lord Cathcart desired them to play the Highland tune ‘Cògaidh nà Sith’ (‘war or peace’), which he explained to the Emperor, who seemed highly delighted with the music. After the Emperor had done with me, the veteran Count Plutoff came up to me, and, taking me by the hand, told me in broken English that I was a good and brave soldier, and all my countrymen were. He then pressed my hand to his breast, and gave me his to press to mine.”

In the beginning of December 1815, the 79th, as part of the Army of Occupation, went into cantonments in Pas de Calais, where it remained till the end of October 1818, when it embarked for England, taking up its quarters at Chichester on the 8th of November.

After moving from Chichester to Portsmouth, and Portsmouth to Jersey, the regiment, in May 1820, embarked at Plymouth for Ireland, where it took part in the critical and not very agreeable duty necessitated by the disturbed state of the country, details of which will be found in our account of the 42nd Royal Highlanders, who were in Ireland at the same time.

On quitting Jersey, the “States of the Island” transmitted to the commanding officer of the 79th an address, praising the regiment in the highest terms for its exemplary conduct while stationed in the island.

The 79th remained in Ireland till August 1825, being quartered successively at Fermoy, Limerick, Templemore, Naas, Dublin, and Kilkenny, furnishing detachments at each of these places to the district and towns in the neighbourhood. The regiment seems to have discharged its unpleasant duties as delicately and satisfactorily as did the 42nd Highlanders, and to have merited the esteem and respect of the people among whom it was stationed. On leaving Limerick, where it was quartered for nearly two years, the magistrates and council presented an address to the commanding officer, Lt.-Colonel Douglas, in which they say,--

“The mild manners and military deportment of the officers, as well as the excellent discipline and moral order of the brave men whom you so well command, are happily evinced in the general order which their uniform good conduct has excited in this city; and we beg of you to convey to them the expression of our highest approbation.”

In April 1825, the regiment was augmented from eight to ten companies, of 740 rank and file, and in August, the six service companies embarked at Cork for Canada, under the command of Colonel Sir Neil Douglas, arriving at Quebec in the month of October, where they remained till June 1828. During this time, with the exception of a few months in Glasgow, the dépôt companies were stationed at various places in Ireland.

On the 24th of March 1828, Lt.-General Sir R. C. Ferguson, G.C.B.,[527] was appointed colonel of the regiment, in succession to Lt.-General Sir Alan Cameron, K.C.B., who had died at Fulham, Middlesex, on the 9th, after being connected with the regiment for about thirty-five years.

On the 18th of June 1828, the anniversary of Waterloo, the 79th, which in that month had removed to Montreal, was presented with new colours, the gift of its new Colonel, Lt.-General Ferguson. The presentation, which was performed by Lady Douglas, took place on the Champs de Mars, in presence of a very numerous assemblage of the élite of the inhabitants of Montreal.

The regiment returned to Quebec in 1833, where it remained till its embarkation for England in 1836. In the October of that year, the service companies were joined at Glasgow by the dépôt companies, which had in the meantime been moving about from place to place in Ireland, England, and Scotland, being stationed for most of the time at various towns in the last mentioned country.

In September 1833, by the retirement of Sir Neil Douglas on half-pay, Brevet Lt.-Colonel Duncan Macdougal succeeded to the command of the regiment; and on the latter’s retirement in March 1835, he was succeeded by Major Robert Ferguson.

The regiment remained in Glasgow till June 1837, removing thence to Edinburgh, where it was stationed till the following June, when it proceeded to Dublin. On account of the disturbed state of the manufacturing districts in the north of England in 1839, the regiment was ordered to proceed thither, being quartered at various places. Here it remained till about the end of 1840, when it was again ordered on foreign service, embarking at Deptford for Gibraltar, where it arrived in January 1841, and where it remained performing garrison duty till June 1848.

In April 1841, on the death of Sir R. C. Ferguson, Major-General the Honourable John Ramsay was appointed Colonel of the 79th, and was succeeded, on his death in July 1842, by Lt.-General Sir James Macdonell, G.C.B., whose portrait will be found on the plate of Colonels of the 78th and 79th Regiments. Meantime, on the retirement, in June 1841, of Lt.-Colonel Robert Ferguson, Major Andrew Brown succeeded to the command of the regiment, but exchanged in October following with Colonel John Carter, K.H., from the 1st Royals, who retired in June 1842, and was succeeded by Major the Hon. Lauderdale Maule.

“The monotony of a regiment’s life at Gibraltar is well known to every corps that has had to perform garrison duty on the Rock. This monotony falls much more heavily on the men than on the officers of a regiment; the former, although they may leave the garrison gate under certain restrictions, cannot pass the lines which separate the neutral ground from Spanish territory.

“A few of the more gifted, therefore, of the 79th, during its seven years’ sojourn at Gibraltar, tried from time to time to enliven the community by such means as were at their command, which were slender enough, but went a long way when properly utilised and duly encouraged. Among these, the most popular, perhaps, was the performance of private theatricals by a small company selected from more or less qualified volunteers; and in truth the way in which they contrived to put small pieces of a broad farcical nature on their improvised stage, did no small credit to their natural histrionic abilities. These performances at first took place in the schoolroom, or such other well-sized apartments as could be made available, and “the house” was at all times crammed with a most appreciative audience, comprising all ranks, and representing every corps in the garrison.[528]

“At a later period the amateurs of the 79th having discovered their strength, and the real merits of one or two stars (of whom more presently), engaged the town theatre, and gave one or two performances of the national drama ‘Rob Roy,’ in a manner which would not have disgraced the boards of many a provincial theatre at home. The one ‘bright particular star’ of the company undoubtedly was a bandsman of the regiment, named C----. His rôle was broad comedy, and the Liston-like gravity of his immovable features gave irresistible point to the humour of such parts as he was accustomed to fill. But the one special character with which he became identified in his limited circle, nearly as completely as the late Mr Mackay was with the Edinburgh public, was ‘Bailie Nicol Jarvie.’ Dignity of position, bluntness of perception, dyspepsia itself, were not proof against his quaint delineation of this well-known character.

“In 1849 or ’50 the dramatic corps had been playing ‘Rob Roy’ with much acceptance in an improvised theatre at Quebec, being a large room used for public meetings and so forth in the principal hotel there. The city is, or was, full of Scotchmen, most of them enthusiastically national, and the performances had been a great success. Unfortunately certain festivities, which were scarcely included in the programme submitted to the commanding officer, followed in connection with these entertainments, and poor C----, among others, was not entirely proof against their seductions. The members of the dramatic corps showed symptoms of falling into habits which could not but be detrimental both to their own welfare and the discipline of the regiment; and the performances after a while had to be stopped.

“Shortly after this, one fine morning, as the commanding officer, accompanied by the adjutant and one or two other officers, was crossing the barrack square on his way from the orderly-room, the party encountered the unfortunate quondam Thespian in a state of considerable elevation, between two men of the guard, who were conveying him to durance vile. As his dim eye fell on the form of the commanding officer, a gleam of tipsy humour for a moment lighted up his somewhat grotesque lineaments; John Barleycorn had, for the time, extinguished all terrors of the august presence. ‘Hang a bailie!’ hiccuped poor C---- as he passed the group, who were carefully ignoring his vicinity: ‘Hang a bailie! ma conscience!’ It is scarcely necessary to say that, when brought up for judgment some four-and-twenty hours afterwards, the unfortunate magistrate was dealt with as lightly as the code of military discipline permitted. C---- was discharged soon afterwards, having served his time; and his subsequent career was never, we believe, traced by his former comrades of the 79th.”

