X. FOOD OF THE NAHUA NATIONS
ORIGIN OF AGRICULTURE--FLOATING GARDENS--AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS--MANNER OF PREPARING THE SOIL--DESCRIPTION OF AGRICULTURAL IMPLEMENTS--IRRIGATION--GRANARIES--GARDENS--THE HARVEST FEAST--MANNER OF HUNTING--FISHING--METHODS OF PROCURING SALT--NAHUA COOKERY--VARIOUS KINDS OF BREAD--BEANS--PEPPER--FRUIT--TAMALES--MISCELLANEOUS ARTICLES OF FOOD--EATING OF HUMAN FLESH--MANUFACTURE OF PULQUE--PREPARATION OF CHOCOLATL--OTHER BEVERAGES--INTOXICATING DRINKS--DRUNKENNESS--TIME AND MANNER OF TAKING MEALS.
[Sidenote: AGRICULTURE AND CIVILIZATION.]
Hunting, fishing, and agriculture furnished the Nahua nations with means of subsistence, besides which they had, in common with their uncivilized brethren of the sierras and forests, the uncultivated edible products of the soil. Among the coast nations, the dwellers on the banks of large streams, and the inhabitants of the lake regions of Anáhuac and Michoacan, fish constituted an important article of food. But agriculture, here as elsewhere, distinguished savagism from civilization, and of the lands of the so-called civilized nations few fertile tracts were found uncultivated at the coming of the Spaniards. Cultivation of the soil was doubtless the first tangible step in the progressive development of these nations, and this is indicated in their traditionary annals, which point, more or less vaguely, to a remote period when the Quinames, or giants, occupied the land as yet untilled; which means that the inhabitants were savages, whose progress had not yet exhibited any change sufficiently marked to leave its imprint on tradition. At a time still more remote, however, the invention of bows and arrows is traditionally referred to.[342]
The gradual discovery and introduction of agricultural arts according to the laws of development, were of course unintelligible to the aboriginal mind; consequently their traditions tell us wondrous tales of divine intervention and instruction. Nevertheless, the introduction of agriculture was doubtless of very ancient date. The Olmecs and Xicalancas, traditionally the oldest civilized peoples in Mexico, were farmers back to the limit of traditional history, as were the lineal ancestors of all the nations which form the subject of this volume. Indeed, as the Nahua nations were living when the Spaniards found them, so had they probably been living for at least ten centuries, and not improbably for a much longer period.
It was, however, according to tradition, during the Toltec period of Nahua culture that husbandry and all the arts pertaining to the production and preparation of food, were brought to the highest degree of perfection. Many traditions even attribute to the Toltecs the invention or first introduction of agriculture.[343]
But even during this Toltec period hunting tribes, both of Nahua and other blood, were pursuing their game in the forests and mountains, especially in the northern region. Despised by their more civilized, corn-eating brethren, they were known as barbarians, dogs, Chichimecs, 'suckers of blood,' from the custom attributed to them of drinking blood and eating raw flesh. Many tribes, indeed, although very far from being savages, were known to the aristocratic Toltecs as Chichimecs, by reason of some real or imaginary inferiority. By the revolutions of the tenth century, some of these Chichimec nations, probably of the Nahua blood and tillers of the soil, although at the same time bold hunters and valiant warriors, gained the ascendancy in Anáhuac. Hence the absurd versions of native traditions which represent the Valley of Mexico as occupied during the Chichimec period by a people who, until taught better by the Acolhuas, lived in caverns and subsisted on wild fruits and raw meat, while at the same time they were ruled by emperors, and possessed a most complicated and advanced system of government and laws. Their barbarism probably consisted for the most part in resisting for a time the enervating influences of Toltec luxury, especially in the pleasures of the table.[344]
[Sidenote: CHINAMPAS, OR FLOATING GARDENS.]
The Aztecs were traditionally corn-eaters from the first, but while shut up for long years on an island in the lake, they had little opportunity for agricultural pursuits. During this period of their history, the fish, birds, insects, plants, and mud of the lake supplied them with food, until floating gardens were invented and subsequent conquests on the main land afforded them broad fields for tillage. As a rule no details are preserved concerning the pre-Aztec peoples; where such details are known they will be introduced in their proper place as illustrative of later Nahua food-customs.
The chinampas, or floating gardens, cultivated by the Aztecs on the surface of the lakes in Anáhuac, were a most extraordinary source of food. Driven in the days of their national weakness to the lake islands, too small for the tillage which on the main had supported them, these ingenious people devised the chinampa. They observed small portions of the shore, detached by the high water and held together by fibrous roots, floating about on the surface of the water. Acting on the suggestion, they constructed rafts of light wood, covered with smaller sticks, rushes, and reeds, bound together with fibrous aquatic plants, and on this foundation they heaped two or three feet of black mud from the bottom of the lake. Thus the broad surface around their island home was dotted with fertile gardens, self-irrigating and independent of rains, easily moved from place to place according to the fancy of the proprietor. They usually took the form of parallelograms and were often over a hundred feet long. All the agricultural products of the country, particularly maize, chile, and beans were soon produced in abundance on the chinampas, while the larger ones even bore fruit and shade trees of considerable size, and a hut for the convenience of the owner, or gardener. The floating gardens have remained in use down to modern times, but since the waters of the lakes receded so much from their former limits, they have been generally attached to the shore, being separated by narrow canals navigated by the canoes which bear their produce to the markets. In later times, however, only flowers and garden vegetables have been raised in this manner.[345]
On the mainland throughout the Nahua territory few fertile spots were left uncultivated. The land was densely populated, and agriculture was an honorable profession in which all, except the king, the nobility, and soldiers in time of actual war, were more or less engaged.[346]
[Sidenote: ABORIGINAL AGRICULTURE.]
Agricultural products in the shape of food were not a prominent feature among articles of export and import, excepting, of course, luxuries for the tables of the kings and nobles. Each province, as a rule, raised only sufficient supplies for its own ordinary necessities; consequently, when by reason of drought or other cause, a famine desolated one province, it was with the greatest difficulty that food could be obtained from abroad. The Mexicans were an improvident people, and want was no stranger to them.[347]
The chief products of Nahua tillage were maize, beans, magueyes, cacao, chian, chile, and various native fruits.[348] The maize, or Indian corn, the dried ears of which were called by the Aztecs centli, and the dried kernels separated from the cob, tlaolli,[349] was the standard and universal Nahua food. Indigenous to America, in the development of whose civilization, traditionally at least, it played an important part, it has since been introduced to the world. It is the subject of the New World traditions respecting the introduction of agriculture among men. Tortillas, of maize, accompanied by the inevitable frijoles, or beans, seasoned with chile, or pepper, and washed down with drinks prepared from the maguey and cacao, were then, as now, the all-sustaining diet, and we are told that corn grew so strong and high in the fields that covered the surface of the country in some parts, as to seriously embarrass the conqueror Cortés in his movements against the natives hidden in these natural labyrinths.[350]
[Sidenote: CORNFIELDS AND GRANARIES.]
Respecting the particular methods of cultivation practiced by the Nahuas, except in the raising of corn, early observers have left no definite information.[351] The valleys were of course the favorite localities for cornfields, but the highlands were also cultivated. In the latter case the trees and bushes were cut down, the land burned over, and the seed put in among the ashes. Such lands were allowed to rest several years--Torquemada says five or six--after each crop, until the surface was covered with grass and bushes for a new burning. No other fertilizer than ashes, so far as known, was ever employed. Fields were enclosed by stone walls and hedges of maguey, which were carefully repaired each year in the month of Panquetzaliztli. They had no laboring animals, and their farming implements were exceedingly few and rude. Three of these only are mentioned. The huictli was a kind of oaken shovel or spade, in handling which both hands and feet were used. The coatl, or coa (serpent), so called probably from its shape, was a copper implement with a wooden handle, used somewhat as a hoe is used by modern farmers in breaking the surface of the soil. Another copper instrument, shaped like a sickle, with a wooden handle, was used for pruning fruit-trees. A simple sharp stick, the point of which was hardened in the fire, or more rarely tipped with copper, was the implement in most common use. To plant corn, the farmer dropped a few kernels into a hole made with this stick, and covered them with his foot, taking the greatest pains to make the rows perfectly straight and parallel; the intervals between the hills were always uniform, though the space was regulated according to the nature and fertility of the soil. The field was kept carefully weeded, and at a certain age the stalks were supported by heaping up the soil round them. At maturity the stalks were often broken two thirds up, that the husks might protect the hanging ear from rain. During the growth and ripening of the maize, a watchman or boy was kept constantly on guard in a sheltered station commanding the field, whose duty it was to drive away, with stones and shouts, the flocks of feathered robbers which abounded in the country. Women and children aided the men in the lighter farm labors, such as dropping the seeds, weeding the plants, and husking and cleaning the grain. To irrigate the fields the water of rivers and of mountain streams was utilized by means of canals, dams, and ditches. The network of canals by which the cacao plantations of the tierra caliente in Tabasco were watered, offered to Cortés' army even more serious obstructions than the dense growth of the maizales, or cornfields.
Granaries for storing maize were built of oyametl, or oxametl, a tree whose long branches were regular, tough, and flexible. The sticks were laid in log-house fashion, one above another, and close together, so as to form a tight square room, which was covered with a water-tight roof, and had only two openings or windows, one at the top and another at the bottom. Many of these granaries had a capacity of several thousand bushels, and in them corn was preserved for several, or, as Brasseur says, for fifteen or twenty, years. Besides the regular and extensive plantations of staple products, gardens were common, tastefully laid out and devoted to the cultivation of fruits, vegetables, medicinal herbs, and particularly flowers, of which the Mexicans were very fond, and which were in demand for temple decorations and bouquets. The gardens connected with the palaces of kings and nobles, particularly those of Tezcuco, Iztapalapan, and Huaxtepec, excited great wonder and admiration in the minds of the first European visitors, but these have been already mentioned in a preceding chapter.[352]
We shall find the planting and growth of maize not without influence in the development of the Nahua calendars, and that it was closely connected with the worship of the gods and with religious ideas and ceremonies. Father Burgoa relates that in Oajaca, the cultivation of this grain, the people's chief support, was attended by some peculiar ceremonies. At harvest-time the priests of the maize god in Quegolani, ceremonially visited the cornfields followed by a procession of the people, and sought diligently the fairest and best-filled ear. This they bore to the village, placed it on an altar decked for the occasion with flowers and precious chalchiuites, sang and danced before it, and wrapped it with care in a white cotton cloth, in which it was preserved until the next seed-time. Then with renewed processions and solemn rites the magic ear with its white covering was wrapped in a deer-skin and buried in the midst of the cornfields in a small hole lined with stones. When another harvest came, if it were a fruitful one, the precious offering to the earth was dug up and its decayed remains distributed in small parcels to the happy populace as talismans against all kinds of evil.[353]
[Sidenote: THE CHASE IN ANÁHUAC.]
The game most abundant was deer, hare, rabbits, wild hogs, wolves, foxes, jaguars, or tigers, Mexican lions, coyotes, pigeons, partridges, quails, and many aquatic birds. The usual weapon was the bow and arrow, to the invention of which tradition ascribes the origin of the chase; but spears, snares, and nets were also employed, and the sarbacan, a tube through which pellets or darts were blown, was an effective bird-killer. Game in the royal forests was protected by law, and many hunters were employed in taking animals and birds alive for the king's collections. Among the peculiar devices employed for taking water-birds was that already mentioned in connection with the Wild Tribes; the hunter floating in the water, with only his head, covered with a gourd, above the surface, and thus approaching his prey unsuspected. Young monkeys were caught by putting in a concealed fire a peculiar black stone which exploded when heated. Corn was scattered about as a bait, and when the old monkeys brought their young to feed they were frightened by the explosion and ran away, leaving the young ones an easy prey. The native hunters are represented as particularly skillful in following an indistinct trail. According to Sahagun, a superstition prevailed that only four arrows might be shot at a tiger, but to secure success a leaf was attached to one of the arrows, which, making a peculiar whizzing sound, fell short and attracted the beast's attention while the hunter took deliberate aim. Crocodiles were taken with a noose round the neck and also, by the boldest hunters, by inserting a stick sharpened and barbed at both ends in the animal's open mouth. It is probable that, while a small portion of the common people in certain parts of the country sought game for food alone, the chase among the Nahuas was for the most part a diversion of the nobles and soldiers. There were also certain hunts established by law or custom at certain periods of the year, the products of which were devoted to sacrificial purposes, although most likely eaten eventually.
In the month Quecholli a day's hunt was celebrated by the warriors in honor of Mixcoatl. A large forest--that of Zacatepec, near Mexico, being a favorite resort--was surrounded by a line of hunters many miles in extent. In the centre of the forest various snares and traps were set. When all was ready, the living circle began to contract, and the hunters with shouts pressed forward toward the centre. To aid in the work, the grass was sometimes fired. The various animals were driven from their retreats into the snares prepared for them, or fell victims to the huntsmen's arrows. Immense quantities of game were thus secured and borne to the city and to the neighboring towns, the inhabitants of which had assisted in the hunt, as an offering to the god. Each hunter carried to his own home the heads of such animals as he had killed, and a prize was awarded to the most successful. In the month Tecuilhuitontli also, while the warriors practiced in sham fights for actual war, the common people gave their attention to the chase. Large numbers of birds were taken in nets spread on poles like spear-shafts. In earlier times, when the chase was more depended on for food, the first game taken was offered to the gods; or, by the Chichimecs and Xochimilcas, to the sun, as Ixtlilxochitl informs us.[354]
[Sidenote: FISHERIES AND SALT.]
Fish was much more universally used for food than game. Torquemada tells us that the Aztecs first invented the art of fishing prompted by the mother of invention when forced by their enemies to live on the lake islands; and it was the smell of roasted fish, wafted to the shore, that revealed their presence. This tradition is somewhat absurd, and it is difficult to believe that the art was entirely unknown during the preceding Toltec and Olmec periods of Nahua civilization. Besides the supply in lake and river, artificial ponds in the royal gardens were also stocked with fish, and we have seen that fresh fish from the ocean were brought to Mexico for the king's table. Respecting the particular methods employed by the Nahua fishermen, save that they used both nets and hooks, the authorities say nothing. The Tarascos had such an abundance of food in their lakes that their country was named Michoacan, 'land of fish'; and the rivers of Huastecapan are also mentioned as richly stocked with finny food.[355]
The Nahuas had, as I have said, no herds or flocks, but besides the royal collections of animals, which included nearly every known variety of quadrupeds, birds, and reptiles, the common people kept and bred techichi (a native animal resembling a dog), turkeys, quails, geese, ducks, and many other birds. The nobles also kept deer, hares, and rabbits.[356]
Next to chile, salt, or iztatl, was the condiment most used, and most of the supply came from the Valley of Mexico. The best was made by boiling the water from the salt lake in large pots, and was preserved in white cakes or balls. It was oftener, however, led by trenches into shallow pools and evaporated by the sun. The work would seem to have been done by women, since Sahagun speaks of the women and girls employed in this industry as dancing at the feast in honor of the goddess of salt in the month Tecuilhuitontli. A poor quality of salt, tequizquitl, brick-colored and strongly impregnated with saltpetre, was scraped up on the flats around the lakes, and largely used in salting meats. Las Casas mentions salt springs in the bed of fresh-water streams, the water of which was pumped out through hollow canes, and yielded on evaporation a fine white salt; but it is not certain what part of the country he refers to. The Aztec kings practically monopolized the salt market and refused to sell it to any except tributary nations. In consequence of this disposition, republican Tlascala, one of the few nations that maintained its independence, was forced for many years to eat its food unsalted; and so habituated did the people become to this diet, that in later times, if we may credit Camargo, very little salt was consumed.[357]
[Sidenote: THE NAHUA CUISINE.]
We now come to the methods adopted by the Nahuas in preparing and cooking food. Maize, when in the milk, was eaten boiled, and called elotl; when dry it was often prepared for food by simply parching or roasting, and then named mumuehitl. But it usually came to the Aztec table in the shape of tlaxcalli, the Spanish tortillas, the standard bread, then as now, in all Spanish America. It would be difficult to name a book in any way treating of Mexico in which tortillas are not fully described. The aborigines boiled the corn in water, to which lime, or sometimes nitre, was added. When sufficiently soft and free from hulls it was crushed on the metlatl, or metate, with a stone roller, and the dough, after being kneaded also on the metate, was formed by the hands of the women into very thin round cakes which were quickly baked on earthen pans, or comalli, and piled up one on another that they might retain their warmth, for when cold they lost their savor. Peter Martyr speaks of these tortillas as "bread made of Maizium." They were sometimes, but rarely, flavored with different native plants and flowers. There was, however, some variety in their preparation, according to which they bore different names. For example totanquitlaxcallitlaquelpacholli were very white, being folded and covered with napkins; huietlaxcalli were large, thin, and soft; quauhtlaqualli were thick and rough; tlaxcalpacholli, grayish; and tlacepoallitlaxcalli presented a blistered surface. There were many other kinds. In addition to the tlaxcalli, thicker corn-bread in the form of long cakes and balls were made. Atolli varied in consistency from porridge, or gruel, to mush, and may consequently be classed either as a drink or as food. To make it, the hulled corn was mashed, mixed with water, and boiled down to the required consistency; it was variously sweetened and seasoned, and eaten both hot and cold. According to its condition and seasoning it received about seventeen names; thus totonquiatolli was eaten hot, nequatolli was sweetened with honey, chilnequatolli was seasoned with chile, and quauhnexatolli with saltpetre.
Beans, the etl of the Aztecs, the frijoles of the Spaniards, were while yet green boiled in the pod, and were then called exotl; when dry they were also generally boiled; but Ixtlilxochitl mentions flour made from beans.
Chilli, chile, or pepper, was eaten both green and dry, whole and ground. A sauce was also made from it into which hot tortillas were dipped, and which formed a part of the seasoning in nearly every Nahua dish. "It is the principal sauce and the only spice of the Indias," as Acosta tells us.
