Chapter X

Chapter X

How far has the Vatican Movement been a Success, and how far a Failure?--As to Measures of the Nature of Means a Success--As to Measures of the Nature of Ends hitherto a Failure--Testimony of Liberal Catholics to the one, and of Ultramontanes to the other--Apparatus of Means in Operation for the Ultimate End of Universal Dominion--Story of Scherr as an Example of the Minority--Different Classes of those who "Submit"--Condition and Prospects of the Two Powers in Italy--Proximate Ends at present aimed at--Control of Elections--Of the Press--Of Schools--Problem of France and Italy--Power of the Priests for Disturbance--Comparison between Catholic and Non-Catholic Nations for last Sixty Years--Are Priests capable of fomenting Anarchical Plots?--Hopes of Ultramontanes rest on France and England--The Former for Military Service, the Latter for Converts--This hope Illusory.

Before allowing ourselves to form any opinion on the question how far the attempt to place all authorities under the Pontiff has been a failure and how far a success, it is necessary that, in our own thoughts, two classes of measures should be set well apart. If we look only at measures which the leaders of the movement regarded in the light of ends, it is easy to pronounce it an utter failure, as most Italians and many of other nations have done. If, on the other hand, we look only at measures which the leaders regarded in the light of means, it is easy to proclaim, as all the voices of the Vatican have proclaimed, that so far the movement has been a success, wondrous even to the point of being manifestly divine.

We think it impossible to deny the complete success of the Vatican movement in perfecting the measures devised as means. Those Liberal Catholics who at present loudly pronounce the movement a failure, have only to read their own writings of 1869 and of the earlier months of 1870, to find that at that time certain advances in the policy of the Curia were described as unattainable. Those advances have been accomplished. As to certain measures, it was said that governments, bishops, clergy, people, would unite to make them impossible. Those measures are now statutes and ordinances. The Liberal Catholics, indeed, may pensively say that the gains of the Curia are the losses of the Church. That may be. Time will tell. The fact now to be registered is simply this: Certain changes were declared necessary, and at the same time sufficient for the attainment of the great end of universal domination. Those changes were pronounced to be revolutionary in the Church, dangerous to society, and, in fine, impossible. They were resisted, were urged on, and were triumphantly carried.

We also think it impossible to deny that up to the present time (1876) the movement, viewed in relation to ultimate ends, has been a complete failure. We do not say as much of proximate ends. As we have used the writings of Liberal Catholics to measure the success in regard to means, so would we use the writings of the Court party to measure the failure in regard to ends. It is already familiar to us that in those writings the moral renovations which were to attend the dawn of the new era, could not be indicated by any metaphor short of the primal burst of light on the horror of chaos. It was to be! So soon as the Lord should manifestly set His king upon His holy hill of Sion, all kings were to fall down before him, and his enemies were to lick the dust. Parliaments were to recognize their impotence and expire. Populations, suddenly illuminated, were to behold the saviour of society, and were lovingly to bow to his law. As to any possible opposition, it was described as the heathen raging--as the people imagining a vain thing. It was only the kings of the earth setting themselves and the rulers taking counsel together against the Lord and against His anointed.

Now, in fulfilment of these promises, what has come to pass? The Pope has fallen from his temporal throne. A long and bloody war, carried on with a view to place Don Carlos on the throne of Spain, has failed. Contrary to the fairest promise, hopes of placing the Count of Chambord on the throne of France have faded away. The tentative federation of Germany has been consolidated by an imperial crown, hereditary in the reigning house of Prussia. Austria has persisted in her anti-Catholic legislation, as it was called, and has extended it by abrogating the Concordat. Switzerland and Germany have both returned the attacks of the ecclesiastical power upon the civil power, by laws reasserting the national supremacy in every sphere of public life. Italy, in the act of overturning the temporal power, has completed her own unity. In the act of completing her own unity, she has, in the city of Rome, violated what the Pope calls Catholic unity, by admitting religious liberty within the sacred walls. In America no great State has modified its law in favour of the new theocracy. Several of the Catholic States have shown a consciousness of its aims, and jealousy of its accredited agents. In Canada, leading Liberal statesmen have clearly evinced a rising consciousness of what the Papacy is, and of what it aims at. The one ideal ruler of the Curia, the one set before the youth of nations as their model, Garcia Moreno, President of Ecuador, has fallen, openly assassinated in broad daylight. Thus, at the time when, according to his seers, the Pontiff was to survey a new cosmos rising out of the chaos of the Modern State, he, all round the horizon, beholds only confusion worse confounded. Not one nation has submitted its code to his revision. Not in one kingdom of the earth has a ruler been installed to reign under the laws of the Syllabus.

Does not this statement concede all that is claimed by those who say that the movement is a failure not redeemed by one success? What it does really concede is, that of the two ways, in one of which the ends aimed at were to be accomplished, the first has disappointed all hope. The ends proposed were so grand that only in one of two ways could they be realized; and whatever may be said of the enthusiasm of the projectors, it is not to be denied that they never lost sight of this fact, and never concealed it. The two ways were either such an intervention of Providence as would amount to a cosmopolitan miracle, or else the slow operation of means extending over ages. While the Pope and his more superstitious followers seemed to expect that the Virgin and the new-made saints would obtain miraculous transformations, the more calculating, even at moments when the flow of money and of friends seemed not only to exhilarate the Vatican, but to intoxicate it, did not fail to keep in view the fact that centuries might intervene--centuries marked by many a partial success and many a temporary discomfiture--between the day when the perfected machinery of means should be set in motion, and the day when the crowning victory should lead the head of the human species in triumph to the goal. The Jesuits are now entitled to point to that fact in bar of any premature exultation over their disappointment. At the same time, with all their power of simulating the joy of victory in defeat, they have been unable to prevent chagrin from tinging much of their later language. The great spectacle did not operate as a charm. The sublime revelation of a central authority for all human affairs did not subdue any wayward institutions. Providence put no seal on the deeds done. The replacing of St. Michael in his office of patron of the Church, was symptomatic of considerable dissatisfaction with the departmental divinities in general.

On the other hand, this complete failure of supernatural aid, or of any favouring current in public events, does not alter the fact that a system of means, contemplated and desired for ages, has at last been perfected, and that it is now over all the world being gradually brought into operation. The magnitude of the means indicates the universality of the ends. The fact that centuries upon centuries have elapsed since Popes began to claim what Pius IX has now acquired, that more than three centuries have passed even since, at Trent, the Jesuit General set up the pretensions which have now, at last, become the law of one hundred and seventy millions, is a consideration not lightly to be set aside, particularly when we contemplate the strife for universal dominion now openly inaugurated as a continuing struggle, to be handed down from generation to generation of men trained and consecrated to this very thing.

The stupendous scope of the ends might well demand as means measures exceptionally great, and the magnitude of the measures already carried as means may now well excuse, if not justify, confidence that the ends after they shall have been steadily pursued for ages will also be attained. Those ends were not less, when united into one, than the dominion of the world.

The Internal Tribunal, seated in every church, in every palace, in every castle, and at need in every private chamber, would always in point of authority take precedence of any local law, and would rule bed, board, purse, family, and all action which conscience determines.

The External Tribunal, seated in every city, would maintain the headship of the bishop over the civil magistrate, and the supremacy of spiritual over civil law and authority, as sacredly as we should maintain the supremacy of our civil law and authority over military law and authority.

The External Tribunal would make the Internal an establishment of the law. Every man, every woman, ay, every child of a certain age, who should not appear at least once in the year in that tribunal, would run into a punishable offence.

The Supreme Tribunal in the person of the Pope, acting either directly or through any Court or Congregation he might appoint, would be the final bar at which would appear contending kings, contending nations, or other appellants whatever, as also all whom he might, for any cause, be pleased to cite. From that judgment-seat would fall the sentence that only the Almighty could challenge. According to the well-known formula, the Supreme Judge would carry all rights in the shrine of his own breast.

Such a universal dominion was the end, the ultimate end in view. The end was hallowed to the mind of those proposing it by the persuasion that this dominion of the priest of God is the veritable kingdom of Christ. It is only by realizing how conscientious is this view of the spiritual empire, or the Roman Empire in a spiritual form--a view which, founded on a historic ideal, fascinates the imagination of Romanists--that we can either be just and charitable to the men who move for these ends, or can arrive at any reasonable estimate of the amount of future force in their movement. Mere politicians, say some, who have no religious feeling! Yes, many such; but these politicians well know that their power is proportioned to the amount of religious feeling which they can create and make ready to be acted upon. It is by putting together the political skill of the one set of men and the religious feeling of the other, that we obtain means of judging as to the quality of the directing and the amount of the impelling forces to be developed in the future struggle.

After all that they have recently accomplished within the Church, what can be too hard, they ask, to accomplish outside? They wanted to make the entire Church an instrument in which every joint, to the remotest limb, should infallibly respond to the will of the central director, so that at any given moment, and on any one point, the whole of its force could be brought to bear wherever resistance might be encountered, or wherever an advance might promise success. To make it such an instrument required changes which were pronounced unattainable, but they laughed the discouragement to scorn. Those changes affected all the three spheres of organization, constitution, and dogma. In organization every clergyman had to be made movable at the will of the bishop, and every bishop had to be made dependent on the will of the Pope. The franchises of both the parish and the diocese had to be revoked. It is done. But it could not be done without a constitutional change. In the constitution the Bishop of Rome had to be made by law the Ordinary of every diocese in the world, and every other bishop in the world had to be made by law a mere surrogate of the Bishop of Rome. That one bishop had to be made by law the sole lawgiver even when the entire episcopate meets in a General Council, and the whole episcopate in General Council assembled had to be by law reduced from a co-ordinate branch of a legislature to what is, in effect, a mere privy council to the Bishop of Rome. It is all done. But it could not be done without a dogmatic change. In dogma it had to be determined that the edicts of the Bishop of Rome embodied in themselves all the alleged infallibility of the Church; ay, and even the consent of the Church, as a necessary sanction, had to be in dogma disavowed. We blame not any Liberal Catholic who said that these things were impossible. But the impossible is done. The new organization is not a mere administrative change, but rests firmly on a new legislative constitution. The new constitution is not a mere legislative change liable to legislative revision--it rests irreformable on adamantine dogma.

Thus, then, are the hundred and seventy millions, or two hundred millions, as they are called, bound into one very compact bundle, to be thrown into this scale or that by a single hand. Within the Church, says Vitelleschi, resistance is impossible. No obstruction can now arrest the current of command from Pope to nuncio, from nuncio to bishop and regulars, from bishop to canons and parish priests, from regulars to all manner of confraternities, from parish priests to unions and to voters. Where governments have one officer the Church has many. Where the government officer has no time to shape public opinion, the Church officer has little else to do. Where the lackeys in government service wear fine liveries, and the lords walk about like our fellow-creatures, the lackeys of the Church have fine liveries too, but the lords outshine even the theatre. Where, in Catholic countries, the officer of government comes into his seat of authority, or returns into it quietly, care is taken that the bishop shall, at his coming, appear exalted above all principality and power. In proportion as States, becoming more Christianized, have risen above show, the Papal Church, becoming more paganized and materialized, has sunk deeper into the craft and the love of display. While the officers of government see that the young are taught the material processes necessary to future power, the officers of the Church see that they are taught for what ends it will be good, noble, and martyr-like to employ power when they shall take their future share in governing the world. Bishop Reinkens, in a little work that ought to be read by every man who means to understand the questions that are to come up--Revolution und Kirche--declares that the policy of the Papacy is now revolution. Certain it is that for effecting a world-wide revolution, never did instrument exist so generally outspread and so perfectly centralized, so elaborately ramified and yet so pliant, as will be the society ruled over at the Vatican when once all the old men who resisted the changes have died off, and the new generation instructed in the spirit of the Syllabus has slowly grown up, as the generations formed by Trent grew up wherever the canons of that Council were received.

Such a growth is too slow to be waited for before partial results are secured; and every partial result it is hoped will be a stepping-stone towards the complete one. Therefore is every agency already named employed in promoting the organization of forces to bear a part in the grand struggle when it comes; but meantime in every local struggle. Associations of children, associations of peasants, associations of artizans, associations of old soldiers, called veteran associations, and numerous associations besides, are formed in various countries and on several models. On the social side clubs and "circles" contribute the convivial element, and on the devotional side orders and confraternities contribute the ascetic element to the common organization. New "devotions," new visions, new places of pilgrimage, new images, new prayers, new relics, new charms, new waters of virtue, new shrines, new patrons, new miracles, and new wonders feed the flame. By tens of thousands, and by hundreds of thousands, men take an oath of obedience to the Pope. By tens of thousands volunteers pledged to shed their blood for him are enrolled--"On paper," say the Italians, mocking; but 1867 showed that the crusaders meant crusading; and if tens of thousands of such volunteers under leaders such as Charette are enrolled they are not to be laughed at. The schools have not been in operation during the last ten years for nothing. Associations in France bear the portentous names of Jesu-Workman and Jesu-King (Jésu-Ouvrier and Jésu-Roi)--the one aiming at organizing workmen, the other at organizing courts. The name of Jésu set up on these associations clearly points to the central organizing Company which Liberal Catholics with reverent indignation charge with daring to give a double meaning even to the all-blessed Name, not excepting its use in the solemn words, "At the name of Jesus every knee shall bow."

Even after July 18 the Liberal Catholics did not give up the Church as irrevocably sunk into the hands of the Jesuits. They counted on the eighty-eight bishops who had voted Nay, and on their promise one to another not to act separately. Had that promise been kept, it was just possible that, under favouring circumstances, the fatal steps of July might have been modified or even recalled, for by all tradition the acts of any Council were supposed to remain within its power, and to be open to its revision till it was legally dissolved. The Curia put this tradition under its heel. It posted up the Decrees on the doors of the Lateran and in other public places in the city, and certified the whole world that by this act they had become its supreme and irreformable law. How did the eighty-eight deport themselves? They had tamely allowed all manner of revolutionary acts, when done from above, and they allowed this last one as tamely as the rest. The erring Peter of the Vatican was not at the head of a community capable of producing a man who could withstand him to the face, and could tell him, as one told the erring Peter of Antioch, that he was to be blamed. Indeed, logically, the bishops seemed to have no ground of objection. The Decrees did not profess to be those of a Council, but those of the Pope, a Council having approved of them. If, then, the Pope by promulging any doctrinal Bull without citing the approbation of a Council, could give to it the force of irreformable law, unless it should be rejected by the bishops, how much more was he entitled to give that force to these Decrees. Even had their tenets afforded them ground for resistance, the eighty-eight were not the men to avail themselves of it. From one we may learn the complexion of them all.

At midnight on July 19, Von Scherr, Archbishop of Munich, who had throughout the Council acted with the Opposition, re-entered his city. He came, as the Germans say, without song or chime--that is, in strict privacy. At first many thought--and Friedrich was one of the number--that this demeanour was adopted, on the part of his Grace, to shun any public demonstration which the people might have made in honour of his attitude in Rome. But the whisper soon crept round, "Gregory has submitted."

Presently the Faculty of Theology, with Döllinger at its head, came in all form to present the Archbishop with an address of congratulation on his happy return. After the formal reply to the address, his Grace said, "Rome has spoken: you gentlemen know the rest. We could do nothing but give in." Friedrich says that he saw how Döllinger was boiling, while the rest were also moved. "We struggled long," continued the Archbishop, "and gained much, and we also averted a deal of evil." This remark, says Friedrich, evidently encountered general incredulity. The Archbishop then told of the deputation to the Pope--of which he was a member--on July 15; of the hopes raised by the reply it received; of how those hopes were dashed by the influence of Senestrey--for he does not seem to have named Manning; and finally, of the sad disappointment of Cardinal Rauscher on going the next day to thank his Holiness for yielding, and on hearing from those lips which to the "Catholic" world are the fount of truth, that the formula which, on the previous evening, the Pope denied having seen, was actually distributed among the prelates, and was declared to be irrevocable.

At the close of the conversation, Scherr, turning to Döllinger, said, "Shall we start afresh to work for the Holy Church?" The aged Probst replied, "Yes, for the OLD one." It was evident that, if Scherr had just then had any other man before him, his anger would have waxed hot. He suppressed it, however, and replied, "There is only one Church, not a new one and an old." Then were the words pronounced by Döllinger, "They have MADE a new one." The note was sounded. The Archbishop could only say, "There have always been alterations in the Church and in the doctrines." This speech played upon the countenances of the Professors, calling up in each case a look characteristic of the man. "Never shall I forget," says Friedrich, "the respective bearing of Döllinger and Haneberg." Döllinger was soon excommunicated; Haneberg was soon in a bishop's palace, but ere long he died. No one took up the conversation, and as the Archbishop turned from Döllinger to address some one else, Friedrich saw tears in his eyes.

In the hall of the university where the Professors had robed, and where they now unrobed, they spent a quarter of an hour in talking over the scene. Döllinger, however, did not stay. Rather early the next morning, the Archbishop deigned to visit the plain house in Von der Tann Street. Döllinger plainly told him that he could not receive the dogma of July 18, being, as it was, in open contradiction to the past teaching and history of the Church. In that dogma the worst thing of all was the addition made after the discussion, "not by the consent of the Church." Here was a surprise for the Archbishop. He knew nothing of that addition. He had left the field before the last gun was fired. He had now to learn the shape which his new faith had actually taken, and to learn it from the lips of Döllinger. The venerable Provost who was to be excommunicated had to tell the Archbishop who was to do the deed what the change of creed actually was for not conforming to which he was to be given over to Satan. That scene might have afforded Kaulbach another picture.

Von Scherr at first spoke in Munich of the promise made by the bishops of the minority to one another not to act separately. By the end of August he had forgotten all about it. A "highly placed" layman was informed by the Archbishop that he need not trouble himself with infallibility, as the Decree would not be promulged in the diocese, and what was not promulged was not binding. Almost immediately afterwards it was printed in his own paper. Ere long, Scherr was as hot for infallibility as if his object had been to make the Curia forget in his present zeal any unpleasant impressions made by his former opposition. He was exemplary in protesting, threatening, and excommunicating. Friedrich gives particulars to prove, in the case of Scherr, that disregard of truth which is so freely alleged against the bishops generally, into which we will not enter.

As we have said, from one of the minority we may judge of all. Neither Hefele nor Kenrick, neither Dupanloup nor Strossmayer, displayed any Christian fortitude sufficient to arrest their Church in her downward course, or indeed displayed anything to give the Curia aught but food for scorn of the Opposition. Their convictions had been solemnly stated and ably argued. Those convictions did suffice to cause hesitation. But the force of conviction only tested the force of habit, and did not break it. The new submission made them tenfold more than ever the creatures of that overweening power which they had spent their lives in exalting, which for a moment they had attempted to moderate, but to which they now succumbed in its most heinous assumptions.

The lower clergy have followed the bishops in submission. At one time it seemed as if many of them would withstand. Except, however, in the two countries nearest to Italy--Switzerland and Germany--no appreciable resistance has been offered. In Germany the men in whom the force of belief overcame the habit of submission were almost exclusively those whom the elevating influence of university life had lifted above the ordinary level of the clergy. Their number is not large; but the valuable writings which they have already produced show that they have no mean power of influencing the future currents of theological thought. Spirited France, in spite of its Gallican traditions, was a pattern of tameness. The striking examples of Loyson and Michaud found exceedingly few to follow. Gratry "submitted." Throughout the rest of the world the exceptions have been isolated and without influence.

Among the laity, again, it is only in Switzerland and Germany that success has been even chequered. The otherwise uniform submission has there been broken by numbers considerable to-day, but more considerable for the future. Yet compared with the mass in submission, those numbers are soon told. But, on the other hand, that mass in submission is not of uniform value to the future theocracy. It contains the cordial adherents who already believed; the dutiful adherents who doubted, but at the word of the Council said, It is decided, and I now, as in duty bound, believe; the reckless adherents, who, like most in Italy and many in France, would as cheerfully have submitted to a dogma declaring the Popes imponderable, as to one declaring them infallible, and who do really believe that they are irreformable. Differing from all these are men who had an intelligent conviction against the new dogma, or against the new constitution, or against both. These, brought face to face with the alternative--submit, or bear the curse of the Church; submit, or survive the rending in twain of every life-tie--did sadly and slowly submit--submit without attempting to reconcile things to their reason, as it is said that Montalembert declared he would do. These men may never make apt instruments of the priests, but they do make their proud trophies. One strong man silently submitting is a statuesque monition to many others not to think. A still further element of unknown extent mingles with the mass. It consists of those who, without either formal submission or open breach, do not believe the new dogma, and do not approve of the new constitution. This now inert bulk may turn to a force bearing in either direction, or may divide into two portions; one giving the priests control over profession and appearance, without any corresponding control over belief--which is, perhaps, of all their triumphs the most practical; and another in which conviction, growing at last too strong for the habit of submission, breaks by its divine force the human bond, and throws men upon their conscience, their Bible, and their God. But when men have once really believed in a God who leaves the rule over His redeemed offspring to a Vicar, and have believed in man as a creature whose conscience another man is to keep, it is hard to find in them foothold for solid Christian convictions. They are kneaded to the hand of the priest. If they leave him, they become infidels, who though in feeling his opponents, perhaps his persecutors, become in argument and action his practical allies. Joining him in rooting out faith in the Bible and in primitive Christianity, they urge men to his two extremes of doctrine, the authority of the Church or Atheism, and consequently to his two extremes of government, the Papacy or the International. One Auguste Comte is worth many a monastery.