On leaving Gibraltar, in June 1848, the regiment proceeded to Canada, but before embarking, the officers and men erected by voluntary subscription a handsome marble tablet, in the Wesleyan Chapel at Gibraltar (where divine service was held for the Presbyterian soldiers of the garrison), to the memory of those non-commissioned officers and soldiers who died during their period of service on the Rock. The regiment arrived at Quebec on the 27th of July 1848, and remained in Canada till August 1851, when it embarked for England, arriving in Leith Roads at the end of the month. On disembarking the headquarters proceeded to Stirling Castle and formed a junction with the dépôt, while three companies were detached to Perth and three to Dundee.

Previous to embarking for England, a highly complimentary letter was addressed to Lieutenant-Colonel the Honourable Lauderdale Maule, by the magistrates and council of Quebec. “It is,” says this letter, “with great pleasure that the magistrates bear testimony to the excellent conduct of the men of your regiment during their sojourn in Quebec, where they will be long and favourably remembered.” Here also did the officers and men of the 79th erect, in the Scotch Presbyterian Church of St Andrew’s, a handsome marble tablet to the memory of the non-commissioned officers and soldiers who died during the period of service in Canada.

In February 1849, Major-General James Hay, C.B., was appointed Colonel in succession to Lt.-General Sir James Macdonell, appointed to the Colonelcy of the 71st Regiment; and in December 1852, Major Edmund James Elliot succeeded to the command of the regiment as Lt.-Colonel by the retirement of the Hon. Lauderdale Maule on half-pay.

In February 1852 the regiment removed to Edinburgh Castle, where it remained till April 1853, and after spending some time at Bury, Preston, and Weedon, it joined the encampment at Chobham in July, where it was brigaded with the 19th and 97th regiments, under the command of Colonel Lockyer, K.H. Here the regiment remained till the 20th of August, when the encampment was broken up, and the 79th proceeded to Portsmouth.

II.

1853-1874.

War with Russia--New Colours--the 79th parts with some of its best men to the 93rd--ordered to the Crimea--the Highland Brigade --The Alma--Sebastopol--Balaklava--Valley of Death--Kertch --Yenikali--Sir Colin Campbell--Dr Mackenzie--Home--Madras --Allahabad--Lucknow--Boodaoon--End of the Indian Mutiny --Meeanmeer--Peshawur--Rawul Pindee--Earl of Mayo--Jubbulpoor--the 93rd Highlanders--Nagpoor--Kamptee--Bombay--Home--Isle of Wight--the Queen’s attentions and honours--Colonel Hodgson--Colonel Miller --Ashantee--Coomassie.

The Cameron Highlanders had had a long rest from active service since those two glorious days at Quatre Bras and Waterloo, in the events of which it bore such a prominent and gallant part and lost so many of its braves; now once again the declaration of war with Russia, on the 1st of March 1854, was to afford its untried men a chance to show what stuff they were made of. The 79th was destined to form part of that famous “Highland Brigade,” which, under Sir Colin Campbell, did its duty so gallantly with the allied army in the Crimea.

Previous to its embarkation for the East, Lt. General W. H. Sewell, C.B., was in March appointed colonel in succession to the deceased Lt.-General James Hay; and on April 21st, new colours were, without ceremony, committed to its keeping by Lt.-Col. Edmund James Elliot.

The 79th embarked for active service under rather disheartening circumstances. Only a few weeks before, while it remained uncertain whether it would form part of the expedition, the regiment had been called upon to furnish volunteers to the 93rd regiment, which had received its orders, and was short of its complement. That strange feeling of restlessness which at all times characterises soldiers, added to the natural and praiseworthy wish to be where hot work was expected, had its result in depriving the 79th of some of its best soldiers. Many of the finest flank-company men took the opportunity of changing their tartan, and the officers of the grenadiers and light company were to be seen one fine morning, like Achilles, “arming, weeping, cursing,” to attend the parade which was to see their “best and bravest” handed over to a rival corps. Then speedily came similar orders for the 79th, and volunteers for it were hastily summoned. In obedience to the above natural laws forth they came as fast as they were wanted, but not exactly the sort of men to replace those who had gone. However, they did their duty well and bravely throughout the hard days that were in store for them, and it would be wronging them deeply to say a slighting word.

The regiment embarked at Portsmouth in H.M. ship “Simoom” on the 4th of May, and arrived at Scutari on the 20th. Here it was encamped on the plain of Scutari, and was brigaded with the 93rd regiment, the two being joined on June 7th by the 42nd Royal Highlanders; the three regiments, as we have indicated, forming the Highland Brigade under Brigadier General Sir Colin Campbell, and along with the brigade of Guards the 1st division of our army in the East. The regiment remained at Scutari till June 13th, when along with the other regiments of the division it was removed to Varna, where it encamped on the plain overlooking Lake Devnos, about a mile south of the town. While stationed here, it had the misfortune to lose its two senior field-officers, Lt.-Col. E. J. Elliot, and Brevet Lt.-Col. James Ferguson, from fever. About the same time also died Colonel the Hon. L. Maule, who for many years commanded the regiment, and who was now Assistant Adjutant-General to the second division.

Lt.-Col. Elliot was on August 13th succeeded by Major John Douglas. The regiment remained in the district about Varna till the end of August, the strength of many of the men being very much reduced by fever.

On the 29th of August the 79th embarked at Varna, and along with the rest of the allied army arrived at Kalamita Bay on Sept. 14th, disembarking on the same day. Along with the other regiments of its division it marched four miles inland, and bivouacked for the night near Lake Tuzla.

On the 19th, the army was put in motion along the coast towards Sebastopol. For details as to the order of march and incidents by the way, including the slight skirmish near the Bulganak River, we must refer the reader to our account of the 42nd. This regiment, along with the rest of the army, bivouacked near the Bulganak on the night of the 19th, and on the morning of the 20th advanced towards the River Alma, on the heights forming the left bank of which the Russians had taken up what they thought an impregnable position, and were awaiting the arrival of the invading army, never doubting but that, ere night, it should be utterly routed, if not extinguished.

About half-past one o’clock the action commenced by the Russians opening fire from the redoubt on the left upon the French, who were attempting to assail their position in that direction. The British forces then formed in line, and proceeded to cross the river about the village of Burliuk. The light and second divisions led the way preceded by the skirmishers of the Rifle Brigade, who advanced through the vineyards beyond the village, and spreading themselves along the margin of the river, engaged the Russian riflemen on the opposite bank.

The first division, which formed the left of the allied army, advancing in support, traversed the vineyard and crossed the river, protected by its overhanging banks. On reaching the slope of the hill, the three Highland regiments formed line in échelon, and, “with the precision of a field-day advanced to the attack, the 42nd Royal Highlanders on the right, and the 79th Cameron Highlanders on the left, the extreme left of the allied army.”[529]

From its position, the 79th was the last of the Highland regiments to mount the slope on the Russian side of the river, and its appearance on the crest of the slope was opportune; it came in time to relieve the mind of Sir Colin, who trembled for the left flank of the 93rd, down upon which was bearing a heavy column of the enemy--the left Sousdal column. “Above the crest or swell of the ground,” Kinglake tells, “on the left rear of the 93rd, yet another array of the tall bending plumes began to rise up in a long ceaseless line, stretching far into the east, and presently, with all the grace and beauty that marks a Highland regiment when it springs up the side of a hill, the 79th came bounding forward. Without a halt, or with only the halt that was needed for dressing the ranks, it sprang at the flank of the right Sousdal column, and caught it in its sin--caught it daring to march across the front of a battalion advancing in line. Wrapped in the fire thus poured upon its flank, the hapless column could not march, could not live. It broke, and began to fall back in great confusion; and the left Sousdal column being almost at the same time overthrown by the 93rd, and the two columns which had engaged the Black Watch being now in full retreat, the spurs of the hill and the winding dale beyond became thronged with the enemy’s disordered masses.”[530]

The three Highland regiments were now once more abreast, and as Kinglake eloquently puts it, the men “could not but see that this, the revoir of the Highlanders, had chanced in a moment of glory. A cheer burst from the reunited Highlanders, and the hillsides were made to resound with that joyous, assuring cry, which is the natural utterance of a northern people so long as it is warlike and free.”