Flesh, fowl, and fish, both fresh and salted, were stewed, boiled, and roasted, with the fat of the techichi, and seasoned with chile, tomatl (since called tomatoes), etc. The larger roasted game preserved for eating from the sacrifices in the month of Itzcalli is termed calpuleque by Sahagun. Pipian was a stew of fowl with chile, tomatoes, and ground pumpkin-seeds. Deer and rabbits were barbecued. Peter Martyr speaks of "rost and sodden meates of foule."
Fruits, for the most part, were eaten as with us, raw, but some, as the plantain and banana, were roasted and stewed.
So much for the plain Nahua cookery. Into the labyrinthine mysteries of the mixed dishes I shall not penetrate far. It is easier for the writer, and not less satisfactory to the reader, to dismiss the subject with the remark that all the articles of food that have been mentioned, fish, flesh, and fowl, were mixed and cooked in every conceivable proportion, the product taking a different name with each change in the ingredients. The two principal classes of these mixed dishes were the pot-stews, or cazuelas, of various meats with multitudinous seasonings; and the tamalli, or tamales, meat pies, to make which meats were boiled, chopped fine, and seasoned, then mixed with maize-dough, coated with the same, wrapped in a corn-husk, and boiled again. These also took different names according to the ingredients and seasoning. The tamale is still a favorite dish, like tortillas and frijoles.
Miscellaneous articles of food, not already spoken of, were axayacatl, flies of the Mexican lakes, dried, ground, boiled, and eaten in the form of cakes; ahuauhtli, the eggs of the same fly, a kind of native caviar; many kinds of insects, ants, maguey-worms, and even lice; tecuitlatl, 'excrement of stone,' a slime that was gathered on the surface of the lakes, and dried till it resembled cheese; eggs of turkeys, iguanas, and turtles, roasted, boiled, and in omelettes; various reptiles, frogs, and frog-spawn; shrimps, sardines, and crabs; corn-silk, wild-amaranth seeds, cherry-stones, tule-roots, and very many other articles inexpressible; yucca flour, potoyucca, tunas; honey from maize, from bees, and from the maguey; and roasted portions of the maguey stalks and leaves.
The women did all the work in preparing and cooking food; in Tlascala, however, the men felt that an apology was due for allowing this work to be done by women, and claimed, as Sahagun says, that the smoke of cooking would impair their eye-sight and make them less successful in the hunt. All these articles of food, both cooked and uncooked, were offered for sale in the market-places of each large town, of which I shall speak further when I come to treat of commerce. Eating-houses were also generally found near the markets, where all the substantials and delicacies of the Nahua cuisine might be obtained.[358]
[Sidenote: EATING OF HUMAN FLESH.]
One article of Nahua food demands special mention--human flesh. That they ate the arms and legs of the victims sacrificed to their gods, there is no room for doubt. This religious cannibalism--perhaps human sacrifice itself--was probably not practiced before the cruel-minded Aztec devotees of Huitzilopochtli came into power, or at least was of rare occurrence; but during the Aztec dominion, the custom of eating the flesh of sacrificed enemies became almost universal. That cannibalism, as a source of food, unconnected with religious rites, was ever practiced, there is little evidence. The Anonymous Conqueror tells us that they esteemed the flesh of men above all other food, and risked their lives in battle solely to obtain it. Bernal Diaz says that they sold it at retail in the markets; and Veytia also states that this was true of the Otomís. Father Gand assures us that there were many priests that ate and drank nothing but the flesh and blood of children. But these ogreish tales are probably exaggerations, since those who knew most of the natives, Sahagun, Motolinia, and Las Casas, regard the cannibalism of the Nahuas rather as an abhorrent feature of their religion than as the result of an unnatural appetite. That by long usage they became fond of this food, may well be believed; but that their prejudice was strong against eating the flesh of any but their sacrificed foes, is proven, as Gomara says, by the fact that multitudes died of starvation during the siege of Mexico by Cortés. Even the victims of sacrifice seem only to have been eaten in banquets, more or less public, accompanied with ceremonial rites. A number of infants sacrificed to the Tlalocs were eaten each year, and the blood of these and of other victims was employed in mixing certain cakes, some of which were at one time sent as a propitiatory offering to Cortés.[359]
[Sidenote: DRINKS AND DRUNKENNESS.]
The most popular Nahua beverages were those since known as pulque and chocolate. The former, called by the natives octli--pulque, or pulcre, being a South American aboriginal term applied to the liquor in some unaccountable way by the Spaniards--was the fermented juice of the maguey. One plant is said to yield about one hundred pounds in a month. A cavity is cut at the base of the larger leaves, and allowed to fill with juice, which is removed to a vessel of earthen ware or of skin, where it ferments rapidly and is ready for use. In a pure state it is of a light color, wholesome, and somewhat less intoxicating than grape wine; but the aborigines mixed with it various herbs, some to merely change its color or flavor, and others to increase its intoxicating properties. This national drink was honored with a special divinity, Ometochtli, one of the numerous Nahua gods of wine. According to some traditions the Quinames, or giants, knew how to prepare it, but its invention is oftener attributed to the Toltecs, its first recorded use having been to aid in the seduction of a mighty monarch from his royal duties.[360]
Chocolatl--the foundation of our chocolate--was made by pounding cacao to a powder, adding an equal quantity of a seed called pochotl, also powdered, and stirring or beating the mixture briskly in a dish of water. The oily foam which rose to the surface was then separated, a small quantity of maize flour was added, and the liquid which was set before the fire. The oily portion was finally restored and the beverage was drunk lukewarm, sweetened with honey and often seasoned with vanilla. This drink was nutritious, refreshing, and cooling, and was especially a favorite with those called upon to perform fatiguing labor with scant food.[361]
Miscellaneous drinks were water, plantain-juice, the various kinds of porridge known as atolli, already mentioned, the juice of maize-stalks, those prepared from chian and other seeds by boiling, and fermented water in which corn had been boiled--a favorite Tarasco drink. Among the ingredients used to make their drinks more intoxicating the most powerful was the teonanacatl, 'flesh of god,' a kind of mushroom which excited the passions and caused the partaker to see snakes and divers other visions.[362]
The Aztec laws against drunkenness were very severe, yet nearly all the authors represent the people as delighting in all manner of intoxication, and as giving way on every opportunity to the vice when the power of their rulers over them was destroyed by the coming of the Spaniards. Drinking to excess seems to have been with them a social vice, confined mostly to public feasts and private banquets. It may have been chiefly against intemperance among the working classes, and officials when on duty, that the stringent laws were directed. Mendieta speaks of the people as very temperate, using pulque only under the direction of the chiefs and judges for medicinal purposes chiefly. The nobles made it a point of honor not to drink to excess, and all feared punishment. But Motolinia and other good authorities take an opposite view of the native character in this respect.[363]
[Sidenote: MEALS OF THE COMMON PEOPLE.]
Concerning the manner of serving the king's meals, as well as the banquets and feasts of nobles and the richer classes, enough has been already said. Of the daily meals among the masses little is known. The Nahuas seem to have confined their indulgence in rich and varied viands to the oft-recurring feasts, while at their homes they were content with plain fare. This is a peculiarity that is still observable in the country, both among the descendants of the Nahuas and of their conquerors. The poorer people had in each house a metate for grinding maize, and a few earthen dishes for cooking tortillas and frijoles. They ate three meals a day, morning, noon, and night, using the ground for table, table-cloth, napkins, and chairs, conveying their tlaxcalli and chile to the mouth with the fingers, and washing down their simple food with water or atole. The richer Nahuas were served with a greater variety on palm-mats often richly decorated, around which low seats were placed for their convenience; napkins were also furnished.[364]
FOOTNOTES:
[342] 'Dicen que en aquellos principios del mundo se mantenian los hombres solamente con frutas y yerbas, hasta que uno á quien llaman Tlaominqui, que quiere decir, el que mató con flecha halló la invencion del arco y la flecha, y que desde entónces comenzaron á ejercitarse en la caza y mantenerse de carnes de los animales que mataban en ella.' Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. 10. The giants lived 'mas como brutos que como racionales: su alimento eran las carnes crudas de las aves y fieras que cazavan sin distincion alguna, las frutas y yerbas silvestres porque nada cultivaban;' yet they knew how to make pulque to get drunk with. Id., p. 151.Return to passage
[343] The Olmecs raised at least maize, chile, and beans before the time of the Toltecs. Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. 154. The Toltec 'comida era el mismo mantenimiento que ahora se usa del maíz que sembraban y beneficiaban así el blanco como el de mas colores.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 112. To the Toltec agriculture 'debitrici si riconobbero le posteriori Nazioni del frumentone, del cotone, del peverone, e d'altri utilissimi frutti.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 127. The Toltecs 'truxeron mays, algodon, y demas semillas.' Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 11. 'Tenian el maiz, algodon, chile, frijoles y las demas semillas de la tierra que hay.' Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. ix., pp. 327, 393-4.Return to passage
[344] 'Su comida era toda especie de caza, tanto cuadrúpeda como volátil, sin distincion ni otro condimento que asada, y las frutas ... pero nada sembraban, ni cultivaban.' Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 6. 'No sembraban, ni cocian, ni asaban las Carnes de la caza.' Their kings and nobles kept forests of deer and hare to supply the people with food, until in Nopaltzin's reign they were taught to plant by a descendant of the Toltecs. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 32, 38-9, 67, 279. They were the first inhabitants of the country and 'solo se mantenian de caça.' 'Caçauan venados, liebres, conejos, comadrejas, topos, gatos monteses, paxaros, y aun inmundicias como culebras, lagartos, ratones, langostas, y gusanos, y desto y de yeruas rayzes se sustentauan.' Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 453-5. And to the same effect Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 132-3; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 203; Heredia y Sarmiento, Sermon, p. 74; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 140, 151; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt ii., p. 12. They began to till the ground in Hotzin's reign, but before that they roasted their meat and did not, as many claim, eat it raw. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 213-14; Id., Relaciones, p. 335. Agriculture introduced in Nopaltzin's reign. Id., p. 344. But Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 115, says some of the Chichimecs 'hacian tambien alguna sementerilla de maíz.'Return to passage
[345] 'Sobre juncia y espadaña se echa tierra en tal forma, que no la deshaga el agua, y allí se siembra, y cultiua, y crece, y madura, y se lleua de vna parte á otra.' The products are maize, chile, wild amaranth, tomatoes, beans, chian, pumpkins, etc. Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 472. 'La lor figura regolare è quadrilunga: la lunghessa, e la larghezza son varie; ma per lo più hanno, secondo che mi pare, otto pertiche in circa di lunghezza, non più di tre di larghezza, e meno d'un piede d'elevazione sulla superficie dell'acqua.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 152-3. Produce not only plants useful for food, dress, and medicine, but flowers and plants that serve only for decoration and luxury. Id., tom. iv., p. 227. Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 620, translates Clavigero's description. 'Fairy islands of flowers, overshadowed occasionally by trees of considerable size.' 'That archipelago of wandering islands.' 200 or 300 feet long, 3 or 4 feet deep. Prescott's Mex., vol. ii., pp. 70, 107-8. The black mud of the chinampas is impregnated with muriate of soda, which is gradually washed out as the surface is watered. Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., pp. 200-2. Mention by Gayangos in Cortés, Cartas, p. 79; Heredia y Sarmiento, Sermon, pp. 95-6. 'Camellones, que ellos llaman Chinampas.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 483; Carli, Cartas, pt i., pp. 38-9.Return to passage
[346] 'Es esta provincia (Tlascala) de muchos valles llanos y hermosos, y todos labrados y sembrados.' In Cholula 'ni un palmo de tierra hay que no esté labrado.' Cortés, Cartas, pp. 68, 75. 'Tout le monde, plus ou moins, s'adonnait à la culture, et se faisait honneur de travailler à la campagne.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 634; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 481. 'Hasta los montes y sierras fragosas las tenian ocupadas con sembrados y otros aprovechamientos.' Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 250.Return to passage
[347] Cortés, Cartas, p. 75; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 250; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 331.Return to passage
[348] A full list and description of the many edible Mexican plants which were cultivated by the Nahuas in the sixteenth and earlier centuries, as they have been ever since by their descendants, is given by the botanist, Hernandez, in his Nova Plantarum; see also Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 45-68; repeated in Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 102-19; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 236, et seq. Maize, maguey, cacao, bananas, and vanilla. Prescott's Mex., vol. i., pp. 134-6. The Totonacs raised fruits, but no cacao or veinacaztli. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 131. The people of Michoacan raised 'maíz, frisoles, pepitas y fruta, y las semillas de mantenimientos, llamados oauhtli, y chian.' Id., p. 137. The Matlaltzincas also raised the hoauhtli. Id., p. 130. Besides corn, the most important products were cotton, cacao, maguey (metl), frijoles, chia, and chile. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 158; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 624. 'Les Mexicains cultivaient non-seulement toutes les fleurs et toutes les plantes que produit leur pays, mais encore une infinité d'autres qu'ils y avaient transplantées des contrées les plus éloignées.' Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 44. Id., Crónica, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 18. 'Hay frutas de muchas maneras, en que hay cerezas, y ciruelas que son semejables á las de España.' Cortés, Cartas, p. 104. Fruit was more abundant among the Huastecs than elsewhere. Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 147. 'They haue also many kindes of pot herbes, as lettice, raddish, cresses, garlicke, onyons, and many other herbes besides.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iii. Edible fruits. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 300.Return to passage
[349] Molina, Diccionario. 'Centli, o Tlaulli, que otros dizen mayz.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., p. 343.Return to passage
[350] Cortés, Cartas, p. 64; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 515. In Tlascala 'no tienen otra riqueza ni granjeria, sino centli que es su pan.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 87.Return to passage
[351] Peter Martyr and the Anonymous Conqueror say, however, that cacao-trees were planted under larger trees, which were cut down when the plant gained sufficient strength. Dec. v., lib. iv.; Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 380.Return to passage
[352] On the culture of maize and other points mentioned above see Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 481-2, 564, tom. i., p. 166; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 153-6; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 633-7, tom. iv., p. 61; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 621-4; Cortés, Cartas, p. 75; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., p. 128; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 196; Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. ii.; Gagern, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da época, tom. i., pp. 815-16.Return to passage
[353] Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt ii., pp. 332-3; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 40-2.Return to passage
[354] On hunting see Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 48; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 165, tom. iii., lib. xi., pp. 149-229, including a full list and description of Mexican animals; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 298, tom. ii., pp. 281, 297; Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iii.; Cortés, Cartas, p. 22; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 196; Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 335, 346, 458; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 160-2. List of Mexican animals in Id., tom. i., pp. 68-99; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 626-7, 120-44, with same list; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 235.Return to passage
[355] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., pp. 99-105, tom. ii., p. 162, with list and description of Mexican fishes, of which over 100 varieties fit for food are mentioned; repeated in Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 145-50, 628; Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. ii., iii.; Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 60, 147; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 93; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 132; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 460. List of fishes in Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. xi., pp. 199-207.Return to passage
[356] 'Crian muchas gallinas ... que son tan grandes como pavos.' 'Conejos, liebres, venados y perros pequeños, que crian para comer castrados.' Cortés, Cartas, pp. 23, 94, 104, 222. 'Young whelpes flesh is vsuall there ... which they geld and fatte for foode.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iii. The same author, dec. v., lib. iii., gives some queer information respecting the turkeys. 'The femalles sometimes lay 20. or 30. egges, so that it is a multiplying company. The males, are alwayes in loue, and therefore they say, they are very light meate of digestion.' A certain priest reports that 'the male is troubled with certayne impedimentes in the legges, that he can scarse allure the henne to treade her, vnlesse some knowne person take her in his hand, and hold her.... As soone as hee perceiueth the henne which he loueth, is held, hee presently commeth vnto her, and performes his businesse in the hand of the holder,' See Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 158-9, tom. iv., p. 228; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 624-6; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 291-2.Return to passage
[357] Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iii.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 450; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. v.; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 284; Cortés, Cartas, p. 66; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 124-8, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 130; Albornoz, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 507; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 180; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 100; Solis, Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. i., pp. 390-1.Return to passage
[358] On the preparation of food, and for mention more or less extensive of miscellaneous articles of food, see Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 129-30, 184-6, tom. ii., lib. vii., p. 258, tom. viii., pp. 297, 302-5, tom. iii, lib. x., pp. 118-19, 130, 132; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 237-38, 250-1, 254, 257-8; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 68-9; Cortés, Cartas, pp. 23, 68, 103-5; Relacion de Algunas Cosas, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 378-9; Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. ii., iii.; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. 43, 175; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 93, 353, 373, tom. ii., p. 297; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 39, 318-19; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 158, 217, etc., tom. iv., p. 228; Solis, Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. i., p. 394; Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 44, 48-9, 60, 88, 133, 141-3; Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano (Vaticano), in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 191; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 624, 628-30, 674-9; Diaz, Itinerario, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 298-9; Zuazo, Carta, in Id., pp. 359-61; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 234, tom. iii., pp. 631, 641-4; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 142, 151-2.Return to passage
[359] 'Oi dezir, que le (for Montezuma) solian guisar carnes de muchachos de poca edad.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 68, 35, 37. A slave 'elaborately dressed' was a prominent feature of the banquet. Prescott's Mex., vol. i., p. 155. They ate the arms and legs of the Spaniards captured. Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol. iv., p. 527. 'They draw so much blood, as in stead of luke warme water may suffice to temper the lumpe, which by the hellish butchers of that art, without any perturbation of the stomacke being sufficiently kneaded, while it is moyst, and soft euen as a potter of the clay, or a wax chandler of wax, so doth this image maker, admitted and chosen to be maister of this damned and cursed worke.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iv., i. 'Cocian aquella carne con maíz, y daban á cada uno un pedazo de ella en una escudilla ó cajete con su caldo, y su maíz cocida, y llamaban aquella comida tlacatlaolli.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 89, 14, 84, 93, 97. 'La tenian por cosa, como sagrada, y mas se movian à esto por Religion, que por vicio.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 584-5. See also Albornoz, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 488; Zuazo, Carta, in Id., pp. 363, 365; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Id., pp. 40-1, 59; Relacion de Algunas Cosas, in Id., p. 398; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., pp. 282-3; Gand, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. x., p. 197; Bologne, in Id., p. 215; Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii.; Carbajal, Discurso, p. 60; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 47; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 502-3, tom. iv., p. 90; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. 175-6.Return to passage
[360] Texcalcevia, texcalcevilo, and mataluhtli are some of the names given to pulque according to its hue and condition. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 175, 179, 186. Pulque from Chilian language. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 221-2. See Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 679-80; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 643-4, tom. i., pp. 340-5; Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. iii., cap. xxii.; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. 151. 'Antes que á su vino lo cuezan con unas raices que le echan, es claro y dulce como aguamiel. Despues de cocido, hácese algo espeso y tiene mal olor, y los que con él se embeodan, mucho peor.' Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 22-3; and Ritos Antiguos, pp. 16-17, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix. 'No hay perros muertos, ni bomba, que assi hiedan como el haliento del borracho deste vino.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 319.Return to passage
[361] 'Esta bebida es el mas sano y mas sustancioso alimento de cuantos se conocen en el mundo, pues el que bebe una taza de ella, aunque haga una jornada, puede pasarse todo el dia sin tomar otra cosa; y siendo frio por su naturaleza, es mejor en tiempo caliente que frio.' Relacion de Algunas Cosas, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 381. 'La mejor, mas delicada y cara beuida que tienen es de harina de cacao y agua. Algunas vezes le mezclan miel, y harina de otras legumbres. Esto no emborracha, antes refresca mucho.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 319. 'Of certaine almondes ... they make wonderfull drinke.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. ii., iv. 'Cierta bebida hecha del mismo cacao, que dezian era para tener acceso con mugeres.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 68. Red, vermilion, orange, black, and white. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 301-2. See Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 251; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 219-20; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 642-3.Return to passage
[362] Chicha and sendechó, fermented drinks. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 221. Sendechó, an Otomí drink, for a full description see Mendoza, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da época, tom. ii., pp. 25-8. 'Ale, and syder.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iv. 'Panicap que es cierto brebaje que ellos beben.' Cortés, Cartas, p. 76. See besides references in note 19; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 23; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 118, 130; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 139; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 676, 678-9.Return to passage
[363] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 138-40. 'Comunmente comenzaban á beber despues de vísperas, y dábanse tanta prisa á beber de diez en diez, ó quince en quince, y los escanciadores que no cesaban, y la comida que no era mucha, á prima noche ya van perdiendo el sentido, ya cayendo ya asentado, cantando y dando voces llamando al demonio.' Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 23, 32. 'Beben con tanto exceso, que no paran hasta caer como muertos de puro ebrios, y tienen á grande honra beber mucho y embriagarse.' Relacion de Algunas Cosas, in Id., pp. 582, 587. Drinkers and drunkards had several special divinities. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 493. Drank less before the conquest. Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. iii., cap. xxii.; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 119.Return to passage
[364] 'Comen en el suelo, y suziamente ... parten los hueuos en vn cabello que se arrancan,' whatever that operation may be. Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 319. 'Es gente que con muy poco mantenimiento vive, y la que menos come de cuantas hay en el mundo.' Relacion de Algunas Cosas, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 379-80. 'Molto sobrj nel mangiare.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 119. 'It is not lawfull for any that is vnmaried to sit at table with such as are maried, or to eate of the same dish, or drinke of the same cup, and make themselues equall with such as are married.' Peter Martyr, dec. iv., lib. iv. The nobles gave feasts at certain periods of the year for the relief of the poor. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 270. See also Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 138; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 535; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 644-5. Additional references for the whole subject of Nahua food are:--Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 74, 80, 247, 251; Dapper, Neue Welt, pp. 83, 91, 278-9, 283; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 10-13, 20-6, 102, 104, 180-3, 189, 196; Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., pp. 44-9; Tylor's Anahuac, pp. 62, 103, 145-6, 173-4; Fossey, Mexique, pp. 44, 215, 485-6; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 456; Monglave, Résumé, pp. 37-8, 261; Delaporte Reisen, tom. x., pp. 257, 268-9; Dillon, Hist. Mex., p. 45; Chevalier, Mex., Ancien y Mod., pp. 15-27; Müller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 538; Boyle's Ride, vol. i., pp. 278-9; Macgregor's Progress of Amer., vol. i., p. 22; Gibbs, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 99; Hazart, Kirchen-Geschichte, tom. ii., p. 502; Helps' Span. Conq., tom. ii., p. 455; Lafond, Voyages, tom. i., p. 107; Baril, Mexique, pp. 208-9; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., pp. 164-6, 178, 230; Lenoir, Parallèle, p. 39; Long, Porter, and Tucker's America, p. 162; Soden, Spanier in Peru, tom. ii., pp. 16-17.Return to passage
XI. DRESS OF THE NAHUA NATIONS
PROGRESS IN DRESS--DRESS OF THE PRE-AZTEC NATIONS--GARMENTS OF THE CHICHIMECS AND TOLTECS--INTRODUCTION OF COTTON--THE MAXTLI--THE TILMATLI--DRESS OF THE ACOLHUAS--ORIGIN OF THE TARASCAN COSTUME--DRESS OF THE ZAPOTECS AND TABASCANS--DRESS OF WOMEN--THE HUIPIL AND CUEITL--SANDALS--MANNER OF WEARING THE HAIR--PAINTING AND TATTOOING--ORNAMENTS USED BY THE NAHUAS--GORGEOUS DRESS OF THE NOBLES--DRESS OF THE ROYAL ATTENDANTS--NAMES OF THE VARIOUS MANTLES--THE ROYAL DIADEM--THE ROYAL WARDROBE--COSTLY DECORATIONS.