It is this "sublime" spectacle of success with hierarchy, clergy, and laity, which makes the recent past, to the augurs of reconstruction, a certain presage of a triumph, perhaps distant, but complete, in the future. No recalcitrating bishop now; or if a few worn-out men are still secretly of the old inclining, they are rapidly dying off. The list of the eighty-eight is already a short one. No bishop is now installed who to the old oath which already made him a vassal of the Pope does not add the new articles of the Vatican Decrees. No seminaries are now training priests to deny the infallibility of the Pope, or his ordinary, immediate, and omnipresent authority. In most the Jesuit text-books are adopted. No catechisms are now teaching against Papal infallibility, or teaching ambiguously. The new doctrine will be couched in terms clearer or less clear, according to political and theological necessities; but, whether in Prague or Sydney, in Florence or Liverpool, in Boston or Warsaw, in Berlin or Lima, the catechism will contain a text from which the friar or priest will put the same principles of social reconstruction into the minds of boys and girls. To the view of the Jesuits, the future unfolds like a peacock's tail, all sparkling with the eyes of the young. The outward loss to the Church which has been sustained was reckoned upon before hand. They hold that it is more than compensated by the perfect internal compactness gained. When once the preparations are complete--and a few score years are of no account--a generation well trained will be ready at the call of him who holds among men the place of God, to take up the cross of St. Peter, to cry, "God wills it," and to march till all high things that exalt themselves against Christ shall be pulled down, and the Church alone shall stand, the one all-perfect society embracing the human species.

The loss of the temporal power affected all the calculations of the foregoing period. It came with appalling suddenness. It startled all men to see the Emperor who had been the sole prop of the temporal power fall, not like a prince put to the worst amid a loyal people, but with an unheard-of crash like a log upon ice, while his empire instantly went under; and to see in another moment the Italian sentries standing round the Vatican. All efforts had first to be turned to a restoration. As if to illustrate the weakness which the subjects of the Pope form for any State, while yet the war was raging King William had to negotiate with Ledochowsky,[485] and ere yet the blood was dry, a petition signed by fifty-six members of the Prussian Parliament prayed the new Emperor of Germany to restore the Pope--which meant to declare war on Italy. While the Emperor still lay at Versailles a deputation, headed by three counts, passed through bleeding France to pray the victor to flesh his sword anew. Emperor William well knew that if all the powers of the Papacy sufficed for the task, the new empire would be rent to shivers in a day. The army which had taken Paris did not march on Rome. France had next to exhibit herself as a suppliant at the feet of the Holy Father--a Holy Father who wanted her with her right arm broken to draw with her left and cut down the Italians. She met this wicked suggestion with humble requests that the Holy Father would show forbearance and not demand services for which she was not prepared. Incredible as it may seem, Father Hyacinth Loyson stated, in the Journal des Débats, that French bishops, before thus attempting to entangle their own government, had actually applied to the invading Germans.[486] Refused by the invader, refused by their country, they hated where they could not smite. Germany was marked for destruction; and France was held to future service when the time should come. Meantime, every effort was put forth to check and disunite Italy, but in vain. She has strained the religious toleration which the Pope abhors so as even to cover overt political hostilities. She has allowed him to issue all manner of incentives to undo the Italian kingdom by either domestic revolt or foreign intervention, or if possible by both. She has allowed him to gather together crowds of hostile foreigners and to excite them to affront and revile the nation. She has grown stronger and more solid during the process, laughing equally at the Napoleonic idea that the Pope was to be treated as if he had two hundred thousand bayonets, and at the Bonaparte violence which inflicted personal insult, prison, and exile. At this moment, after six years have passed, the Vatican as unblushingly asserts that Italy--the real Italy--is on its side as it did in the years preceding Solferino.[487] Victor Emmanuel has tried the experiment of letting the Pope play the prisoner or the freeman, the prophet, priest, or Caesar, the tribune or the medicine-man, just at his wayward will. The enmity of the Pope has been good for Italy as for England, Germany, America, and all countries favoured with it; but if the day comes when the Pope meets the bow of any future Prime Minister of Italy with a responsive bow, then may we begin to look for fresh cycles of conspiracy and convulsion.

The future must be its own interpreter. Meantime in the Vatican sits a king calling himself a prisoner, though he is free to go where he will; and in the Quirinal, a king calling himself a good Catholic, though he is a rebel against the Vicar of God. If the wisdom of Italy in allowing to the Pope unlimited personal freedom has been great, the want of wisdom in professing to exalt his spiritual authority, and in giving in to his sole hand the ancient powers of both the crown and the people in the election of bishops and clergy, amounts perhaps to the grossest political folly of our age. When Bonaparte dealt with the Pope as sole arbiter of the bishoprics of France, he opened a mine against the national authority whether seated on a throne or on a president's chair, over which it has never sat securely, and in which it will one day sink if France goes on as she has done of late, giving the priests increasing power in education. But when Victor Emmanuel repeats this blunder in a form more completely providing for future Papal power, he digs a grave under the feet of his own dynasty. To Italians, unhappily, a great hypocrisy may be a great triumph of skill; they smile at principles, admire shifts, and are wondrously clever at them. In politics, till they found the principle of constitutional monarchy, they, in spite of all their shifts, floundered between fruitless conspiracy and repression--never ending, still beginning. In religion they want what in politics they have found, a principle and a basis. Ancient scriptural Christianity, the Christianity of the Epistle to the Romans, would give them the firm rock between the quicksands of sacerdotalism and the floods of infidelity; a rock on which a nation might securely rise to take its place with realms which own no other foundation. But hitherto scarcely a glimmer of light on this matter has appeared among Italian statesmen. They sadly underrate the power of the Curia. The Curia know their weakness, and count upon their fall. To bring it to pass may, they think, take time; but the Pope well knows how to play upon the king for the undoing of the nation. Any ruler who does not in his conscience believe the Pope to be a pretender in his claims to represent God and to rule the universal Church, and who does not believe him to be the worst and greatest corrupter of the Christian religion ever brought to light by time, is in constant danger of risking all by some act of compliance induced perhaps by his religious sentiments, by the remorse of his vices, by the intrigues of the women about him, or by the guile of the ecclesiastics who lie in wait.

For the time being the Vatican is placed at the disadvantage of complicating the general struggle for supremacy with the particular one for the restoration of the temporal power. The ultimate end being now manifestly distant, the whole power of the perfected mechanism is turned to the gaining in detail of the proximate ends which will lead to it. These, roughly stated, are, control over elections, control over the Press, and control over schools. If we take Bavaria and Belgium as favourable specimens of Roman Catholic countries, the priestly power in elections has already become a source of bloodshed, and threatens to be so in continuance. The Catholic and the Liberal parties stand arrayed as two forces, not representing, like our Conservatives and Liberals, two tendencies necessary to balance one another, but two hostile principles one or other of which must perish. In Germany the power of the Pope in elections has proved to be a real not to say a terrible one. In France it was found such at the first election after the war as to be all but sufficient to place the destinies of the country at his disposal for a time. The last general election showed a decided recoil from this danger. In Italy it had come to that point that in municipal elections the moderate party, in several instances, made common cause with the Papal one. But there, again, the last general election has given a result in the opposite direction. The terror which the priests can turn to account in elections is threefold--dread of civil hurt or loss, for which contrivances are manifold; dread of personal violence, which of course supposes a strong Catholic party; and dread of eternal ruin, which the priest of God can inflict for voting against the interests of the Church. Even on Roman Catholics not brought up in the schools of priests, these influences are powerful. What will they become with generations brought up in schools under the new inspiration of the Syllabus?

"In every mode and by every means that is not contrary to our conscience" is the formula expressing the solemn pledges of all Catholics to war against the revolution, or the Modern State. Not merely as to the occupation of Rome, but in its very principles, says the Civiltá, will we oppose it--

We shall fight it with Catholic associations, we shall fight it with the Press, we shall fight it in parliament. We shall confront theory with theory, morality with morality, school with school, the flag of Christ with the flag of Satan, raised by the revolution. Catholic societies where they existed are being multiplied, where they did not exist they are being planted. The number of Catholic members in the Prussian Parliament has increased beyond hope, and in Belgium they have drawn closer together. The struggle against the Austrian ministry which favoured the revolution has grown hotter, and obligations in defence of Catholic principles will be imposed upon the future Members of Parliament of England and Ireland. With whom will be the final victory?--there can be no doubt.[488]

As to the Press, the "work of the 'good Press'" is one of the most meritorious of the many "works" in operation for the new celestial empire. From the great Civiltá, the mainspring of the whole, to the episcopal organ in the remotest diocese, it moves for one end, whether in the form of review, magazine, journal, pamphlet, or book. It represents a literature really prodigious, and is in its own eyes on the high road to supremacy. Of journals it is said that in Germany alone hundreds are subsidized.[489] How far the assertions are true or false we know not, which are frequently made, that the most rabid and blaspheming organs of low and anarchical demagogues are in Jesuit pay; but those assertions in themselves are a serious symptom. In Italy it is often popularly said that there are one hundred and eighty thousand nuns, friars, and priests, all counted. In France of priests alone there are forty thousand. In Germany, as Schulte has shown, in certain cities the ecclesiastical persons, male and female, number from ten per cent. upwards of the adult population. If we extend to the whole Roman Catholic population of the world calculations of an organization on a scale somewhat similar, we cannot do otherwise than regard a Press which controls such a cosmopolitan force as a serious power.

At the same time a twofold weakness of the "good Press" is obvious. First, it does not carry with it the Press which really leads nations, though it runs strong in by-channels of its own. And, again, it tends to change the ignorance of the general Press into knowledge. In Germany this is already done. There the pious and mystic style of the Vatican dialect has ceased to be an unknown tongue. Men of letters and jurists who twenty years ago would have passed over the ecclesiastico-political phrases of a bishop or cardinal as unwittingly as an English Member of Parliament, now read them with luminous and searching insight. Even in England and America a process of self-instruction is rapidly going on in the best journals. Lord Beaconsfield, in Lothair, has shown that he is awake to the social and scenic aspects of the Ultramontane movement, and has displayed more insight into the genealogy of its cult than have the men in this nation to whom the country has a right to look for something better than slipshod arguments, and well-played parodies. Mr. Gladstone has shown himself awake to the national and international, to the moral and political aspects of Ultramontanism. Mr. Cartwright's work on the Jesuits shows that younger politicians are beginning to do the best thing they can do, that is, to study at original sources, and to give solid information. Mr. T.A. Trollope's work on Papal Conclaves shows that all Englishmen are not able in Rome to resist the rational tendency to see the place with unveiled eyes, and to speak of it and its ways in plain English, and that some of those who thoroughly know it are not disposed to enhance the reputation which the English of late years have been earning for love of monkish finery and open-mouthed credence of monkish fables. Perhaps in time some ecclesiastic of a rank, in the religious world, corresponding to that of Lord Beaconsfield and Mr. Gladstone in the political world, may show some grasp of the subject. The relation of our jurists to the movement is hardly so close as to warrant the hope that they will be led to such a study of it as is now manifest among the jurists of Germany. Yet no result is so much to be desired. In fact the whole question belongs much more to the jurist and the politician than to the theologian; although theological ideas are throughout employed as the motive power.

Desirable as is the control of elections and of the Press, still more desirable is that of universities, colleges, and schools, for they now bear within their bosoms the electors and lawgivers, the writers and readers who will hereafter mould statutes and determine the temper of armies as well as their destination. The establishment throughout Europe of universities canonically instituted was, at the commencement of its career, pointed out by the Civiltá as a leading object in the movement it projected. When we trace with Ranke the Papal restoration which in part repaired the great revolt of the sixteenth century, we find that the greatest results of that movement were not won till after a generation or two had passed away. It was only south of the Pyrenees and the Alps that the arms of Charles V and Philip II effectually stayed the Reformation. In central Europe and in France the Bible, the school, and the Reformed Churches continued to spread long after the Council of Trent. When the two princely youths Ferdinand of Austria and Maximilian of Bavaria were still imbibing the Jesuit lessons of Ingolstadt, the memory of Alva had long been execrated in the Low Countries, and the songs of England had long thanked God for the overthrow of the Armada. At the same time imperial cities on the Danube, and castles in Austria, Styria, and Bohemia, were becoming more and more centres of the Reformed doctrine. The decisive check to the spread of that doctrine was not given till education had done its work. Education did not supply the check otherwise than by ensuring the command of the sword. The schoolmaster made the Thirty Years' War. It was the teaching of Ingolstadt that trained Ferdinand to the cool, conscientious, adroit, and unrelenting use of physical force for the greater glory of God. No sooner had the young Archduke begun to rule, than week after week, in one town or another, Styria beheld the repression of the Reformed worship, till with quiet but dreadful strength Ferdinand had shut up every heretical temple, "to the astonishment of all Germany," as Schiller naïvely says. In this manner did he kindle the flame; and at the end of thirty years the Protestantism of Austria, Bohemia, Styria, and other states was no more. This work went on till the revocation of the Edict of Nantes well nigh accomplished for France what had been completely accomplished for Austria by Ferdinand, and for Bavaria by Maximilian.

The fighting Company of Jesus now looks to a similar process for results similar in nature, but on a wider scale. Colleges and high schools are preparing young princes, nobles, and gentlemen to bear the part of leaders, one at the Court, another in the parliament and a third in the camp. Elementary schools are training the followers. All round the Catholic horizon, in the literature of the new dominion, one object looms up out of clouds of hazy words, dilates before the imagination of the devout, and towers till others are dwarfed; and this object is the Crusade of St. Peter. Lads with old blood in their veins are learning how glorious it will be to lead a charge or to command a division in the greatest of all Crusades, for the most glorious of all restorations; and poor lads are learning how they that smite like Peter Jong will win in death the palm of the martyr.

M. Veuillot's description of the duty of governments in respect of education was terse: "To allow men to be made against this perpetual plague of revolution." To do this, governments must set aside all other moral authorities but one. The authority of parents may, indeed, determine for their children questions of diet and of dress, of calling or of fortune, but the priest is the father of the child's soul, and must determine the whole of its moral regimen. In keeping with this, the authorities of a parish or a commune, as representing the parents of a neighbourhood; a corporation, as representing the parents of a city; a legislature, as representing the parents of the whole land, can nowhere else be so effectually shut out from the realm of morals as in the school. Not, we would once more say, that the devout Ultramontane believes that by shutting them out he is loosening moral ties, for he thinks that by ensuring full scope to the sole authority, of the priest, he best defends every moral right. The object of training that union of families which we call a State, to regard itself as a union without any higher end than a material one, having in it neither divine office nor divine authority, is an object which cannot be so impressively advanced by any other means as when, at the bidding of priests, a government by law renounces control over the moral portion of the training of its own citizens, conducted under its own direction and paid for out of its own funds. The object of training the laity to own that it is not for them to have any opinion as to what, in morals or in faith, is true or false, or for them to assume any responsibility as to what is right or wrong, saving always the responsibility of fulfilling the directions of their spiritual guides, can never be more effectually promoted than when the representatives of the households of an entire community, having set up schools and provided for their maintenance, hand over to priests the power to determine whether any moral training shall be given in those schools or not, and, if any, what. When all this can be carried out in the normal manner, matters are so arranged that throughout the days of impressible youth, no authority shall be heard of, as deciding any moral question, but that of the priest of God. When circumstances prevent the normal arrangements from being carried out, the way for them will be best prepared by whatever compromise leads the State furthest away from principles opposed to those of the Pontiff, and entangles it in what is called a practical solution wherein his principles are, if only virtually, conceded. In preparing such a solution, dangers to be shunned by his agents are anything that would practically recognize the right of parents, singly or collectively, to decide moral questions for their children independently of the priests; anything that would recognize in the laity a right of moral or religious self-direction; anything that would, in practice, show that others than Romanists have the power of uniting for moral and religious purposes; anything that would allow the Bible to be honoured as a public standard without a priest; anything that would embody the hateful and condemned principle of the equality of different denominations before the law.

Bishop Reinkens has described what is the practical effect of the training now being given to very large portions of the children in Europe. It is, he says, to fix in the mind the conviction "that Roman Catholics have a divinely guaranteed right, under certain circumstances, violently to overturn existing authorities, and the chiefs of those authorities, if they have only the power to do so, and that it is an exercise of virtue to employ all means for that end." Bishop Reinkens[490] asserts that what formerly was regarded as a mere theory of the Curia is now its practice, namely, that, in the language of John Capestrano, the Pope "can abrogate all human rights," and that "what has the force of law is just what is pleasing to him." Even already, according to Bishop Reinkens, does the denominational instruction given in schools in Germany justify the prediction of Hefele to the effect that, for scholastic purposes, the new exaltation of the Papal power would be made the primary dogma. The bishop solemnly adds: "The divine power of the Pope over all human beings perplexes the children in the schools; they early learn to obey the Vicegerent of God against the empire and the emperor. In the superior schools, the higher scholastic clergy attend to the same thing" (p. 8).

The most urgent question appears to be, How far will the control of schools in France ultimately enable the priests to determine the destination of French armies, and how far will their partial control of schools in other countries enable them to support any movements of France, so as to sway Roman Catholic governments, and to paralyse even Protestant ones? The enthusiastic priest strangely exaggerates the power of his order. The superficial politician no less strangely underrates it. What we at present know is, not what the clerical party will be able to accomplish, but the simple fact that the hold which it now has upon schools in France, Spain, Germany, England, and elsewhere, assures to it, in the next generation, a vast number of men trained in the doctrine of the Syllabus, and imbued with the antipathies and the hopes which, in the eye of a Jesuit, form the cardinal virtues of a soldier of God. Jesuits are often very unsuccessful in training the convictions, turning as they do many of their pupils into deadly foes. But they seldom fail to train the antipathies. Hatred of scriptural Christianity is almost invariably a ruling passion with both classes of their pupils, the Papists and the infidels. To all true disciples of the new school, the holiest of public ends will be the reconstruction of society in every country under the sky, according to the outline of the Syllabus. In pursuit of that end all means will to them be not only fair but meritorious, if adopted with a real intention to the greater glory of God. And the States of Europe have put it into the power of priests to train millions for the new school. And England has given to the effort very considerable encouragement, though doubtless that encouragement is praiseworthy in such eyes as those of the Marquis of Ripon and Lord Robert Montagu, both of whom have held high place in our department of education.

The Stimmen aus Maria Laach met the first mutterings of discontent with the Syllabus by saying that when those who, in pride of power, were resisting its authority, had passed away, those judgments of the Pontiff would be taught from every chair in the Catholic world. That forecast is already fulfilled. The politics of the Syllabus and the morals of teachers like Gury are now everywhere forming the clergy of the future. And very carefully are the laity being trained in the same principles, less expanded. To them the ideal of the one commonwealth, with its one pastor-king, its unity of faith, its glory of ceremonial, its divine law, and its supernatural magistracy, is made to appear as the fairest of ideals, as one, indeed, truly divine. Many brave English boys--heirs, some of them, to what once were noted Protestant names; boys whose fathers or grandfathers our great schools and noblest colleges trained up in gross ignorance of the principles that are contending for the government of the world--are now imbibing from continental priests principles and passions that will one day appear in our mess-rooms and our legislature. And what are our great schools and colleges even now doing to prepare our youth generally to understand what the pupils of priests approve, what they condemn, and what they mean when, to innocent Englishmen, they appear to assert one thing and to deny another? Has the Papal cry for the exclusion of modern history from national universities been met by any sensible attempt to teach anything as to the elements struggling in contemporaneous history, especially the most potent ones?

In that strange literature to which the Prefects of the Pope give the name of pastorals, it is in mystic phrases often indicated that the flocks of the bellicose shepherds are to be prepared for a terrific combat. Sometimes the veil is dropped and in plain language war is spoken of as the only means of avenging the Church for her wrongs. Men called bishops in the vineyard of Jesus Christ speak of the mustering of the opposed hosts, and of the inevitable collision, covering the design of raising nation against nation, and of raising the people against their own rulers, by allusions to the fact that in the beginning the Church had to act without the kings, and that once more she will be obliged to throw herself upon the people. In Protestant countries, or in mixed ones, aged men in sacred vestments will say, without a blush, that the Pope himself would not make war. But let only a glimmer of political hope invite, and then kings and queens, ay, ex-kings and ex-queens, are applied to; and could the Pope only find bayonets, the same aged men in the same sacred vestments, and again without a blush, would be heard proving that in making war the Pope was only fulfilling a painful duty imposed upon him by his office as the Vicar of Christ! At this day Europe witnesses a stage of the movement of reconstruction, at which every cope and mitre in the Papal hierarchy covers a centre of force impelling to a general war. Every grey-headed bishop is an official promoter of a cataclysm that shall engulf all that opposes the Syllabus. Every friar schoolmaster and every quiet nun who teaches school is a trainer for future bloodshed. Even at his audiences the man of more than fourscore years old fans the flame in little children dressed as soldiers, sometimes the boys of English converts; and convert fathers flatter him by hoping that their sons will yet bear his banner, so are womanhood, childhood, and old age all fascinated by the war passion of the priest.[491]

We do not pretend to know how it is calculated that the great struggle is to be brought on. We should think that, confidently as its approach is foretold, it must be doubtful to all but those whose faith rests only on the divine destiny of the Papacy. Yet many who may not believe that the Pope is about to recover Rome, and then to make Rome the capital of the world, and who do not even believe that he will succeed in bringing about a general struggle with a view to those ends, do nevertheless fully believe that he will succeed in leading forth France once more against the Italians, and that he will, in some general complication, be able to find means of unsettling other interests so as to advance his own. To this it is replied that the Jesuits who foster these hopes are poor politicians; and that is perfectly true. Yet they are skilled in intrigue, and versed in the ways of courts and of cliques. They proudly note their hold upon schools in France, their growing hold upon colleges, the zeal of General Charette and his ex-pontifical zouaves, the military preaching of Count Mun, the adhesion to the dominion of the Syllabus publicly signified by many French generals whose names are trumpeted with a joyful noise; and with special pride do they note such an incident as that which occurred at a recent examination in the great military college of St. Cyr, when, out of twenty-eight candidates for admission, no less than twenty-two came from one Jesuit college. They note the clubs and associations everywhere spreading; that of the Sacred Heart, said to number a million of members; that of Jesu-Workmen and that of Jesu-King, meant to organize in factory, workshop, and palace a company of soldiers as true to the chair of St. Peter as the central Company of Jesus. They note the numbers of the official class who believe that "moral order" is to be promoted by the priests. They note the zeal of ladies, and of the aristocracy.