There were still a few battalions of the enemy, about 3000 men, on the rise of a hill separated from the Highland regiments by a hollow; on these the Highland Brigade opened fire, and the Ouglitz column, as it was called, was forced to turn.

The loss in the battle of the Alma of the Cameron Highlanders, who, although they performed most important and trying service, had no chance of being in the thick of the fray, was 2 men killed and 7 wounded.

On account of the conduct of the regiment, a Companionship of the Bath was conferred upon Lt.-Col. John Douglas, and Captain Andrew Hunt was promoted by brevet to be major in the army.[531]

After clearing the Russians out of the way the allied army marched onwards, and on the 26th took up its position before Sebastopol, Balaklava being taken possession of as a base of operations. On the 1st of October the first division encamped on the right of the light division to assist in the duties of the siege; and the 79th afterwards furnished a number of volunteers, to act as sharpshooters in picking off the enemy’s gunners and engage his riflemen. On the 8th of October, Sir Colin Campbell was appointed to the command of the troops and position of Balaklava, and was succeeded in command of the Highland Brigade by Colonel Sir D. A. Cameron, K.C.B., of the 42nd,--whose portrait we have given on the steel-plate of colonels of that regiment.

After the battle of Balaklava, on October 25th, the 79th along with the 42nd, was moved to a new position on the heights of the north side of the valley of Balaklava, where it continued till May 1855. “Although the Highland Brigade,” says Captain Jameson,[532] “was thus at an early period of the campaign unavoidably withdrawn from the siege operations before Sebastopol, it had all-important duties to perform besides those inseparable from the unremitting vigilance imperatively called for in the defence of the base of operations of the army; for in the months of December 1854, and January and February 1855, all the available duty men of the Highland brigade were usually employed at daylight every morning in the severe fatigue of conveying to the army before Sebastopol round shot, shell, and provisions, the load assigned to each man being generally a 32 lb. shot, carried in a sack, or 56 lbs. of biscuit. The preparation of gabions and fascines for the work of the siege, numerous public fatigue duties in the harbour of Balaklava and elsewhere, as well as the labour required for strengthening the entrenchments, likewise devolved upon the brigade.”

During the first four months of 1855, low fever and dysentery prevailed in the regiment to such an extent that it was found necessary to put the 79th under canvass in a position about 300 yards higher up the slope, exposed to the sea breezes from the south-west. Very soon after this move the health of the regiment underwent much improvement.

In connection with what we have just stated, we shall introduce here a striking and intensely pathetic reminiscence of the campaign, which has been furnished us by Lt.-Col. Clephane. It shows how these comparatively raw soldiers of the Cameron Highlanders displayed a gallant devotion to their duty under the most trying circumstances which would have reflected credit upon veterans of a dozen campaigns.

“Shortly after the opening of the bombardment of Sebastopol, the 79th Highlanders furnished a party for trench duty, consisting of about 150 men, under command of a field officer, and accompanied by a similar number detailed from the brigade of Guards. They marched for the post of duty shortly before daybreak, taking the well-known route through the ‘Valley of Death,’ as it was called. At that time a foe more dreaded than the Russians had persistently dogged the footsteps of the army, never attacking in force, but picking out a victim here and there, with such unerring certainty that to be sensible of his approach was to feel doomed. The glimmering light was at first insufficient for making out aught more than the dark body of men that moved silently along the above gloomy locality in column of march four deep; but as the sun approached nearer the horizon, and the eye became accustomed to the glimmer, it was seen that one man was suffering under pain of no ordinary nature, and was far from being fit to go on duty that morning. Indeed, on being closely inspected, it became evident that the destroyer had set his seal on the unfortunate fellow’s brow, and how he had mustered the determination to equip himself and march out with the rest was almost inconceivable. Upon being questioned, however, he persisted that there was not much the matter, though he owned to spasms in his inside and cramps in his legs, and he steadily refused to return to camp without positive orders to that effect, maintaining that he would be better as soon as he could get time to ‘lie down a bit.’ All this time the colour of the poor fellow’s face was positively and intensely blue, and the damps of death were standing unmistakeably on his forehead. He staggered as he walked, groaning with clenched teeth, but keeping step, and shifting his rifle with the rest in obedience to each word of command. He ought probably to have been at once despatched to the rear, but the party was now close to the scene of action (Gordon’s battery), the firing would immediately commence, and somehow he was for the moment forgotten. The men took their places lining the breastwork, the troops whom they relieved marched off, and the firing began, and was kept up with great fury on both sides. All at once a figure staggered out from the hollow beneath the earthen rampart where the men were lying, and fell groaning upon the earth a few paces to the rear. It was the unfortunate man whose case we have just noticed. He was now in the last extremity, and there was not the ghost of a chance for him in this world; but three or four of his comrades instantly left their place of comparative safety, and surrounded him with a view of doing what they could to alleviate his sufferings. It was not much; they raised him up and rubbed his legs, which were knotted with cramps, and brandy from an officer’s flask was administered without stint. All in vain, of course; but, curiously enough, even then the dying man did not lose heart, or show any weakness under sufferings which must have been frightful. He was grateful to the men who were busy rubbing his agonised limbs, and expressed satisfaction with their efforts, after a fashion that had even some show of piteous humour about it. ‘Aye,’ groaned he, as they came upon a knot of sinews as large as a pigeon’s egg, ‘that’s the vaygabone!’ It became evident now that the best thing that could be done would be to get him home to camp, so that he might at least die beyond the reach of shot and shell. The open ground to the rear of the battery was swept by a perfect storm of these missles; but volunteers at once came forward, and placed upon one of the bloodstained litters the dying man, who, now nearly insensible, was carried back to his tent. This was effected without casualty to the bearers, who forthwith returned to their post, leaving their unfortunate comrade at the point of breathing his last.”

Such were the men who upheld the honour of the Scottish name in those days, and such, alas! were those who furnished a royal banquet to the destroyer, Death, throughout that melancholy campaign.

The 79th, in the end of May and beginning of June, formed part of the expedition to Kertch, described in the history of the 42nd. This expedition came quite as a little pleasant pic-nic to those regiments who were lucky enough to be told off as part of the force, and the 79th, along with the other regiments of the Highland brigade, had the good fortune to be so. Yenikali had been very hastily evacuated, all its guns being left in perfect order, and signs everywhere of little domestic establishments broken up in what must have been excessive dismay--expensive articles of furniture, ladies’ dresses, little articles of the same sort appertaining to children, all left standing as the owners had left them, fleeing, as they imagined, for their lives. Truth to tell, they would not have been far wrong, but for the presence of the British.[533]

On its return in the middle of June, the Highland brigade took up its old position beside the Guards before Sebastopol, the command of the re-united division being assumed by Sir Colin Campbell. After this the division was regularly employed in the siege operations, it having been drawn up in reserve during the unsuccessful attack on the Malakoff and Redan on the 18th of June.