With but few exceptions the dress of all the civilized nations of Mexico appears to have been the same. The earliest people, the historians inform us, went entirely naked or covered only the lower portion of the body with the skins of wild animals. Afterwards, as by degrees civilization advanced, this scanty covering grew into a regular costume, though still, at first, made only of skins. From this we can note a farther advance to garments manufactured first out of tanned and prepared skins, later of maguey and palm-tree fibres, and lastly of cotton. From the latter no further progress was made, excepting in the various modes of ornamenting and enriching the garments with feather-work, painting, embroidery, gold-work, and jewelry. The common people were obliged to content themselves with plain clothing, but the dress of the richer classes, nobles, princes, and sovereigns, was of finer texture and richer ornamentation.[365]
The descriptions of the dresses of the nations which occupied the Valley of Mexico before the Aztecs vary according to different authors. While some describe them as gorgeously decked out in painted and embroidered garments of cotton and nequen, others say, that they went either wholly naked or were only partially covered with skins. Thus Sahagun and Brasseur de Bourbourg describe the Toltecs as dressed in undergarments and mantles on which blue scorpions were painted,[366] while the latter author in another place says that they went entirely naked.[367] Veytia goes even farther than Sahagun, affirming that they knew well how to manufacture clothing of cotton, that a great difference existed between the dress of the nobles and that of the plebeians, and that they even varied their clothing with the seasons. He describes them as wearing in summer a kind of breech-cloth or drawers and a square mantle tied across the breast and descending to the ankles, while in winter in addition to the above they clothed themselves in a kind of sack, which reached down as far as the thighs, without sleeves but with a hole for the head and two others for the arms.[368]
[Sidenote: DRESS OF THE AZTECS, TARASCOS, AND HUASTECS.]
The Chichimecs, generally mentioned as the successors of the Toltecs, are mostly described as going naked, or only partly dressed in skins.[369] This appears, however, only to relate to the people spoken of as wild Chichimecs; those who inhabited Tezcuco and others in that neighborhood as civilized as the Aztecs, dressed probably in a similar fashion to theirs; at least, as we shall presently see, this was the case with their sovereigns and nobles. All the Nahuas, with the exception of the Tarascos and Huastecs, made use of the breech-cloth, or maxtli.[370] This with the Mexicans in very early times is said to have been a kind of mat, woven of the roots of a plant which grew in the Lake of Mexico, and was called amoxtli.[371] Later, the fibre of the palm-tree and the maguey furnished the material for their clothing, and it was only during the reign of King Huitzilihuitl that cotton was introduced.[372]
The maxtli was about twenty-four feet long and nine inches wide, and was generally more or less ornamented at the ends with colored fringes and tassels, the latter sometimes nine inches long. The manner of wearing it was to pass the middle between the legs and to wind it about the hips, leaving the ends hanging one in front and the other at the back, as is done at this day by the Malays and other East Indian natives. It was at the ends usually that the greatest display of embroidery, fancy fringes, and tassels was made.[373]
[Sidenote: GARMENTS OF THE TARASCOS.]
As a further covering the men wore the tilmatli, or ayatl, a mantle, which was nothing more than a square piece of cloth about four feet long. If worn over both shoulders, the two upper ends were tied in a knot across the breast, but more frequently it was only thrown over one shoulder and knotted under one of the arms. Sometimes two or three of these mantles were worn at one time. This, however, was only done by the better classes. The older Spanish writers generally compare this mantle to the Moorish albornoz. It was usually colored or painted, frequently richly embroidered or ornamented with feathers and furs. The edges were scalloped or fringed with tufts of cotton and sometimes with gold. Rich people had, besides these, mantles made of rabbit or other skins, or of beautiful feathers, and others of fine cotton into which was woven rabbit-hair, which latter were used in cold weather.[374]
In only one instance garments with sleeves are mentioned. Ixtlilxochitl, in describing the dress of the Acolhuas, says that they wore a kind of long coat reaching to the heels with long sleeves.[375]
The dress of the Tarascos differed considerably from that of the other Nahua nations. This difference is said to have originated in ancient times, when they together with other tribes, as the legend relates, immigrated into Mexico. While on their wanderings being obliged to cross a river, and having no ropes with which to construct rafts, they used for this purpose their maxtlis and mantles. Not being able to procure other clothing immediately, they were under the necessity of putting on the huipiles, or chemises, of the women, leaving to the latter only their naguas, or petticoats. In commemoration of this event, they later adopted this as their national costume, discarding the maxtli and wearing the huipil and a mantle.[376] The tilmatli, or ayatl, was by the Tarascos called tlanatzi. It was worn over one shoulder and was knotted under the other arm. They frequently trimmed it with hare-skins and painted it gaudily. The young wore it considerably shorter than old people. The manufacture of feather garments seems to have been a specialty of the Tarascos.[377]
The Zapotecs chiefly dressed in skins, while others in Oajaca are said to have worn small jackets, and Cortés reports these people to have been better dressed than any he had previously seen.[378] In Tabasco but little covering was used, the greater part of the population going almost naked.[379]
[Sidenote: DRESS OF WOMEN.]
There was no difference in the dress of the women throughout Anáhuac. The huipil and cueitl were the chief articles, and were universally used. Besides these, mantles of various shapes and materials were worn. The huipil was a kind of chemise, with either no sleeves at all or very short ones; it covered the upper part of the body to a little below the thighs. The lower part of the body was covered by the cueitl, a petticoat, reaching to about half-way between the knees and ankles, and often nicely embroidered and ornamented. Skins, ixcotl, or palm-fibre, nequen, and cotton were the materials used for these garments. Out of doors they frequently put on another over-dress similar to the huipil, only longer and with more ornamental fringes and tassels. Sometimes they wore two or three of these at the same time, one over the other, but in that case they were of different lengths, the longest one being worn underneath. A mantle similar in size and shape to that used by the men, white and painted in various designs on the outside, was also used by the females. To the upper edge of this, on that portion which was at the back of the neck, a capuchin, like that worn by the Dominican and other monks, was fastened, with which they covered their head.[380]
To protect their feet they used sandals, by the Aztecs called cactli, which were made of deer or other skins, and frequently also of nequen and cotton. The strings or straps used to fasten them were of the same material.[381] I do not find any description of the manner in which they were fastened, but in an old Mexican manuscript on maguey paper, in which some of the natives are painted in various colors, I find that the sandals were fastened in three places; first by a strap running across the foot immediately behind the toes, then another over the instep and running toward the heel, and lastly by a strap from the heel round the ankle.
[Sidenote: HAIR-DRESSING AND PAINTING.]
As a general thing Mexicans wore the hair long, and in many parts of the empire it was considered a disgrace to cut the hair of a free man or woman.[382] Unlike most of the American natives they wore moustaches, but in other parts of the body they eradicated all hair very carefully.[383] There were public barber-shops and baths in all the principal cities.[384] The Aztecs had various ways of dressing the hair, differing according to rank and office. Generally it was left hanging loose down the back. The women also frequently wore it in this way, but oftener had it done up or trimmed after various fashions; thus some wore it long on the temples and had the rest of the head shaved, others twisted it with dark cotton thread, others again had almost the whole head shaved. Among them it was also fashionable to dye the hair with a species of black clay, or with an herb called xiuhquilitl, the latter giving it a violet shade. Unmarried girls wore the hair always loose; they considered it as especially graceful to wear the hair low[385] on the forehead. The virgins who served in the temples had their hair cut short.[386]
The Otomís shaved the fore part of the heads of children, leaving only a tuft behind, which they called piochtli, while the men wore the hair cut short as far as the middle of the back of the head, but left it to grow long behind; and these long locks they called piocheque. Girls did not have their hair cut until after marriage, when it was worn in the same style as by the men.[387] The Tarascos, or as they were also called Quaochpanme, derived this last name from an old fashion of having their heads shaved, both men and women.[388] Later they wore the hair long, the common people simply letting it hang down the back, while the rich braided it with cotton threads of various colors.[389] The Miztecs wore the hair braided, and ornamented with many feathers.[390]
The Nahua women used paint freely to beautify their person, and among some nations they also tattooed. Among the Aztecs they painted their faces with a red, yellow, or black color, made, as Sahagun tells us, of burnt incense mixed with dye. They also dyed their feet black with the same mixture. Their teeth they cleaned and painted with cochineal; hands, neck, and breast were also painted.[391] Among the Tlascaltecs the men painted their faces with a dye made of the xagua and bixa.[392] The Otomís tattooed their breasts and arms by making incisions with a knife and rubbing a blue powder therein. They also covered the body with a species of pitch called teocahuitl, and over this again they applied some other color. Their teeth they dyed black.[393]
The Nahuas, like all semi-barbarous people, had a passion for loading themselves with ornaments. Those worn by the kings, nobles, and rich persons, were of gold or silver, set with precious stones; those of the poorer classes were of copper, stone, or bone, set with imitations in crystal of the rarer jewels. These ornaments took the shape of bracelets, armlets, anklets, and rings for the nose, ears, and fingers. The lower lip was also pierced, and precious stones, or crystals, inserted. The richer classes used principally for this purpose the chalchiuite, which is generally designated as an emerald. There existed very stringent laws regarding the class of ornaments which the different classes of people were allowed to wear, and it was prohibited, on pain of death, for a subject to use the same dress or ornaments as the king. Duran relates that to certain very brave but low-born warriors permission was accorded to wear a cheap garland or crown on the head, but on no account might it be made of gold.[394] Gomara tells us that the claws and beaks of the eagle and also fish-bones were worn as ornaments in the ears, nose, and lips.[395]
The Otomís used ear-ornaments made of burned clay, nicely browned, and others of cane.[396] The Tarascos chiefly relied on feathers for their personal adornment.[397] Of the natives encountered by Cortés when he landed at Vera Cruz, Peter Martyr tells us that in the "hole of the lippes, they weare a broad plate within fastened to another on the outside of the lippe, and the iewell they hang thereat is as great as a siluer Caroline doller and as thicke as a mans finger."[398]
In Oajaca more ornaments were worn than in any other part of the country, owing, perhaps, as the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg remarks, to the plentiful supply of precious metals in that state.[399]
[Sidenote: DRESS OF THE NOBLES.]
The dress of the nobles and members of the royal household differed from that of the lower classes only in fineness of material and profusion of ornaments. The kings appear to have worn garments of the same shape as those of their subjects, but, in other respects, a particular style of dress was reserved for royalty, and he who presumed to imitate it was put to death. On occasions, however, when the monarch wished to bestow a special mark of favor upon a brave soldier or distinguished statesman, he would graciously bestow upon him one of his garments, which, even though the recipient were a great noble, was received with joy, and the wearer respected as a man whom the king delighted to honor.[400] In Tlascala differences of rank among the nobles were easily recognized by the style of dress. The common people were strictly forbidden to wear cotton clothes with fringes or other trimmings, unless with special permission, granted in consideration of services rendered.[401]
The court laws of etiquette prescribed the dress to be worn by the royal attendants, who could only appear without sandals, barefooted, and in coarse mantles before the king, and even the apparel of the sovereign was in like manner fixed by custom, if not by law. The different kinds of tilmatlis, or mantles, had each its appropriate name, and varied in material as well as in ornament and color. The cotton mantles are described as being of exceeding fineness of texture, so much so that it required an expert to determine whether they were cotton or silk.[402] The mantle worn as every-day dress in the palace was white and blue and called the xiuhtilmatli.[403] There were many other kinds of mantles, of which the following are the principal: A yellowish, heavily fringed mantle, on which monstrous heads were painted, was called coazayacaiotilmatli; another, blue, ornamented with red shells, with three borders, one light, another dark blue, and a third of white feather-work, and fringed with the same kind of shells, was named tecuciciotilmatli; another, dark yellow, with alternate black and white circles painted on it, and a border representing eyes, was the temalcacaiotilmatlitenisio; a similar one, differing only in the figures and shape of the ornaments, was the itzcayotilmatli; a very gaudy one, worked in many colors, was the umetechtecomaiotilmatli; another, with a yellow ground, on which were butterflies made of feathers, and with scalloped edges, was called papaloiotilmatlitenisio; the xaoalquauhiotilmatlitenisio, was embroidered with designs representing the flower called ecacazcatl, and further ornamented with white feather-work and feather edges; the ocelotentlapalliyiticycacocelotl was an imitation of a tiger-skin, also ornamented with an edge of white feathers; the ixnextlacuilolli was worked in many colors, and had a sun painted on it.[404] Other mantles, differing mainly in their style of ornamentation, were the coaxacayo and tlacalhuaztilmatli, the latter worn when the king went into his gardens or to the chase. In the same manner there are also various kinds of maxtlis mentioned, such as the ynyaomaxaliuhqui, ytzahuazalmaxtlatl and yacahualiuqui.[405] In fact there appears to have been a different dress for every occasion. We are told, for instance, that when going to the temple the king wore a white mantle, another when going to preside at the court of justice, and here he again changed his dress, according as the case before the court was a civil or criminal suit.[406] The sandals of the kings were always richly ornamented with precious stones, and had golden soles.[407]
[Sidenote: DRESS OF THE KINGS.]