Beyond those encouragements openly proclaimed, lies that mystery which, in Roman Catholic countries, envelopes all Courts. At the time when Thiers was taking counsel with Louis Philippe for the fortification of Paris, or even when Guizot was making himself the tool of the court for compassing the Spanish marriages, who would have dared to tell those statesmen that both of them would survive to see the day when the fate of France for peace or war, slipping out of the hands of an exhausted Bonaparte, would virtually fall into those of one who was then a Spanish girl in a private station, one whose very name was unknown to the people of France? To this Court element of strange uncertainty--and women and priests can weave webs around presidents as well as around emperors--is to be added the solid fact that even Frenchmen, who hate the priests and dread their politics, are not healed of the idea that it is well to have weak neighbours, so divided that, at any time, an invasion of their territory is more a matter of excitement than of serious peril. Against all this what have we to set? Humanly speaking, only the fund of good sense and good feeling which, in spite of all appearances to the contrary, does exist among the French people to a degree far greater than they who do not know them well can realize. And beyond this, the good providence of God; for surely France is not to become a second Spain, or else to be partitioned, one or other of which lots would seem to be before her if the priests can drive her as they hope to do.

The "good Press" gloats over every prospect of a general broil of nations. The failure in 1870 of calculations as to what would occur in the Catholic portions of Germany on the breaking out of a war between France and Prussia, did not change the current of Ultramontane hope. Any great conflict, it seems to be assumed, must somehow lead to a restoration of the Pope. The poor old man has himself all along fed a belief in the certainty of that restoration. At first he seemed to emit tentative prophecies giving mystic hints of dates. Time blotted out the dates hinted at. Then came declarations more general but perhaps more impressive to the conscience of his disciples. On the second anniversary of the Roman plébiscite, after many promises of restoration had been long overdue, the aged high priest said to the nobles of Rome--

Yes, this change, this triumph is to come: and IT IS OF FAITH. Whether it is to come while I am living, while this poor Vicar of Jesus Christ is living, I know not. I know that it is to come. The resurrection is to take place, and this great impiety is to have an end (Discorsi, ii. p. 82).

When from the lips of the Pontiff speaking as Vicar of Jesus Christ fall the words "It is of faith," it is hard to see how the body which has now bound itself to take the faith from his lips can help accepting them as a prophecy which that body is bound to see fulfilled. And it is no insignificant proof of the portentous contents of that one dogma called Papal infallibility that so soon after it had been adopted, the creature invested by his fellow-creatures with such control over them should, in the name of the meek Prince of Peace, commit what they consider their faith to a temporal throne for a minister of the gospel.

On the very day on which the nobles received the above prophecy, the same lips told the youths of the Catholic Association that the faithful, now passing through the deep, would soon reach the further shore of the Red Sea, and would cry with Moses, "We will sing unto the Lord, for He hath triumphed gloriously: the horse and his rider hath He thrown into the sea." So were the Italians to fall, for as the Civiltá expresses it, "Which is of more account, the greatness of one human kingdom, or the independence and the liberty of the kingdom of God?" (X. ii. 143).

When the Pope said, The resurrection is to take place, he reflected language used in an address presented to him a few days previously, on the sad anniversary of the commencement of the "captivity," as it is called, the second time it came round. The Piana Federation said--

Similar in your passion to the God-man of whom You are the Vicar on earth, the second day of Your mystic burial is fulfilled, amid the confusion of society and of Your impious guards, destined, in spite of themselves, and in the day which God shall appoint, to bear testimony to Your resurrection. In the august sepulchre wherein those whom You had laden with benefits have confined You, wrapped in the sweet spices of the lamentation and the love of Your sons, You also descend into the abyss of society as now existing, and there does Your voice resound, casting down the demons of sect, and consoling those who anxious and trembling await the blessed hour when with You they are to rise again. And the third day is already commencing; but, as it was not completed for the Divine Saviour, so have we confidence that no more will it be completed for You, O Holy Father: the prayers of the blessed Virgin whom You have so greatly honoured, the prayers of the Saints, Patrons of the Church and of Rome, with those of so many souls who suffer and who weep to obtain Your liberation, your triumph, will shorten this day of utmost anguish, and God, God whom your enemies do with Satanic impiety unceasingly defy, will not permit the day to close without having witnessed the fulfilment of the devout desires of Your sons.[492]

Notwithstanding these promises, not only did the third "day" run its course but the sixth has set, with the Satanic guards still standing around the august sepulchre. For six years Italy has held Rome as her capital, and Pius IX has confined himself to the Vatican, making speeches. But at this moment the hope of a general complication, and of a restoration as the effect of it, is very likely. The present obscuration of the Papacy is treated as if it were passing and light as the shadow of an April cloud on the Alban Hills. The shadow will pass and the hills will abide. Rome, for a moment the mere capital of a kingdom, is to be the capital of the world. Let but the temporal power be once restored, and then the steps to the universal theocratic monarchy can be taken both with deeper secrecy and with greater force.

Even those who most despise the political influence of the priests must own that for disturbance their power is great. Taking the sixty years which have elapsed since the peace of 1815, let us, for a moment, look at the Roman Catholic countries of Christendom, and at the non-Catholic ones, in respect of the one blessing of public repose. In those sixty years the three great Protestant powers--England, Prussia, and America--have not drawn the sword one against the other. The smaller Protestant powers have not fought among themselves. No Protestant capital has undergone a foreign occupation. With the exception of America, no Protestant State has been desolated by civil war. No Protestant army has been given to military insurrection, or has, in the day of trial, proved untrue. No Protestant sovereign has been expelled by his own people. No Protestant President of a Republic has been executed, or exiled, or condemned as a traitor. No Protestant monarchy has been changed by violence into a republic; no Protestant republic into a monarchy. If we set off as one against the other, the war of German unity which partly occurred in the one group of States, and that of Italian unity which occurred in the other group, the only case of war between Protestant States, in the two generations, has been that of Prussia and Denmark, and the only case of war between two great powers non-Catholic has been that of Russia and England, in the Crimea. But how has it been on the Papal side of the line?

No leading Catholic power can be named which has not within the sixty years made war on other Catholic powers as well as on non-Catholic ones. France has fought with Spain, with the Italians, with Austria, as well as with Russia, with Prussia, with Holland, and has even gone away to Mexico to seek a war of which the Vatican spoke as if it were a campaign of the Church. Austria has fought with Italy and with France, as well as with Prussia and with Denmark. As to the wars of Catholic States in America with one another, they have been numerous. Rome has undergone twenty years of foreign occupation; France has undergone two; and Austria has had recourse to foreign intervention. Civil war in Portugal, civil wars in Spain, civil war in Austria, civil war repeatedly in Italy apart from the great war of unity, civil war chronically in the American Catholic States, have made that plague familiar in Roman Catholic countries. The foremost, and the least priest-ridden of them, France, has had her three days of July, her three days of February, her four darker days of June, her bloody days of December, her awful weeks of the Commune. Military insurrections properly so-called have not occurred in the great Catholic nations that refused to submit to the disciplinary decrees of the Council of Trent. But in Spain, Portugal, and the nations of America, military insurrection, that worst of anarchies, seems to have acquired a sort of prescriptive place in the Constitution. In Italy, till 1860, the armies of the princes faithful to the Papacy were largely foreign. As to conspiracies and risings, it is strange that where they have occurred out of Roman Catholic States they have often been among the Roman Catholic portion of the population; and in Roman Catholic States they have been much more frequent within the circle of countries where the decrees of Trent had been fully accepted, than in those which, by Gallican liberties, Josephine laws, or in some other form, uphold national supremacy. As to thrones in Roman Catholic countries, the difficulty is to name those which during the sixty years have not been emptied by violence; Austria and Sardinia, perhaps, exhaust the list, in both of which, however, an abdication, compelled by misfortune, has taken place. Twice has a limited monarchy, once an empire, and once a republic, been overthrown in France by revolution. As to Spain and South America, it were weary work to count up catastrophes. The discrowned princes who, like ghosts, haunt Europe, and the ex-presidents under ban who prowl in America, are nearly all Roman Catholics.

Perhaps the entire course of history does not afford an example of any contemporaneous development of four great Powers, bringing with it in the aggregate such an increase of territory, population, and strength, as that which within the sixty years since the peace of Vienna has occurred in the case of the four non-Catholic Powers, Russia, Prussia, America, and England. No corresponding development has taken place in Roman Catholic or in Moslem nations. Italy, indeed, has risen up, but only by breaking the yoke of the Papacy, and by swimming against a sulphurous stream of anathemas.

It would be a curious and not altogether an idle speculation did some clear-headed and calm economist carefully work out the question, What would be the effect in the course of three hundred years, upon the peace of Europe, on the bulk of standing armies, on the stability of thrones, on the development of arts, sciences, laws, and morals, on the security of life and property, and on the general spread of charity, brotherhood, and virtue among men, supposing that by some unseen power the hundreds of thousands of priests, now working to bring about the dominion of the Pope over our species, could be instantly changed into simple ministers of the gospel, without a political head or a political aim, but each one seeking only to bring the wicked to repentance and to lead the godly onward, adding virtue unto virtue and grace to grace? Would the change bring France more wars and more revolutions? Would the change make the new career opened to Italy more obscure or thorny? Would the change make Austria feebler, or make Spain less united and prosperous? Would it bring a blight upon Mexico? and in South America would it make the rulers less tranquil, the people less obedient to law, and less attached to order? Would the south and west of Ireland less strongly attract capital and residence? Would Croatia be less refined? Would the island of Sardinia be less highly civilized? Would Sicily be less secure? Would the dominion of Canada be more difficult to govern? Would the city of New York and other cities of the United States in which the political power of priests is now formidable be worse ordered and more corrupt? In Hayti and St. Domingo, would public affairs be more unstable, would family life be more blameworthy?

Or conversely: What would be the effect of a change in the opposite direction? Suppose that at once every Protestant minister could be changed into a zealous priest, and that the Headship of the Pope could exert its full influence unshackled by those restraints which have hampered him ever since the Reformation--partly, indeed, ever since the large-eyed man of Lutterworth brought into existence that terrible thing the English Bible--and suppose that with all the liberty of power and all the power of liberty he could rule over the whole of Christendom as completely as he formerly ruled over his own States, what would be the practical effect? Would Scotland produce more authors, heroes, and worthies, fewer beggars, thieves, rioters, and assassins, than she does to-day? Would England produce more good landlords, more comfortable tenants, more honest merchants, more bright men of letters and science, more deeds of Christian charity, and fewer civil wars, fewer conspiracies, fewer insurrections, fewer military revolts, fewer beggared nobles, and fewer ill-cultivated estates than she does to-day? Would Germany be more united? Would Holland, Denmark, and Sweden be more stable? Would the United States be more prosperous, more free, and more peaceable? Would the British Colonies be increasing tranquil and enlightened?

With the facts of the past, and the principles of the present which are to be the plastic forces of the future, before him, a calm and wide-minded observer, taking long stretches of time and great varieties of circumstance to illustrate any hypothesis and to test any conclusion, might form an estimate which would not be without a properly scientific value. We are often told by one class of writers that Roman Catholics are as good subjects as Protestants, and by another that in proportion to their numbers they yield a much greater amount of illiteracy, of turbulence, of pauperism, and of offences against the law. These are points which statesmen have no right to leave to theologians, and on which they have no right to remain themselves in doubt. Above all, they have no right if not in doubt about them, but if they have on sufficient grounds a clear opinion, to keep that opinion back, or to cloud it by ambiguities. Both in England and in America there are intelligent and loyal men who believe that they are more burdened and that public law and order are less well observed in proportion as priests have power over any section of the population. These are questions of fact capable of a scientific solution, and it is the duty of statesmen scientifically to solve them. If the authorities, which are clearly natural and Christian, clearly both divine and human, are undermined where priests do not rule and are built up where they do, let statesmen tell mankind that it is so. If the unnatural, the merely artificial authority of the priest is proved, on a test of ages, of various races, and of various polities, to be unfriendly rather than helpful to the stability and vigour of lawful authority, then let all incumbents of that authority--kings, presidents, nobles, lawgivers, magistrates, parents, and husbands--lift up a clear voice, the voice of intelligent conviction, and tell all men how the matter stands. "The sword of the mouth" is the only sword which ought to be drawn in this war; and if they to whom God has given real authority draw that sword against the spurious authority of the priest, it will prevent the call which otherwise will surely come to draw a feebler sword but a bloody one. Priestcraft, mighty against artifice, subtle against force, invincible against compromise and subterfuge, is strangely weak against a calm and Christian denial of its authority.

Long since this chapter was written, we find that the Italian journals while noting the base immorality which week by week is brought to light among the priests, and pointing to their multitude and the low repute of many of them as a moral plague, now (1877) fasten upon them even more than of wont charges of exciting anarchical conspiracies. The Emancipatore Cattolico, the organ of what is called the Italian National Catholic Church, formed by the priests who belonged to the Society for the Emancipation and Mutual Aid of the Clergy, writes as follows--

The red International, in appearance with a different end and program, but in reality in full accord with its black sister, after the stimulus from the Vatican sets itself in motion, and lifts up its head.... We ask, Has the alliance of this double International a probability of success in a future nearer or more remote? We do not hesitate to reply affirmatively if the powers and States in the two hemispheres do not agree rather to overthrow the black international which is the true and efficient cause of the other, than the red which is the effect.... Christian governments of Europe, open your eyes! the international that truly menaces you, and that will undo you if you are not wise, is that of the Vatican. You accept it and smile upon it because you suppose it to be the conservator and champion of order and authority; but the order and the authority which it represents and champions are those of the absorption of all the social powers into the despotic and arbitrary will of a miserable mortal who believes himself to be God, and who as such imposes himself upon the entire universe.[493]

While these last sheets have been passing through the press, events have occurred which illustrate many of the hints contained in this chapter. Many who, when we first began to write this work, would have seen nothing "practical" in that solemn hint of Vitelleschi when, speaking of the frequent occurrence of disturbances at the same time when the Church is pressing some point upon a government, he says that the circumstance is an organic phenomenon deserving of the most serious attention, now begin to feel that it is scarcely rational any longer to be insensible to facts which day after day rise into the view of Europe.

In March 1877, Pius IX delivered a carefully-prepared Allocution, full of bitter attacks on Italy, and manifestly intended to raise once more the Roman Question. A feverish agitation becoming speedily discernible in different countries, none could help noting the coincidence of the two events. In Italy broke out an attempt at insurrection in Benevento, professedly by socialists, but as the Italian papers believed fomented and directed by priests. This was speedily followed by a vote of the Italian Senate, by which that body threw out a Bill, that had been passed by the Lower House, for restraining ministers of religion, of all denominations, from certain abuses of their office. Italian journals of different shades intimated their impression that this event was solely due to the direct action of the Pope upon the king, and of the king upon a number of courtier senators.

Shortly afterwards the Prime Minister of France, M. Jules Simon, explained in debate, with all propriety of language, that the popular idea about the Pope being a prisoner was unfounded. The Pope, in that characteristic style which has never risen to the level even of municipal, much less of national public life, stated that a certain government had said that the Pope was a liar; and as if to rehabilitate any one who might have been so impertinent, he added that he did not know what government it was! Soon afterwards, on May 16, 1877, M. Simon was abruptly dismissed by Marshal MacMahon, and the Assembly, of which a majority supported M. Simon, was silenced by an enforced adjournment. This pale edition of a coup d'état was hailed and claimed by the clerical papers as a direct result of the interference of the Pope. Its ill effects in France forced upon many the reflection, how enviable is the lot of nations in which the influence of the Pontiff is feeble, and how well would it be with any nation in which that influence should be nil!

Strange does it seem that the prophets of reconstruction should for encouragement point more frequently to France and England than to any other countries. To France they look for military service, to England for religious converts. The one is to glorify the Church by a sacred war, the other by an edifying submission. In France they count upon the schoolmasters, the army, the ancient aristocracy, and many of the politicians. In England they count upon that portion of the clergy which they call the Puseyite party, upon a portion of the aristocracy, upon the ceremonies in the churches, and the teaching in the denominational schools. Grossly exaggerating, as they do, the position and the influence of Cardinal Manning, and speaking at times as if the whole English hierarchy, unable to face him, were trembling and falling down before him, they also exaggerate the strides actually made by the Ritualistic party in carrying the whole nation towards submission to Rome. They boast, in the language of Dr. Newman, that the English Church is, through that party, "doing our work;"[494] and they always seem to have taken to heart the principle which he taught them as long ago as 1841: "Only through the English Church can you act upon the English nation."[495] They are not much read in our political literature, and when they meddle with it, often make strange blunders. But some of them are shrewdly aware of the services done to their cause by writers who treat Ritualism as a matter of aesthetics, and treat each particular ceremony as a trifle.

Looking back on the turns and windings of the movement for reconstruction, and remembering how little human foresight would have availed to predict either their successive phases or the results up to the present hour, it is natural to feel that as to those further turns and windings which as yet lie out of ken, hidden behind the veil of an inscrutable Providence, it is not for us presumptuously to divine. Rather would we, in humble hope, await the future, so far as to us it may be permitted to witness its unfolding. In the sixty years since the peace of Vienna the Papacy has passed through two distinct stages, of thirty years each; the one up to the beginning of the present pontificate, the other during the course of it. In the first thirty years the flag displayed was that of Liberal Catholicism. During that time the Papacy gained emancipation in England and Ireland, a footing in the schools of France and Belgium, a repute of liberality and other great advantages; while on the whole it held its ground in Italy, Spain, Austria, and the minor States. But a true instinct taught the Curia that temporary gain was preparing final ruin. Since 1849 the policy has been reversed, and the external results to the Papacy so far have been disadvantageous. "Catholic unity" has been lost in Italy, Spain, Portugal, Austria, Mexico, Brazil, and elsewhere. In Poland the losses to the Church have been immense, whether they may be due to the persecuting policy of Russia, as the Catholic party alleges, or to the rebellious excitements of the Pope and the priests, as others allege, or to both these causes united, as seems most probable. In Switzerland and Germany the Papacy has had heavy loss, and its future is gloomy. In France it has made immense gains; in Ireland heavy loss; in England gain, and that of the kind it values most--gain by the help of the clergy, of the aristocracy, and of a great university. But still, while the population of the United Kingdom has much increased, Pius IX cannot count among the thirty millions now inhabiting it so many Roman Catholics as he found among, say, five millions less. He has to note a decrease in Poland concurrently with persecution, and one in the British Isles concurrently with extended political privileges. The Curia, if not unconscious of these losses, never confesses to them, and avers that the increased compactness gained by recent changes far more than compensates for any increased opposition, and in fact insures the overthrow of all resisting forces; while the submission of England--Queen, bishops, lords, and people--is spoken of as a thing nigh at hand to the eye of faith. Firmly, however, do we believe that in mercy to this great empire, within which dwells in peace and with ample privileges a portion of mankind larger than ever before under one sceptre enjoyed the blessings of free government, and in mercy also to the whole redeemed race in the midst of which this empire holds a place so influential and on the whole so beneficent, never will England justify the promises of submission to the Pope wherewith continental priests are wont to cheer the courage of their partisans, albeit they proudly point to men in important places, and boast how the triumph of the Vatican is being prepared under the patronage of both Church and State.