In August, on account of the formation of an additional division to the army, the old Highland Brigade was separated from the Guards, and joined to the 1st and 2nd battalion Royals, and the 72nd Highlanders, these now forming the Highland division under Sir Colin Campbell.

On the 8th of September, the 79th, along with the other regiments of the brigade, was marched down to the front to take part in the contemplated assault upon the enemy’s fortifications. About four in the afternoon, the 79th, under command of Lt.-Col. C. H. Taylor, reached the fifth or most advanced parallel, in front of the great Redan, the 72nd being in line on its left. Before this, however, the Redan had been attacked by the right and second divisions, who, “after exhibiting a devotion and courage yet to be surpassed,” were compelled to retire with severe loss; the French attack on the Malakoff had at the same time been successful.

The brigade continued to occupy its advanced position during the remainder of the day exposed to a heavy fire, it being appointed to make another assault on the Redan next morning. Such a deadly enterprise, however, fortunately proved unnecessary, as early next morning it was ascertained that the enemy, after having blown up their magazines and other works, were in full retreat across the harbour by the bridge of boats. The only duty devolving upon the 79th was to send two companies to take possession of the Redan and its works.

The loss of the regiment on the day of the assault, and in the various operations during the siege, was 17 rank and file killed, Lt. D. H. M’Barnet, Assistant-Surgeon Edward Louis Lundy, 3 sergeants, 1 drummer, and 39 rank and file wounded. While recording the losses of the regiment, honourable mention ought to be made of Dr Richard James Mackenzie, who gave up a lucrative practice in Edinburgh in order to join the British army in the east. He was appointed to the 79th while the regiment was stationed at Varna, and until his death on September 25th 1854, shortly after “Alma,” he rendered to the regiment and the army generally services of the highest importance. He followed the army on foot, undergoing much fatigue and many privations, which, with the arduous labours he took upon himself after the battle, no doubt hastened his much lamented death. After the battle of the Alma, it is said, he performed no fewer than twenty-seven capital operations with his own hand. “So highly were his services appreciated by the 79th, that, after the battle of the Alma, on his coming up to the regiment from attendance on the wounded, several of the men called out, ‘Three cheers for Dr Mackenzie!’ which was promptly and warmly responded to.”

The regiment, after the notification of peace, erected to his memory a neat tombstone, with an appropriate inscription, fenced in by a stone wall, on the heights of Belbek, near his resting-place.

His heroic and humane deeds on the battle-field of the Alma were thoroughly appreciated by the 79th, and have been recorded by others. We may, however, faintly gather something of them from his letter to his brother Kenneth--the last he ever wrote. It was written on the day after the battle. In this letter he says: “We” (Dr Scott and himself) “were shaking hands with all our friends, when, to my no small surprise and gratification, as you may believe, a voice shouted out from the column as they stood in the ranks--‘Three cheers for Mr Mackenzie,’ and though I say it who shouldn’t, I never heard three better cheers. You will laugh, my dear fellow, when you read this, but I can tell you I could scarcely refrain from doing t’other thing. All I could do was to wave my Glengarry in thanks.” As to Dr Mackenzie’s coolness under fire, the quartermaster of the 79th wrote: “During the height of the action I was in conversation with him when a round shot struck the ground, and rebounding over our regiment, flew over our heads and killed an artillery horse a few yards in our rear.” Mackenzie quietly remarked, “That is a narrow escape.”

The regiment continued in the Crimea till June 1856, on the 15th of which month it embarked at Balaklava, and disembarked at Portsmouth on the 5th of July, proceeding immediately by rail to the camp at Aldershot.[534]

After being stationed for a short time at Shorncliffe, and for some months at Canterbury, and having been present at the distribution of the Victoria Cross by Her Majesty in Hyde Park on June 26th 1857, the 79th proceeded to Dublin, where it landed on the 28th. Here, however, it remained but a short time, as on account of the Sepoy revolt in India, it was again ordered to prepare for active service. The regiment was rapidly completed to 1000 rank and file, and set sail in the beginning of August, arriving at Madras Roads early in November, when it received orders to proceed to Calcutta, where it disembarked on the 28th of November and occupied Fort-William. After remaining there for a few days, the 79th, on Dec. 2nd, proceeded by rail to Raneegunge, under the command of Lt.-Colonel John Douglas. Towards the end of the month the regiment left Raneegunge for Allahabad, where it halted till the 5th of Jan. 1858, a day memorable in the history of the 79th for its having marched upwards of 48 miles, and gained its first victory in the East, viz., that of Secundragunge, in which happily it had no casualties.

The regiment left Allahabad for Lucknow on the 18th of Jan., and on the 28th of Feb. it joined the force under Sir Colin Campbell at Camp Bunterah. The regiment was then commanded by Lt.-Colonel Taylor, Lt.-Colonel Douglas having been appointed to the command of the 5th Infantry Brigade. After passing the Goomtee, the 79th joined the force under Sir James Outram, and was brigaded with the 1st battalion of the 23rd Fusiliers and the 1st Bengal Fusiliers, under the command of Brigadier General Douglas. The regiment was present, and performed its part bravely during the siege and capture of Lucknow, from the 2nd to the 16th of March 1858, its loss being 7 non-commissioned officers and privates killed, and 2 officers, Brevet-Major Miller and Ensign Haine, and 21 non-commissioned officers and privates wounded.[535]

After the capture of Lucknow the 79th joined the division under the command of Major-General Walpole, in the advance towards Allahgunge, Shahjehanpoor, and Bareilly. Its next engagement was the action of Boodaoon, where the regiment had only 1 man wounded, who afterwards died of his wounds. On the 22nd of April the 79th was present at the action of Allahgunge, where it had no casualties. On the 27th, Sir Colin Campbell assumed command of the force and marched on Bareilly, the 79th, along with the 42nd and 93rd, forming the Highland brigade. On the 5th of May the 79th was formed in line of battle before Bareilly, when it helped to gain another glorious victory, with a loss of only 2 men killed and 2 wounded. The regiment received the special thanks of Sir Colin Campbell.

The 79th next made a forced march to the relief of Shahjehanpoor, under the command of Brigadier-General John Jones, and on the 21st of May was again under fire at the attack of that place. Thence it went to Mohoomdee, in the attack on which it took part on the 24th and 25th; here it had 2 men wounded, and, according to the Record-Book, upwards of 100 men suffered from sunstroke.

After this last action the regiment once more found itself in quarters at Futtehgurh and Cawnpoor, one wing being detached to Allahabad; this, however, was only for a short time, as on the 21st of October an order was received for the 79th to join the brigade in Oudh, under Brigadier-General Wetherall, C.B. On the 3rd of November the 79th was present at the storm and capture of Rampoor Kosilab, the regiment losing only 2 men killed, and 1 sergeant and 6 privates wounded. For its conduct on this occasion the 79th was complimented in General Orders by His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief.

Brig.-Gen. Wetherall having left the force, was succeeded in command by Sir Hope Grant, K.C.B., who appointed Lt.-Col. Taylor, 79th, to command the brigade, Major Butt succeeding the latter in command of the 79th.

The 79th proceeded by forced marches to Fyzabad to commence the trans-Ghogra operations, and was present at the action of the passage of the Ghogra on the 25th of November, the skirmish at Muchligan on the 6th of Dec., and the skirmish at Bundwa Kotee on the 3rd of Jan. 1859. After the last-mentioned engagement the 79th received orders to proceed to Meean Meer in the Punjab, under the command of Lt.-Col. Taylor.