Whenever the sovereign appeared in public he wore the royal crown, called copilli, which was of solid gold, and is described by most writers as having been shaped like a bishop's mitre; but in the hieroglyphical paintings, in which the Mexican kings are represented, it is simply a golden band, wider in front than at the back, the front running up to a point; on some occasions it was ornamented with long feathers.[408] The following description of ornaments, worn by the Mexican kings and nobles, I extract from Sahagun:--
[Sidenote: ABORIGINAL DRESS.]
The quetzalalpitoai consisted of two tassels of fine feathers garnished with gold, which they wore bound to the hair on the crown of the head, and hanging down to the temples. The tlauhquecholtzontli was a handsome garment of feathers worn on the shoulders. On the arms they placed gold rings; on the wrists a thick black strap made soft with balsam, and upon it a large chalchiuite or other precious stone. They also had a barbote, or chin-piece, of chalchiuite or other precious stone, set in gold, inserted in the chin. These chin-ornaments were made long, of crystal, with some blue feathers in the centre, which made them look like sapphire. The lip had a hole bored in it, from which precious stones or gold crescents were suspended. The great lords likewise had holes in their nose, and placed therein very fine turquoises or other precious stones, one on each side of the nose. On their necks they wore strings of precious stones, or a medal suspended by a gold chain, with pearl pendants hanging from its edge, and a flat jewel in the centre of it. They used bracelets of mosaic work made with turquoises. On their legs they wore, from the knee down, greaves of very thin gold. They carried in the right hand a little golden flag with a tuft of gaudy feathers on the top. Upon their heads they wore a bird made of rich feathers, with its head and beak resting on the forehead, its tail toward the back of the head, its wings falling over the temples.[409]
FOOTNOTES:
[365] 'La gente pobre vestia de nequen, que es la tela que se haze del maguey, y los ricos vestian de algodon, con orlas labradas de pluma, y pelo de conejos.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. ii.Return to passage
[366] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 112; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 283. 'Maxtli enrichi de broderies, et ... tunique d'une grande finesse.' Id., p. 350. 'En tiempo de calor con sus mantas y pañetes de algodon, y en tiempo de frio se ponian unos jaquetones sin mangas que los llevaban hasta las rodillas con sus mantas y pañetes.' Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 327.Return to passage
[367] 'Nu suivant la coutume des indigènes qui travaillaient aux champs.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 348.Return to passage
[368] 'Algodon, que sabian beneficiar y fabricar de él las ropas de que se vestian.' Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 43; Id., tom. i., p. 253.Return to passage
[369] 'Su vestuario eran las pieles ... que las ablandaban y curaban para el efecto, trayendo en tiempo de frios el pelo adentro, y en tiempo de calores ... el pelo por la parte afuera.' Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 214; Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 4; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 298; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 133; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 38. 'Por lo frio de su clima vestian todos pieles de animales adobadas y curtidas, sin que perdiesen el pelo, las que acomodaban á manera de un sayo, que por detras les llegaba hasta las corvas, y por delante á medio muslo.' Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 5, tom. i., p. 25. 'S'habillaient ... de peaux de bêtes fauves, le poil en dehors durant l'été, vieillard en hiver.... Chez les classes aisées ... ces peaux étaient tannées ou maroquinées avec art; on y usait aussi des toiles de nequen, et quelquefois des cotonnades d'une grande finesse.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 186.Return to passage
[370] 'Maxtlatl, bragas, o cosa semejante.' Molina, Vocabulario. The Tarascos 'n'adoptèrent jamais l'usage des caleçons.' Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 132. The maxtli is frequently spoken of as drawers or pantaloons. The Huastecs 'no traen maxtles con que cubrir sus vergüenzas.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 134.Return to passage
[371] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 84.Return to passage
[372] 'Cominciarono in questo tempo a vestirsi di cotone, del quale erano innanzi affatto privi per la loro miseria, nè d'altro vestivansi, se non delle tele grosse di filo di maguei, o di palma salvatica.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. i., p. 181. 'Les Mexicains, les Tecpanèques et les autres tribus qui restèrent en arrière, conservèrent l'usage des étoffes de coton, de fil de palmier, de maguey ixchele, de poil de lapin et de lièvre, ainsi que des peaux d'animaux.' Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 132. 'Non aveano lana, nè seta comune, nè lino, nè canapa; ma supplivano alla lana col cotone, alla seta colla piuma, e col pelo del coniglio, e della lepre, ed al lino, ed alla canapa coll' Icxotl, o palma montana, col Quetzalichtli, col Pati, e con altre spezie di Maguei.... Il modo, che avevano di preparar questi materiali, era quello stesso, che hanno gli Europei nel lino, e nella canapa. Maceravano in acqua le foglie, e poi le nettavano, le mettevano al Sole, e le ammaccavano, finattantochè le mettevano in istato di poterle filare.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 207-8. Ycçotl, Palma Montana. 'Non videtur filendum, è folijs huius arboris fila parari, linteis, storisq. intexendis perquam accommoda, politiora, firmioraq. eis quæ ex Metl passim fieri consueuere, madentibus in primis aqua, mox protritis, ac lotis, iterumq. et iterum maceratis, et insolatis, donec apta reddantur, vt neri possint, et in usus accommodari materies est leuis, aclenta.' Hernandez, Nova Plant., p. 76.Return to passage
[373] 'Maxtles, c'est ainsi qu'on nomme en langue mexicaine des espèces d'almaysales qui sont longues de quatre brasses, larges d'une palme et demie et terminées par des broderies de diverses couleurs, qui ont plus d'une palme et demie de haut.' Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 132. 'Cuoprono le loro parti vergogno se cosi di dietro come dinanzi, con certi sciugatoi molto galanti, che sono come gran fazzuoli che si legano il capo per viaggio, di diuersi colori, e orlati di varie foggie, e di colori similmente diuersi, con i suoi fiocchi, che nel cingersegli, viene l'un capo dauanti e l'altro di dietro.' Relatione fatta par vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 305. In Meztitlan, 'les uns et les autres couvraient leur nudités d'une longue bande d'étoffe, semblable à un almaizar, qui leur faisait plusieurs fois le tour du corps et passait ensuite entre les jambes, les extrémités retombant par-devant jusqu'aux genoux.' Chaves, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii., tom. v., p. 316. 'Los vestidos que traen (Totonacs) es como de almaizales muy pintados, y los hombres traen tapadas sus verguenzas.' Cortés, Cartas, p. 23. In Oajaca, 'Maxtles conque se cubrian sus vergüenzas.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 136, 123, 131. The Miztecs 'por çaraguelles trahian matzles; que los Castellanos dizen mastiles.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii.; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 223.Return to passage
[374] 'Il Tilmatli era un mantello quadro, lungo quattro piedi in circa; due estremità d'esso annodavano sul petto, o sopra una spalla.... Gli Uomini solevano portar due, o tre mantelli.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 223, and plate, p. 224. 'I vestimenti loro son certi manti di bambagia come lenzuola, ma non cosi grande, lauoratori di gentili lauori di diuerse maniere, e con le lor franze e orletti, e di questi ciascun n 'ha duoi ò tre e se gli liga per dauanti al petto.' Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 305; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 131. 'Todos traen albornoces encima de la otra ropa, aunque son diferenciados de los de Africa, porque tienen maneras; pero en la hechura y tela y los rapacejos son muy semejables.' Cortés, Cartas, pp. 75, 23. 'Leur vêtement consistait anciennement dans deux ou trois manteaux d'une vare et demi en carré, noués, par en haut, le noeud se mettant pour les uns sur la poitrine, pour les autres à l'épaule gauche, et souvent par derrière.' Chaves, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii., tom. v., pp. 315-16. 'Ningun plebeyo vestia de algodon, con franja, ni guarnicion, ni ropa rozagante, sino senzilla, llana, corta, y sin ribete, y assi era conocido cada vno en el trage.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvii.; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., p. 174. 'Otras hacian de pelo de Conejo, entretexido de hilo de Algodon ... con que se defendian del frio.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 488; Diaz, Itinerario, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 298. The Totonacs; 'algunos con ropas de algodon, ricas a su costumbre. Los otros casi desnudos.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 39, 95; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 131. Huastecs 'andan bien vestidos: y sus ropas y mantas son muy pulidas y curiosas con lindas labores, porque en su tierra hacen las mantas que llaman centzontilmatli, cenzonquaehtli, que quiere dezir, mantas de mil colores: de allá se traen las mantas que tienen unas cabezas de monstruos pintadas, y las de remolinos de agua engeridas unas con otras, en las cuales y en otras muchas, se esmeraban las tejedoras.' Id., p. 134. 'Una manta cuadrada anudada sobre el pecho, hácia el hombro siniestro, que descendia hasta los tobillos; pero en tiempo de invierno cubrian mas el cuerpo con un sayo cerrado sin mangas, y con una sola abertura en la sumida para entrar la cabeza, y dos á los lados para los brazos, y con él se cubrian hasta los muslos.' Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. 253; Zuazo, Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 360.Return to passage
[375] 'Vestíanse, unas túnicas largas de pellejos curtidos hasta los carcañales, abiertas por delante y atadas con unas á manera de agugetas, y sus manos que llegaban hasta las muñecas, y las manos.' Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 341.Return to passage
[376] Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 132; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 57.Return to passage
[377] Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 130-1; Beaumont, Crón. Mechoacan, MS., pp. 49-50; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix.Return to passage
[378] 'El trage de ellos era de diversas maneras, unos traían mantas, otros como unas xaquetillas.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 136. 'Era mas vestida que estotra que habemos visto.' Cortés, Cartas, p. 93. 'La mayor parte andauan en cueros.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xiv. The Miztecs 'vestian mantas blancas de algodon, texidas, pintadas, y matizadas con flores, rosas, y aves de diferentes colores: no trahian camisas.' Id., cap. xii.Return to passage
[379] 'Andan casi desnudos.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 36.Return to passage
[380] 'Traen camisas de medias mangas.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 317; Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 305; Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 327; Cortés, Cartas, p. 23. In Jalisco they had 'vn Huipilillo corto, que llaman Ixquemitl, ò teapxoloton.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 339. 'Una sopravvesta ... con maniche più lunghe.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 223; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 6, tom. i., pp. 253-4; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 283. In Michoacan 'no traían vipiles.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 138, 123; Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice Mexicano (Vaticano), in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., pp. 203-4; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii.Return to passage
[381] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 112, 123; Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 336, 341; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvii.; Id., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix., xii.; Beaumont, Crón. Mechoacan, MS., p. 50; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. 259; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 317; Chaves, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii., tom. v., p. 316; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 223.Return to passage
[382] 'Aveano a disonore l'esser tosati.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 224.Return to passage
[383] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 350. 'Ni bien baruados, porque se arrancan y vntan los pelos para que no nazcan.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 317. The Mistecs 'las barbas se arrancauan con tenazillas de oro.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii.Return to passage
[384] Cortés, Cartas, pp. 68, 104; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 300.Return to passage
[385] 'Hazen lo negro con tierra por gentileza y porque les mate los piojos. Las casadas se lo rodean a la cabeça con vn ñudo a la frente. Las virgines y por casar, lo traen suelto, y echado atras y adelante. Pelan se y vntan se todas para no tener pelo sino en la cabeça y cejas, y assi tienen por hermosura tener chica frente, y llena de cabello, y no tener colodrillo.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 317; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 309-10, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 113, 120, tom. xi., p. 309; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 224; Chaves, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii., tom. v., p. 316. The Chichimecs wore it, 'largo hasta las espaldas, y por delante se lo cortan.' Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 335.Return to passage
[386] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 224.Return to passage
[387] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 124.Return to passage
[388] 'Llámase tambien Quaochpanme, que quiere decir hombres de cabeza rapada ó raida, porque antiguamente estos tales no traían cabellos largos, antes se rapaban la cabeza así los hombres, como las mugeres.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 137; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 57.Return to passage
[389] Beaumont, Crón. Mechoacan, MS., p. 50.Return to passage
[390] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xiv.Return to passage
[391] 'Se raiaban las Caras.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 255; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 310.Return to passage
[392] Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 75.Return to passage
[393] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 124-6.Return to passage
[394] Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. i., cap. xxvi.Return to passage
[395] Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 317; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii.; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 224, describes the ornaments, but in his accompanying plate fails to show any of them. Tezozomoc, Crónica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix. pp. 79-80; Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iv., p. 1119.Return to passage
[396] 'De barro cocido bien bruñidas, ó de caña.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 124.Return to passage
[397] Id., p. 137. The Totonacs 'traian vnos grandes agujeros en los beços de abaxo, y en ellos vnas rodajas de piedras pintadillas de azul, y otros con vnas hojas de oro delgadas, y en las orejas muy grandes agujeros, y en ellos puestas otras rodajas de oro, y piedras.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 28; Cortés, Cartas, p. 23.Return to passage
[398] Peter Martyr, dec. iv., lib. vii.Return to passage
[399] The Miztecs 'traen imán, axorcas muy anchas de oro, y sartales de piedra á las muñecas, y joyeles de éstas y de oro al cuello.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 136; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 30.Return to passage
[400] 'Ninguna Persona (aunque fuesen sus propios Hijos) podia vestirlo, so pena de la vida.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 542; Duran, Hist. Indias, MS., tom. i., cap. xxvi.Return to passage
[401] Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 198.Return to passage
[402] 'Tan delgadas y bien texidas que necesitaban del tacto para diferenciarse de la seda.' Solis, Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. i., p. 132; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 507.Return to passage
[403] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 115-16; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 542.Return to passage
[404] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., pp 286-8.Return to passage
[405] Tezozomoc, Crónica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 57.Return to passage
[406] 'Para salir de Palacio los Reies à visitar los Templos, se vestian de blanco; pero para entrar en los Consejos, y asistir en otros Actos publicos, se vestian de diferentes colores, conforme la ocasion.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 543. 'Les rois s'habillaient tantôt de blanc, tantôt d'étoffes d'un jaune obscur ornées de franges de mille couleurs.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 284, tom. iv., pp. 210-11. 'Mantas de á dos haces, labradas de plumas de papos de aves, tan suaves, que trayendo la mano por encima á pelo y á pospelo, no era mas que una marta cebellina muy bien adobada: hice pesar una dellas, no pesó mas de seis onzas.' Zuazo, Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 360. 'Vestidos de pelo de conejo y de algodon de mucha curiosidad, y estas eran vestiduras de Caciques y de gente muy principal' in Michoacan. Beaumont, Crón. Mechoacan, MS., pp. 49-50; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 336, 240, 265; Id., Relaciones, in Id., p. 336; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 298. Description of Montezuma's dress when meeting Cortés, in Solis, Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. i., p. 369; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. iii., p. 77; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 386; Prescott's Mex., vol. ii., p. 317. Representations of the dresses of the Mexican kings and nobles are also in the Codex Mendoza, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. i.Return to passage
[407] 'Traia calçados vnos como cotaras, que assi se dize lo que se calçan, las suelas de oro, y muy preciada pedreria encima en ellas.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 65. 'Portoit une chaussure de peau de chevreuil.' Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1824, tom. xxiv., p. 137. 'Çapatos de oro, que ellos llaman zagles, y son a la manera antigua de los Romanos, tenian gran pedreria de mucho valor, las suelas estauan prendidas con correas.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. v. 'Cotaras de cuero de tigres.' Tezozomoc, Crónica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 79; Solis, Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. i., p. 369; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 525; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., pp. 210-11; Cortés, Cartas, p. 85; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 386; Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 327; Prescott's Mex., vol. ii., pp. 73-4, 317.Return to passage
[408] 'La corona de Rey, que tiene semejança a la corona de la Señoria de Venecia.' Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., p. 471. 'Unas tiaras de oro y pedrería.' Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 295. 'En la Cabeça vnos Plumajes ricos, que ataban tantos cabellos de la Corona, quanto toma el espacio de la Corona Clerical: estos Plumajes prendian y ataban con vna correa colorada, y de ella colgaban con sus pinjantes de Oro, que pendian à manera de chias de Mitra de Obispo.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 542-3. 'Era di varie materie giusta il piacere dei Re, or di lame sottili d'oro or tessuta di filo d'oro, e figurata con vaghe penne.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 115, tom. iii., p. 77. 'Before like a Myter, and behinde it was cut, so as it was not round, for the forepart was higher, and did rise like a point.' Purchas his Pilgrimes, tom. iv., p. 1062; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 386; Prescott's Mex., vol. ii., p. 317; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., p. 210.Return to passage
[409] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. vii., lib. ii., pp. 288-90; Tezozomoc, Crónica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 57, 79; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Id., p. 327; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 525; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., p. 259, tom. iii., p. 392; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcix., p. 178. Further mention of ornaments in the enumeration of presents given by Montezuma to Cortés in Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. iii., pp. 65, 80; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. v., cap. v.; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 279, 283, 285, 292, 298; Solis, Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. i., pp. 125, 132-3; Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iv., pp. 1118-9, 1124; Cortés, Cartas, pp. 69, 85; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., pp. 76, 84, 214, 263-4; Prescott's Mex., vol. ii., p. 83. Among the modern authors who have written upon the subject of dress may be mentioned: Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 326, 680-2, tom. ii., pp. 91, 224-5, with numerous cuts; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., p. 145; Chevalier, Mex., Ancien et Mod., pp. 57-8; Dillon, Hist. Mex., p. 47; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 13-14, 22, 28, 189; Monglave, Résumé, p. 36; Brownell's Ind. Races, pp. 65, 79; Baril, Mexique, p. 209; Pimentel, Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena, p. 61.Return to passage
XII. COMMERCE OF THE NAHUA NATIONS
THE MAIN FEATURES OF NAHUA COMMERCE--COMMERCE IN PRE-AZTEC TIMES--OUTRAGES COMMITTED BY AZTEC MERCHANTS--PRIVILEGES OF THE MERCHANTS OF TLATELULCO--JEALOUSY BETWEEN MERCHANTS AND NOBLES--ARTICLES USED AS CURRENCY--THE MARKETS OF ANÁHUAC--ARRANGEMENT AND REGULATIONS OF THE MARKET-PLACES--NUMBER OF BUYERS AND SELLERS--TRANSPORTATION OF WARES--TRAVELING MERCHANTS--COMMERCIAL ROUTES--SETTING OUT ON A JOURNEY--CARAVANS OF TRADERS--THE RETURN--CUSTOMS AND FEASTS OF THE MERCHANTS--NAHUA BOATS AND NAVIGATION.