All this notwithstanding, we do not believe that the English commons are to be reduced into a populace without constitutional representation; or that the English aristocracy is to be reduced into an order of nobles without constitutional powers; or that our magistracy, from squire up to chancellor, is to be put under the bishops' courts; or that our chairs of philosophy, science, and literature are to be placed under the tutelage of chairs of theology filled by Jesuits, or by men of whom Jesuits approve; or that our universities are to be placed under Romish canon law; or that the priest, to the exclusion of the State and of the laity, is to be made as completely moral lord of all the schools in England as he is now of his denominational schools; or that the works of our authors are to wait till a Dominican has cut out what he deems amiss, and has written on the remainder Imprimatur; or that our printers are to wait for a licence from the friars; or that our journals and periodicals are to be cut down to the proportions which were allowed to the Press in the Model State; or that our armies are to be composed of men so schooled that to them the word of the priest shall take the lawful command out of the lips of the king. No more do we believe that from these English shores the dear old English Bible is to be driven away as a forbidden book. Neither do we believe that for these fair fields of Britain that dark Saturday night is to come after which will no more dawn the English Sunday morning--a morning when streets thronged and country lanes enlivened with families wending their way to worship God, each as led by the voice of conscience, and each jealous for the religious liberty of its neighbours as well as for its own, present a more Christian-like and more solid display of unity in variety, and of catholicity in charity, than ever can be gained by any preciseness of constrained uniformity. Never will our own happy Sunday morning cease to shine; never instead of it will a dismal day come when the sound of the church-going bell shall be the signal of physical force, and when every one whose conscience will not let him obey the official call shall be spied out by the familiars of the Inquisition.

When priests tell Englishmen that such things as are here indicated are not really embraced within the ultimate objects of their movement, they well know that they can deceive only those who have not sought out their principles at the fountain. And under all their illusions, they must surely have some consciousness that such as have done so can feel but shame and pity when they see any man, born to the blessings of English citizenship, sinking to a moral level at which he becomes capable of attempting to move the noble power of Britain to abet the crime of once more imposing by fire and sword upon Italy the domination of the Pontiff; and who, indeed, even to that can add the second crime of endeavouring to throw back the families of this goodly realm to the same condition as that in which the people of the Papal States lay before their yoke was broken. These things would be mournful, but no more than mournful, did the guilt of them rest only upon one English soul in which still survived a clear consciousness of how repugnant they were to religion and to morals, how offensive to humanity, how subversive of good order; for when conscience still spoke, repentance might be at hand. But such things become more than sad, they become really formidable, when conscience itself is so warped that it learns to acquit them of all guilt--learns even to regard them as actions in which the violence and bloodshed proposed are sanctioned by religion, and become works of Christian merit; and in which the changes contemplated would, if indeed hurtful to nations in things temporal, be for their eternal weal.

In this land of manifold privilege hereafter, as in the time gone by, yea, more than in the time gone by, will the people fear God, honour the king, and prize the family Bible. They will hereafter, more than heretofore, send forth into every region under heaven their happy sons, bearing the glorious gospel of the blessed God, and with swift feet running to tell to all men the way of salvation. In England, in Ireland, and in Scotland; in every place where our own blood flows in the veins of kinsmen; in every broad State of the Transatlantic Union; in every thriving colony that boasts the British name--may the Churches dwell together in unity--may the people grow in wisdom, in virtue, and in faith! May this realm hereafter afford an example of laws being evermore ameliorated under the leavening influence of the kingdom which cannot be moved, of manners ever becoming purer, and of blest contentment growing, year after year, in households over every one of which shall hover the more than earthly charm of domestic bliss, hallowed at the family altar! And may the remote descendants of Victoria and Albert reign, in the love of God and in the love of man, as Christian princes over a happy Christian people, and age after age may the throne be established in righteousness!

GOD SAVE THE QUEEN!

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 485: See Civiltá VIII. i. 46.]

[Footnote 486: Quoted in Le Concile du Vat. et le Mouvement Infaillibiliste, p. 62.]

[Footnote 487: Civiltá Cattolica, passim, especially the number of December 16, 1876.]

[Footnote 488: VIII. i. 421.]

[Footnote 489: Italian papers sometimes give the total number of journals on the Continent pledged to the Pope as 580, and of these 258 as published in Germany alone.]

[Footnote 490: Revolution und Kirche, p. 5.]

[Footnote 491: At the last moment of reviewing this chapter, before sending it to press, months after it was written, we find Italian and French journals ringing with language ascribed to a Bishop in a pastoral, which may pass as an example of the work which the officials styled bishops are preparing for Europe. He describes his entrance into the Vatican, his finding the Swiss guards and the manners of another age, and proceeds: "Pius IX is still a king, even in the eyes of his enemies and of his spoilers. They are obliged to admit that the unity of Italy is not effected, that the temporal power is to be re-established, and that after some profound commotions which, it may be, will entomb many an army and many a crown, there will be heard among the nations, from one end of Europe to the other, a single cry, Restore Rome to its ancient lords; Rome belongs to the Pope, Rome belongs to God."]

[Footnote 492: Discorsi, ii. p. 70. The capitals to the "divine pronouns" are not ours.]

[Footnote 493: L'Emancipatore Cattolico: Napoli, Anno XVI, No. 14.]

[Footnote 494: Apologia, Appendix, p. 27.]

[Footnote 495: Ibid., p. 313.]

APPENDIX A

THE SYLLABUS WITH THE COUNTER PROPOSITIONS OF SCHRADER

_By reading the latter in the right-hand column the view which the Church asserts is at once obtained_

SYLLABUS OF THE PRINCIPAL PROPOSITIONS OF FATHER SCHRADER, ERRORS OF OUR TIME, WHICH being in each case the ARE STIGMATIZED IN THE CONSISTORIAL logical contrary or ALLOCUTIONS, ENCYCLICAL contradictory of the AND OTHER APOSTOLICAL propositions condemned; and LETTERS OF OUR MOST therefore, being those which HOLY LORD, POPE PIUS IX.[496] the Church would assert as opposed to those denied. Schrader says, "The contradictory, and not the contrary, is to be taken by the Catholic as the rule to guide his thoughts, words, and actions, as to the sense in which the several errors must be considered as being rejected, forbidden, and condemned according to the will and command of the Pope." Schrader himself, however, sometimes gives what is clearly not the contradictory but the contrary.

SECT. I.--_Pantheism, Naturalism, SECT. I.--Pantheism, Naturalism, and Rationalism Absolute. Absolute Rationalism._

(Note of Schrader.--Absolute rationalism is that error which holds that revelation is impossible.)

1. There exists no Divine 1. There is one most high, Power, Supreme Being, Wisdom all-wise, all-provident, and and Providence distinct from the divine Being, distinct from this universe, and God is none other universe of things; and God is than nature, and is therefore not the same as nature, and mutable. In effect, God is produced therefore not subject to change. in man and in the world, God does not actually come into and all things are God and have existence in men and in the the very substance of God. God world. All is not God and has not is, therefore, one and the same the proper essence of God. God is thing with the world, and thence not one and the same with the mind is the same thing with world, and hence mind is not the matter, necessity with liberty, same as matter, necessity not the true with false, good with evil, same as freedom, truth not the justice with injustice. same as falsehood, good not the same as evil, nor righteousness the same as unrighteousness.

(Remark of Schrader.--But God is in man and in the world, because He is omnipresent.)

2. All action of God upon man 2. All operation of God upon and the world is to be denied.--(All. the world and upon man is not to Maxima quidem, June 9, be denied. 1862.)

3. Human reason, without any 3. Human reason is not to be regard to God, is the sole arbiter the arbiter of truth and of truth and falsehood, of good falsehood, of good and evil, and evil; it is its own law to itself, without any regard to God. It is and suffices by its natural force to not a law to itself; and it is secure the welfare of men and of not sufficient, by its native nations. powers, to provide forthe welfare of man and of nations.

4. All the truths of religion are 4. All the truths of religion do derived from the innate strength not flow from the natural force of human reason, whence reason of human reason; therefore reason is the master rule by which man is not the highest rule by which can and ought to arrive at the men may arrive at the knowledge knowledge of all truths of every of truths of every kind. kind.

5. Divine revelation is imperfect, 5. Divine revelation is not and, therefore, subject to a imperfect, and therefore is continual and indefinite progress not subject to a continual and which corresponds with the progress unlimited progress which would of human reason. respond to the progress of human reason.

6. Christian faith is in opposition 6. The Christian faith is not to human reason, and contradictory to human reason; divine revelation not only does not and the divine revelation not benefit, but even injures the only is no hindrance to human perfection of man. perfection, but is serviceable to it.

7. The prophecies and miracles 7. The prophecies and miracles told and narrated in the Sacred reported and related in Holy Scriptures are the fictions of poets, Scripture are no inventions of and the mysteries of the Christian poets; and the mysteries of faith faith are the result of philosophical are not the sum of philosophical investigations. In the books of research. In the books of the two the two Testaments there are contained Testaments there are no mythical mythical inventions, and inventions, and Jesus Christ Jesus Christ is Himself a mythical Himself is not a mythical fiction. fiction.

SECT. II.--Rationalism moderate. SECT. II.--Moderate Rationalism.

(Note of Schrader.--Moderate rationalism is the error of those who do not hold revelation to be impossible, but would have it subjected to reason.)

8. As human reason is placed 8. As human reason may not be on a level with religion, so placed on a level with religion, theological systems must be treated theological studies are not to be in the same manner as philosophical treated exactly as philosophical ones. ones.

9. All the dogmas of the Christian 9. All doctrines of the Christian religion are, without exception, religion are not, without the object of natural science distinction, subjects for or philosophy; and human reason, natural science or for instructed solely by history, is philosophy, and human reason able by its own natural strength cannot from its natural powers and principles to arrive at the and principles arrive at the true knowledge of even the most knowledge of all, even the most abstruse dogmas, such dogmas obscure, dogmas, if such dogmas being proposed as subject-matter be only proposed to reason as its for the reason. object.

(Note of Author of the present work.--In this proposition Schrader omits one clause of the original--Historice tantum exculta. This is evidently a mere oversight. These words should come after "human reason.")

10. As the philosopher is one 10. Although the philosopher is thing and philosophy is another, one thing and philosophy another, so it is the right and duty of the the former has not only the right philosopher to submit himself to and the duty to subject himself the authority which he shall have to the authority which he recognized as true; but philosophy recognizes as true, but also neither can nor ought to submit philosophy itself can and must to any authority. submit to authority.

11. The Church not only ought 11. The Church must not only never to animadvert upon philosophy, sometimes proceed against but ought to tolerate the philosophy, but she must not errors of philosophy, leaving to tolerate the errors of philosophy philosophy the care of their itself, and must not leave it to correction. correct itself.

(Remark of Author of the present (Remark of Schrader.--The work.--"Animadvert" is the Church has the right and the reproduction of the original word, duty of proceeding against false not the English of it. The French philosophy. She must not tolerate renders it sévir, to act rigorously the errors of his philosophy, but towards; the German, vorgehen must expose them to it, and gegen, to proceed against; the demand from it that it put itself Italian,corregere, to correct, into harmony with revealed making it synonymous with "correct" in truth.) the last clause. Even the maddest theorist would hardly deny to the Church the right to"animadvert upon philosophy" to her heart's content.)

12. The decrees of the Apostolic 12. Decrees of the Apostolic See and of the Roman Congregations See, and of the Roman fetter the free progress Congregations, do not hinder the of science. free progress of science.

(Remark of Schrader.--Because the Apostolic See is appointed by God Himself as the teacher and defender of the truth.)

13. The method and principles 13. The method and the principles by which the old scholastic doctors according to which the old cultivated theology are no longer scholastic doctors pursued the suitable to the demands of the age study of theology completely and the progress of science. correspond with the wants of our time and with the progress of science.

(Remark of Schrader.--They have been frequently quoted by the Church with the highest expressions of praise, and have been earnestly recommended as the strongest shield of faith, and as formidable armour against its enemies, and have been productive of great utility and splendour to science, and perfectly correspond with the wants of all time and the progress of science.)

14. Philosophy must be treated 14. Philosophy must not be of without any account being pursued without regard to taken of supernatural supernatural revelation. revelation.--(Id., ibid.)

N.B.--To the rationalistic system N.B.--The errors of Antony belong in great part the errors Günther for the most part were of Antony Günther, condemned in connected with a system of the letter to the Cardinal Archbishop rationalism, which errors were of Cologne, Eximiam tuam, rejected in a brief to the June 15, 1847; and in that to the Archbishop of Cologne, and Bishop of Breslau, Dolore haud Eximiam tuam, June 15, 1847; mediocri, April 30, 1860. in the brief to the Bishop of Breslau, Dolore haud mediocri, April 30, 1860.

SECT. III.--_Indifferentism SECT III.--Indifferentism and --Toleration. Latitudinarianism._

(Note of Author of the present (Note of Schrader.-- work.--The original word is not Latitudinarianism is that error toleration, but, as Schrader gives which although it does not it, latitudinarianism.) declare all religions to be alike good, yet does not hold the Catholic Churcht to be the only one which brings salvation.)

15. Every man is free to embrace 15. Every man is not entitled and profess the religion he to embrace and to profess that shall believe true, guided by the religion which he may hold for light of reason. the true one, led by the light of reason.

(Remark of Schrader.--But he must embrace the revealed truth in the Catholic religion.)

16. Men may in any religion 16. Men cannot find the way of find the way of eternal salvation, eternal salvation, and obtain and obtain eternal salvation. eternal blessedness, in the practice of every kind of religion.

(Remark of Schrader.--For it is to be held as of faith that out of the Apostolic Romish Church no one can be saved.)

17. The eternal salvation may 17. The eternal salvation of all at least be hoped for of all those those who do not live in any way who are not at all in the true in the true Church of Christ is Church of Christ. not to be hoped for.

(Remark of Schrader.--But only are we to admit that they who suffer from ignorance of the true religion are not held guilty on that account before God if their ignorance be invincible.)

18. Protestantism is nothing 18. Protestantism is not merely more than another form of the a different form of the same same true Christian religion, in Christian faith; and it is not which it is possible to please God given to be equally well pleasing equally as in the Catholic Church. to God as in the Catholic Church.

(Remark of Schrader.--But it is a falling away from the full revealed truth.)

SECT. IV.--_Socialism, Communism, SECT. IV.--Socialism, Communism, Secret Societies, Biblical Secret Societies, Bible Societies Societies, Clerico-Liberal Societies. Liberal Clerical Associations._

Pests of this description are (Note of Schrader.--Liberal frequently rebuked in the severest Catholic associations mean terms in the Encyc. Qui pluribus, associations of Italian priests November 9, 1846; All. Quibus who are enthusiastic for a free quantisque, April 20, 1849; Encyc. Church in a free State. Such Noscitis et nobiscum, December 8 pests have often, and in the 1849; All. Singulari quadam, severest words, been condemned, December 9, 1854; Encyc. Quanto as in the Epist. Encycl. conficiamur mærore, August 10, Qui pluribus, Nov. 9, 1846; 1863. in Alloc. Quibus quantisque, April 20, 1849; in Epist. Encycl. Noscitis et nobiscum, Dec. 8, 1849; in Alloc. Singulari quadam, Dec. 9, 1854; in Epist. Encycl. Quanto conficiamur mærore, Aug. 10, 1863.)

SECT. V.--_Errors concerning the SECT. V.--Errors respecting the Church and her Rights. Church and her Rights._

19. The Church is not a true 19. The Church is a true and and perfect and entirely free perfect society, entirely free, association: she does not enjoy and possesses her proper and peculiar and perpetual rights permanent rights granted to her conferred upon her by her Divine by her divine Founder, and it Founder, but it appertains to the does not belong to the State to civil power to define what are the define what are the rights of the rights and limits within which the Church, and what are the limits Church may exercise authority. within which she can exercise them.

20. The ecclesiastical power 20. The Church may use her must not exercise its authority authority without the permission without the toleration and assent or consent of the State. of the civil government.

21. The Church has not the 21. The Church has the power power of defining dogmatically dogmatically to decide that the that the religion of the Catholic religion of the Catholic Church Church is the only true religion. is the only true religion.

22. The obligation which binds 22. The obligation which Catholic teachers and authors completely binds Catholic applies only to those things which teachers and authors must not be are proposed for universal belief limited only to subjects which as dogmas of the faith by the are propounded to all, to be infallible judgment of the Church. believed as articles of faith by an infallible utterance of the Church.

23. The Roman Pontiffs and 23. The Pope of Rome and the OEcumenical Councils have exceeded General Councils have not the limits of their power, exceeded the limits of their have usurped the rights of princes, power. They have not usurped and have even committed errors in the rights of princes, and in defining matters of faith and defining doctrines of faith and morals. morals they have not erred.

24. The Church has not the 24. The Church has the power power of availing herself of force to use external force. She has or of any direct or indirect also a direct and an indirect temporal power. temporal power.

(Remark of Schrader.--Not minds merely are subject to the power of the Church.)

25. In addition to the authority 25. Beyond the power inherent inherent in the Episcopate, further in the Episcopate no other temporal power is granted to it by temporal power has been conceded the civil authority either expressly to it by the State either or tacitly, which power is on that expressly or tacitly, and account also revocable by the civil therefore not any power which authority whenever it pleases. the government of the State can at its pleasure withdraw.

26. The Church has not the 26. The Church has an innate natural and legitimate right of and legitimate right of acquisition and possession. acquisition and possession.

27. The ministers of the Church 27. The ordained servants of and the Roman Pontiff ought to the Church and the Roman Pontiff be absolutely excluded from all are by no means to be excluded charge and dominion over temporal from all control and dominion affairs. over temporal affairs.

28. Bishops have not the right 28. Bishops themselves may of promulgating even their apostolical publish apostolical letters letters without the sanction without permission of the of the government. government of the State.

(Remark of Author of the present work.--Apostolic Letters mean Papal not episcopal manifestoes; therefore the expression "their apostolic letters" is not clear, and is not in the Latin.)

29. Dispensations granted by 29. Graces granted by the Pope the Roman Pontiff must be considered are not to be regarded as invalid null, unless they have been if they are not requested by the requested by the civil government. government of the State.

30. The immunity of the 30. The immunity of the Church and of ecclesiastical persons Church and of ecclesiastical derives its origin from civil persons has not its origin in law. civil law.

(Remark of Schrader.--But has its root in the proper rights of the Church granted her by God.)

31. Ecclesiastical jurisdiction for 31. Spiritual jurisdiction for the temporal causes, whether civil temporal causes of the clergy, or criminal, of the clergy, ought both civil and criminal, is not, by all means to be abolished even by any means, to be abolished, without the concurrence and against and not without consulting the the protest of the Holy See. Apostolic See or against its protest.

(Remark of Schrader.--For it is founded in the proper right of the Church, and can be handed over to the temporal tribunals only through the express consent of the Pope.)

32. The personal immunity exonerating 32. The abolition of the the clergy from military exemption of the clergy and service may be abolished without students for the priesthood from violation either of natural right or military service cannot take of equity. Its abolition is called place without a violation of for by civil progress, especially in natural right and of justice; a community constituted upon and the progress of the State principles of liberal government. does not demand its abolition, especially in a State which is constituted with a free government.

(_Note of Author of the present (Remark of Schrader.--The work._--Most English translations abolition of the personal make this apply not to students for exemption of from military the priesthood, but only to the service violates not only clergy. The word in the original is natural right and justice, not clerus, but clericus, but also the rights of the which certainly in Rome means not Church. The progress of the State only a clergyman, but also one does not only not demand it, but in training for the clerical is opposed to it; and the more office.) freely a society is constituted, so much the more must it respect the personal exemption of the clergy and the student for the priesthood from the military service.)

33. It does not appertain exclusively 33. It belongs exclusively to the to ecclesiastical jurisdiction power of ecclesiastical by any right proper and jurisdiction, and that of proper inherent, to direct the teaching of and innate right, to control theological subjects. theological studies.

34. The doctrine of those who 34. The doctrine which compares compare the Sovereign Pontiff to the Roman Pontiff to a free a free sovereignty acting in the prince employing his own power Universal Church in the middle in the Church, is not a doctrine which prevailed in the middle which prevailed only in the ages only. middle ages.

(Remark of Schrader.--But is one which corresponds with the constitution of the Church, and therefore must prevail in all times.)

35. There would be no obstacle 35. There are grounds which to the sentence of a General forbid that either through the Council or the act of all the decisions of a General Council universal peoples transferring the or the act of all nations the pontifical sovereignty from the pontificate should be withdrawn Bishop and city of Rome to some from the Bishop of Rome, and other bishopric and some other handed over to another bishop city. or another city.

(Remark of Schrader.--Neither through the decision of a General Council, nor through the deed of all nations, can it be over thrown that the pontificate is given to the Bishop of Rome and to the city of Rome.)

36. The definition of a National 36. The decision of a National Council does not admit of any Council does admit of further subsequent discussion, and the discussion; and the government civil power can settle an affair as of a State cannot submit any decided by such National Council. matter to this decision.

(Remark of Schrader.--The decision of a National Council requires in order to its validity the consent and confirmation of the Holy See; and the government of the State cannot appeal to the decision of a National Council as the ultimate tribunal, but must appeal to that of the See of Rome.)

37. National Churches can be 37. No National Churches can established after being withdrawn be erected which are withdrawn and separated from the authority from the authority of the Pope of of the Roman Pontiff. Rome, and fully separated from him.

(Remark of Schrader.--National Churches which are withdrawn from the authority of the Pope of Rome, and fully separated from him, cannot be set up; because that is no less than rending and breaking up the unity of the Catholic Church, and because the power and manner of this unity imperatively require that as the members are connected with the head, so all believers upon earth must be united with, and joined to, the Roman Pontiff, who is the viceregent of Christ upon earth.)

38. Many Roman Pontiffs have, 38. The excessive and arbitrary by their too arbitrary conduct, acts of the Roman Pontiffs have contributed to the division of the had no part in bringing about the Church into Eastern and division of the Church into Western. Eastern and Western.