Thus ended the Indian Mutiny, during which the casualties to the 79th Highlanders amounted to 2 officers wounded, and 158[536] of all ranks killed. For its gallant conduct during the Indian campaign the 79th received the thanks of both Houses of Parliament, and was authorised to bear on its colours the inscription “Capture of Lucknow.” Lt.-Col. Douglas was appointed a K.C.B., and Lt.-Col. Taylor a C.B.

The regiment arrived at Meean Meer on the 8th of April 1859, and on the 15th the command passed into the hands of Lt.-Col. Butt, Colonel Taylor having proceeded to Europe on leave. Lt.-Col. Butt continued in command till the 2nd of April 1860, when he was appointed Chief Inspector of Musketry for Bengal, and was succeeded in command of the regiment by Lt.-Col. Hodgson. On the 16th of March, Lt.-Col. Douglas had retired on half-pay, and Lt.-Col. Taylor did the same on the 10th of May following.

The 79th remained in India till Sept. 1871. On the 5th of Nov. 1860, the right wing, consisting of 287 of all ranks, proceeded to Amritzir under the command of Major M’Barnet. Headquarters left Meean Meer on the 19th of Jan. 1861 for Ferozepoor, where it was joined by the wing from Amritzir in April.

The 79th left Ferozepoor in Feb. 1862 for Nowshera, where it remained till the following November, on the 23rd of which the regiment proceeded to Peshawur, on the frontiers of Afghanistan. In the previous March the regiment lost by death its colonel, General W. A. Sewell, who was succeeded by General the Honourable Hugh Arbuthnott, C.B.

During the stay of the regiment in Peshawur it lost two of its officers. A frontier war having broken out, Lts. Dougal and Jones volunteered their services, and were permitted to proceed with the expedition against the Sitana fanatics, under the command of Brigadier-General Sir M. Chamberlain, K.C.B.; the former was killed when on picquet duty on the 6th of Nov. 1863, and the latter in action on the 18th of the same month.

The 79th remained in Peshawur till Jan. 1864, when it removed to Rawul Pindee, where it remained till 1866. During its stay it furnished a volunteer working party on the Murree and Abbattabad road, and also during 1864 a detachment of 300 of all ranks, under the command of Captain C. Gordon, to the Camp Durrgaw Gully.

In October 1864 the 79th lost by exchange its senior Lt.-Colonel, Colonel Butt having exchanged with Colonel Best of H.M.’s 86th Regiment. By this exchange Lt.-Colonel Hodgson became senior Lt.-Colonel.

For some time after its arrival at Rawul Pindee the regiment continued to suffer from Peshawur fever, a considerable number of men having had to be invalided to England. On the 8th of May 1865 the headquarters and 650 of all ranks proceeded as a working party to the Murree Hills, where the regiment remained till October, much to the benefit of the men’s health, as in a fortnight after its arrival all traces of Peshawur fever had disappeared. A similar working party, but not so large, was sent to the Murree Hills at the same time in the following year.

On the 10th of July of this year (1865) Lt.-Colonel Hodgson received his promotion by brevet to full Colonel in the army.

On the 1st of November 1866, the headquarters and left wing marched from Rawul Pindee for Roorkee, and the right wing under command of Major Maitland for Delhi, the former reaching Roorkee on the 15th and the latter Delhi on Dec. 27th. During the regiment’s stay at these places the two wings exchanged and re-exchanged quarters, both suffering considerably from fever during the spring of 1867. Both wings in the end of March proceeded to Umballah, to take part in the ceremonial attending the meeting between Earl Mayo, Governor-General of India, and Shere Ali Khan, the Ameer of Cabul; the Cameron Highlanders had been appointed part of His Excellency’s personal escort.

On Dec. 7th the headquarters, under the command of Colonel W. C. Hodgson, left Roorkee en route to Kamptee, and on the 15th it was joined by the right wing from Delhi, at Camp Jubbulpoor. Here the regiment remained until the 24th, when it commenced to move by companies towards Kamptee, at which station the headquarters arrived on the 1st of January 1870. Shortly before leaving Roorkee a highly complimentary farewell letter was sent to Colonel Hodgson from Major-General Colin Troup, C.B., commanding the Meerut Division.

During January 1870 the 93d Sutherland Highlanders passed through Kamptee en route for home, when a very pleasing exchange of civilities took place between that distinguished regiment and their old comrades of the 79th. At a mess meeting held at Nagpoor on the 30th by the officers of the 93d, it was proposed and carried unanimously that a letter be written to the officers of the 79th, proposing that, in consideration of the friendship and cordiality which had so long existed between the two regiments, the officers of the two corps be perpetual honorary members of their respective messes. The compliment was, of course, willingly returned by the 79th, and the officers of the 93rd Highlanders were constituted thenceforth perpetual honorary members of the 79th mess.

The regiment remained at Kamptee for nearly two years, furnishing a detachment to the fort at Nagpoor. A very sad event occurred in the regiment during its stay at Kamptee: on Aug. 28th, 1871, Captain Donald Macdonald when at great gun drill at the artillery barracks, dropped down on parade, died instantaneously, and was buried the same evening. Captain Macdonald was by birth and habit a Highlander, and was most warmly attached to his regiment, in which he had served for seventeen years. Great regret was felt by all ranks in the regiment on account of his premature and unexpected death. He was only 34 years of age, and a monument was erected by his brother officers over his grave at Kamptee.

On the 2nd of August 1871 Colonel Best was appointed to the command of the Nagpoor field force, with the rank of brigadier-general.

In the same month the 79th received orders to be in readiness to proceed to England, and the non-commissioned officers and men were permitted to volunteer into regiments remaining in India. About 177 of all ranks availed themselves of this offer, a considerable number of whom were married men. The regiment left Kamptee in two detachments on Sept. 22nd and 23rd, and proceeded by Nagpoor and Deolallee to Bombay, where it embarked on board H.M.’s India troop-ship “Jumna” on the 29th and 30th. The “Jumna” sailed for England on the 1st of October, and after a prosperous voyage by way of the Suez Canal arrived at Spithead on the evening of the 6th of November. Next day the regiment was transferred to three ships, and conveyed to West Cowes, Isle of Wight, where it disembarked the same evening, and marched to the Albany Barracks, Parkhurst.

During the fourteen years that the 79th was stationed in India it was inspected by many distinguished general officers, including Sir Colin Campbell (Lord Clyde), Sir William Mansfield (Lord Sandhurst), Sir Hugh Rose, (Lord Strathnairn), Sir Hope Grant, &c., all of whom expressed themselves highly satisfied with the appearance, conduct, and discipline of the regiment.

During its sojourn in the Isle of Wight the 79th was highly honoured on more than one occasion by the very particular notice of Her Majesty Queen Victoria. In Feb. 1872, Her Majesty being at Osborne, was pleased to express her desire to see the 79th Highlanders in marching order. The regiment accordingly paraded at 10 o’clock on the morning of the 16th, and proceeded towards Osborne. When the 79th was within a short distance of the approach to the house, Her Majesty, with several members of the Royal Family, appeared at an angle of the road, and watched the marching past of the regiment with great interest. The regiment, after making a detour towards East Cowes, was returning to Parkhurst by way of Newport, when Her Majesty re-appeared, paying particular attention to the dress and appearance of the men as they marched past her for the second time.

This was the last occasion on which Colonel Hodgson was destined to command the 79th. On the 1st of March the regiment sustained an irreparable loss in his death, which took place, after a very short illness. Colonel Hodgson was 49 years of age, had served in the 79th for 32 years, and commanded it for 12, and by his invariable kindness and urbanity had endeared himself to all ranks. His sad and unexpected death spread a deep gloom over the whole regiment. Colonel Maitland, in announcing Colonel Hodgson’s death in regimental orders said,--

“The officers have to lament the loss of one who was always to them a kind and considerate commanding officer; and the non-commissioned officers and men have been deprived of a true friend, who was ever zealous in guarding their interests and promoting their welfare.”