[Sidenote: COMMERCE IN PRE-AZTEC TIMES.]
Traditional history tells us but little respecting American commerce previous to the formation of the great Aztec alliance, or empire, but the faint light thrown on the subject would indicate little or no change in the system within the limits of Nahua history. The main features of the commercial system in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, were: markets in one or more of the public squares of every town, where eatables and other articles of immediate necessity were daily sold--shops proper being unknown; frequently recurring fairs in each of the large towns, where the products of agriculture, manufacture, and art in the surrounding country were displayed before consumers and merchants from home and from abroad; similar fairs but on a grander scale in the great commercial centres, where home products were exchanged for foreign merchandise, or sold for export to merchants from distant nations who attended these fairs in large numbers; itinerant traders continually traversing the country in companies, or caravans; and the existence of a separate class exclusively devoted to commerce.
From the earliest times the two southern Anáhuacs of Ayotlan and Xicalanco, corresponding to what are now the southern coast of Oajaca and the tierra caliente of Tabasco and southern Vera Cruz, were inhabited by commercial peoples, and were noted for their fairs and the rich wares therein exposed for sale. These nations, the Xicalancas, Mijes, Huaves, and Zapotecs even engaged to some extent in a maritime coasting trade, mostly confined, however, as it would appear, to the coasts of their own territories and those immediately adjacent; and in this branch of commerce little or no advance had been made at the time when the Spaniards came.[410]
The Toltecs are reported to have excelled in commerce as in all other respects, and the markets of Tollan and Cholula are pictured in glowing colors; but all traditions on this subject are exceedingly vague.[411] In the new era of prosperity that followed the Toltec disasters Cholula seems to have held the first place as a commercial centre, her fairs were the most famous, and her merchants controlled the trade of the southern coasts on either ocean. After the coming of the Teo-Chichimec hordes to the eastern plateau, Tlascala became in her turn the commercial metropolis of the north, a position which she retained until forced to yield it to the merchants of the Mexican valley, who were supported by the warlike hordes of the Aztec confederacy. Before the Aztec supremacy, trade seems to have been conducted with some show of fairness, and commerce and politics were kept to a great extent separate. But the Aztecs introduced a new order of things. Their merchants, instead of peaceful, industrious, unassuming travelers, became insolent and overbearing, meddling without scruple in the public affairs of the nations through whose territory they had to pass, and trusting to the dread of the armies of Mexico for their own safety; caravans became little less than armed bodies of robbers. The confederate kings were ever ready to extend by war the field of their commerce, and to avenge by the hands of their warriors any insult, real or imaginary, offered to their merchants. The traveling bands of traders were instructed to prepare maps of countries traversed, to observe carefully their condition for defence, and their resources. If any province was reported rich and desirable, its people were easily aggravated to commit some act of insolence which served as a pretext to lay waste their lands, and make them tributary to the kings of Anáhuac. Within the provinces that were permanently and submissively tributary to Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan, traffic may be supposed to have been as a rule fairly conducted. The merchants had in turn to pay into the royal treasury a large percentage of their gains, but this, under the circumstances, they could well afford.
Tlatelulco while an independent city was noted for her commerce, as was Tenochtitlan for the prowess of her warriors, and when mercantile enterprise was forced to yield to the power of arms, Tlatelulco, as a part of Mexico, retained her former preëminence in trade, and became the commercial centre of Anáhuac. Her merchants, who were a separate class of the population, were highly honored, and, so far as the higher grades were concerned, the merchant princes, the pochtecas, dwellers in the aristocratic quarter of Pochtlan, had privileges fully equal to those of the nobles. They had tribunals of their own, to which alone they were responsible, for the regulation of all matters of trade. They formed indeed, to all intents and purposes, a commercial corporation controlling the whole trade of the country, of which all the leading merchants of other cities were in a sense subordinate members. Jealousy between this honored class of merchants and the nobility proper, brought about the many complications during the last years of the Aztec empire, to which I have referred in a preceding chapter. Throughout the Nahua dominion commerce was in the hands of a distinct class, educated for their calling, and everywhere honored both by people and by kings; in many regions the highest nobles thought it no disgrace to engage in commercial pursuits.
[Sidenote: THE TLATELULCAN COMPANY.]
Besides the pochtecas, two other classes of merchants are mentioned in Tlatelulco, the nahualoztomecas, those who made a specialty of visiting the lands of enemies in disguise, and the teyaohualohuani or traders in slaves.[412] The merchants were exempt from military and other public service, and had the right not only to make laws for the regulation of trade, but to punish even those who were not of their class for offenses against such laws. Sahagun gives an account of the gradual development and history of the Tlatelulcan company, stating the names of the leading merchants under the successive kings, with details respecting the various articles dealt in at different periods, all of which is not deemed of sufficient interest to be reproduced in these pages.
Nahua trade was as a rule carried on by means of barter, one article of merchandise being exchanged for another of equivalent value. Still, regular purchase and sale were not uncommon, particularly in the business of retailing the various commodities to consumers. Although no regular coined money was used, yet several more or less convenient substitutes furnished a medium of circulation. Chief among these were nibs, or grains, of the cacao, of a species somewhat different from that employed in making the favorite drink, chocolate. This money, known as patlachté, passed current anywhere, and payments of it were made by count up to eight thousand, which constituted a xiquipilli. In large transactions sacks containing three xiquipilli were used to save labor in counting. Patolquachtli were small pieces of cotton cloth used as money in the purchase of articles of immediate necessity or of little value. Another circulating medium was gold-dust kept in translucent quills, that the quantity might be readily seen. Copper was also cut into small pieces shaped like a T, which constituted perhaps the nearest approach to coined money. Cortés, in search of materials for the manufacture of artillery, found that in several provinces pieces of tin circulated as money, and that a mine of that metal was worked in Taxco. Sahagun says the Mexican king gave to the merchant-soldiers, dispatched on one of their politico-commercial expeditions, sixteen hundred quauhtli, or eagles, to trade with. Bustamante, Sahagun's editor, supposes these to have been the copper pieces already mentioned, but Brasseur believes, from the small value of the copper and the large amount of rich fabrics purchased with the eagles, that they were of gold. The same authority believes that the golden quoits with which Montezuma paid his losses at gambling also served as money.[413]
[Sidenote: THE MARKETS OF ANÁHUAC.]
The Nahuas bought and sold their merchandise by count and by measures both of length and capacity, but not by weight; at least, such is the general opinion of the authorities. Sahagun, however, says of the skillful merchant that he knows "the value of gold and silver, according to the weight and fineness, is diligent and solicitous in his duty, and defrauds not in weighing, but rather gives overweight," and this too in the "time of their infidelity." Native words also appear in several vocabularies for weights and scales. Brasseur de Bourbourg regards this as ample proof that scales were used. Clavigero thinks weights may have been employed and mention of the fact omitted in the narratives.[414] The market, tianquiztli, of Tlatelulco was the grandest in the country and may be taken as a representative of all. Its grandeur consisted, however, in the abundance and variety of the merchandise offered for sale and in the crowd of buyers and sellers, not in the magnificence of the buildings connected with it; for the market-place was simply an open plaza, surrounded as all the authorities say with 'porticoes' where merchandise was exhibited. What these porticoes were we are left to conjecture. Probably they were nothing more than simple booths arranged in streets and covering the whole plaza, where merchants and their wares were sheltered from the rays of a tropical sun. Whatever may have been the nature and arrangement of these shelters, we know that the space was systematically apportioned among the different industries represented. Fishermen, hunters, farmers, and artists, each had their allotted space for the transaction of business. Hither, as Torquemada tells us, came the potters and jewelers from Cholula, the workers in gold from Azcapuzalco, the painters from Tezcuco, the shoe-makers from Tenayocan, the huntsmen from Xilotepec, the fishermen from Cuitlahuac, the fruit-growers of the tierra caliente, the mat-makers of Quauhtitlan, the flower-dealers of Xochimilco, and yet so great was the market that to each of these was afforded an opportunity to display his wares.
All kinds of food, animal and vegetable, cooked and uncooked, were arranged in the most attractive manner; eating-houses were also attached to the tianquiztli and much patronized by the poorer classes. Here were to be found all the native cloths and fabrics, in the piece and made up into garments coarse and fine, plain and elaborately embroidered, to suit the taste and means of purchasers; precious stones, and ornaments of metal, feathers, or shells; implements and weapons of metal, stone, and wood; building material, lime, stone, wood, and brick; articles of household furniture; matting of various degrees of fineness; medicinal herbs and prepared medicines; wood and coal; incense and censers; cotton and cochineal; tanned skins; numerous beverages; and an infinite variety of pottery; but to enumerate all the articles noticed in the market-place by the conquerors would make a very long list, and would involve, beside, the repetition of many names which have been or will be mentioned elsewhere.
Cortés speaks of this market as being twice as large as that of Salamanca, and all the conquistadores are enthusiastic in their expressions of wonder not only at the variety of products offered for sale, but at the perfect order and system which prevailed, notwithstanding the crowd of buyers and sellers. The judges of the commercial tribunal, twelve in number according to Torquemada, four, according to Zuazo, held their court in connection with the market buildings, where they regulated prices and measures, and settled disputes. Watchmen acting under their authority, constantly patrolled the tianquiztli to prevent disorder. Any attempt at extortionate charges, or at passing off injured or inferior goods, or any infringement on another's rights was immediately reported and severely punished. The judges had even the right to enforce the death penalty. Other markets in the Nahua regions were on a similar plan, those of Tlascala and Tezcuco coming next to that of Tlatelulco in importance.[415]
[Sidenote: BUYERS AND SELLERS.]
Trade was carried on daily in the tianquiztli, chiefly for the convenience of the inhabitants of the city, but every fifth day was set apart as a special market-day, on which a fair was held, crowded not only by local customers, but by buyers and sellers from all the country round, and from foreign lands. In Tlatelulco these special market-days were those that fell under the signs calli, tochtli, acatl, and tecpatl. In other large cities, days with other signs were chosen, in order that the fairs might not occur on the same day in neighboring towns. Las Casas says that each of the two market-places in the city of Mexico would contain 200,000 persons, 100,000 being present each fifth day; and Cortés tells us that more than 60,000 persons assembled daily in the Tlatelulco market. According to the same authority 30,000 was the number of daily visitors to the market of Tlascala. Perhaps, however, he refers to the fair-days, on which occasion at Tlatelulco, the Anonymous Conqueror puts the number at 50,000, limiting the daily concourse to about 25,000.[416] Considering the population of the cities and surrounding country, together with the limited facilities for transportation, these accounts of the daily attendance at the markets, as also of the abundance and variety of the merchandise, need not be regarded as exaggerations.
On the lakes about the city of Mexico merchandise of all kinds was transported to and from the markets by boats, 50,000 of which, as Zuazo tells us, were employed daily in bringing provisions to the city.[417] The heavier or more bulky articles of trade, such as building material, were often offered for sale in the boats to save the labor of repeated handling. Boats were also used for transportation on the southern coasts, to some extent on navigable rivers, and also by traveling merchants in crossing such streams as could not conveniently be bridged. The only other means of transportation known in the country was that afforded by the carriers. Large numbers of these carriers, or porters, were in attendance at the markets to move goods to and from the boats, or to carry parcels to the houses of consumers. For transportation from town to town, or to distant lands, merchandise was packed in bales, wrapped in skins and mats, or in bamboo cases covered with skin, known as petlacalli. Cases, or cages, for the transportation of the more fragile wares were called cacaxtli. The tlamama, or regular carriers, were trained to their work of carrying burdens from childhood, seventy or eighty pounds was the usual burden carried, placed on the back and supported by the mecapalli, a strap passing round the forehead; twelve or fifteen miles was the ordinary day's journey. The tlamama, clad in a maxtli, carried on long trips, besides his bale of merchandise, a sort of palm-leaf umbrella, a bag of provisions, and a blanket.
[Sidenote: TRAVELING MERCHANTS.]
Expeditions to distant provinces were undertaken by the company of Tlatelulco for purposes of commercial gain; or by order of the king, when political gains were the object in view, and the traders in reality armed soldiers; or more rarely by individual merchants on their own private account. For protection large numbers usually traveled in company, choosing some one of the company to act as leader. Previous to departure they gave a banquet to the old merchants of the town, who by reason of their age had ceased to travel; at this feast they made known their plans, and spoke of the places they intended to visit and roads by which they would travel. The old merchants applauded the spirit and enterprise of those who were going on the expedition, and, if they were young and inexperienced, encouraged them and spoke of the fame they would gain for having left their homes to undertake a dangerous journey and suffer privations and hardships. They reminded them of the wealth and honored name acquired by their fathers in similar expeditions, and gave them advice as to the best manner of conducting themselves on the road.[418]
On the route the carriers marched in single file, and at every camping-place the strictest watch was kept against enemies, and especially against robbers, who then as now infested the dangerous passes to lie in wait for the richly laden caravans. Rulers of the different friendly provinces, mindful of the benefits resulting from such expeditions, constructed roads and kept them in repair; furnished bridges or boats for crossing unfordable streams; and at certain points, remote from towns, placed houses for the travelers' accommodation. Expeditions in hostile provinces were undertaken by the nahualoztomecas, who disguised themselves in the dress of the province visited, and endeavored to imitate the manners and to speak the language of its people, with which it was a qualification of their profession to make themselves acquainted. Extraordinary pains was taken to guard against robbers on the return to Mexico, and it is also said to have been customary for the merchants on nearing the city, to dress in rags, affecting poverty, and an unsuccessful trip. The motive for this latter proceeding is not very apparent, nor for the invariable introduction of goods into the city by night; they had not even the hope of evading the payment of taxes which in later times prompts men to similar conduct, since merchandise could only be sold in the public market, where it could not be offered without paying the royal percentage of duties.
The usual route of commercial expeditions was south-eastward to Tochtepec near the banks of the Rio Alvarado, whence the caravans took separate roads according as their destination was the coast region of Goazacoalco, the Miztec and Zapotec towns on the Pacific, or the still more distant regions across the isthmus of Tehuantepec. The southern limit reached by the traders of the Aztec empire, it is impossible accurately to determine. The merchants of Xicalanco furnished Cortés, when about to undertake the conquest of Honduras, tolerably correct maps of the whole region as far south as the isthmus of Panamá;[419] the raiders from Anáhuac are known to have penetrated to Chiapa, Soconusco, and Guatemala; it is by no means improbable that her merchants reached on more than one occasion the Isthmus.[420]
The preceding pages contain all that has been preserved concerning Nahua trade and traders except what may be termed the mythology of commerce, a branch of the subject not without importance, embracing the ceremonies, sacrifices, and superstitions connected with the setting-out, journey, and return of the Tlatelulcan caravans. Commerce, like every other feature of Nahua civilization, was under the care of a special deity, and no merchant dared to set out on an expedition in quest of gain, without fully complying with all the requirements of the god as interpreted by the priesthood. The particular divinity of the traders was Iyacatecutli, or Iyacacoliuhqui, 'lord with the aquiline nose'--that nasal type being, as the Abbé Brasseur thinks, symbolic of mercantile cunning and skill. Services in his honor were held regularly in the month of Tlaxochimaco; but the ceremonies performed by traveling merchants, seem to have been mostly devoted to the god of fire and the god of the roads.
[Sidenote: SETTING-OUT OF THE MERCHANTS.]
First a day was selected for the start whose sign was deemed favorable--Ce Cohuatl, 'one serpent,' was a favorite. The day before they departed the hair was cropped close, and the head soaped; during all their absence, even should it last for years, these operations must not be repeated, nor might they wash more than the neck, face, and hands, bathing the body being strictly prohibited. At midnight they cut flag-shaped papers for Xiuhtecutli, the god of fire, fastened them to sticks painted with vermilion, and marked on them the face of the god with drops of melted ulli, or India-rubber. Other papers also marked with ulli, were cut in honor of Tlaltecutli, to be worn on the breast. Others, for the god of the merchants, were used to cover a bamboo stick, which they worshiped and carried with them. The gods of the roads, Zacatzontli and Tlacotzontli, also had their papers ornamented with ulli-drops and painted butterflies; while the papers for Cecoatlutlimelaoatl, one of the signs of the divining art, were decorated with snake-like figures. When all the papers were ready, those of the fire-god were placed before the fire in the house, the others being arranged in systematic order in the courtyard. Then the merchants, standing before the fire, offered to it some quails which they first beheaded, and forthwith, drawing blood from their own ears and tongue, they repeated some mystic word and sprinkled the blood four times on the fire. Blood was then sprinkled in turn on the papers in the house, towards the heavens and cardinal points, and finally on the papers in the courtyard. The fire-god's papers, after a few appropriate words to the deity, were burned in a brazier with pure white copal. If they burned with a clear flame, it was a good omen; otherwise ill fortune and disaster were betokened. The papers left outside were burned together--save those of the merchants' god--in a fire which was kindled in the court, and the ashes were carefully buried there.
All this at midnight. At early dawn the principal merchants of the city or of the neighborhood, or simply friends and relatives of the party about to set out on the journey, according to the wealth of the party, with youths and old women, were invited to assemble and, after a washing of mouths and hands, to partake of food. After the repast, concluded by another washing and by smoking of pipes and drinking of chocolate, the host spoke a few words of welcome to the guests, and explained his plans. To this some one of the chief merchants briefly responded with wishes for the success of the expedition, advice respecting the route to be followed and behavior while abroad, applause for the spirit and enterprise shown, and words of encouragement to those about to undertake their first commercial journey, picturing to them in vivid colors both the hardships and the honors that were before them. Then the merchandise and provisions for the trip were made ready in bales and placed in the canoes, if the start was to be made by water, under the direction of the leader who, after attending to this matter, made a farewell address of thanks for advice and good wishes, recommending to the care of those that remained behind their wives and children. The friends again replied briefly and all was ready for the departure. A fire was built in the courtyard and a vase of copal was placed near it. As a final parting ceremony each of the departing merchants took a portion of the copal and threw it on the fire, stepping at once toward his canoe. Not another word of farewell must be spoken, nor a parting glance be directed backward to friends behind. To look back or speak would be a most unpropitious augury.