SECT. VI.--_Errors about Civil SECT. VI.--Errors relating to Society, considered both in itself Civil Society, both in itself and and in its relation to the Church. in itsrelations with the Church._

39. The State is the origin and 39. The State does not possess source of all rights, and possesses as the origin and fountain of all rights which are not circumscribed rights an unbounded right. by any limits. (Remark of Schrader.--The State is not the origin and fountain of all rights, and hence does not possess any unbounded right.)

40. The teaching of the Catholic 40. The doctrine of the Catholic Church is opposed to the wellbeing Church is not contrary to the and interests of society. welfare and advantage of human society.

(Remark of Schrader.--But even helpful to it.)

41. The civil government, even 41. The State has not a direct when exercised by an infidel and positive nor an indirect and sovereign, possesses an indirect negative right in religious and negative power over religious things, and still less when its affairs. It therefore possesses not power is wielded by an only the right called that of unbelieving prince. It has exequatur, but also that of the neither the right of exequatur (so-called) appellatio ab abusu. nor the right of appellatio ["Appel comme d'abus."] which is called ab abusu.

42. In the case of conflicting 42. In case of conflict between laws between the two powers, the the laws of the two powers, the civil law ought to prevail. temporal law does not prevail.

43. The lay power has the authority 43. The temporal authority has to rescind, declare, and not the power to revoke solemn render null solemn conventions or treaties commonly called concordats relating to the use of concordats, which have been made rights appertaining to ecclesiastical with the Holy See in respect to immunity, without the consent the exercise of the rights of of the Apostolic See, and immunity without its consent even in spite of its protests. ecclesiastical or against its opposition, nor the right to declare or make them void.

(Note of Author of the present work. --It is noteworthy that while in Rome the doctrine of concordats, as taught by Tarquini and in the pages of the Civiltá, was that they were not bipartite treaties, but laws issued by the Pontiff at the instance of the temporal prince, in Austria and Germany, Schrader and Bishop Martin (see his Katechismus des Kirchenrechts), in order to uphold concordats, taught that they were solemn treaties.)

44. The civil authority may 44. The authority of the State interfere in matters related to cannot interfere in matters of religion, morality, and spiritual religion or morals, or of government, whence it has control spiritual government. It cannot over the instructions for the therefore judge of the guidance of consciences issued, admonitions which chief pastors conformably with their mission, of the Church in pursuance of by the pastors of the Church. their office issue as a rule for Further, it possesses power to the guidance of consciences. decree in the matter of administering Also it cannot decide upon the the Divine Sacraments and administration of the Holy as to the dispositions necessary for Sacraments nor the dispositions their reception. necessary to their reception of them.

45. The entire direction of public 45. The entire direction of schools in which the youth of public schools in which the Christian States are educated, youth of a Christian State are except (to a certain extent) in the educated, excepting episcopal case of episcopal seminaries, may seminaries in some particulars, and must appertain to the civil cannot and must not be given to power, and belong to it so far that the State, even so that no right no other authority whatsoever of any other authority to shall be recognized as having any interfere in the discipline of right to interfere in the discipline the school, in the arrangement of the schools, the arrangement of of studies, in the conferring of the studies, the taking of degrees, degrees, or in the choice and or the choice and approval of the approval of teachers can be teachers. recognized.

(Remark of Schrader.--The supreme direction of public schools in which the youth of a Christian State are educated pertains to the Church. It is her duty to watch over all public and private schools, so that in the entire school system, but especially in what relates to religion, teachers may be appointed and books may be employed which shall be free from every suspicion of error; and that thus masters and mistresses of the most approved rectitude may behosen for the schools of the children and youth in the earliest years. The Church would act against the commands of her Divine Founder, and would be unfaithful to her most important duty committed to her by God, to care for the salvation of the souls of all men, if she gave up or interrupted her wholesome ruling influence over the primary schools, and she would be compelled to warn all believers and to declare to them that schools out of which the authority of the Church is driven, are schools hostile to the Church, and cannot be attended with good conscience.)

46. Further, even in clerical 46. The direction of studies in seminaries, the mode of study to clerical seminaries is in no be adopted must be submitted to way in the hands of the State the civil authority. authority.

47. The best theory of civil society 47. The best mode of regulating requires that popular schools a State does not demand that the open to the children of all classes, national schools, which are open and, generally, all public institutes to all classes of the community, intended for the instruction in and generally public institutions letters and philosophy and for destined for the higher conducting the education of the scientific instruction, and the young, should be freed from all education of youth, should be ecclesiastical authority, government, withdrawn from all ecclesiastical and interference, and should authority, and completely handed be completely subjected to the over to the direction of the civil and political power in temporal and political authority, conformity with the will of rulers and should be conducted according and the prevalent opinions of the to the pleasure of the government age. and the standard of current opinion.

(Remark of Schrader.--Such a corrupting method of instruction separated from the Catholic faith and the influence of the Church already exists, is of great disadvantage to individuals and society in respect to learned and scientific instruction, and to the education of youth in public schools and institutions destined for the higher classes of society. But still greater evils and disadvantages spring out of this method if it is introduced into the national schools; and all efforts and attempts to exclude the influence of the Church from national schools emanate from a spirit extremely hostile to the Church, as from all the efforts to extinguish the light of our most holy faith among the people.)

48. This system of instructing 48. Catholic men cannot put up youth, which consists in separating with a kind of education of youth it from the Catholic faith and which is entirely separated from from the power of the Church, and the Catholic faith and the in teaching it exclusively the authority of the Church, and knowledge of natural things and which keeps exclusively in view the earthly ends of social life the knowledge of natural things alone, may be perfectly approved and the ends of earthly social by Catholics. life as the great object.

(Remark of Schrader.--An instruction of youth which imparts only the knowledge of natural things, and keeps in view only the ends of earthly social life, cannot lead youths to necessary salvation, but must draw them away from it.)

49. The civil power is entitled 49. The State authority is not to prevent ministers of religion allowed to hinder bishops and and the faithful from communicating believers from holding free freely and mutually with communication with the See of each other and with the Roman Rome. Pontiff.

50. The lay authority possesses 50. The temporal authority has as inherent in itself the right of not the right of itself to presenting bishops, and may require present bishops, and cannot of them that they take demand of them that they shall possession of their dioceses before enter upon the administration of having received canonical institution their dioceses before they have and the apostolical letters of received canonical institution the Holy See. and the apostolic letters from the Holy See.

51. And, further, the lay 51. The temporal government government has the right of deposing has not the right to withdraw bishops from their pastoral from bishops the exercise of functions, and is not bound to their pastoral office, and it obey the Roman Pontiff in those is bound in whatever relates to things which relate to bishops' the episcopate and the sees and the institution of bishops. appointment of bishops to obey the Pope of Rome.

52. The government has of itself 52. The government cannot of the right to alter the age prescribed its own right alter the age by the Church for the prescribed by the Church for the religious profession both of men taking of vows, whether by men and women; and may enjoin upon or by women. Nor can it forbid all religious establishments to admit religious orders to admit any one no person to take solemn vows to the taking of vows without its without its permission. permission.

53. The laws for the protection 53. Those laws may not be of religious establishments and abolished which relate to the securing their rights and duties protection of religious orders, ought to be abolished; nay, more, and to their rights and duties; the civil government may lend and the government of the State its assistance to all who desire to cannot grant support to all who quit the religious life which they forsake their chosen condition have undertaken, and to break in any order, and wish to break their vows. The government may their solemn vows. Also it cannot also extinguish religious orders, abolish houses belonging to the collegiate churches, and simple orders, the collegiate churches, benefices, even those belonging to or their endowments, even when private patronage, and submit they are subject to a right of their goods and revenues to the patronage, and cannot hand over administration and disposal of the their property to the civil power. administration and discretion of the State.

(Remark of Schrader.--Those laws which relate to the protection of religious orders, to their rights and to their duties, must not be abolished, but every government must far rather grant protection to the religious orders. If the government of the State grants support to those who forsake their chosen condition in any order, and wish to break their solemn vows, it acts against the spirit and the will of the Church. If they do away with the houses of the orders, their collegiate churches, or private endowments, even though they are subject to rights of patronage, and if they hand over their property to the administration and discretion of the State, they thereby rob the Church of her legitimate property, and they fall under the greater excommunication, as also under the other censures and pains which have been established by the Apostolic Constitutions, the Holy Canons, and the Decrees of General Councils, in particular of the Council of Trent. Sec. 22, cap, ii., against the violators and desecrators, and against the usurpers of the rights of the Apostolic See.)

54. Kings and princes are not 54. Kings and princes are neither only exempt from the jurisdiction excluded from the jurisdiction of the Church, but are superior to of the Church, nor do they the Church in litigated questions stand higher than the Church of jurisdiction. in determining questions of jurisdiction.

(Remark of Schrader.--But as members of the Church they are subject to the decision of the pastors, and especially of the chief pastors. Princes should much rather remember that the kingly power has not been delivered to them only for the government of the world, but especially for the protection of the Church, and what is done by them for the welfare of the Church is done for their kingdom and for its peace.)

55. The Church ought to be 55. The Church is neither to be separated from the State, and the separated from the State, nor the State from the Church. State from the Church.

SECT. VII.--_Errors concerning SECT. VII.--Errors relating to Natural and Christian Ethics. Natural and Christian Ethics._

56. Moral laws do not stand in 56. Moral laws need a divine need of the divine sanction, and sanction, and it is necessary there is no necessity that human that human laws should be brought laws should be conformable to the into accord with natural right, law of nature and receive their and should receive their binding sanction from God. force from God.

57. Knowledge of philosophical 57. Philosophy and philosophical things, and morals, and civil laws, ethics, as well as civil may, and must be, independent of laws, should not and must not divine and ecclesiastical authority. deviate from divine revelation, and from the authority of the Church.

58. No other forces are to be 58. Other powers are to be recognized except those which reside acknowledged besides those in matter, and all moral teaching found in matter, and the and moral excellence ought to discipline and comeliness of be made to consist in the accumulation manners should not be placed in and increase of riches by the accumulation and every possible means, and in the multiplication of riches of every enjoyment of pleasure. kind, and in the enjoyment of pleasures.

(Remark of Schrader.--There are other powers to acknowledge, belonging to a higher mental order than those which are found in matter, and also morality and propriety is destroyed in the mere accumulation and multiplication of riches, and the indulgence of evil lusts according to the words of the Scripture--"If ye live after the flesh ye shall die, but if ye through the spirit do mortify the deeds of the body ye shall live.")

59. Right consists in the 59. Right does not consist in material fact. All human duties the material fact. The duties of are vain words, and all human acts men are no empty name, and all have the force of right. human facts have not the force of right.

60. Authority is nothing else 60. Authority is something but the result of numerical more than numbers and the sum of superiority and material force. material forces.

(Remark of Schrader.--Otherwise fools would form the highest authority, for it is said of them in the Scripture that their number is infinite.)

61. An unjust act being successful 61. Unrighteousness, even when inflicts no injury upon the attended by good fortune, sanctity of right. tarnishes the sacredness of right.

62. The principle of non-intervention 62. The so-called principle of ought to be proclaimed non-intervention is not to be and adhered to. proclaimed and not to be observed.

(Remark of Schrader.--For it is a fatal principle, and opposed to the spirit of love and order.)

63. It is allowable to refuse 63. Obedience must not be obedience to legitimate princes; denied to legitimate princes, nay more, to rise in insurrection much less must they be rebelled against them. against.

(Remark of Schrader.--For it is written, "Be subject to every human creature for God's sake; whether to the king, who is the highest, or to his lieutenants as such, who are appointed by him;" and he who sets himself against the ruler with force, he resists the ordinance of God, and they that resist shall receive condemnation.)

64. The violation of a solemn 64. The breach of every oath oath, nay, any wicked and flagitious and every godless and shameful action repugnant to the action in contradiction to the eternal law, is not only not eternal laws are not only worthy blameable, but quite lawful, and of condemnation, but also are worthy of the highest praise when eternally to be reprobated, and done for the love of one's country. are not praiseworthy even when they are done out of love to one's native country.

(Remark of Schrader.--But by such criminal and perverted reasonings all propriety, virtue, and righteousness are entirely destroyed, and the evil conduct of the thief and assassin is defended and recommended with unheard-of impudence.)

SECT. VIII.--_Errors concerning SECT. VIII.--Errors relating to Christian Marriage. Christian Marriage._

65. It cannot be by any means 65. It is not to be in any way tolerated to maintain that Christ denied that Christ has elevated has raised marriage to the dignity marriage to the dignity of a of a sacrament. sacrament.

(Remark of Schrader.--Many proofs can be brought forward that Christ did elevate marriage to the dignity of a sacrament.)

66. The sacrament of marriage 66. The sacrament of marriage is only an adjunct of the contract is not something simply accessory and separable from it, and to the contract, and to be the sacrament itself only consists separated from it, and the in the nuptial benediction. sacrament does not lie simply and only in the benediction of the marriage.

67. By the law of nature the 67. By natural law the marriage marriage tie is not indissoluble, bond is indissoluble, and in no and in many cases divorce, properly case can divorce in the proper so called, may be pronounced sense be legally pronounced by by the civil authority. the temporal authority.

(Remark of Schrader.--Christian marriage is truly and properly one of the seven sacraments of the evangelical law, instituted by Christ the Lord. Therefore it belongs altogether to the ecclesiastical authority to decide upon anything which in ny way regards marriage.)

68. The Church has not the 68. The Church has the authority power of laying down what are to set up impediments diriment impediments to marriage. invalidating marriage, but this The civil authority does possess does not belong to the temporal such a power, and can abolish power, neither does it belong to impediments that may exist to the latter to annul impediments marriage. already existing.

69. In the later ages, the 69. The Church has not only Church, when she laid down certain in later centuries begun to set impediments as diriment to up impediments invalidating marriage, did so not of her own marriage, and she has done so uthority, but by a right borrowed out of her own rights, and not from the civil power. out of rights lent to her by the temporal authority.

70. The canons of the Council of 70. The canons of the Council Trent, which pronounce censure of of Trent which pronounce an anathema against those who deny anathema upon those who dare to the Church the right of laying deny the right of the Church to down what are diriment impediments, set up impediments invalidating either are not dogmatic, or marriage are dogmatic in their must be understood as referring to nature, and are not to be such borrowed power. understood as of a borrowed power.

71. The form of solemnizing 71. The Tridentine form is marriage prescribed by the said binding under penalty of Council, under penalty of nullity, invalidity, even where the does not bind in cases where the law of the State has prescribed civil law has appointed another another form and makes the form, and decrees that this new validity of marriage dependent form shall effectuate a valid upon it. marriage. (Remark of Schrader.--The State law is invalid.)

72. Boniface VIII. is the first 72. Boniface VIII. has not been who declared that the vow of the first to declare that a vow chastity pronounced at Ordination of chastity taken in ordination annuls marriage. renders marriage null.

73. A merely civil contract 73. No true marriage can exist may among Christians constitute between Christians by force of a a true marriage, and it is false civil contract, and it is true either that the marriage contract that either the contract of between Christians must always be marriage between Christians is a sacrament, or that the contract always a sacrament, or that the is null if the sacrament be contract is null if the sacrament excluded. has been excluded.

(Remark of Schrader.--And thus, therefore, every connection entered upon between man and woman among Christians, by virtue of a civil law, and without the sacrament, is nothing else than a shameful and corrupt concubinage condemned by the Church. Therefore the marriage tie can never be separated from the sacrament.)

74. Matrimonial causes and espousals 74. Matrimonial causes and belong by their nature to causes arising from betrothals, civil jurisdiction. from their nature do not belong to the temporal jurisdiction. N.B.--Two other errors may tend in this direction upon the abolition of the celibacy of priests and the preference due to the state of marriage over that of virginity. These have been refuted; the first in the Encyclical Qui pluribus, November 9, 1846; the second in the Letters Apostolical Multiplices inter, June 10, 1851.

SECT. IX.--_Errors regarding the SECT. IX.--Errors relating to Civil Power of the Sovereign. the Temporal Principality of the Roman Pontiff._

75. The children of the Christian 75. There is no contention and Catholic Church are not among the sons of the Christian agreed upon the compatibility of and Catholic Church in regard to the temporal with the spiritual the compatibility of the temporal power. dominion with the spiritual.

(Remark of Schrader.--Because they are persuaded of it.)

76. The abolition of the temporal 76. The abolition of the temporal power of which the Apostolic dominion possessed by the See is possessed would contribute Apostolic See would not at all in the greatest degree to the liberty contribute to the freedom and to and prosperity of the Church. the happiness of the Church.

(Remark of Schrader.--The happiness and the welfare of the Church will be much more compromised, if not annihilated, since it is through a special decree of Divine Providence that after the division of the Roman Empire into several kingdoms and various territories, the Roman Pontiff, to whom the government and care of the whole Church is entrusted by the Lord Christ, received the temporal power, certainly for this reason, that he might possess that entire freedom for the government of the Church, and the preservation of her unity which is demanded for the fulfilment of his high apostolic functions.)

N.B.--Besides these errors, N.B.--Besides these expressly explicitly noted, very many others stated errors, many are are rebuked by the certain doctrine implicitly rejected, through the which all Catholics are bound statement and assertion of the most firmly to hold touching the doctrine which Catholics must temporal sovereignty of the Roman hold with respect to the temporal Pontiff. These doctrines are dominion of the Pope of Rome. clearly stated in the Allocutions This doctrine is clearly set Quantis quantumque, April 20, forth in the Allocutions of April 1849, and "Si semper antea," 20, 1849; May 20, 1850; in the May 20, 1850; Letters Apost. Letters Apostolic of September Quam Cattolica Ecclesia, March 26, 28, 1860; March 18, 1861; and 1860; Allocutions Novos, September June 9, 1862. 28, 1860; Jamdudum, March 18, 1861, and Maxima quidem, June 9, 1862.

SECT. X.--_Errors having reference SECT. X.--Errors relating to to Modern Liberalism. Modern Liberalism._

77. In the present day it is no 77. In our time, it is still longer necessary that the Catholic essential that the Catholic religion shall be held as the only religion should be held as the religion of the State, to the only State religion, to the exclusion of all other modes of exclusion of all other forms of worship. religion.

(Remarks of Schrader.--The Pope also demands in those States in which only Catholics reside, the domination of the Catholic religion alone, to the exclusion of every other form of religion, and therefore has he in the Allocution of July 26, 1856, reclaimed against the violation of the first article of the Spanish Concordat; in which the exclusive dominion of the Catholic religion in Spain had been stipulated; and he rejected the law by which freedom of worship had been introduced, and declared it for null and void.)

78. Whence it has been wisely 78. Therefore it was not well provided by the law, in some that in certain Catholic lands countries called Catholic, that immigrants should be guaranteed persons coming to reside therein the free exercise of their shall enjoy the free exercise of religion. their own worship.

79. Moreover it is false that the 79. It is true that freedom of civil liberty of every mode of worship granted by the States, worship and the full power given and permission given to every one to all of overtly and publicly to publish all manner of opinions manifesting their opinions and their and views, leads easily to the ideas conduce more easily to corrupt corruption of manners and of the morals and minds of the sentiments among the nations, and people, and to the propagation of to the diffusion of the bane of the pest of indifferentism. indifference.

(Remark of Schrader.--Through the unbridled freedom of thought, speech and writing morals are deeply sunken, says Pius IX in his Encyclical of November 9, 1864. The holy religion has fallen into contempt, and the majesty of divine worship is despised; the authority of the Apostolic See attacked, and the authority of the Church contested and laden with shameful fetters. The rights of bishops are trampled under foot, the holiness of marriage is violated, every authority of government is shaken, and thus many other damages arise both to Church and State.)

80. The Roman Pontiff can and 80. The Roman Pontiff cannot ought to reconcile himself to, and be reconciled to modern agree with, progress, liberalism, civilization and progress, or and modern civilization. compromise with them.

(Remark of Schrader.--For those who defend the righteousness and the rights of our holy religion do rightfully demand that the unchangeable and immovable principles of eternal righteousness shall be observed entire and unimpaired, and that the power of our salutary and divine religion shall be upheld. The faithful shall be led in the sure way of salvation, and not upon the downward road of destruction. The Holy See is the highest support, protector, and pastor of the faithful. Therefore it cannot connect itself with liberalism, and with modern civilization, without the most serious violation of conscience, and without the greatest universal scandal.)

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 496: To give a translation from a Catholic source we use one issued at the office of the Weekly Register.]

APPENDIX B

RELATION OF THE CHURCH TO THE BAPTIZED, AND ESPECIALLY TO HERETICS

The following passages from the standard work of Phillips indicate the tenets of Rome on this subject, in the more moderate aspect of their recent phases. They are all found in the second volume of the Kirchenrecht, and we give the page with each separate citation--

P. 435. "By virtue of the supreme powers given to her, the Church has indeed a dominion over those who are without [not baptized]; but over these she does not give sentence in the same sense as over those who through the door of baptism have entered into the Church, and who through this sacrament have received the indelible token of membership in the kingdom of Christ. These latter have in baptism sworn the oath of allegiance; they have sworn Fidelitas and Homagium, the oath of personal believing fidelity [fidelitas] and that of the vassal (Lehnseid), of true and active service with the talents which have been granted to them in fee (Zu Lehen)."