Colonel Hodgson was buried in Carisbrooke Cemetery, and over his grave a handsome monument of Aberdeen granite has been erected by his brother officers and friends.

By Colonel Hodgson’s death Colonel Maitland succeeded to the command of the regiment; he, however, retired on half-pay on the 19th of October following, and Lt.-Colonel Miller was selected to succeed him.

On the 17th of Sept, the 79th had the honour of being reviewed by the late ex-Emperor of the French, Napoleon III., and his son, the Prince Imperial, who lunched with the officers. The Emperor made a minute inspection of the men, and watched the various manœuvres with evident interest, expressing at the conclusion his admiration of the splendid appearance and physique of the men, the high state of discipline of the corps, and the magnificent manner in which the drill was performed.

During Her Majesty’s stay at Osborne the 79th always furnished a guard of honour at East Cowes at each of her visits. On the 17th of April 1873 Her Majesty bestowed one of the highest honours in her power on the regiment, when on that day she attended at Parkhurst Barracks to present it with new colours. The presentation took place in the drill-field, and was witnessed by a large number of spectators, who were favoured with a bright sky.

At 11 o’clock A.M. the 79th marched into the field under command of Colonel Miller. The ground was kept by the 102nd Fusiliers, the same regiment also furnishing a guard of honour to Her Majesty. General Viscount Templetown, K.C.B., commanding the district, was present, and also Sir John Douglas, K.C.B., commanding in North Britain, with his A.D.C., Lieutenant Boswell Gordon, of the 79th. The Mayor and Corporation of Newport attended officially, wearing their robes of office. At a quarter to 12 o’clock Her Majesty arrived, attended by their Royal Highnesses Prince Leopold and Princess Beatrice, the Countess of Errol and other ladies, besides the Equerries in Waiting. The royal party having driven along the line, the band and pipers playing, the usual order of presentation was proceeded with.

The old colours were in front of the left of the line, in charge of a colour party and double sentries. The new colours, cased, were in the rear of the centre, in charge of the two senior colour-sergeants, Taylor and Mackie. The old colours having been trooped, these honoured and cherished standards, around which the Cameron Highlanders had so often victoriously rallied, were borne to the rear by Lts. Annesley and Money to the strains of “Auld Lang Syne.” The regiment was then formed into three sides of a square, the drums were piled in the centre, the new colours were brought from the rear, and having been uncased by the Majors, were placed against the pile. After this a most impressive consecration prayer was offered up by the Rev. Charles Morrison, formerly Presbyterian chaplain to the 79th in India, who had come from Aberdeen expressly to perform this duty. When this was concluded, Major Cumming handed the Queen’s colour and Major Percival the regimental colour to Her Majesty, who presented the former to Lt. Campbell and the latter to Lt. Methven, at the same time addressing them thus:--“It gives me great pleasure to present these new colours to you. In thus entrusting you with this honourable charge, I have the fullest confidence that you will, with the true loyalty and well-known devotion of Highlanders, preserve the honour and reputation of your regiment, which have been so brilliantly earned and so nobly maintained by the 79th Cameron Highlanders.”

Colonel Miller then replied as follows:--

“I beg permission, in the name of all ranks of the 79th Cameron Highlanders, to present our loyal and most grateful acknowledgments of the very high honour it has pleased your Majesty this day to confer on the regiment. The incident will ever remain fresh in the memories of all on parade, and of those also who are unable to have the honour of being present on this occasion, and of others who have formerly served with the 79th; and I beg to assure your Majesty that, wherever the course of events may require these colours to be borne, the remembrance that they were received from the hands of our Most Gracious Queen, will render them doubly precious, and that in future years, as at present, the circumstance of this presentation will be regarded as one of the proudest episodes in the records of the Cameron Highlanders.”

After Colonel Miller’s address the regiment re-formed line, and the colours were received with a general salute, after which they were marched to their place in the line in slow time, the band playing “God save the Queen.” The ranks having been closed, the regiment broke into column, and marched past Her Majesty in quick and double time. Line was then re-formed, and Lt.-Gen. Viscount Templetown, K.C.B., called for three cheers for Her Majesty, a request which was responded to by the regiment in true Highland style. The ranks having been opened, the line advanced in review order, and gave a royal salute, after which the royal carriage withdrew.

After the parade was dismissed, the old colours, carried by Lts. Annesley and Money, escorted by all the sergeants, were played round the barracks, and afterwards taken to the officers’ mess. On the 30th of the month the officers gave a splendid ball at the Town-hall, Ryde, at which about 500 guests were present, the new colours being placed in the centre of the ball-room, guarded on each side by a Highlander in full uniform. To mark the occasion also, Colonel Miller remitted all punishments awarded to the men, and the sergeants entertained their friends at a luncheon and a dance in the drill field.

At the unanimous request of the officers, Colonel Miller offered the old colours to Her Majesty, and she having been graciously pleased to accept them, they were taken to Osborne on the 22nd of April. At 12 o’clock noon of that day the regiment paraded in review order and formed a line along the barracks for the colours to pass, each man presenting arms as they passed him, the band playing “Auld Lang Syne.” The colours were then taken by train from Newport to Cowes. At Osborne the East Cowes guard of honour, under command of Captain Allen, with Lts. Bucknell and Smith, was drawn up at each side of the hall door. The old colours, carried by Lts. Annesley and Money, escorted by Quarter-master-Sergeant Knight, Colour-Sergeant Clark, two other sergeants, and four privates, preceded by the pipers, were marched to the door by Colonel Miller, the guard of honour presenting arms. The officers then advanced, and, kneeling, placed the colours at Her Majesty’s feet, when Colonel Miller read a statement, giving a history of the old colours from the time of their presentation at Portsmouth, in the month of April 1854, by Mrs Elliot (the wife of the officer at that time colonel of the regiment), a few days before the regiment embarked for the Crimea.

Colonel Miller then said,--

“It having graciously pleased your Majesty to accept these colours from the Cameron Highlanders, I beg permission to express the gratification which all ranks of the 79th feel in consequence, and to convey most respectfully our highest appreciation of this kind act of condescension on the part of your Majesty.”

The Queen replied,--

“I accept these colours with much pleasure, and shall ever value them in remembrance of the gallant services of the 79th Cameron Highlanders. I will take them to Scotland, and place them in my dear Highland home at Balmoral.”

The guard then presented arms, and the colour party withdrew. Her Majesty afterwards addressed a few words to each of the colour-sergeants.

On the 24th of April, Colonel Miller received orders for the troops of the Parkhurst garrison to march towards Osborne on the following day, for Her Majesty’s inspection, and the troops accordingly paraded at 10 o’clock A.M. in review order. On arriving near Osborne the brigade was drawn up in line on the road, the 79th on the right, and the 102nd on the left. Her Majesty was received with a royal salute, and having driven down the line, the royal carriage took up its position at the crossroads, and the regiments passed in fours; the royal carriage then drove round by a bye-road, and the regiment again passed in fours, after which the troops returned to Parkhurst.

We may state here that on the day on which Her Majesty presented the new colours to the regiment, Colonel Ponsonby, by Her Majesty’s desire, wrote to the Field-Marshal Commanding in Chief that “Her Majesty was extremely pleased with the appearance of the men and with the manner in which they moved,” and hoped that His Royal Highness might think it right to communicate the Queen’s opinion to Lt.-Colonel Miller. The letter was sent to Colonel Miller.