[Sidenote: CARAVANS OF TRADERS.]
Thus they set out, generally at night, as Sahagun implies. On the journey each merchant carried continually in his hand a smooth black stick representing his god Iyacatecutli--probably the same sticks that have been mentioned as being covered with papers in honor of this god the night before the departure from home. When they halted for the night the sticks of the company were bound together in a bundle, forming a kind of combination divinity to whose protecting care the encampment was piously entrusted. To this god offerings of ulli and paper were made by the leaders, and to the gods of the roads as well. Blood must also be drawn and mingled with the offering, else it were of no avail; and, a most inconvenient rule for poor weak humanity, the sacrificial offering had to be repeated twice again each night, so that one or another of the chiefs must be continually on the watch. The caravans, when their destination was a friendly province, usually bore some presents from the sovereigns of Mexico as tokens of their good will, and they were received by the authorities of such provinces with some public ceremonies not definitely described.
When the merchants returned home, after consultation with a tonalpouhqui, they awaited a favorable sign, such as Ce Calli, or Chicome Calli, 'one, or seven house,' and then entered the city under shade of night. They repaired immediately to the house of the leading merchant of the corporation, or to that of the merchant under whose direction their trip had been made, formally announcing their safe arrival, and also their intention to invite all the merchants on the following day to partake of "a little chocolate in their poor house," that is, to be present at a most sumptuous banquet. Papers were then cut and at midnight offered with ulli, much after the manner already described, to the gods as a thank-offering for their protection. The feast that took place next day, when all the guests were assembled, was accompanied by additional offerings to the gods of fire and trade, and, of course, by speeches of the returned travelers and their guests, but presented no particularly noticeable contrasts with the many feasts that have been described.
Not only was the traveler obliged, according to the Nahua superstition, to abstain from baths during his absence, but even his family during the same period, while allowed to bathe the body, must not wash the head or face oftener than once in eighty days; thus were the gods propitiated to watch kindly over their absent relative wandering in distant lands. If a merchant died while on a journey, his body, at least if he belonged to the highest rank, was neither buried nor burned, but, clad in fine apparel, and decorated with certain mystical papers and painted devices, it was put in a wooden cage, or cacaxtli, and secured to a tree on the top of a high mountain. Advice of the death was forwarded to the old merchants, who in turn informed the family of the deceased, and regular funeral ceremonies were performed either immediately or on the return of the caravan. If the deceased met his death at the hands of an enemy, a wooden image was prepared, dressed in the clothing of the dead merchant, and made the subject of the usual funeral rites.
[Sidenote: FEASTS OF THE MERCHANTS.]
Besides the regular feasts attending the departure and return of caravans, many others took place under the auspices of the mercantile class. We have noticed the fondness of the Nahua people for entertainments of this kind, and it is natural that the merchants, as the richest class in the community, should have been foremost in contributing to this popular taste. Each merchant, when he had acquired great wealth by good fortune in his trading ventures, deemed it, as Sahagun tells us, a most disgraceful thing "to die without having made some splendid expenditure" by entertaining his friends and fellow-merchants in a banquet, which should be remembered as the event of his career. A long time was devoted to making ready for the feast, to the purchase of provisions and decorations, and to engaging dancers and singers, that no item might be neglected, nor any oversight be allowed to mar the perfect enjoyment of the invited guests. All being ready, a propitious sign was selected, and invitations issued. The object of the display of hospitality being not only the entertainment of friends, but a thanksgiving to the gods for favors shown to the host, the first ceremonies were naturally in honor of the deities. These began in the night preceding the feast-day, with offerings of flowers in the shrine of Huitzilopochtli, in the chapels of other gods, and finally in the courtyard of the host, where were placed drums and two plates, on which perfumed canes were burning. Those officiating whistled in a peculiar manner, and all, stooping, put some earth in their mouth, crying "our lord has sounded." Then all burned perfumed copal, and a priest beheaded a quail before the drum, throwing it on the ground and watching in what direction it might flutter. If northward, it was a bad omen, foretelling sickness, or perhaps death. But the west and south were fortunate directions, indicating a peaceful and friendly disposition on the part of the gods. Incense was burned toward the cardinal points, the burning coals were thrown from the censer into the fire, and then the performers engaged for the areito, including, it would seem, soldiers of several classes, led by the tlacatecatl, began to dance and sing. Neither the host nor merchant guests joined in the dance, but remained in the house to receive the company and present them with bouquets of flowers. At midnight ulli-marked paper was offered to the gods, and its ashes buried to promote the prosperity of future generations. Before the light of day chocolate was drunk and the nanacatl, or intoxicating mushroom, was eaten, which caused some to dance, others to sing, and yet others to sit pensive in their rooms dreaming dreams and seeing visions of horrid import, whose narration at a later hour, when the effects of the drug had passed away, formed a prominent feature of the entertainment. At the appearance of the morning star all the ashes of the sacrifices, the flowers, the burning canes, and all the implements used in the foregoing ceremonies, were buried, that they might not be seen by any visitor polluted by any kind of vice or uncleanness. The rising sun was greeted with songs, dancing, and beating of the teponaztli. The day was passed in feasting and music, and at the close of the day's banquet food was distributed to the common people. The banquet was often continued more than one day, and if after the first day's feast the provision of food was exhausted, it was regarded by the guests as a bad sign--a very sensible superstition truly.
[Sidenote: SACRIFICE OF SLAVES.]
There was another merchant's feast in the month of Panquetzaliztli, in which a number of slaves were killed and eaten. The victims were purchased sometime beforehand at the slave mart in Azcapuzalco, kept clean,--being therefore called tlaaltilzin, 'washed'--and fattened for the occasion. The male slaves meantime had no work but to dance daily on the housetop, but the women had to spin. The articles collected for this feast embraced large numbers of rich mantles, maxtlis, and huipiles, which were to be presented to guests. Not only the residents of Mexico were invited but members of the Tlatelulcan company who lived in other towns. The giver of the feast went personally to many towns, especially to Tochtepec, to issue invitations and distribute gifts. On his arrival he went first to the shrine of Iyacatecutli, before whose image he performed certain ceremonies and left some offerings. Then he went to the house of the Tlatelulcan company, prepared a feast and summoned the rich traders, who came at midnight. Washing of the hands and mouth preceded and followed the eating, presents were made, chocolate drunk, pipes smoked, quails offered in the courtyard, and incense burned. One of the best speakers then announced the purpose of their visitor to kill a few slaves in honor of Huitzilopochtli, and in his name invited the company to be present at the pleasing spectacle, and partake of the human flesh and other choice viands. Another speaker responded in a speech of acceptance, and the feast-giver directed his steps homeward to Mexico. After resting awhile the merchant ceremonially invited those of his own city to be present at the feast, and the latter, after many precautions, including an inspection by the older merchants to satisfy themselves that food enough had been provided and that the affair could not be a failure, deigned to accept, although they warned the would-be host of the fearful responsibility he would incur should the feast be in any respect improperly managed, through his unwillingness to spend money enough. Ce Calli, Ome Xochitl, and Ome Ozomatli, were good signs for this feast.
On the first day the male slaves, richly attired and decorated, were made to dance and perform the areito, carrying garlands of flowers and also pipes from which they were continually puffing smoke. The females, in equally rich attire were stationed with plenty of food in one of the rooms where all could readily see them. The eating, drinking, and distribution of gifts were kept up all night. The following day's feast was a repetition of the first, and was called tlaixnexia; that of the third day was called tetevaltia, and on this day they made many changes in the dress of the slaves, putting on wigs of many-colored feathers, painted ear-flaps, stone nose-ornaments like butterflies, jackets with fringed borders and death's heads for decoration, hawks' wings, tlomaitl, on the shoulders, rings, matacaxtli, on the arms, stained sandals, and girdles called xiuhtlalpilli. From this time forward strict guard was kept over them day and night until their death.
On yet a fourth occasion, apparently some days, or perhaps weeks, later, the merchant assembled his guests, and then just before sunset the victims were made drunk with teuvetli, and carried to Huitzilopochtli's temple, where they were made to dance and sing, and kept awake all night. At midnight they were placed on a mat before the fire, and the master of the banquet, dressed much like the slaves themselves, put out the fire, and in the darkness gave to each four mouthfuls of a dough moistened with honey, called tzoalli. Then a man dancing before them played upon an instrument called chichtli, hairs were pulled out of the top of each slave's head and put in a plate, quacaxitl, held by the dancer, and the master threw incense toward the east, west, north, and south. The slaves were offered food, but could not be induced to eat, expecting each moment the messenger of death. They were first taken to the ward of Coatlan, and in the courtyard of the temple of Huitzcalco were forced to fight against certain persons, the most valiant of whom were called tlaamaviques. If by force of arms these persons captured any of the slaves, they were entitled to receive their full value from the owner, or in default of such payment to take the bodies after the sacrifice and eat the same. After the contest the victims were sacrificed on the shrine of Huitzilopochtli, the complicated details of the ceremonies which followed differing only very slightly from those of similar sacrifices already several times described. The bodies were thrown down the steps as usual, carried home by the owner, cooked with maize, seasoned with salt without chile, and were finally eaten by the guests. With this horrible repast the great feast of the month of Panquetzaliztli ended; but he who had given it carefully preserved the clothing, and other relics of the slaughtered slaves, guarding them in a basket as most precious and pleasant souvenirs all the days of his life; and after his death the basket and its contents were burned at his obsequies.
Acosta tells us that in Cholula the merchants, especially those that dealt in slaves, furnished each year a slave of fine physique to represent their god Quetzalcoatl, in whose honor he was sacrificed, with appropriate and complicated ceremonies, his flesh being afterwards eaten in a banquet.[421]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: BOATS AND NAVIGATION.]
The little to be said of Nahua watercraft may be as appropriately inserted here as elsewhere. I have already referred to the important use made of canoes in the transportation of merchandise upon the lakes of Anáhuac. In the art of navigation, however, no progress was made by the Nahuas at all in proportion to their advancement in other respects. As navigators they were altogether inferior to their savage brethren of the Columbian and Hyperborean groups on the north-west coasts, whose skill in the manufacture and management of boats has been described in a preceding volume of this work. The reason is obvious: their progress in agriculture enabled them to obtain a food supply without risking their lives habitually on the sea; their sunny clime obviated the necessity of whale-blubber and seal-skins. In the earlier stages of civilization men make progress only when impelled by some actual necessity; consequently among the Nahuas, when means were supplied of crossing streams, and of transporting goods on the lakes and for short distances along the coast at the mouth of large rivers, progress in this direction ceased.
Clavigero's investigations led him to believe that the use of sails was unknown, and although Brasseur de Bourbourg in one place speaks of such aids to navigation, yet he gives no authority for his statement.[422]
Rafts and 'dug-out' canoes were the vessels employed; the former were used for the most part in crossing streams and were of various material and construction. Those of the ruder kind were simply a number of poles tied together with strings.[423] Those called by the Spaniards balsas were of superior construction, made of otlatl reeds, or tules, and rushes of different kinds in bundles. The best balsas were about five feet square, made of bamboos and supported by hollow gourds closed by a water and air tight covering. The rafts were propelled by swimmers, one in front and another behind.[424]
The canoes--acalli, 'water-houses' among the Aztecs, called also tahucup in Tabasco--were hollowed out from the trunk of a single tree, were generally flat-bottomed and without keel, somewhat narrower at the bow than at the stern as Las Casas says, and would carry from two to sixty persons. As to the instruments employed in hollowing out and finishing the acalli we have no information, neither do we know whether fire was one of the agents made use of.[425]
[Sidenote: BOATS USED IN WAR.]
The use of boats was not altogether confined to traffic, but extended to war and the transportation of troops. Fierce conflicts on the waters of the lakes are recorded in the ancient annals of Anáhuac; canoe fleets of armed natives came out to meet the Spaniards at various points along the coast; and we read of the vain efforts to defend the approaches to the Aztec capital, by thousands of boats which could offer little resistance to the advance of Cortés' brigantines.[426]
These fleets, so inefficient against Spanish vessels and arms, must have been of great service to the Aztecs in maintaining their domination over the many towns on the lake shores. To increase the efficiency of boats and boatmen, races and sham fights were established, which, besides affording useful training to paddlers and warriors, furnished an additional means of entertainment to the people who gathered in crowds to watch the struggles of the competitors, applaud the ducking of each vanquished boat's crew, and to reward the victors with honors and prizes.[427]
FOOTNOTES:
[410] Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. i., pt ii., fol. 181; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 42-3.Return to passage
[411] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., pp. 271-3; Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 332.Return to passage
[412] 'Teyaoyaualoani, el que cerca a los enemigos.' Molina, Vocabulario.Return to passage
[413] The Toltecs 'usaban de una cierta moneda de cobre de largo de dos dedos y de ancho uno á manera de achitas pequeñas, y de grueso, como un real de á ocho. Esta moneda no ha mucho tiempo que la han dejado los de Tutupec del mar del sur.' Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 332. 'No saben que cosas es moneda batida de metal ninguno.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 87, 342. The cacao nibs 'val ciascuno come vn mezzo marchetto (about three cents) fra noi.' Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 306. See Cortés, Cartas, p. 311; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. ix., p. 342; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 627-9; Id., Quatre Lettres, p. 276; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 666. Salt used as money. Chaves, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii., tom. v., p. 328. I omit a long list of references to authors who merely mention cacao and the other articles as used for money.Return to passage
[414] 'No tenian peso (que yo sepa) los Mexicanos, falta grandissima para la contratacion. Quien dize que no lo vsauan por escusar los engaños, quien por que no lo auian menester, quien por ignorancia, que es lo cierto. Por donde parece que no auian oido como hizo Dios todos las cosas en cuento, peso, y medida.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 342; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 166; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 42, 40; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 629-30.Return to passage
[415] On the Nahua markets and the articles offered for sale, see: Cortés, Cartas, pp. 68, 103-5; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 70; Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 309; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 323-5, tom. ix., p. 357; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. lxx.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 554-60; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 272, 299-301; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 87-8, 116-18; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xv., xvi.; Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iii., iv.; Zuazo, Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 359-61.Return to passage
[416] Cortés, Cartas, pp. 103, 68; Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 309. 'Es tanta la gente que concurre á vender y comprar, que no puede facilmente declararse.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. lxx.Return to passage
[417] Carta, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 359. 'Sobre cincuenta mill canoas y cient mill segun se cree.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. lxx. 'The lake day and night is plyed with boates going and returning.' Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. iii.Return to passage
[418] For specimens of the exhortations of old merchants to young men see Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iv., pp. 310-314; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 585-6.Return to passage
[419] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. vi., cap. xii.; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 197.Return to passage
[420] A very full account of the Nahua commerce is given in Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 163-70, and the same is translated with slight changes, in Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 628-35, in Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 612-32, and in Id., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1858, tom. clix., pp. 45-58. See also Helps' Span. Conq., vol. ii., pp. 329-31; Gage's New Survey, pp. 109-12; Müller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 541; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 25-8; West-Indische Spieghel, pp. 247-8; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., pp. 166-71; Touron, Hist. Gén., tom. iii., pp. 43-6. See also Note 12.Return to passage
[421] On merchants' feasts, ceremonies, and superstitions, see Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. ix., pp. 335-86, tom. i., lib. iv., pp. 310-15; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 388-92; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 585-7. See also account of a feast of flower-dealers in this volume, p. 315, and account of the Cholultec feast in honor of Quetzalcoatl in vol. iii., pp. 286-7 of this work.Return to passage
[422] Clavigero's description of Nahua boats and navigation is in his Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 168-9. 'Leurs barques, dont les plus grandes mesuraient jusqu'à soixante pieds de longueur, couvertes et abritées contre le mauvais temps, marchaient à la voile et à la rame,' probably referring to a boat met by Columbus some distance out at sea. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 632.Return to passage
[423] Invented, according to tradition, by the Tarascos of Michoacan during their early migrations. Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 131-2.Return to passage
[424] 'Mettevansi a sedere in questa macchina quattro, o sei passaggieri alla volta.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 168. 'Ces radeaux sont fort légers et très-solides; ils sont encore en usage dans l'Amérique, et nous avons passé ainsi plus d'une rivière.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 295.Return to passage
[425] Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. lxx: 'En cada vna cabian sesenta Hombres.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 460, and Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. viii., cap. iv. 'The Canowes are litle barkes, made of one tree.' Peter Martyr, dec. iv., lib. iii. Called Acates. Id., dec. v., lib. ii. 'Estas acallis ó barcas cada una es de una sola pieza, de un arbol tan grande y tan grueso como lo demanda la longitud, y conforme al ancho que le pueden dar, que es de lo grueso del árbol de que se hacen, y para esto hay sus maestros como en Vizcaya los hay de navíos.' Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 200.Return to passage
[426] 'The sides of the Indian boats were fortified with bulwarks.' Prescott's Mex., vol. iii., p. 100; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 140; Cortés, Cartas, p. 211.Return to passage
[427] 'Spesso s'esercitavano in questo genere di combattimenti.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 151; West-Indische Spieghel, p. 251. 200,000 canoes on the lake about Mexico. Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 115. See also note 8 of this chapter. Additional notes on Nahua boats. 'Habia en México muchas acallis ó barcas para servicio de las casas, y otras muchas de tratantes que venian con bastimentos á la ciudad, y todos los pueblos de la redonda, que están llenos de barcas que nunca cesan de entrar y salir á la ciudad, las cuales eran innumerables.' 'Con estas salen á la mar, y con las grandes de estas acallis navegan de una isla á otra, y se atreven á atravesar algun golfo pequeño.' Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., pp. 187, 200. 'Lo mas del trato, y camino de los Indios, en aquella Tierra, es por Agua, en Acales, ò Canoas.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 613; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. viii., cap. iv.; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 247; Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 633, tom. ii., p. 591; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 75-6.Return to passage
XIII. WAR CUSTOMS OF THE NAHUAS
IMPORTANCE OF THE MILITARY PROFESSION--INDICATIONS OF RANK--EDUCATION OF WARRIORS--REWARDS FOR VALOR--MILITARY ORDERS AND THEIR DRESS--GORGEOUS WAR-DRESSES OF MONTEZUMA AND THE AZTEC NOBILITY--DRESS OF THE COMMON SOLDIERS--ARMOR AND DEFENSIVE WEAPONS--OFFENSIVE WEAPONS--STANDARDS--AMBASSADORS AND COURIERS--FORTIFICATIONS--THE MILITARY COUNCIL--ARTICLES OF WAR--DECLARATION OF WAR--SPIES--ORDER OF MARCH AND BATTLE--WAR CUSTOMS OF THE TLASCALTECS AND TARASCOS--RETURN OF THE CONQUERING ARMY--CELEBRATION OF FEATS OF ARMS.