P. 436. "No one is exempt from this obedience--all are confided to the Church to be guided and brought up for heaven; for all, therefore, without exception, is the Church an authority instituted by God. The possibility of attaining to his highest end, that of glorifying God, which man through disobedience had lost, Christ has given back to him again; but this end can be attained only in the way of obedience. Disobedience against the divine Word, the rejecting or doubting even of a single one of the divine truths announced by the Church, puts the individual human being again in the way of perdition, on which our first parents entered to their own ruin and that of their posterity, when they, instead of believing the simply and clearly announced Word, chose another exposition of the same, which was more agreeable to them."

P. 438. "Hence in particular must they grievously offend God who either directly put away from them the faith of the Church, or else accept it only in so far as it appears to them correct according to the selection [out of her tenets] which they have made; or, again, who so break the bond of the unity of the Church as to declare themselves loose from obedience to the lawful authority which in her has been set over them by God. Thus are we led to speak of the three ecclesiastical crimes--apostasy, heresy, and schism."

P. 440. "As to apostasy, which is the total rejection of the Christian faith, and the falling away into Judaism, or heathenism, or Islamism, it is here only to be remarked that in the view of the Church it is as the crime of insulting the majesty of God. The apostate must be compelled to return to the Church by force, and a milder judgment may be pronounced upon him only in the case of one who was compelled to deny his faith by the unbelievers."

P. 441. "In opposition to the entire rejection of the Christian faith, heresy implies the wilful selection of a number from out of the dogmas of the Church which are to be believed by men in all their fulness, and the restricting of faith to such selected doctrines as the man still adheres to; in general to this is added the acceptance of false articles of faith. In this wider sense, all those are called heretics who accept only particular doctrines of the Church; but we must distinguish between such. We must part off error from heresy. Any man may fall into error, with regard to one or another doctrine of the Church, against his own will, out of simplicity, or from want of instruction, or because he has received wrong instruction. Such an error of the understanding is called 'material heresy'; but proper heresy, which is called 'formal heresy,' has its seat in the will. The latter consists in this, that to error is added obstinacy of the will, which is disinclined to depart from it. If any one announces a doctrine and then learns that the Church teaches otherwise, thus discovering that he was in error, he does not fall into heresy if he only ceases to defend the doctrine which he has set forth, and submits himself to the teaching of the Church. On the other hand, one who does know that the Church teaches otherwise, and still affirms that something is an article of belief which is not so, or, contrariwise, that something is not an article of belief which is so, doing this in spite of the fact that the Church has delivered the truth upon the subject, he by so doing haughtily prefers his own judgment to that of the Church; and through this obstinacy, the characteristic mark of heresy, he becomes a heretic in the strict sense of the word.

"It is not necessary to heresy that the person shall, as a heresiarch, found a new sect, or that, by free choice, he shall go over to a sect condemned by the Church; but heresy is already present whenever any one in the bosom of the Catholic Church departs from only one single point of the faith, or understands one single passage of Holy Scripture otherwise than as the Church, with the assistance of the Holy Ghost, expounds them. For so great is the importance of heresy that through want of faith even on one point, the proper foundation of faith itself is destroyed, so that he that makes himself guilty with regard to one dogma, becomes at the same time guilty as to every dogma of the Church. Thus not only is he who rejects one of the articles defined by the Church a heretic, but also he who after such a definition maintains that the point is still doubtful."

P. 445. "The Church prays for the return of her separated members, and she is entitled to proceed to compulsion by virtue of the jurisdiction over heretics as baptized persons which belongs to her; but she uses, by prayer and by the instruction which is permitted to all, the only means by which she can now enter into communication with them, at least as relations at present stand.

"She may, indeed, tolerate the heathen, because they err through ignorance; she may tolerate the Jews as witnesses for the truth; but she cannot tolerate heresy, because this shakes the foundation of the entire faith. The synagogue makes way for the Church as a dutiful handmaid, bringing her the Holy Scriptures. Heresy, however, lifts itself up as a mistress above the Church, discredits her utterly, sets itself to judge over her, and would condemn her out of Holy Scripture according to its self-chosen exposition, closing her mouth like that of Christ. It commences with the divine Word, but it treats that word like a lyre, from which every one at pleasure, may draw whatever note will suit him.

"The Church pardons error, but she cannot subject herself to the obstinately erring will, but must destroy its dominion and its tyranny. She, as the teacher of the truth, cannot conclude a peace with such a will. She cannot lift it up to the throne beside her, she cannot share her dominion with it. Understood in its proper and true signification, heresy is a frightful crime. Do the heathen blaspheme God out of ignorance? Heresy tears truth to pieces consciously. Did the Jews crucify Christ according to the flesh? Heresy fastens the Church, His mystical body, to the cross. Therefore the Church cannot at all tolerate heresy, because the greatest danger of seduction is attached to it. The Christian can easily shun the heathen and the Jew, but not the Christian who by the baptismal vow is connected with him, but by heresy is separated from him.

"On these grounds is explained the complete intolerance which the Church, in all her laws, and especially in the Bulla Cæna, has manifested against heresy. Hence are explained the certainly hard-sounding expressions with which she speaks of heresy. Hence the punishments against heretics, the delivering up of the same to the temporal arm, and the calling upon temporal princes by law and by arms to come to her help in rooting out heresy. When the Church pronounces excommunication upon heretics, it is nothing more than a declaratory sentence of that which had already been announced by the heretics themselves; for, all the more because these are Christians, must she separate them from herself, that they may not be accounted as of her, and that she may not appear as chargeable for their obstinacy.

"Hence it will be understood that the Church employs all means to keep her members from being infected with heretical teaching. She has therefore, with the apostle, forbidden intercourse with heretics; yet she makes this apply, according to the Bull of Martin V, Ad evitandos, only to those who are personally, and by name, excommunicated on account of their obstinacy. To a like end the Church forbids to the faithful the reading of heretical writings, which still retain that character even when the author perhaps erred only out of ignorance, and has given his books to the fire. So according to the diversities of times and circumstances does she require from her members the assurance of fidelity in making the confession of faith, causing those who return into her bosom to abjure heresy, and prohibiting all to preach who have not thereto an express mission, and forbidding the laity to dispute as to the faith, except in cases in which especial exceptions are justified."

P. 451. "Schism, in its proper meaning, consists in this, that the baptized person, while not doubting as to the faith, and while not intending to separate himself from it, declares himself free from the authority which God has set over him in the Church. In a looser sense of the word, schism may refer to one's own bishop, as well as to the Pope; properly, however, it requires separation from the centre of Church unity, from the Pope, to constitute a schism, although revolt against the proper bishop, recognized by the head of the Church, comprehends in itself separation from the entire Church. And how will the schismatic, separated from ecclesiastical unity, preserve himself in purity of doctrine? Does heresy lead to schism? So infallibly does schism lead to heresy, inasmuch as only through false doctrine can it be justified. Therefore does the Church regard schism as a crime just as great as heresy, and in general has dealt with it in the same manner."

APPENDIX C

THE CONSTITUTIONS "DEI FILIUS" AND "PASTOR ÆTERNUS"

(From the "Catholic Directory" for 1871, pp. 55 ff.)

DOGMATIC CONSTITUTION ON THE CATHOLIC FAITH

Pius Bishop, Servant of the servants of God, with the approval of the Sacred Council, for perpetual remembrance.

Our Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, and Redeemer of mankind, before returning to His Heavenly Father, promised that He would be with the Church Militant on earth all days, even to the consummation of the world. Therefore He has never ceased to be present with His beloved Spouse, to assist her when teaching, to bless her when at work, and to aid her when in danger. And this His salutary providence, which has been constantly displayed by other innumerable benefits, has been most manifestly proved by the abundant good results which Christendom has derived from OEcumenical Councils, and particularly from that of Trent, although it was held in evil times. For, as a consequence, the sacred doctrines of the faith have been defined more closely and set forth more fully; errors have been condemned and restrained; ecclesiastical discipline has been restored and more firmly secured; the love of learning and of piety has been promoted among the clergy; colleges have been established to educate youth for the sacred warfare; and the morals of the Christian world have been renewed by the more accurate training of the faithful, and by the more frequent use of the sacraments. Moreover, there has resulted a closer communion of the members with the visible head, and an increase of vigour in the whole mystical body of Christ; the multiplication of religious congregations and of other institutions of Christian piety, and such ardour in extending the kingdom of Christ throughout the world, as constantly endures, even to the sacrifice of life itself.

But while we recall with due thankfulness these and other signal benefits which the divine mercy has bestowed on the Church, especially by the last OEcumenical Council, we cannot restrain our bitter sorrow for the grave evils which are due principally to the fact, that the authority of that sacred Synod has been contemned, or its wise decrees neglected, by many.

No one is ignorant that the heresies proscribed by the Fathers of Trent, by which the divine teaching (magisterium) of the Church was rejected, and all matters regarding religion were surrendered to the judgment of each individual, gradually became dissolved into many sects, which disagreed and contended with one another, until at length not a few lost all faith in Christ. Even the Holy Scriptures, which had previously been declared sole source and judge of Christian doctrine, began to be held no longer as divine, but to be ranked among the fictions of mythology.

Then there arose, and too widely overspread the world, that doctrine of rationalism, or naturalism, which opposes itself in every way to the Christian religion as a supernatural institution, and works with the utmost zeal in order that, after Christ, our sole Lord and Saviour, has been excluded from the minds of men, and from the life and moral acts of nations, the reign of what they call pure reason or nature may be established. And after forsaking and rejecting the Christian religion, and denying the true God and His Christ, the minds of many have sunk into the abyss of Pantheism, Materialism, and Atheism, until, denying rational nature itself and every sound rule of right, they labour to destroy the deepest foundations of human society.

Unhappily, it has yet farther come to pass that, while this impiety prevailed on every side, many even of the children of the Catholic Church have strayed from the path of true piety; and by the gradual diminution of the truths they held, the Catholic sense has become weakened in them. For, led away by various and strange doctrines, wrongly confusing nature and grace, human science and divine faith, they are found to deprave the true sense of the doctrines which our Holy Mother Church holds and teaches, and to endanger the integrity and the soundness of the faith.

Considering these things, how can the Church fail to be deeply stirred? For, even as God wills all men to be saved, and to arrive at the knowledge of the truth; even as Christ came to save what had perished, and to gather together the children of God who had been dispersed; so the Church, constituted by God the mother and teacher of nations, knows its own office as debtor to all, and is ever ready and watchful to raise the fallen, to support those who are falling, to embrace those who return, to confirm the good and to carry them on to better things. Hence, it can never forbear from witnessing to and proclaiming the truth of God, which heals all things, knowing the words addressed to it: My Spirit that is in thee, and My words that I have put in thy mouth, shall not depart out of thy mouth, from henceforth and for ever (Isaias lix. 21).

We, therefore, following the footsteps of our predecessors, have never ceased, as becomes our supreme Apostolic office, from teaching and defending Catholic truth, and condemning doctrines of error. And now, with the Bishops of the whole world assembled round us and judging with us, congregated by our authority and in the Holy Spirit in this OEcumenical Council, we, supported by the word of God written and handed down, as we have received it from the Catholic Church, preserved with sacredness and set forth according to truth--have determined to profess and declare the salutary teaching of Christ from this chair of Peter, and in sight of all, proscribing and condemning, by the power given to us of God, all errors contrary thereto.

Chap. I. Of God the Creator of all things.

The Holy Catholic Apostolic Roman Church believes and confesses that there is one true and living God, Creator and Lord of heaven and earth, Almighty, Eternal, Immense, Incomprehensible, Infinite in intelligence, in will, and in all perfection, who, as being one, sole, absolutely simple, and immutable spiritual substance, is to be declared as really and essentially distinct from the world, of supreme beatitude in and from Himself, and ineffably exalted above all things beside Himself which exist or are conceivable.

This one only true God, of His own goodness and almighty power, not for the increase or acquirement of His own happiness, but to manifest His perfection by the blessing which He bestows on creatures, and with absolute freedom of counsel, created out of nothing, from the beginning of time, both the spiritual and the corporeal creature, to wit, the angelical and the mundane; and afterwards the human creature, as partaking, in a sense, of both, consisting of spirit and of body.[497]

God protects and governs by His Providence all things which He hath made, "reaching from end to end mightily, and ordering all things sweetly" (Wisdom viii. 1). For "all things are bare and open to His eyes" (Heb. iv. 13), even those which are yet to be by the free action of creatures.

Chap. II. Of Revelation.

The same Holy Mother Church holds and teaches that God, the beginning and end of all things, may be certainly known by the natural light of human reason, by means of created things; "for the invisible things of Him from the creation of the world are clearly seen, being understood by the things that are made" (Romans i. 20): but that it pleased His wisdom and bounty to reveal Himself, and the eternal decrees of His will, to mankind by another and supernatural way, as the Apostle says: "God, having spoken on divers occasions, and many ways, in times past, to the fathers by the prophets; last of all, in these days, hath spoken to us by His Son" (Hebrews i. 1, 2).

It is to be ascribed to this divine revelation, that such truths among things divine as of themselves are not beyond human reason can, even in the present condition of mankind, be known by every one with facility, with firm assurance, and with no admixture of error. This, however, is not the reason why revelation is to be called absolutely necessary; but because God of His infinite goodness has ordained man to a supernatural end, viz. to be a sharer of divine blessings which utterly exceed the intelligence of the human mind: for "eye hath not seen, nor ear heard, neither hath it entered into the heart of man, what things God hath prepared for them that love Him" (1 Cor. ii. 2).

Further, this supernatural revelation, according to the universal belief of the Church, declared by the Sacred Synod of Trent, is contained in the written books and unwritten traditions which, received by the Apostles from the mouth of Christ Himself, or by the Apostles themselves, from the dictation of the Holy Spirit, transmitted, as it were, from hand to hand, have come down even unto us.[498] And these books of the Old and New Testament are to be received as sacred and canonical, in their integrity, with all their parts, as they are enumerated in the decree of the said Council, and are contained in the ancient Latin edition of the Vulgate. These the Church holds to be sacred and canonical: not because, having been carefully composed by mere human industry, they were afterwards approved by her authority; nor merely because they contain revelation, with no admixture of error; but because, having been written by the inspiration of the Holy Ghost, they have God for their author, and have been delivered as such to the Church herself.

And as the things which, in order to curb rebellious spirits, the Holy Synod of Trent decreed for the good of souls concerning the interpretation of Divine Scripture, have been wrongly explained by some, We, renewing the said decree, declare this to be its meaning: that, in matters of faith and morals, appertaining to the building up of Christian doctrine, that is to be held as the true sense of Holy Scripture which our Holy Mother Church hath held and holds, to whom it belongs to judge of the true sense and interpretation of the Holy Scripture; and therefore that it is permitted to no one to interpret the Sacred Scripture contrary to this sense, or, likewise, contrary to the unanimous consent of the Fathers.

Chap. III. On Faith.

Man being wholly dependent upon God, as upon his Creator and Lord, and created reason being absolutely subject to uncreated truth, we are bound to yield to God, by faith in His revelation, the full obedience of our intelligence and will. And the Catholic Church teaches that this faith, which is the beginning of man's salvation, is a supernatural virtue, whereby, inspired and assisted by the grace of God, we believe that the things which He has revealed are true: not because the intrinsic truth of the things is plainly perceived by the natural light of reason, but because of the authority of God Himself who reveals them, and who can neither be deceived nor deceive. For faith, as the Apostle testifies, is "the substance of things hoped for, the conviction of things that appear not" (Hebrews xi. 1).

Nevertheless, in order that the obedience of our faith might be in harmony with reason, God willed that to the interior help of the Holy Spirit there should be joined exterior proofs of His revelation: to wit, divine facts, and especially miracles and prophecies, which, as they manifestly display the omnipotence and infinite knowledge of God, are most certain proofs of His divine revelation, adapted to the intelligence of all men. Wherefore, both Moses and the Prophets, and most especially Christ our Lord Himself, showed forth many and most evident miracles and prophecies; and of the Apostles we read: "But they going forth preached everywhere, the Lord working withal, and confirming the word with signs that followed" (Mark xvi. 20). And again it is written: "We have the more firm prophetical word, whereunto you do well to attend, as to a light shining in a dark place" (2 St. Peter i. 19).

But though the assent of faith is by no means a blind action of the mind, still no man can assent to the Gospel teaching, as is necessary to obtain salvation, without the illumination and inspiration of the Holy Spirit, who gives to all men sweetness in assenting to and believing in the truth.[499] Wherefore faith itself, even when it does not work by charity, is in itself a gift of God, and the act of faith is a work appertaining to salvation, by which man yields voluntary obedience to God Himself, by assenting to and co-operating with His grace, which he is able to resist.

Further, all those things are to be believed with divine and Catholic faith which are contained in the Word of God, written or handed down, and which the Church, either by a solemn judgment or by her ordinary and universal teaching (magisterium), proposes for belief as having been divinely revealed.

And since without faith it is impossible to please God, and to attain to the fellowship of His children, therefore without faith no one has ever attained justification; nor will any one obtain eternal life, unless he shall have persevered in faith unto the end. And, that we may be able to satisfy the obligation of embracing the true faith and of constantly persevering in it, God has instituted the Church through His only-begotten Son, and has bestowed on it manifest notes of that institution, that it may be recognized by all men as the guardian and teacher of the revealed Word; for to the Catholic Church alone belong all those many and admirable tokens which have been divinely established for the evident credibility of the Christian Faith. Nay, more, the Church by itself, by reason of its marvellous extension, its eminent holiness, and its inexhaustible fruitfulness in every good thing, its Catholic unity and its invincible stability, is a great and perpetual motive of credibility, and an irrefutable witness of its own divine mission.

And thus, like a standard set up unto the nations (Isaias xi. 12), it both invites to itself those who do not yet believe, and assures its children that the faith which they profess rests on the most firm foundation. And its testimony is efficaciously supported by a power from on high. For our most merciful Lord gives His grace to stir up and to aid those who are astray, that they may come to a knowledge of the truth; and to those whom He has brought out of darkness into His own admirable light, He gives His grace to strengthen them to persevere in that light, deserting none who desert not Him. Therefore there is no parity between the condition of those who have adhered to the Catholic truth by the heavenly gift of faith, and of those who, led by human opinions, follow a false religion; for those who have received the faith under the teaching (magisterio) of the Church can never have any just cause for changing or doubting that faith. Therefore, giving thanks to God the Father who has made us worthy to be partakers of the lot of the Saints in light, let us not neglect so great salvation, but with our eyes fixed on Jesus, the author and finisher of our Faith, let us hold fast the confession of our hope without wavering (Hebrews xii. 2; and x. 23).

Chap. IV. Of Faith and Reason.

The Catholic Church with one consent has also ever held and does hold that there is a twofold order of knowledge, distinct both in principle and in object: in principle, because our knowledge in the one is by natural reason, and in the other by divine faith; in object, because, besides those things to which natural reason can attain, there are proposed to our belief mysteries hidden in God, which, unless divinely revealed, cannot be known. Wherefore the Apostle, who testifies that God is known by the Gentiles through created things, still, when discoursing of the grace and truth which come by Jesus Christ (John i. 17), says: "We speak the wisdom of God in a mystery, a wisdom which is hidden, which God ordained before the world unto our glory: which none of the princes of this world knew; ... but to us God hath revealed them by His Spirit. For the Spirit searcheth all things, yea, the deep things of God" (1 Cor. ii. 7-9). And the only-begotten Son Himself gives thanks to the Father, because He has hid these things from the wise and prudent, and has revealed them to little ones (Matt. xi. 25).

Reason, indeed, enlightened by faith, when it seeks earnestly, piously, and calmly, attains by a gift from God some, and that a very fruitful, understanding of mysteries; partly from the analogy of those things which it naturally knows, partly from the relations which the mysteries bear to one another and to the last end of man: but reason never becomes capable of apprehending mysteries as it does those truths which constitute its proper object. For the divine mysteries by their own nature so far transcend the created intelligence that, even when delivered by revelation and received by faith, they remain covered with the veil of faith itself, and shrouded in a certain degree of darkness, so long as we are pilgrims in this mortal life, not yet with God; "for we walk by faith and not by sight" (2 Cor. v. 7).

But although faith is above reason, there can never be any real discrepancy between faith and reason; since the same God who reveals mysteries and infuses faith has bestowed the light of reason on the human mind, and God cannot deny Himself, nor can truth ever contradict truth. The false appearance of such a contradiction is mainly due, either to the dogmas of faith not having been understood and expounded according to the mind of the Church, or to the inventions of opinion having been taken for the verdicts of reason. We define, therefore, that every assertion contrary to a truth of enlightened faith is utterly false.[500] Further, the Church, which, together with the Apostolic office of teaching, has received a charge to guard the deposit of faith, derives from God the right and the duty of proscribing false science, lest any should be deceived by philosophy and vain fallacy (Col. ii. 8). Therefore all faithful Christians are not only forbidden to defend, as legitimate conclusions of science, such opinions as are known to be contrary to the doctrines of faith, especially if they have been condemned by the Church, but are altogether bound to account them as errors which put on the fallacious appearance of truth.