The Queen still further showed her regard for the 79th by presenting to the regiment four copies of her book, “Leaves from our Journal in the Highlands,”--one to Colonel Miller, one for the officers, one for the non-commissioned officers, and one for the privates.

To crown all these signal marks of Her Majesty’s attachment to the Cameron Highlanders, she was graciously pleased to let them bear her own name as part of the style and title of the regiment, as will be seen by the following letter, dated--

“Horseguards, 10th July 1873.

“SIR,--By direction of the Field-Marshal Commanding in Chief, I have the honour to acquaint you that Her Majesty has been pleased to command that the 79th Regiment be in future styled “the 79th Queen’s Own Cameron Highlanders,” that the facings be accordingly changed from green to blue, and that the regiment be also permitted to bear in the centre of the second colour, as a regimental badge, the Thistle ensigned with the Imperial Crown, being the badge of Scotland as sanctioned by Queen Anne in 1707, after the confirmation of the Act of Union of the kingdoms.--I have, &c. &c.

(Signed) “J. W. ARMSTRONG, “Deputy Adjutant-General.

“Lieutenant-Colonel Miller, “Commanding 79th Regiment.”

In acknowledgment of this gracious mark of Her Majesty’s regard, Colonel Miller despatched a letter to Major-General Ponsonby, at Osborne, on the 12th of July, in which he requests that officer

“To convey to the Queen, in the name of all ranks of the 79th, our most respectful and grateful acknowledgments for so distinguished a mark of royal condescension, and I beg that you will assure Her Majesty of the gratification felt throughout the regiment in consequence of the above announcement.”

Finally, on the 13th of August Colonel Miller received a notification that Her Majesty had expressed a wish that the regiment should be drawn up at East Cowes to form a guard of honour on her departure from the island on the following day. The regiment accordingly marched to East Cowes on the following afternoon, and presented arms as Her Majesty embarked on her way to Balmoral.

On 18th of September of the same year the 79th left Parkhurst for Aldershot, where it arrived on the same afternoon, and was quartered in A and B lines, South Camp, being attached to the 1st or Major-General Parkes’ brigade.

The Black Watch has received great and well-merited praise for its conduct during the Ashantee War, in the march from the Gold Coast to Coomassie. It ought, however, to be borne in mind that a fair share of the glory which the 42nd gained on that dangerous coast, under the able command of Major-General Sir Garnet J. Wolseley, really belongs to the Cameron Highlanders. When the 42nd, at the end of December 1873, was ordered to embark for the Gold Coast, 135 volunteers were asked for from the 79th, to make up its strength, when there at once stepped out 170 fine fellows, most of them over ten years’ service, from whom the requisite number was taken. Lieutenants E. C. Annesley and James M’Callum accompanied these volunteers. Although they wore the badge and uniform of the glorious Black Watch, as much credit is due to the 79th on account of their conduct as if they had fought under the name of the famous Cameron Highlanders, in which regiment they received all that training without which personal bravery is of little avail.

Lieut. Colonel Clephane, who for many years was connected with the Cameron Highlanders, has been good enough to furnish us with a number of anecdotes illustrative of the inner life of the regiment and of the characteristics of the men in his time. Some of these we have already given in their chronological place in the text, and we propose to conclude our narrative with one or two others, regretting that space does not permit our making use of all the material Colonel Clephane has been so obliging as to put into our hands.

It may probably be affirmed, as a rule, that there exists in the regiments of the British army an amount of harmony and cordial reciprocation of interest in individual concerns, which cannot be looked for in other professional bodies. From the nature of the circumstances under which soldiers spend the best years of their lives, thrown almost entirely together, sometimes exclusively so, and moving, as fate and the War Office may determine, from one point to another of Her Majesty’s dominions on their country’s concerns, it naturally arises that an amount of familiar knowledge of each other’s characteristics is arrived at which in the world at large is rarely attainable. We should state that the period of the following reminiscences is comprehended between the year 1835 and the suppression of the Indian mutiny.

In the 79th Highlanders the harmony that existed among the officers, and the completeness of the chain of fellow-feeling which bound together all ranks from highest to lowest, was very remarkable. It used to be said among the officers themselves that, no matter how often petty bickerings might arise in the fraternity, anything like a serious quarrel was impossible; and this from the very reason that it was a fraternity, in the best and fullest sense of the word.

And now a temptation arises to notice one or two of those individual members of the regiment whose demeanour and eccentricities of expression furnished a daily supply of amusement:--There was a non-commissioned officer, occupying the position of drill-sergeant about five-and-thirty or forty years ago, whose contributions in this way were much appreciated. “I think I see him now,” writes Colonel Clephane, “sternly surveying with one grey eye, the other being firmly closed for the time being, some unlucky batch of recruits which had unfavourably attracted his attention; his smooth-shaven lip and chin, a brown curl brought forward over each cheek-bone, and the whole surmounted by the high white-banded sergeant’s forage cap of that day set at the regulation military angle over the right ear. He was a Waterloo man, and must have been verging on middle age at the time of which I write, but there was no sign of any falling off in the attributes of youth, if we except the slight rotundity beneath the waistbelt.” No one could be more punctiliously respectful to his superior officers than the sergeant, but when he had young gentlemen newly joined under his charge at recruit drill, he would display an assumption of authority as occasion offered which was sometimes ludicrous enough. On one of these occasions, when a squad of recruits, comprising two newly-fledged ensigns, was at drill in the barrack square, the sound of voices (a heinous offence as we all know) was heard in the ranks. The sergeant stopped opposite the offending squad. There was “silence deep as death”--“Ah--m--m!” said he, clearing his throat after a well-known fashion of his, and tapping the ground with the end of his cane--“Ah--m--m! if I hear any man talkin’ in the ranks, I’ll put him in the guard ’ouse” (here he looked with stern significance at each of the officers in turn)--“I don’t care who he is!” Having thus, as he thought, impressed all present with a due sense of the respect due to his great place, he gave a parting “Ah--m--m!” tapped the ground once or twice more, keeping his eye firmly fixed to the last on the more suspected of the two ensigns, and moved stiffly off to the next batch of recruits. No one ever dreamed of being offended with old “Squid,” as he was called, after his pronunciation of the word squad, and those who had, as he expressed it, “passed through his hands” would never consider themselves as unduly unbending in holding serious or mirthful colloquy with their veteran preceptor. Thus, on another occasion of considerably later date than the above, some slight practical joking had been going on at the officers’ mess, a practice which would have been dangerous but for the real cordiality which existed among its members, and a group of these conversed gleefully on the subject next morning after the dismissal of parade. The peculiar form assumed by their jocularity had been that of placing half a newspaper or so upon the boot of a slumbering comrade, and setting it on fire, as a gentle hint that slumber at the mess-table was objectionable. One officer was inclined to deprecate the practice. “If he had not awoke at once,” said he, “he might have found it no joke.” “Ah--m--m!” uttered the well-known voice close behind the group, where the sergeant, now dépôt sergeant-major, had, unnoticed, been a listener to the colloquy, “I always grease the paper.” This was literally throwing a new light on the subject, and was the worthy man’s method of testifying contempt for all undue squeamishness on occasions of broken etiquette.