[Sidenote: THE MILITARY PROFESSION.]
As might be expected from a people so warlike and ambitious as the Nahuas, the profession of arms ranked high above all other callings, save that of the priests. This was especially the case in the later days, under the Aztec kings, whose unscrupulous ambition and passion for conquest could only be gratified by their warriors. Huitzilopochtli, god of war, protector of the empire, was glorified and honored above all other gods; his altars must be red with blood, for blood alone could extort his favor, and wars were frequently waged solely for his propitiation; valor was the loftiest virtue, the highest honors were paid to those who distinguished themselves in battle; no dignities, positions, or decorations, under the government, were given to any but approved soldiers. Children were taught by parent and priest the chivalrous deeds of their ancestors, whom they were urged to emulate in daring; titles, rewards, and posts of honor were offered to stimulate the ambition of the young men. The king might not receive his crown until with his own hand he had taken captives to be sacrificed at the feast of his coronation. The priests were the foremost inciters to war and carnage. All wars were religious crusades. The highest earthly rewards were in store for the victor, while the soul of him that fell in battle took immediate flight to heaven. Only defeat and cowardice were to be dreaded.
The Nahua warrior's services were rewarded only by promotion, since no paid troops were employed. But promotion was sure to follow brilliant exploits performed by even the humblest soldier, while without such daring deeds the sons of the highest nobles could hope for no advancement. Dress and ornaments were the indications of rank, and were changed in some detail for every new achievement. To escape from the coarse nequen garments of the common soldier, and to put on successively the decorative mantles of the higher grades, was deemed a sufficient reward and incentive. The costume of each warrior indicated the exact number of prisoners captured by the wearer.
Especial care was taken, however, with the sons of lords intended for the profession of arms. At an early age their heads were shaved, except a tuft on the back of the head called mocuexpaltia, a designation changed to cuexpatchicuepul when the boy was fifteen years old. At this age he was sent to war in charge of veteran warriors, and if with their aid he took a prisoner, the tuft was cut off and another given to be worn over the ear with feather plumes; on his return he was addressed after the following manner by his grandparents or uncles: "My child, the Sun and the Earth have washed and renewed thy face, because thou didst dare to attempt the capture of an enemy in company with others. Lo, now it were better to abandon thee to the mercies of the enemy than that thou shouldst again take a prisoner with the aid of others, because, should it so happen, they will place another tuft over thine other ear and thou wilt appear like a girl; truly, it were better thou shouldst die than that this should happen to thee." If after a fair trial the youth failed to take a captive, he was disgraced, and ceased to be a warrior in the eyes of his comrades: but if, unaided, he was successful, he was called a warlike youth, telpuchtlitaquitlamani, and was presented to the king, whose stewards dyed his face red, his temples and body yellow, and bestowed upon him mantles and maxtlis of the colors and designs which his achievements gave him the right to wear. If he took two captives, the honors were of course greater; three entitled him to a command over others; four made him a captain who might wear long lip-ornaments, leathern ear-rings, and gaudy tassels. With five prisoners the young man became a quauhiacatl, 'eagle that guides,' with corresponding insignia, a head-plume with silver threads, the mantle called cuechintli, another called chicoapalnacazminqui of two colors, and still another decorated with straps. The prisoners must, however, be from nations of acknowledged prowess, such as those of Atlixco, the Huexotzincas, or Tlascaltecs; double or triple the number of Cuextecas or Tenimes must be captured, and no number of these could entitle a youth to the highest honors.[428]
In the Mexican picture-writings are delineated the successive grades by which a graduate from the temple school advanced, with the costumes and defensive armor he was permitted to wear. First we see him leaving for the war, carrying the impedimenta of the chief priest, who goes into the field to embolden the troops, enforce orders, and perform other duties. The pictures that follow portray the devices on the shields, manner of painting, armor, head-dresses, and ornaments they were allowed to assume, according to the number of captives each had taken. The warrior-priests were rewarded, in like manner, with accoutrements and insignia of peculiar designs, and with important commands in the army.[429]
[Sidenote: THREE MILITARY ORDERS.]
Three military orders were established by the Aztec monarchs, the members of which were granted certain privileges, and entitled to wear badges of distinction; they also had apartments allotted to them in the royal palace and formed the royal guard. Promotion to the order was open to all, but could only be won by some notable feat of arms. The members of the first of these three orders were called Achcauhtin, or Princes, of the second, Quauhtin, or Eagles, of the third, Ocelome, or Tigers. The distinctive mark of the Princes was their manner of dressing the hair, which was tied on the crown of the head with a red thong, and worked into as many braids, each terminating in a cotton tassel, as were the deeds of valor performed by the wearer; the Eagles wore a kind of casque, in the form of an eagle's head; the Tigers wore a particular armor, spotted like the skin of the animal whose name they bore. These insignia were only used in war; at court all military officers wore the tlachquauhyo, a dress of many colors. The members of these three military orders had the privilege of wearing garments of much finer texture than the common people, as well as such feathers and jewels as they could afford to buy. An inferior order of knighthood appears also to have existed, the members of which had their hair cropped close about their ears, and wore skull-caps and split collars; these were only armed for defence from the girdle upwards, whereas their superiors fought in complete armor. All these privileged warriors were permitted to use painted and gilt vessels, but the common soldiers might use none but plain earthen ones.[430]
Montezuma, who was a member of the order of Princes, when he went in person against the enemy, wore upon his legs greaves of gold, and upon his arms thin plates of the same metal, as well as bracelets; about his neck were a collar and chains of gold and precious stones; from his ears and lower lip hung ornaments of gold set with precious chalchiuites; and from the back of his head to his waist was suspended the glittering decoration of royalty, only worn by kings, the quachictli. This was an ornament of exquisite workmanship, wrought with great labor of costly feathers and jewels, and shaped somewhat like a butterfly. In addition to this he was distinguished from his retinue by a shield upon which was displayed the royal coat of arms in feather-work; and he carried also a small drum, upon which he beat the signal for battle.[431]
[Sidenote: MILITARY DRESS AND ORNAMENTS.]
On the occasion when the sovereigns and nobility of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan came out to receive Cortés, there was little, so far as dress was concerned, by which king might be distinguished from subject; the only difference was that the monarchs wore crowns of gold and precious stones, bejeweled sandals with golden soles, and tassels at the end of the ribbon with which their hair was bound.[432] A prince of the blood-royal, on his début upon the battle-field, was clad in plain white; his behavior was closely watched, and after the action such insignia and colors as he had merited by his conduct were bestowed upon him.
Sahagun gives an extended description of the gorgeous war-costumes of the noble Aztec warriors, with the native name for each fraction of the equipments. Here are described head-dresses composed of rich feathers, prominent among which were the quetzal; corselets of red and green feathers, worked with gold thread; head-dresses of green feathers set in gold bands, or of tiger-skin; helmets of silver; a garment called tocivitl reaching to the knees, made of yellow macaw-feathers, embroidered with gold, and worn with a golden casque plumed with quetzal-feathers; and other equally gorgeous attire. As a means of directing their men some officers bore small drums, painted and ornamented with feathers so as to correspond with their dress, in a net at their backs; others carried little flags made of feathers held together with bands of gold or silver. Many noble warriors had their armorial bearings, devils, monsters, and what not, painted or embroidered upon their backs. Truly such spolia opima were worthy of a hero's toil.[433]
The rank and file of the Aztec army wore no clothing but the maxtli in battle, but by painting their faces and bodies in grotesque patterns with brilliant colors, and covering their heads with raw cotton, they presented a sufficiently fierce and gaudy appearance.[434]
The Tlascaltec leaders wore a quilted cotton tunic two fingers in thickness that fitted closely to the body and also protected the shoulders and thighs; the wealthier class wore over the tunic a cuirass of thin gold or silver plates, and over all they threw a rich mantle of feather-work elegantly embroidered; to protect their legs they put on leathern boots or wooden greaves ornamented with gold. On their heads they wore a morion made of hide or wood representing the head of some animal, bird, or serpent. From the crown waved a magnificent tuft of richly variegated plumes, a conspicuous mark, that served to denote the warrior's rank.
[Sidenote: ARMOR AND DEFENSIVE WEAPONS.]
The armor and defensive weapons of the Nahua knights, though of little service against the firearms and swordsmanship of the Spaniards, yet were admirably suited for protection from the weapons in use among themselves. The chimalli, or Mexican shield, was made of various materials and in divers forms; sometimes it was round, sometimes oval, sometimes rounded only on the lower side; it was commonly constructed of flexible bamboo canes, bound firmly together, and covered with hide. The face of the shield was ornamented according to the rank and taste of the bearer; that of a noble was generally covered with thin plates of gold, with a heavy boss in the centre. In Tabasco, and along the coast, tortoise-shells, inlaid with gold, silver, or copper, were commonly used as shields. Reed-grass, hides, or nequen-cloth, coated with India-rubber, served to protect an Aztec common soldier. Some shields were of an ordinary size, others were intended to cover the entire body, and were so constructed that when not in use they could be folded up and carried under the arm. The body-armor of the nobles and higher grades of warriors consisted of a breast-piece made of quilted cotton, one or two fingers in thickness, called ichcahuepilli; over this was a thick cotton coat, which covered part of the arms and thighs, made in one piece, fastened behind, and decorated with feathers of whatever colors the uniform of the company to which the wearer belonged might be. This cotton armor was completely arrow-proof, and was of great service to the Spanish Conquerors, who lost no time in adopting it in place of their heavy steel armor. Arm and leg guards made of wood covered with leather or gold plates and trimmed with feathers, and morions of the same material shaped and painted to represent the head of a tiger, serpent, or monster, with mouth open and teeth bared, complete the defensive equipment. Over a cuirass of gold and silver plates some lords wore a garment of feathers which is said to have been proof against arrows and javelins. Nobles and officers also wore lofty plumes so as to present the appearance of increased stature.[435]
The shields used by the Toltecs were made of skins ornamented with feathers of various colors; on their heads they wore helmets of gold, silver, or skins. The body-armor worn by the principal warriors was made of double cloth padded with cotton; it differed from that of the Aztecs inasmuch as it reached down to the ankles and was worn over a thin white tunic. The private soldiers, like those of the Aztec army, also painted the upper part of the body to represent armor, but from the waist to the thighs they wore short drawers and over them, fastened round the waist, a kind of kilt that reached to the knees and availed them somewhat for defence. Across the body was a sash made of feathers that passed from the right shoulder to the left side of the waist. They wore sandals on their feet and had feather-ornaments upon their heads, more or less rich according to the quality of the warrior. When going to battle they adorned their necks, breasts, arms, and legs with their most valuable trinkets of gold or precious stones.[436] Tezozomoc mentions that the Tarascos wore steel helmets, but, as I have already stated, none of these nations were acquainted with the use of iron in any shape.[437] Some of the armor in use among the Tabascans must have been exceedingly rich, judging by that which was presented to Juan de Grijalva by the cacique of that province. It consisted of greaves for the knees and legs made of wood and covered with sheets of gold, head-pieces covered with gold plates and precious stones, among which was a visor, of which the upper half was of jewels linked together, and the lower half of gold plates; then there were cuirasses of solid gold, besides a quantity of armor-plates sufficient to cover the whole body.[438]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: OFFENSIVE WEAPONS.]
The offensive weapons of the Aztecs consisted of bows and arrows, slings, clubs, spears, light javelins, and swords; and in the use of all of these the soldiers were well skilled. The bows were made of tough, elastic wood, and were about five feet in length; for strings they used the sinews of animals or stags' hair twisted. The arrows were light canes, with about six inches of oak or other hard wood inserted in the end; at the extremity a piece of iztli was fastened with twisted nequen-fibre, and further secured by a paste of resin or other adhesive substance. Sometimes instead of iztli they used the bones of animals or fish; the bone of a fish called libisa is said to have caused by its venomous properties[439] a wound very difficult to heal. It is well known that none of the Nahua nations used poisoned arrows; such weapons would have defeated the object for which they often engaged in war, namely that of taking their enemies alive for the purpose of immolating them upon the altars of their gods. It is reasonable to believe that many of them attained to great accuracy in shooting with the bow, but there is room to doubt the assertion that some of them were able to shoot with three or four arrows at a time; or to throw an ear of corn into the air and pierce every kernel before it reached the ground; or to throw up a coin of the size of half a dollar, and keep it in the air as long as they pleased with their arrows.[440] The sling was a braid of pita-thread or other fibre, broader in the middle than at the ends, with which stones were thrown with much force and accuracy; the missiles were carried in a pouch filled with stones and suspended from the waist in front. The maza was a club similar to the Roman clava, tapering from the handle towards the end and terminating in a knotty head, filled with points of iztli or tempered copper.[441] The macana, or macuahuitl, called by the Spaniards espada, a sword, was made of tough wood, about three and a half feet long, with a flat blade four fingers in width armed upon both sides with sharp pieces of iztli about three fingers long by three wide, which were inserted into the grooved edge at intervals, and cemented with some adhesive compound.[442] This weapon, when not in immediate use, was carried slung to the arm with a cord. Many of these swords were two-handed and very heavy, and it is asserted that with them the Aztec warrior could at one blow cut a man in two or sever a horse's head. The one with which the famous Tlascaltec commander Tlahuicol fought was so weighty that a man of ordinary strength could hardly raise it from the ground.[443] The Mexican spears were very strong, and were pointed with iztli or copper. Spears were the principal weapon used by the Zapotecs and other tribes of Oajaca. The tlacochtli, or Mexican javelin, was like a long arrow made of otlatl or bamboo; the point was usually hardened in the fire or armed with iztli, copper, or bone; many had three points, thus inflicting a very severe wound; they were hurled with great force, and had a cord attached, so that when thrown they could be recovered for another cast. Some writers mention a ballista as being used with which to launch the javelin, but I do not find any description of its form or of the manner of using it;[444] certainly the javelin was projected with great velocity, if it be true, as asserted, that they would pass through a man's body; they were much dreaded by the Spanish Conquerors.
[Sidenote: THE BLOW-PIPE AND STANDARDS.]
When the Chichimecs first settled in the valley of Anáhuac the only weapons were the bow and arrow and blow-pipe, in the use of which they were very expert. The blow-pipe was a long hollow tube through which clay pellets were projected, and it is affirmed that with them the Chichimecs could kill a man or wild beast at a moderate distance; afterwards this weapon came to be generally used by other nations, but was only employed for shooting small birds. Among other things, Cortés was presented by Montezuma with a dozen blow-pipes beautifully ornamented and painted with figures of birds and animals; the mouth-piece of each was made of gold, five or six inches long; they were also ornamented in the centre with gold, and accompanying them were gold net-work pouches to carry the pellets.[445] The Matlaltzincas and Tabascans used weapons similar to those of the nations of the Anáhuac valley; the former were especially dexterous in their practice with the sling, which, when not in actual use, was carried wound about the head.[446] The fighting men among the Jaliscans were similarly armed, but the lords and captains carried only long staves with which to urge their men to fight and punish any who were disorderly or showed symptoms of cowardice.[447]
Each nation had its own particular standard on which were painted or embroidered the armorial bearings of the state. That of the Mexican empire, as we have seen, bore an eagle in the act of seizing a tiger, or jaguar. That of the republic of Tlascala, a bird with its wings spread as in the act of flying, which some authors call an eagle, others a white bird or crane. Each of the four lordships of the republic had also its appropriate ensign; Tizatlan had a crane upon a rock, Tepeticpac a wolf with a bunch of arrows in his paws, Ocotelulco a green bird upon a rock, and Quiahuiztlan a parasol made of green feathers.[448] Each company or command had also a distinct standard, the colors of which corresponded to that of the armor and plumes of the chief. The great standard of the Tlascaltec army was carried by the general commanding, and the smaller banners of the companies by their respective captains; they were carried on the back and were so firmly tied there that they could not be detached without great difficulty.[449] When upon a march and not in presence of the enemy the standard of the Tlascaltecs was carried in the van, but in action it was always placed in the rear. The Mexican standard was borne in the centre of the army. Instruments of music, consisting of drums, horns, and large sea-shells, were sounded while fighting to encourage and animate the men.
[Sidenote: AMBASSADORS AND COURIERS.]
The office of ambassador was one of much consequence, and persons of the highest rank, selected for their courteous manners and oratorical powers, were appointed to the position. Their persons were held sacred and they were usually received by those to whom they were sent with honor and respect, perfumed with incense, presented with flowers, and well lodged and entertained; in case any insult or indignity was offered them, it constituted a sufficient cause of war. Such an instance occurred when the Tepanecs, during the reign of their king Maxtlaton, invited the Mexican monarch Itzcoatl and his chiefs to visit their province and partake of their hospitality. Itzcoatl declined at the advice of his chiefs, but the latter went, carrying presents. They were accepted by the Tepanecs and the chiefs sent back in women's apparel, which they were compelled to wear; the indignity brought about a war between the two nations. The proper courtesy and protection due to their position was, however, only accorded them when on the high road that led to their destination; if they deviated from it they lost their rights and privileges as ambassadors. When on duty they wore a special garb that denoted their office; it consisted of a green habit resembling a scapulary, or small cloak; handsome feathers were twisted in the hair with tufts of divers colors; in the right hand they carried an arrow with the point towards the ground, and in the left a shield; a small net containing provisions hung from the left arm.