And not only can faith and reason never be opposed to one another, but they are of mutual aid one to the other: for right reason demonstrates the foundations of faith, and, enlightened by its light, cultivates the science of things divine; while faith frees and guards reason from errors, and furnishes it with manifold knowledge. So far, therefore, is the Church from opposing the cultivation of human arts and sciences, that it in many ways helps and promotes it. For the Church neither ignores nor despises the benefits to human life which result from the arts and sciences, but confesses that, as they came from God, the Lord of all science, so, if they be rightly used, they lead to God by the help of His grace. Nor does the Church forbid that each of these sciences in its sphere should make use of its own principles and its own method; but, while recognizing this just liberty, it stands watchfully on guard, lest sciences, setting themselves against the divine teaching, or transgressing their own limits, should invade and disturb the domain of faith.

For the doctrine of faith which God hath revealed has not been proposed, like a philosophical invention, to be perfected by human ingenuity; but has been delivered as a divine deposit to the Spouse of Christ, to be faithfully kept and infallibly declared. Hence also, that meaning of the sacred dogmas is perpetually to be retained which our Holy Mother the Church has once declared; nor is that meaning ever to be departed from, under the pretence or pretext of a deeper comprehension of them. Let, then, the intelligence, science, and wisdom of each and all, of individuals and of the whole Church, in all ages and all times, increase and flourish in abundance and vigour; but simply in its own proper kind, that is to say, in one and the same doctrine, one and the same sense, one and the same judgment (Vincent of Lerins, Common. n. 28).

CANONS.

I. Of God the Creator of all things.

1. If any one shall deny One true God, Creator and Lord of things visible and invisible; let him be anathema.

2. If any one shall not be ashamed to affirm that, except matter, nothing exists; let him be anathema.

3. If any one shall say that the substance and essence of God and of all things is one and the same; let him be anathema.

4. If any one shall say that finite things, both corporeal and spiritual, or at least spiritual, have emanated from the divine substance; or that the divine essence by the manifestation and evolution of itself becomes all things; or, lastly, that God is universal or indefinite being, which by determining itself constitutes the universality of things, distinct according to kinds (genera), species, and individuals; let him be anathema.

5. If any one confess not that the world, and all things which are contained in it, both spiritual and material, have been, in their whole substance, produced by God out of nothing; or shall say that God created, not by His will, free from all necessity, but by a necessity equal to the necessity whereby He loves Himself; or shall deny that the world was made for the glory of God; let him be anathema.

II. Of Revelation.

1. If anyone shall say that the One true God, our Creator and Lord, cannot be certainly known by the natural light of human reason, through created things; let him be anathema.

2. If any one shall say that it is impossible, or inexpedient, that man should be taught by divine revelation concerning God and the worship to be paid to Him; let him be anathema.

3. If any one shall say that man cannot be raised by divine power to a higher than natural knowledge and perfection, but can and ought, by a continuous progress, to arrive at length, of himself, to the possession of all that is true and good; let him be anathema.

4. If any one shall not receive as sacred and canonical the Books of Holy Scripture, entire with all their parts, as the Holy Synod of Trent has enumerated them, or shall deny that they have been divinely inspired; let him be anathema.

III. Of Faith.

1. If any one shall say that human reason is so independent that faith cannot be enjoined upon it by God; let him be anathema.

2. If any one shall say that divine faith is not distinguished from natural knowledge of God and of moral truths, and therefore that it is not requisite for divine faith that revealed truth be believed because of the authority of God who reveals it; let him be anathema.

3. If any one shall say that divine revelation cannot be made credible by outward signs, and therefore that men ought to be moved to faith solely by the internal experience of each, or by private inspiration; let him be anathema.

4. If any one shall say that miracles are impossible, and therefore that all the accounts regarding them, even those contained in Holy Scripture, are to be dismissed as fabulous or mythical; or that miracles can never be known with certainty, and that the divine origin of Christianity is not rightly proved by them; let him be anathema.

5. If any one shall say that the assent of Christian faith is not a free act, but necessarily produced by the arguments of human reason; or that the grace of God is necessary for that living faith only which worketh by charity; let him be anathema.

6. If any one shall say that the condition of the faithful, and of those who have not yet attained to the only true faith, is on a par, so that Catholics may have just cause for doubting, with suspended assent, the faith which they have already received under the teaching (magisterio) of the Church, until they shall have obtained a scientific demonstration of the credibility and truth of their faith; let him be anathema.

IV. Of Faith and Reason.

1. If any one shall say that in divine revelation there are no mysteries, truly and properly so called, but that all the doctrines of faith can be understood and demonstrated from natural principles by properly cultivated reason; let him be anathema.

2. If any one shall say that human sciences are to be so freely treated, that their assertions, although opposed to revealed doctrine, can be held as true, and cannot be condemned by the Church; let him be anathema.

3. If any one shall assert it to be possible that sometimes, according to the progress of science, a sense is to be given to doctrines propounded by the Church different from that which the Church has understood and understands; let him be anathema.

Therefore We, fulfilling the duty of our supreme pastoral office, entreat by the mercies of Jesus Christ, and, by the authority of the same our God and Saviour, We command, all the faithful of Christ, and especially those who are set over others or are charged with the office of instruction, that they earnestly and diligently apply themselves to ward off and eliminate these errors from Holy Church, and to spread the light of pure faith.

And since it is not sufficient to shun heretical pravity, unless those errors also be diligently avoided which more or less nearly approach it. We admonish all men of the further duty of observing the Constitutions and Decrees by which such erroneous opinions as are not here expressly enumerated have been proscribed and condemned by this Holy See.

Given at Rome in Public Session, solemnly held in the Vatican Basilica in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and seventy, on the twenty-fourth day of April, in the twenty-fourth year of our Pontificate.

In conformity with the original,

JOSEPH, Bishop of St. Polten,

Secretary of the Vatican Council.

FIRST DOGMATIC CONSTITUTION ON THE CHURCH OF CHRIST.

Pius Bishop, Servant of the servants of God, with the approval of the Sacred Council, for perpetual remembrance.

The Eternal Pastor and Bishop of our souls, in order to continue for all time the life-giving work of His Redemption, determined to build up the Holy Church, wherein, as in the House of the living God, all who believe might be united in the bond of one faith and one charity. Wherefore, before He entered into His glory, He prayed unto the Father, not for the Apostles only, but for those also who through their preaching should come to believe in Him, that all might be one, even as He the Son and the Father are one (St. John xvii. 21). As then He sent the Apostles whom He had chosen to Himself from the world, as He Himself had been sent by the Father; so He willed that there should ever be pastors and teachers in His Church to the end of the world. And in order that the Episcopate also might be one and undivided, and that by means of a closely united priesthood the multitude of the faithful might be kept secure in the oneness of faith and communion, He set Blessed Peter over the rest of the Apostles, and fixed in him the abiding principle of this two-fold unity and its visible foundation, in the strength of which the everlasting temple should arise, and the Church in the firmness of that faith should lift her majestic front to heaven.[501] And seeing that the gates of hell with daily increase of hatred are gathering their strength on every side to upheave the foundation laid by God's own hand, and so, if that might be, to overthrow the Church: We, therefore, for the preservation, safe keeping, and increase of the Catholic flock, with the approval of the Sacred Council, do judge it to be necessary to propose to the belief and acceptance of all the faithful, in accordance with the ancient and constant faith of the universal Church, the doctrine touching the institution, perpetuity, and nature of the sacred Apostolic Primacy, in which is found the strength and solidity of the entire Church; and at the same time to proscribe and condemn the contrary errors, so hurtful to the flock of Christ.

Chap. I. Of the Institution of the Apostolic Primacy in Blessed Peter.

We therefore teach and declare that, according to the testimony of the Gospel, the primacy of jurisdiction over the universal Church of God was immediately and directly promised and given to Blessed Peter the Apostle by Christ the Lord. For it was to Simon alone, to whom He had already said, "Thou shalt be called Cephas" (St. John i. 42), that the Lord, after the confession made by him, saying, "Thou art the Christ, the Son of the living God," addressed these solemn words: "Blessed art thou, Simon Bar-Jona, because flesh and blood have not revealed it to thee, but My Father who is in heaven. And I say to thee that thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build My Church; and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it. And I will give to thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven. And whatsoever thou shalt bind upon earth, it shall be bound also in heaven; and whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth, it shall be loosed in heaven" (St. Matthew xvi. 16-19). And it was upon Simon alone that Jesus after His resurrection bestowed the jurisdiction of Chief Pastor and Ruler over all His fold in the words: "Feed My lambs; feed My sheep" (St. John xxi. 15-17). At open variance with this clear doctrine of Holy Scripture, as it has been ever understood by the Catholic Church, are the perverse opinions of those who, while they distort the form of government established by Christ the Lord in His Church, deny that Peter in his single person, preferably to all the other Apostles, whether taken separately or together, was endowed by Christ with a true and proper primacy of jurisdiction; or of those who assert that the same primacy was not bestowed immediately and directly upon Blessed Peter himself, but upon the Church, and through the Church on Peter as her minister.

If any one, therefore, shall say that Blessed Peter the Apostle was not appointed the Prince of all the Apostles and the visible Head of the whole Church Militant; or that the same directly and immediately received from the same our Lord Jesus Christ a primacy of honour only, and not of true and proper jurisdiction; let him be anathema.

Chap. II. _On the Perpetuity of the Primacy of Blessed Peter in the Roman Pontiffs._

That which the Prince of Shepherds and Great Shepherd of the sheep, Jesus Christ our Lord, established in the person of the Blessed Apostle Peter, to secure the perpetual welfare and lasting good of the Church, must, by the same institution, necessarily remain unceasingly in the Church; which, being founded upon the Rock, will stand firm to the end of the world. For none can doubt, and it is known to all ages, that the holy and Blessed Peter, the Prince and Chief of the Apostles, the pillar of the faith and foundation of the Catholic Church, received the keys of the kingdom from our Lord Jesus Christ, the Saviour and Redeemer of mankind, and lives, presides, and judges, to this day and always, in his successors the Bishops of the Holy See of Rome, which was founded by him, and consecrated by his blood.[502] Whence, whosoever succeeds to Peter in this See does by the institution of Christ Himself obtain the Primacy of Peter over the whole Church. This disposition made by Incarnate Truth (dispositio veritatis) therefore remains, and Blessed Peter abiding in the rock strength which he received (in acceptâ fortitudine petræâ perseverans), has not abandoned the direction of the Church.[503] Wherefore it has at all times been necessary that every particular Church--that is to say, the faithful throughout the world--should come to the Church of Rome, on account of the greater princedom it has received; so that in this See, whence the rights of venerable communion spread to all, they might, as members joined together in their head, grow closely into one body.[504]

If, then, one shall say that it is not by the institution of Christ the Lord, or by divine right, that Blessed Peter has a perpetual line of successors in the primacy over the universal Church; or that the Roman Pontiff is not the successor of Blessed Peter in this primacy; let him be anathema.

Chap. III. _On the Power and Nature of the Primacy of the Roman Pontiff._

Wherefore, resting on plain testimonies of the Sacred Writings, and adhering to the plain and express decrees both of our predecessors the Roman Pontiffs, and of the General Councils, We renew the definition of the OEcumenical Council of Florence, by which all the faithful of Christ must believe that the Holy Apostolic See and the Roman Pontiff possesses the primacy over the whole world; and that the Roman Pontiff is the successor of Blessed Peter, Prince of the Apostles, and is true Vicar of Christ, and Head of the whole Church, and Father and Teacher of all Christians; and that full power was given to him in Blessed Peter, by Jesus Christ our Lord, to rule, feed, and govern the Universal Church: as is also contained in the Acts of the OEcumenical Councils and in the Sacred Canons.

Hence we teach and declare, that by the appointment of our Lord the Roman Church possesses a sovereignty of ordinary power over all other Churches, and that this power of jurisdiction of the Roman Pontiff, which is truly episcopal, is immediate; to which all, of whatever rite and dignity, both pastors and faithful, both individually and collectively, are bound, by their duty of hierarchical subordination and true obedience, to submit, not only in matters which belong to faith and morals, but also in those that appertain to the discipline and government of the Church throughout the world; so that the Church of Christ may be one flock under one supreme Pastor, through the preservation of unity, both of communion and of profession of the same faith, with the Roman Pontiff. This is the teaching of Catholic truth, from which no one can deviate without loss of faith and of salvation.

But so far is this power of the Supreme Pontiff from being any prejudice to that ordinary and immediate power of episcopal jurisdiction, by which Bishops, who have been set by the Holy Ghost to succeed and hold the place of the Apostles,[505] feed and govern each his own flock as true pastors, that this same power is really asserted, strengthened, and protected by the supreme and universal Pastor; in accordance with the words of St. Gregory the Great: "My honour is the honour of the whole Church. My honour is the firm strength of my brethren. Then am I truly honoured, when the honour due to each and all is not withheld."[506]

Further, from this supreme power possessed by the Roman Pontiff of governing the universal Church, it follows that, in the exercise of this office, he has the right of free communication with the pastors of the whole Church, and with their flocks, that they may be taught and ruled by him in the way of salvation. Wherefore We condemn and reprobate the opinions of those who hold that the communication between the supreme Head and the pastors and their flocks can lawfully be impeded; or who make this communication subject to the will of the secular power, so as to maintain that whatever is done by the Apostolic See, or by its authority, for the government of the Church, cannot have force or value unless it be confirmed by the assent of the secular power. And since, by the divine right of Apostolic primacy, the Roman Pontiff is placed over the universal Church, We further teach and declare that he is the supreme judge of the faithful,[507] and that in all causes the decision of which belongs to the Church recourse may be had to his tribunal;[508] but that none may re-open the judgment of the Apostolic See, than whose authority there is no greater, nor can any lawfully review its judgment.[509] Wherefore they err from the right path of truth who assert that it is lawful to appeal from the judgments of the Roman Pontiffs to an OEcumenical Council, as to an authority higher than that of the Roman Pontiff.

If then any shall say that the Roman Pontiff has the office merely of inspection or direction, and not full and supreme power of jurisdiction over the universal Church, not only in things which belong to faith and morals, but also in those which relate to the discipline and government of the Church spread throughout the world; or assert that he possesses merely the principal part, and not all the fulness of this supreme power; or that this power which he enjoys is not ordinary and immediate, both over each and all the Churches, and over each and all the pastors and the faithful; let him be anathema.

Chap. IV. Concerning the Infallible Teaching of the Roman Pontiff.

Moreover, that the supreme power of teaching (magisterii) is also included in the Apostolic primacy, which the Roman Pontiff, as the successor of Peter, Prince of the Apostles, possesses over the whole Church, this Holy See has always held, the perpetual practice of the Church confirms, and OEcumenical Councils also have declared, especially those in which the East with the West met in the union of faith and charity. For the Fathers of the Fourth Council of Constantinople, following in the footsteps of their predecessors, gave forth this solemn profession: The first condition of salvation is to keep the rule of the true faith. And because the sentence of our Lord Jesus Christ cannot be passed by, who said, "Thou art Peter, and upon this Rock I will build My Church" (St. Matthew xvi. 18), these things which have been said are proved by events, because in the Apostolic See the Catholic religion has always been kept undefined and her well-known doctrine has been kept holy. Desiring, therefore, not to be in the least degree separated from the faith and doctrine of this See, we hope that we may deserve to be in the one communion, which the Apostolic See preaches, in which is the entire and true solidity of the Christian religion.[510] And with the approval of the Second Council of Lyons, the Greeks professed: That the Holy Roman Church enjoys supreme and full Primacy and princedom over the whole Catholic Church, which it truly and humbly acknowledges that it has received with the plenitude of power from our Lord Himself in the person of Blessed Peter, Prince or Head of the Apostles, whose successor the Roman Pontiff is; and as the Apostolic See is bound before all others to defend the truth of faith, so also, if any questions regarding faith shall arise, they must be defined by its judgment.[511] Finally, the Council of Florence defined:[512] That the Roman Pontiff is the true Vicar of Christ, and the Head of the whole Church, and the Father and Teacher of all Christians; and that to him in Blessed Peter was delivered by our Lord Jesus Christ the full power of feeding, ruling, and governing the whole Church (John xxi. 15-17).

To satisfy this pastoral duty, our predecessors ever made unwearied efforts that the salutary doctrine of Christ might be propagated among all the nations of the earth, and with equal care watched that it might be preserved genuine and pure where it had been received. Therefore the Bishops of the whole world, now singly, now assembled in synod, following the long-established custom of Churches[513] and the form of the ancient rule,[514] sent word to this Apostolic See of those dangers especially which sprang up in matters of faith, that there the losses of faith might be most effectually repaired where the faith cannot fail.[515] And the Roman Pontiffs, according to the exigencies of times and circumstances, sometimes assembling OEcumenical Councils, or asking for the mind of the Church scattered throughout the world, sometimes by particular Synods, sometimes using other helps which Divine Providence supplied, defined as to be held those things which with the help of God they had recognized as conformable with the Sacred Scriptures and Apostolic Traditions. For the Holy Spirit was not promised to the successors of Peter, that by His revelation they might make known new doctrine, but that by His assistance they might inviolably keep and faithfully expound the revelation or deposit of faith delivered through the Apostles. And indeed all the venerable Fathers have embraced and the holy orthodox Doctors have venerated and followed their Apostolic doctrine; knowing most fully that this See of Saint Peter remains ever free from all blemish of error according to the divine promise of the Lord our Saviour made to the Prince of His disciples: "I have prayed for thee that thy faith fail not, and when thou art converted, confirm thy brethren" (St. Luke xxii. 32).[516]

This gift, then, of truth and never-failing faith, was conferred by Heaven upon Peter and his successors in this Chair, that they might perform their high office for the salvation of all; that the whole flock of Christ, kept away by them from the poisonous food of error, might be nourished with the pasture of heavenly doctrine; that, the occasion of schism being removed, the whole Church might be kept one, and, resting on its foundation, might stand firm against the gates of hell.

But since in this very age, in which the salutary efficacy of the Apostolic office is most of all required, not a few are found who take away from its authority, we judge it altogether necessary solemnly to assert the prerogative which the only-begotten Son of God vouchsafed to join with the supreme pastoral office.

Therefore, faithfully adhering to the tradition received from the beginning of the Christian faith, for the glory of God our Saviour, the exaltation of the Catholic Religion, and the salvation of Christian people, with the approval of the Sacred Council, We teach and define that it is a dogma divinely revealed: That the Roman Pontiff, when he speaks ex cathedrâ, that is, when in discharge of the office of Pastor and Teacher of all Christians, by virtue of his supreme Apostolic authority, he defines a doctrine regarding faith or morals to be held by the universal Church, is, by the divine assistance promised to Him in Blessed Peter, possessed of that infallibility with which the divine Redeemer willed that His Church should be endowed in defining doctrine regarding faith or morals; and that therefore such definitions of the Roman Pontiff are of themselves, and not from the consent of the Church, irreformable.[517]

But if any one, which may God avert! presume to contradict this our Definition; let him be anathema.

Given at Rome in Public Session, solemnly held in the Vatican Basilica in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and seventy, on the eighteenth day of July, in the twenty-fifth year of our Pontificate.

In conformity with the original,

JOSEPH, Bishop of St. Polten,

Secretary to the Vatican Council.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 497: Fourth Lateran Council, cap. i. de fide Catholica.]

[Footnote 498: Council of Trent, sess. iv. de Can. Script.]

[Footnote 499: Second Council of Orange, confirmed by Pope Boniface II, A.D. 529, against the Semipelagians, can. vii. See Denzinger's Enchiridion Symbolorum, p. 50. Würzburg, 1854.]

[Footnote 500: From the Bull of Pope Leo X, Apostolici regiminis, read in the viii. session of the Fifth Lateran Council, A.D. 1513. See Labbé's Councils, vol. xix. p. 842. Venice, 1732.]

[Footnote 501: From Sermon IV. chap. ii. of St. Leo the Great, A.D. 440, vol. i. p. 17, of edition of Ballerini, Venice, 1753: read in the eighth lection on the Feast of St. Peter's Chair at Antioch, February 22.]

[Footnote 502: From the Acts (session third) of the Third General Council of Ephesus, A.D. 431. Labbé's Councils, vol. iii. p. 1154. Venice edition of 1728. See also letter of St. Peter Chrysologus to Eutyches, in life prefixed to his works, p. 13. Venice, 1750.]

[Footnote 503: From Sermon III. chap. iii. of St. Leo the Great, vol. i. p. xii.]

[Footnote 504: From St. Irenæus against Heresies, Book III. cap. iii. p. 175, Benedictine edition, Venice, 1734; and Acts of Synod of Aquileia, A.D. 381, Labbé's Councils, vol. ii. p. 1185, Venice, 1728.]

[Footnote 505: From chap. iv. of xxiii. session of Council of Trent, "Of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy."]

[Footnote 506: From the Letters of St. Gregory the Great, Book VIII. 30. vol. ii. p. 919. Benedictine edition. Paris. 1705.]

[Footnote 507: From a Brief of Pius VI. Super soliditate, of November 28, 1786.]

[Footnote 508: From the Acts of the Fourteenth General Council of Lyons, A.D. 1274. Labbé's Councils, vol. xiv. p. 512.]

[Footnote 509: From Letter VIII. of Pope Nicholas I. A.D. 858, to the Emperor Michael, in Labbé's Councils, vol. ix. pp. 1339 and 1570.]