One or two subordinates in the same department were not without their own distinguishing characteristics. Colonel Clephane writes--“I remember one of our drill corporals, whose crude ideas of humour were not unamusing when all were in the vein, which we generally were in those days. He was quite a young man, and his sallies came, as it were, in spite of himself, and with a certain grimness of delivery which was meant to obviate any tendency therein to relaxation of discipline. I can relate a slight episode connected with this personage, showing how the memory of small things lingers in the hearts of such men in a way we would little expect from the multifarious nature of their occupations, and the constant change to them of scenes and features. A young officer was being drilled by a lance-corporal after the usual recruit fashion, and being a tall slip of a youth he was placed on the flank of his squad. They were being marched to a flank in what was called Indian or single file, the said officer being in front as right hand man. When the word ‘halt’ was given by the instructor from a great distance off--a favourite plan of his, as testing the power of his word of command--the officer did not hear it, and, while the rest of the squad came to a stand still, he went marching on. He was aroused from a partial reverie by the sound of the well-known broad accent close at his ear, ‘Hae ye far to gang the nicht?’ and, wheeling about in some discomforture, had to rejoin the squad amid the unconcealed mirth of its members. Well, nearly thirty years afterwards, when probably not one of them, officer, corporal, or recruits, continued to wear the uniform of the regiment, the former, in passing through one of the streets of Edinburgh, came upon his old instructor in the uniform of a conducting sergeant (one whose duty it was to accompany recruits from their place of enlistment to the head-quarters of their regiments). There was an immediate cordial recognition, and, after a few inquiries and reminiscences on both sides, the quondam officer said jestingly, ‘You must acknowledge I was the best recruit you had in those days.’ The sergeant hesitated, smiled grimly, and then replied, ‘Yes, you were a good enough recruit; but you were a bad richt hand man!’”

The sequel of the poor sergeant’s career furnishes an apt illustration of the cordiality of feeling wherewith his officer is almost invariably regarded by the fairly dealt with and courteously treated British soldier. A few years subsequent to the period of the above episode, Colonel Clephane received a visit at his house, quite unexpectedly, from his old instructor. The latter had been forced by this time, through failure of health, to retire from the active duties of his profession, and it was, indeed, evident at once, from his haggard lineaments and the irrepressible wearing cough, which from time to time shook his frame, that he had “received the route” for a better world. He had no request to make, craved no assistance, and could with difficulty be persuaded to accept some refreshment. The conversation flowed in the usual channel of reminiscences, in the course of which the officer learned that matters which he had imagined quite private, at least to his own circle, were no secret to the rank and file. The sergeant also adverted to an offer which had been made to him, on his retirement from the 79th, of an appointment in the police force. “A policeman!” said he, describing his interview with the patron who proposed the scheme; “for Godsake, afore ye mak a policeman o’ me, just tie a stane round my neck and fling me into the sea!” After some time, he got up to retire, and was followed to the door by his quondam pupil, who, himself almost a cripple, was much affected by the still more distressing infirmity of his old comrade. The officer, after shaking hands, expressed a hope, by way of saying something cheering at parting, that he should yet see the veteran restored to comparative health. The latter made no reply, but after taking a step on his way, turned round, and said, in a tone which the other has not forgotten, “I’ve seen you once again any way” and so they parted, never to meet again in this world.

These are small matters, but they furnish traits of a class, the free expenditure of whose blood has made Great Britain what she is.

There is in all regiments a class which, very far remote as it is from the possession of the higher, or, at all events, the more dignified range of attributes, yet, as a curious study, is not undeserving of a few notes. It is pretty well known that each officer of a regiment has attached to his special service a man selected from the ranks, and in most cases from the company to which he himself belongs. Now, it is not to be supposed that the captain of a company will sanction the employment in this way of his smartest men, nor, indeed, would the commanding officer be likely to ratify the appointment if he did; still, I have seen smart young fellows occasionally filling the position of officer’s servant, though they rarely continued long in it, but reverted, as a rule, sooner or later, to their places in the ranks, under the influence of a soldier’s proper ambition, which pointed to the acquisition of at least a non-commission officer’s stripes; not to speak of the difference between Her Majesty’s livery and that of any intermediate master, however much in his own person deserving of respect. The young ensign, however, in joining will rarely find himself accommodated with a servant of this class. He will have presented to him, in that capacity, some steady (we had almost said “sober,” but that we should have been compelled forthwith to retract), grave, and experienced old stager, much, probably, the worse of wear from the lapse of time and from subsidiary influences, and serving out his time for a pension (I speak of days when such things were), after such fashion as military regulations and an indulgent captain permitted. This sort of man was generally held available for the newly joined ensign, upon much the same principle as that which places the new dragoon recruit on the back of some stiff-jointed steed of supernatural sagacity and vast experience of a recruit’s weak points in the way of security of seat, which last, however, he only puts to use when he sees a way of doing so with benefit to his position, unaccompanied with danger to his hide; in other words, while regarding with much indifference the feelings of the shaky individual who bestrides him, he has a salutary dread of the observant rough-rider. A soldier servant of the above class will devote himself to making what he can, within the limits of strict integrity, out of a juvenile master; but woe betide the adventurous wight whom he detects poaching on his preserve! On the whole, therefore, the ensign is not badly off, for the veteran is, after all, really honest, and money to almost any amount may be trusted to his supervision; as for tobacco and spirits, he looks upon them, I am afraid, as contraband of war, a fair and legitimate forfeit if left within the scope of his privateering ingenuity.

Many years ago, while the 79th Highlanders formed the garrison of Edinburgh Castle, Her Majesty the Queen, who had very lately ascended the throne of Great Britain, paid a visit to the metropolis of her Scottish dominions, and a guard of honour from the above regiment was despatched down to Holyrood to keep watch and ward over the royal person. It was late in the season, or early, I forget which, Colonel Clephane writes, and when the shades of evening closed round, the officers of the guard were sensible, in their large, gloomy chamber, of a chilly feeling which the regulated allowance of coals failed to counteract. In other words, the fuel ran short, and they were cold, so it was resolved to despatch one of their servants, a type of the class just alluded to, for a fresh supply. Half-a-crown was handed to him for this purpose--a sum which represented the value of more than a couple of hundredweights in those days,--and Donald was instructed to procure a scuttlefull, and bring back the change. Time went on, the few embers in the old grate waxed dimmer and dimmer, and no Donald made his appearance. At last, when the temper of the expectant officers had reached boiling point, increasing in an inverse ratio to their bodily caloric, the door opened, and Donald gravely entered the apartment. The chamber was vast and the light was dim, and the uncertain gait of the approaching domestic was at first unnoticed. Calmly disregarding a howl of indignant remonstrance on the score of his dilatory proceedings, the latter silently approached the end of the room where the two officers were cowering over the dying embers. It was now seen that he carried in one hand a piece of coal, or some substance like it, about the size of a six-pounder shot. “Where have you been, confound you! and why have you not brought the coals?” roared his master. Donald halted, steadied himself, and glanced solemnly, first at the “thing” which he carefully bore in his palm, then at the speaker’s angry lineaments, and in strangely husky accents thus delivered himself:--“Not another--hic--bit of coal in Edinburgh; coalsh--hic--’sh very dear just now, Mr Johnstone!” The delinquent’s master was nearly beside himself with fury when he saw how the matter stood, but he could not for the life of him help, after a moment or two, joining in the merriment which shook the very frame of his comrade. Donald, in the meantime, stood regarding both with an air of tipsy gravity, and was apparently quite bewildered when ordered to retire with a view to being placed in durance vile. This incident naturally ended the connection between him and his aggrieved master. It is but fair to state that the hero of the above little anecdote, though I have called him “Donald,” was a Lowlander.

SUCCESSION LIST OF COLONELS AND LIEUTENANT-COLONELS OF THE 79TH, THE QUEEN’S OWN CAMERON HIGHLANDERS.

COLONELS.

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