[Footnote 510: From the Formula of St. Hormisdas, subscribed by the Fathers of the Eighth General Council (Fourth of Constantinople) A.D. 869. Labbé's Councils, vol. v. pp. 583, 622.]

[Footnote 511: From the Acts of the Fourteenth General Council (Second of Lyons), A.D. 1274, Labbé, vol. xiv. p. 512.]

[Footnote 512: From the Acts of the Seventeenth General Council of Florence, A.D. 1438. Labbé, vol. xviii. p. 526.]

[Footnote 513: From a Letter of St. Cyril of Alexandria to Pope St. Celestine I. A.D. 422, vol. vi. part ii. p. 36, Paris edition OF 1638.]

[Footnote 514: From a Rescript of St. Innocent I. to the Council of Milevis, A.D. 402. Labbé, vol. iii. p. 47.]

[Footnote 515: From a Letter of St. Bernard to Pope Innocent II, A.D. 1130. Epist. 191, vol. iv. p. 433, Paris edition of 1742.]

[Footnote 516: See also the Acts of the Sixth General Council, A.D. 680. Labbé, vol. vii. 659.]

[Footnote 517: That is, in the words used by Pope Nicholas I. Note 13. and in the Synod of Quedlinburg, A.D. 1085, "it is allowed to none to revise its judgment, and to sit in judgment upon what it has judged." Labbé, vol. xii. p. 679.]

APPENDIX D

THE POPE PERSONALLY PREPARING CHILDREN FOR WAR

The Times of Tuesday, February 29, 1876, has the following--

"The Vatican Voce della Veritá gives an account of a reception by the Pope of foreign families, recent converts to the Church, and mostly English and Americans. The Pope took particular notice of a little boy, six years old, the child of Mr. William Hutchinson, a graduate of Oxford. The child was dressed as a Pontifical Switzer, and offered the military salute. The Pope smilingly took hold of his baton, and said, 'Where is your halberd, Switzer?' To which the child spiritedly said, 'Holy Father, I hope if God gives me health when I grow up to carry your Holiness's banner.' The Pope, stooping down, and imitating the beating of a drum with his hand, said it was necessary to begin by beating the drum, and added, 'God bless you, Switzer, and preserve you to defend the Holy See in His own good time.' He addressed some affectionate words to the parents and all present."

INDEX

Acclamation, Acton on, 83; Plantier on, 204; fears of, at first session, 296; Manning on, 302; De Luca on, 358; again suggested, 480, 481; checked by American bishops, 490.

Acton, Lord, on counsel given by cardinals, 59; on the seventeen questions, 119; view of Antonelli, 231; on the views of the Curia, 232, 233; on secrecy, 365; on how information leaked out, 367.

Antonelli, Cardinal, Newman's notion of as to Syllabus, 123; answers Schwarzenberg, 181; his position towards the Council, 340; reply to Beust, 447; reply to Daru, 448.

Aristocracy, in Papal States; old not to be restored in new theocracy, 353.

Armenians, in Rome, arrests, interdict, and flight from monastery, 516-520.

Arnim, Count, to Bismarck; acts as mediator, 657.

Audu, Patriarch of Babylon, speech of, 377; ordered alone to the Vatican, 377; night scene with the Pope, 461-464.

Austrian bishops refuse to keep the law, 207.

Babylon, Patriarch of, see AUDU.

Baptism, political effects of, 87, 371, 372.

Bell, for Presidents, mystic symbols on, snake assailing bark of St. Peter, 237.

Bellarmine, on bishops opposing Pope, 396.

Beust, Count, Austrian minister, reply to Hohenlohe, 185; despatch to Rome, 445; reply to Antonelli, 447; defines the position of the State, 453.

Bianchi, Procurator-General of the Dominicans, sermon in St. Peter's preceding the Council, 242.

Bishops, relation of, to the Pope, 77; his prefects, 78; bearing discordant testimony to the faith, i., 227; disabilities of, in the Council, 322, 325, 333, 344, 367, 398, 399, 400, 404, 418, 468, 470; memoranda of, on proposed decrees, 534; their oath, 604.

Bismarck, to Arnim on relations of Vatican and Germany, 378.

Blacas, Duke of, the Crusader, his death and exemption from purgatory, 150.

Bull, convoking Council, 143; limiting censures (Apostolicae Sedis), 335; hierarchical, fiscal, and political aspects of this Bull, 336-339; suspending Council, 663.

Campagna, the, 90.

Canon Law, the common law of a country with or without consent of its Parliament, 48; ought to be the law of the State, 209.

Canons, the famous twenty-one published, and consequent alarm, 431 ff.; new and all-important one, first proposed by guile and next forced through, 244.

Cardinals ordered to write secret notes as to the question of a future Council, 2; contents of notes, 57-59.

Catechism, changes in, 463 ff.; vote upon the new, 533.

Cecconi, Archbishop of Florence, subject of his history, 2.

Church and State, subordination of State, 19 ff., 41, 42, 245, 340, 439, 451, 580; ideal of such subordination realized in Papal States, 88.

Church, right of, to inflict pains and penalties, 20, 41, 50, 29; Montalembert on, 155; Lacordaire forced to profess, 162; embodied in the Inquisition, 234; consent of, to dogmas declared unnecessary, 615.

Civilization means the civil system, 15; Christian civilization means Pope over all princes, 41.

Civiltá Cattolica, commencement of, 14; its mission, 15; first manifesto, 15 ff.; on Syllabus, 43; quoted, passim.

Clergy, morals and training of, 168, 412, 423, 424 ff.

Collingridge, Arthur, English Crusader, 140.

Comma, vote upon, 494.

Commissions, six secret ones at work, 180.

Communication of Pope with the faithful, what is meant by, 24, 340, 581.

Concordats, 201.

Council, Vatican, first formal preparations, 2; notes of cardinals upon, 57-59; of selected bishops upon, 65 ff.; preparations for, interrupted by Sadowa, 72; postponed in 1867, 73; publicly intimated, 113; objects and composition of, 483; fears of political effects, 170; manifestoes preparatory to, 171, 192, 196; first session, 271-307; second session, 379; third session, 520; fourth session of, 629; see PROCEDURE, Rules of.

Creed, that of Pius IV. altered the decrees of Trent, 128; a new one read at Vatican Council, 381; old and new together, 382.

Crotti, Count, refuses to take the oaths to Italy, 82.

Crusade of St. Peter, efficiency of Crusaders, 132; religious incitements to, 133; tales of, 138; the Pope in camp, 149; preaching the Crusade, 150; Crusaders exempt from purgatory, 151; Allet's order, 172; France commended for, 588; to subdue the world, 653; Crusaders leave Rome, 660.

Darboy, Archbishop of Paris, reprimand of, 78; discusses whether a Liberal prince may or may not be absolved, 156; refuted at Rome, 156; his forecast of Perils in the Council, 215; speaks, 416; a speech of, in full, 555.

Daru, Count, minister of France, opinions of, 400; threatens to withdraw French garrison, 442; important despatch, 447; reply to Antonelli, 450 ff.; suddenly retires, 460.

Death, good hope in, for Cardinals, 372; less hope for bishops, 373.

Decrees, purport of those of Vatican Council, 491; conclusion to first imposed, 493; Canon in second imposed, 597; text of, Appendix C.

Directing Congregation, secret proceedings of, 165; deprives bishops of right of proposing measures, enforces secrecy, holds fifty meetings, 385.

Direct power and indirect, doctrine of, 449.

Discussion not anticipated by the Curia, 342-350.

Döllinger, his position and reputation, 180; abused by Ultramontanes, 422, 472; his first open manifesto, 425; addresses to, 471; declares that majorities cannot make dogmas, 484.

Dufournel, two brothers, Crusaders, their martyrdom and honours, 186 ff.

Dupanloup, Bishop of Orleans, his manifesto, 215-222; lectured by Deschamps, 222; reply to Deschamps, 427; refused the imprimatur in Rome, 426; personal attacks upon, 457.

Encyclical of December 8, 1864, 5.

Excommunication blasts the soul, according to Pius IX, 32.

Faculties, Quinquennial, 55, 77, 169.

Falcimagne, Abbé, contends that a Liberal prince may not be absolved, 159.

Florence abused by Veuillot, 85.

Free Church in a Free State, origin of the phrase, 33; what Free Church means, 48.

Freemasons denounced, 79.

Friedrich, Professor, replies to Manning, 226; his Tagebuch, 240; his journey, 241, 242; on program, 317; on decrees on faith, 347; on Jesuits, 365; on Roman monks, 394; on morals of the clergy, 412 ff.; his internal conflict, 474; on decree on infallibility, 476; on the inevitable sunbeam, 547.

German bishops, ambiguous manifesto of, at Fulda, 204; dismissed by Nardi, 346, 348; on infallibility, 405.

German language, put out of priests' schools, 194.

German notables (Catholic), meeting of, in Berlin, 205.

Goldoni, the Crusader, his death and exemption from purgatory, 151.

Governments, proper place of, in education, 16; warned by Manning, 225; by Civiltá, 352; their duty as to infallibility, 455.

Gratry, Father, letters of, 422.

Guidi, Cardinal, speech of, 583; excitement caused by, 584; scene with the Pope, 585; votes Placet, 632.

Guillemin, the Crusader, anecdote of, 72; death and posthumous honours, 139-141.

Hefele, Bishop of Rottenburg, gives confused advice, 321; on Pope Honorius, 500; states the dilemma prepared by the Pope for the bishops of the minority, 604.

Hergenröther, among the men whom Schwarzenberg deemed weak, 181; held up in England as an authority. id.; asserts that bishops in Vatican Council had freedom of proposition, 320; his Anti-Janus, 395.

History, official, how written, 592, 593.

Hohenlohe, Cardinal, his dinner parties, 417 ff.

Hohenlohe, Prince, minister of Bavaria, his circular to cabinets, 184.

Italians, excommunicated, 31; abused, 188, 211, 402.

Italy in 1846, 8; again in 1848, 9; in 1854, 28; in 1862, 34; in 1867, 84, 85.

Immaculate Conception, effects of the proclamation upon polity, 3.

Immunity, purport of, 39, 48.

Indulgences, 186.

Infallibility, foreshadowed, 182; address in favour of, 402; counter address, 404; opposed on principle, 405; decision to bring it forward, 477; new doctrine in many sees, 505; danger of, to States, hinted by bishops, 508; to be brought on out of order, 529; responsibility for, disowned by many bishops, 530.

Inquisitor, a canonised, 73, 171.

Instruction, freedom of, illustrated, 16 ff.

Isabella, Queen of Spain, promises to Pope armed aid, 173; receives the golden rose, 177.

Janus, 182, 197.

Jesuits, morals of, 415.

Jong, Peter, the Crusader, his martyrdom, 150.

Kenrick, Archbishop of St. Louis, on the committees, 334; speaks, 360; shows how the conclusion to the first decree was passed, 493; on infallibility, 536; questions catholicity of the Council, 538; refutes Cullen, 549; on why British government conceded Catholic emancipation, 566; on oaths and declarations, 569; describes first teaching of infallibility in Maynooth, 554.

Ketteler, Bishop of Mainz, his table talk, 420.

Kings, subordinate to ecclesiastical authority, 20, 21, 23, 39, 41, 42, 46, 48, 136, 191.

Kings, subordinate to ecclesiastical authority, 20, 21, 23, 39, 41, 42, 46, 48, 136, 191; not to be tolerated after Council, if they do not rightly govern, 268, 439; two in every Catholic country, 48, 133, 191; not to be convoked to the Council, 135, 183.

Kleutgen, the Jesuit, story of, 482.

Lay States deprecated, 88.

Ledochowski made Primate of Poland and representative of King of Poland, 483.

Liberal Catholics, first used and then cast off, 154; policy of, 74; denounced, 46, 47, 194, 210, 322; condemned under the head of naturalism, 47.

Liberalism condemned, 43, 46, 47, 189, 590.

Liberty of the Press condemned, 30, 86, 158.

Liberty, religious, the Ultramontane view of, 25; is a plague, 30, 160.

Liverani, Prelate and Protonotary of the Holy See, on Papal States, 9; on morals of the Court, 108; and of the City, 109.

Majority, as a rule of faith new, 469.

Manning, Cardinal, his account of the confirmation of the Syllabus, 108; on the consequences to civil authorities, 121, 122; his manifesto, 222; he finds the Papal Church not narrow enough, 223; replied to by Friedrich, 226; Vitelleschi on, 302, 308, 403; his testimony to the decorum and freedom of the Council, 495; his speech on infallibility, 564; confuted by Kenrick, id.; on deputation to Pope to harden his heart, 613; present from his fellow labourers the Jesuits, 641.

Maret, Bishop of Sora, his work, 198; reviewed by Schulte, 200.

Margotti, Don, editor of Unitá Cattolica, on Ollivier, 400.

Marriage, a source of revenues and power, 55.

Menzel, Professor, forecasts of doctrinal change, 173.

Menzel, Wolfgang, cited in two or three places.

Michaud, Abbé, takes part in the debate on the lawfulness of absolving a Liberal prince, 158; on changes of catechism, 464.

Military spectacle for bishops, 316.

Milton on Romish ceremonies, 304.

Minority, annoyances of, 458; proposal that they should quit the Council after guile practised on July 5th, 599; flight of, 389; represented more Catholics than majority, 620.

Montalembert, on the reaction of 1852 and years following, 22, 74; opposes Italy, 32; on new Ultramontanism, 74; his posthumous work, 153; traces ruin of Spain to absolutism and the Inquisition, 178; his strong opposition to infallibility, 192; his dying manifesto, 484; Pope forbids a high mass for him, 487.

Moreno Garcia, President of Ecuador, a model ruler, 236.

Mortal sin, a new one, 399.

Munich, replies of Faculties of Theology and Law to the questions of the king, 180.

Napoleon III, policy of, 233.

Nationalism a fault, 77.

Naturalism a heresy which includes two degrees of Liberal Catholicism, 47, 87.

Natural order and supernatural order, illustration of the terms, 58, 59.

Newman, Dr., on the Syllabus, 123 ff.; declines invitation to Rome, 135; his alarm at the prospect of the new dogma, 510; rallied and exorcised by the Civiltá, 514; retort of Veuillot upon, 515.

O'Connell on the doctrine of Papists properly so called, 122.

Ollivier, Emile, Prime Minister of France, policy of, 233, 234; his proper course prescribed by Veuillot, 393; changes the policy inaugurated by Daru, 460.

Opposition, the existence of, denied, 314; its existence confessed, 315; efforts to disorganize, 334; found so grave that it must be put down, 409.

Orientals invited to Council, 144; their response, 145-148.

Papacy a universal monarchy, and over all princes, 37, 39, 41, 42, 119, 145, 192, 451, 452; crimes of, against Italy, 662.

Papal States, the model state for the whole world, 87, 189, 589 ff.; no wrong act can be done in them by authority, 88; plains of, 91; dwellings of, 91; people of, 92; villages of, 93; implements, cattle, and towns, 93-100; classes, 101-103; moral character of capital, 106.

Parliamentary government decried, 188, 191, 210, 266, 401, 454.

Parliament, English and Irish members of, are to have obligations imposed, 689.

Perfect Society, the Church a, 39.

Petitions and protests of bishops of the minority, 317, 367, 369, 407, 408, 468, 504.

Pius IX., his States disturbed, 9; witnesses general commotions, 9; calls for armed aid, 10; undertakes to reconstruct society, 11, 37, 38; his first dogma, 31; his jubilee of priesthood, 190; his sayings previous to the Council, 231, 232; his liberality, 239; speech against the Opposition, 391; refuses to receive address of 130 bishops, 406; writes against bishops, 429; excites their clergy against them, 458; his chat, 472; self-importance, 476; further letters, 481; forbids a High Mass for Montalembert, 487; gives no access to the minority, 530; approves of Saldanha for rebelling against his king, 564; severity to bishops as to health, 576; his tergiversation, 612; offers to mediate between France and Prussia, 650; how he likes to be addressed, 651; appeals to King William for help, 656; hoists white flag, 659; foretells his restoration, 699; re-opens the Roman question, 706.

Placet, royal, Tarquini's doctrine of, 24 ff.

Plantier, Bishop of Nimea; favours an acclamation and dogmatising of the Assumption of the Virgin, 204.

Politics included in morals, 17.

Pope, sitting as supreme judge of princes and of laws, 38, 41, 203, 298; the Word of God, 238; Abraham, Moses, and Christ, 266; Cæsar, 389, 644; head of statesmen, 456; intercessor between God and the world, 582; continues the work of Christ on earth, 591; head of both spiritual and temporal power, 41, 42; head of the human species, 86; fountain of water of life, 651; has the authority of God, 651.

Press, is Satan, 315; correspondents of, lampooned, 352; contradictions of, 355.

Priests, disfranchised, 184.

Procedure, Method of, in the Vatican Council, 344, 362, 363, 398, 467, 596, 605, 615, 629.

Pro-synodal congregations, 249.

Protestantism not a negation, 602.

Protestants, letters of invitation to, 149.

Pusey, Dr., valued as an ally by continental priests, 218, 430.

Quatrebarbes, Bernard, the Crusader, 622.

Quélen, Count, the Crusader, 139.

Rauscher, Cardinal, opens discussion, 359; laughed at by the majority, 533; his argument on infallibility, 534-536, 582.

Reconstruction of Society, 37, 249.

Reform of Church in Head and Members, 171.

Regulars, uses of, to Papacy, 77, 78.

Reisach, Cardinal, head of commission, for ecclesiastico-political affairs, 131; his proposed code, 132; appointed President of Council, 250; death, 348.

Renan, his view of intolerance as essential to the Church approved at Rome, as against that of the Liberal Catholics, 153, 159, 163.

Rome, changes in, 84; street lighting a ceremony, 84; midday in, 84; as seen by Veuillot, 85; city of the saints, 106; moral condition of, 107; is modern to Orientals, 149; is the city of three devotions, 494.

Rosary, its military virtues, 243; it destroyed the Albigenses, 243.

Saints, new, 117.

Segesser, his plan of reform, 331.

Senestrey, Bishop of Regensburg, speech of, at Schwandorf, 188; tales of, 420; Manning's comrade on the deputation to harden the Pope's heart, 614.

Schoolmen, their methods for all time, 44.

Schrader, Father, the Jesuit, his propositions, 713.

Schwarzenberg complains of the theologians selected, 181; his reception of Sepp, 205; interrupted while speaking, 496; on infallibility, 547.

Sibour, Archbishop of Paris, on new Ultramontanism, 74.

Society, the Pope the saviour of, 145, 190, 456, 647.

Soglia, his doctrine according to Newman, 126; his real doctrine, 129.

State, subordinate to Church, 40, 41, 42, 46, 88, 340, 439, 451.

Stimmen aus Maria Laach on religious liberty, 193.

Strossmayer, attempts to speak on the Rules, 333; called to order, 362; extract of speech, 363; on the official reports, 364.

Stumpf on religious liberty and on the freedom of the lawgiver from the command of the priest, 210-213.

Subjects more the subjects of the Pope than of their own sovereign, 191.

Sunbeams, doctrinal value of, 3, 264.

Sword, doctrine of, 244; see also CRUSADE OF ST. PETER.

Syllabus, issue of, 8; contents of 43 ff.; summary of its effects, 51; confirmed by Pope, 110; accepted by collective episcopate, 114; Manning's account of its confirmation, 121; cited by Civiltá, 101; not the work of the Pope according to Dr. Newman, 124.

Table-talk, during the Council, 417.

Taigi, Anna Maria, the new guardian of the Capitol, 247.

Tarquini, Cardinal, a Jesuit, when a Professor hailed by Pius IX., 22; his doctrine of king and Pope, 23 ff; his doctrine of the sword, 244 ff.

Temporal power of Pope necessary to his spiritual office, 35, 115.

Theiner, Augustine, Prefect of the Vatican Archives, forbidden to show documents to bishops or theologians, 377; his unsuccessful attempt to see Lord Guildford's MSS., id.; his dismissal, 340.

Theocracy, contrast between the Mosaic and the Papal, 21.

Theologians, excluded from Vatican Council, 311; forbidden to meet or consult together, 313; attainments of Roman, 344.

Third party, attempt to form, 459.

Toleration, when to be allowed, 31.

Tribunals, the internal, external, and supreme, 38, 544, 675.

Ultramontanism, difference between old and new, 74, 75.

Unitá Cattolica, abuse of Italy, 188.

Unity, Romish notion of, 189.

Veuillot, Louis, editor of Univers, a layman, on the grand results to be expected, 85, 86; on the press, 86; wants bishops for Prefects of Provinces, 267; sees in the future only 'the Pope and the People,' 268; would not have ancient aristocracy restored, 352, 353; abuses correspondents of papers, 353; lays down a policy for France, 393; gives glory to M. Ollivier, 460; his true account of the scene between the Pope and the Patriarch of Babylon, 462; watches the minority, 625.

Vicar of Christ, the office described, 591.

Virgin, the letter of, on infallibility, 547.

Vitelleschi, origin of his book, 356; attacked in vain by the Civiltá, 356; his view of the practical scope of infallibility, 509.

War, anticipations or threats of, 82, 208, 210, 341, 349, 389, 445, 454, 500, 539, 610, 669.

Watts-Russell, the Crusader, 588.

Youth, Catholic, manifestoes of, 354, 441.

Butler and Tanner, The Selwood Printing Works, Frome, and London

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