A complete courier-system was established throughout the empire; these couriers were employed to carry messages in peace and war, and fresh provisions for the king's table; as we have seen in a former chapter, it is asserted that Montezuma had fresh fish brought to his palace daily from the gulf coast. They were exceedingly swift runners, being exercised from childhood and encouraged by rewards to excel in speed. Stations were fixed at distances of about six miles apart, where small towers were built, in which dwelt one or more couriers ready at all times to set out with dispatches. As soon as a courier arrived at one of these towers, one of those waiting received from him the message he bore, usually expressed in paintings, and at once started for the next stage, and thus the tidings were conveyed to the capital in an incredibly short time. When the dispatches were of an important nature, the courier wore some badge or was dressed in a manner indicative of the intelligence entrusted to him. For instance, if it related to a defeat in battle, he traveled with hair dishevelled, preserving a strict silence until the message was delivered to the person to whom it was directed; on the other hand, if he brought news of a victory, his hair was neatly tied with a colored string, about his body was wrapped a white cotton cloth, on his left arm he carried a shield and in his right hand a sword which he brandished as if in combat, singing at the same time the glorious deeds of the victors.[450]
[Sidenote: NAHUA FORTIFICATIONS.]
The Mexicans and other Nahua nations, favored by the general features of the country, adopted a system of fortifications and entrenchments admirably adapted to secure them from the attacks of internal enemies, though insufficient as a defense against the superior tactics and indomitable perseverance of Cortés. The position of the city of Tenochtitlan, or Mexico, gave it all the advantages of a fortified town. There was no avenue of approach to it but the causeways, which were defended by towers and ditches spanned by draw-bridges; it was the untimely raising of one of these draw-bridges that caused such destruction to the Spaniards and their allies on the 'noche triste.' Besides this, the inhabitants prepared themselves to defend their city by means of boats, and were frequently exercised in sham naval engagements. The temples of Mexico served all the purposes of citadels, especially the great temple built by the Emperor Tizoc. It occupied the centre of the city and was surrounded by a stone wall eight feet high and very thick, having turrets and stone figures upon it; the wall was pierced by four principal entrances, over each of which were fortified apartments, well stocked with weapons, offensive and defensive, ready for immediate service; here, in case of a revolt or sudden alarm, the garrison went and armed themselves.[451] One of the royal palaces also contained a large armory where great quantities of arms were kept and armorers employed in their manufacture. The peculiar architecture of the temple rendered the ascent to its top very slow and difficult; during the battles of the Mexicans with Cortés' troops after Montezuma's death, five hundred Mexican nobles took possession of this summit, whence they hurled darts, arrows, and stones against the Spaniards, many of whom lost their lives during the assault before the position was taken by Cortés in person. In his dispatch to the Emperor Charles the Fifth he says: "so arduous was the attempt to take this tower that if God had not broken their spirits, twenty of them would have been sufficient to resist the ascent of a thousand men, although they fought with the greatest valor even unto death."[452]
Besides the arsenal and general rendezvous there were many turreted towers and strong buildings throughout the city, from the top of which men could shoot their arrows and hurl darts and stones with great effect. The lofty teocalli served as watch-towers, whence the movements of the enemy could be observed. Naturally impregnable localities, such as the vicinity of impassable rivers or ravines were selected as sites for cities, which they further strengthened with forts or surrounded with stone walls. The city of Guacachula, taken by Cortés shortly after his retreat from Mexico on the 'noche triste,' is thus described by him in his letter to Charles the Fifth: "This city of Guacachula is situated upon a plain bounded upon one side by some very lofty and craggy hills; encircling the plain, on the other sides, about two cross-bow shots apart, are two rivers that run through large and deep ravines. There are but few means of entrance to the city, and those extremely difficult both in the ascent and descent so that they can hardly be passed on horseback. The whole city is surrounded by a very strong wall of stone and lime about twenty-two feet high on the outside and almost level with the ground upon the inside. Around the whole wall runs a battlement, half the height of a man, as a protection when fighting; it has four entrances of sufficient width to admit a man on horseback, and in each entrance are three or four curves in the wall that lap one over the other and in the course of the curves, on the top of the wall are parapets for fighting. In the whole circuit of the wall is a large quantity of stones large and small and of different shapes for use in action." Four leagues distant from Guacachula was another city called Izucan, also strongly fortified with breastworks, towers, and a deep river that encircled a great part of the city.[453]
One of the most celebrated structures built for defence was the stone wall erected by the Tlascaltecs to secure themselves from the incursions of the Mexicans. This wall was six miles long, extending across a valley from one mountain to another; it was nearly nine feet high and twenty feet thick, surmounted along its whole length by a breastwork that enabled its defenders to fight in comparative security from the top. There was only one entrance, about ten paces wide, where one part of the wall overlapped the other in curvilinear form in the manner of a ravelin for a distance of forty paces. Bernal Diaz and Cortés differ as to the materials of which the wall was built. The former affirms that it was built of stones cemented together with lime and a bitumen so strongly that it was necessary to use pick-axes to separate them, while the latter says it was built of dry stone.
Cortés, describing the residence of the cacique of Iztacmaxtitlan, a garrison of the Mexicans, says it was situated on a lofty eminence, with a better fortress than there was in half Spain, defended by a wall, barbican, and moats.[454] In many other parts of the country were stone fortifications, wooden stockades and intrenchments. A short distance from the village of Molcaxac stood a strong fortress built on the top of a mountain; it was surrounded by four walls, erected at certain intervals between the base of the mountain and the top. Twenty-five miles from Córdova was the fortress of Quauhtochco, now Guatusco, encircled by high stone walls in which were no entrance gates; the interior could only be gained by means of steep narrow steps, a method commonly adopted in the country.[455] The nations of Michoacan and Jalisco employed heavy tree-trunks in fortifying their positions against the Spanish invaders, or cut deep intrenchments in which they fixed sharpened stakes. Previous to an attack led by Pedro Alvarado against the inhabitants of Jalisco, the latter took up a strong position on a hill which they fortified by placing large stones in such a manner, that upon cutting the cords that held them they would be precipitated upon the assailants; in the assault many Spaniards were killed and Alvarado was thrown from his horse with such violence that he died two days afterwards.[456]
* * * * *
Under the tripartite treaty made by the kingdoms of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan, a military council was established consisting of a president and twenty-one members. During the reign of the emperor Nezahualcoyotl their deliberations were held in a hall of his palace in Tezcuco. The president belonged to the highest rank of the nobility and commanders of the army, the other members were composed of six of the principal men of Tezcuco, three nobles and three commoners, and fifteen selected from the other chief provinces. All were veteran officers of recognized courage and good conduct. To this court were referred all matters relating to war. The council assembled when required, to discuss and decide all affairs of the service, whether for the punishment of offenses subversive of military discipline, or to transact the business relative to a declaration of war against other powers. In the latter case the consultation always took place in presence of the sovereign, or of the three heads of the empire. All ambassadors and soldiers were subject to this tribunal, which meted out reward as well as punishment. The following were the articles of war:
[Sidenote: ARTICLES OF WAR.]
First: any general or other military officer who, accompanying the king on a campaign, should forsake him, or leave him in the power of the enemy, thereby failing in his duty, which was to bring back his sovereign dead or alive, suffered death by decapitation.
Second: any officer who formed the prince's guard and deserted his trust, suffered death by decapitation.
Third: any soldier who disobeyed his superior officer, or abandoned his post, or turned his back upon the enemy, or showed them favor, suffered death by decapitation.
Fourth: any officer or soldier who usurped the captive or spoil of another, or who ceded to another the prisoner he himself had taken, suffered death by hanging.
Fifth: any soldier who in war caused injury to the enemy without permission of his officer, or who attacked before the signal was given, or who abandoned the standard or headquarters, or broke or violated any order issued by his captain, suffered death by decapitation.
Sixth: the traitor who revealed to the enemy the secrets of the army or orders communicated for the success thereof, suffered death by being torn to pieces; his property was forfeited to the crown and all his children and relations were made slaves in perpetuity.
Seventh: any person who protected or concealed an enemy in time of war, whether noble or plebeian, suffered death by being torn to pieces in the middle of the public square, and his limbs were given to the populace to be treated as objects of derision and contempt.
Eighth: any noble or person of distinction who, in action, or at any dance or festival, exhibited the insignia or badges of the kings of Mexico, Tezcuco, or Tlacopan, suffered death and forfeiture of property.
Ninth: any nobleman who, being captured by the enemy fled from prison and returned to his country suffered death by decapitation; but, if he fought and vanquished seven soldiers in gladiatorial combat previous to return, he was free and was rewarded as a brave man. The private soldier who fled from an enemy's prison and returned to his country was well received.
Tenth: any ambassador who failed to discharge his trust in accordance with the orders and instructions given to him or who returned without an answer, suffered death by decapitation.[457]
As I have already stated, the primary object of most wars was to procure victims for sacrifices to Huitzilopochtli and other gods, and the Mexicans were never at a loss for an excuse to pick a quarrel. The refusal of a neighboring power to receive in its temple one of the Mexican gods, neglect to pay tribute demanded, insults offered to ambassadors or traveling merchants, or symptoms of rebellion in a city or a province, furnished sufficient pretext to take up arms. The rulers of Mexico, however, always endeavored to justify their conduct before they made war, and never commenced hostilities without sending due notice of their intention to the adversary. Before an actual challenge was sent or war declared against any nation, the council met in presence of the three heads of the empire, and gravely discussed the equity of the case. If the difficulty lay with a province subject to the empire, secret emissaries were sent to inquire whether the fault originated solely with the governor or if he was sustained by his subjects. If it appeared that the whole blame rested with the governor, a force was sent to arrest him, and he was publicly punished, together with all others implicated; but if the rising was with the consent of the people, they were summoned to submit and place themselves in obedience to the king whose vassals they were, and a fine, proportionate to the magnitude of the case, was imposed. It was customary for the rulers of Mexico or Tezcuco to send messengers to distant provinces with a demand that they should receive one or more of their gods and worship them in their temples. If the messenger was killed or the proposed god rejected, a war ensued.
[Sidenote: DECLARATION OF WAR.]
As I have said, it was a breach of international etiquette to proceed to war without giving due notice to the enemy, and military law prescribed that three embassies should be despatched before commencing hostilities. The number of ambassadors varied according to the circumstances and rank of the princes against whom war was to be made, for the higher his rank the fewer in number were the envoys. If he was a great king only one was sent, and he was generally of the blood-royal or a famous general. Sometimes the ambassadors were instructed to deliver their message directly to the hostile prince, at other times to the people of the province. In the first case upon entering into the prince's presence they paid their respects with reverence, and having seated themselves in the centre of the audience-hall, waited till permission was given them to speak. The signal made, the principal among them delivered his message in a low tone of voice and with a studied address, the audience preserving a decorous silence, and listening attentively. As a general thing, in all embassies an interchange of presents was made, and if the message was from one friendly power to another, a refusal of such gifts was a serious affront. If, however, it was to an enemy, the ambassador could not receive a present without express orders from his master. When the three powers of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan acted in unison, in the event of a difficulty with another nation, the first ambassadors sent were of the Mexican nation and were called quaquauhnochtzin. Upon arriving at the capital of the kingdom or province they proceeded at once to the public square and summoned before them the ministers and aged men, to whom they made known the several circumstances of the case, warning them that, in case their lord refused to accede to their propositions, upon them and their families would fall the evils and hardships produced by war, and exhorting them to counsel and persuade their lord to maintain the good will and protection of the empire; for this purpose they granted twenty days, within which time they would expect an answer, and in order that there might be no complaint of being surprised and taken unprepared they left a supply of weapons and then retired outside the town to await the answer. If within the twenty days it was decided to accept the terms of the ambassadors, the ministers went to the place where they were in waiting and conducted them into the city, where they were received with every mark of respect, and in a short time were sent back to their own country, accompanied by other ambassadors, bearing costly presents in token of friendship and esteem. If, however, twenty days passed without a satisfactory adjustment of the difficulty, a second set of ambassadors, held in readiness for the occasion, who had to be of the kingdom of Tezcuco and were called achcacauhtzin, were sent into the city. These carried with them a quantity of arms, some feathers of a bird called tecpilotl, and a small earthenware jar containing a certain balsamic and aromatic ointment, compounded of various herbs and gums. They went directly to the palace of the prince and in presence of the gentlemen of his court delivered their message. They then represented to him the miseries of war, and warned him, that if within the space of twenty days he did not agree to their terms, in the event of his being taken captive during the war which would ensue he would be put to death under the penalty of the law, which sentenced him to have his head smashed with a club, and that his vassals would be chastised in proportion to the offence each had committed. If the refractory prince or noble refused immediate compliance, the ambassadors anointed his right arm and his head with the ointment brought with them, telling him to be strong and of good courage and to fight bravely against the troops of the empire, whose valor in war they greatly extolled. They then tied the tecpilotl-plumes at the back of his head with red strings, handed him the weapons they had brought with them, and retired to the place where the first ambassadors were, to await the expiration of the twenty days. If he surrendered within the time, he was required to pay a stipulated annual tribute of small amount, but if he refused to surrender, there came a third set of ambassadors, who were of the kingdom of Tlacopan; they appeared before the lord in the presence of his ministers and court, and delivered their message with stronger threats and warnings, to the effect that if he did not surrender at the expiration of a further twenty days, the army of the empire would march against his territory and punish the inhabitants regardless of age or sex, and that although they might implore its clemency they would not be heard; they then gave them a larger supply of arms than on the preceding occasions, telling them to avail themselves of them and not to say at a future time that they had been assailed unprepared. If the lord of the province surrendered within the last twenty days, he was punished according to the pleasure of the three powers, but not with death nor with the confiscation of his rank or property; he was usually condemned to pay an extraordinary tribute out of his own revenues; should he continue rebellious, war broke out, and the army of the empire, already prepared on the frontiers, commenced its operations.[458]
It was usual to send a formal challenge or declaration of war, accompanied by some presents, either of arms, clothing, or food, as it was held to be a discreditable act to attack any unarmed or defenseless people. A notable instance of this spirit was shown by the Tlascaltecs when they confronted the army of Cortés; their general is reported to have exclaimed: "Who are these presumptuous men, so few in number that they attempt to enter our country in spite of us? Lest they think we want to take them by hunger rather than by force of arms, let us send them food, that we may find them savory after the sacrifice, for they come starved and worn out." Before the battle they sent three hundred turkeys and two hundred baskets of centli or tamales, each basket weighing about twenty-five pounds, a gift most acceptable to the Castilians.[459]
When war against another nation was decided upon, the first care of the Mexicans was to investigate the character and resources of the region they were about to invade. Certain spies called quimichtin, who were selected for their knowledge of the language and customs of the enemy's country, were sent thither, dressed after the manner of the inhabitants. These spies were directed to prepare maps of the districts they passed through, showing the plains, rivers, mountains, and dangerous passes as well as the most practicable routes, and were to take notice of all means of defense possessed by the enemy. The sketches and information thus obtained were given to the chiefs of the army to guide them in their march and enable them to make the best disposition of their forces. Such spies as brought valuable news were rewarded with the grant of a piece of land, and if one came over from the enemy's side and gave advice of their preparations and force, he was well paid and given presents of mantles.[460] When a war was to be conducted jointly by the three allied powers, proclamation was made by heralds in the public thoroughfares of the capital cities. Commissariat officers called calpixques collected the necessary stores and provisions for the campaign, and distributed weapons and coarse mantles of nequen to the army. The troops then went to the temple and performed the ceremony of scarifying their bodies, while the customary sacrifices were offered by the priests to Huitzilopochtli.
[Sidenote: ORDER OF MARCH AND BATTLE.]
If the expedition was an important one and the army large, it was composed of several divisions, called xiquipilli, each consisting of eight thousand men under their respective commanders. When all was in readiness the order of march was thus formed: the priests with their idols started one day's march in advance; next came the captains and flower of the army, followed by the soldiers of Mexico; after them the Tezcucans, and then those of Tlacopan, the rear being closed by the troops of other provinces; one day's march separated each division. Perfect order was maintained on the route, and when near the enemy's country the chiefs traced out the camping-ground each division should occupy, and directed all to entrench and fortify their positions.[461]
The battle was sometimes fought on a piece of neutral ground lying between the confines of two territories. Such a place was known by the name yauhtlalli, and was especially reserved for the purpose, and always left uncultivated.[462] Before the action commenced each soldier received from the royal magazine a handful of pinole and a kind of cake called tlaxcaltotopochtli; afterwards the high-priest or chief addressed the troops, reminding them of the glory to be gained by victory, and the eternal bliss in store for those who fell, and concluded by counseling them to place their trust in Huitzilopochtli and fight valiantly. If the king was present on the field the signal for attack was given by him. The Mexican monarch issued his orders to commence the action by sounding on a large shell making a noise like a trumpet; the lords of Tezcuco beat upon a small drum, and lords of other provinces struck two bones together. The signals for retreat were given upon similar instruments. When the battle commenced, the shrieking of musical instruments, the clashing of swords against bucklers, and shouting of the combatants made a noise so great as to strike terror into those unused to it. While fighting the warriors shouted the names of their respective towns or districts to enable them to recognize each other and prevent confusion.[463]
In fighting there appears to have been no special tactics; the commanders of divisions and the captains used every effort to keep their men together, and were very careful to protect the standard, as, if that was taken, the battle was considered lost and all fled. They observed the wise policy of keeping a number of men in reserve to replace any who were wearied or had exhausted their weapons. The archers, slingers, and javelin men commenced the action at a distance and gradually drew nearer, until they came to close quarters, when they took to their swords and spears. All movements, both in advance and retreat, were rapidly executed; sometimes a retreat was feigned in order to draw the enemy into an ambuscade which had been prepared beforehand. The chief object was to take prisoners and not to slay; when an enemy refused to surrender, they endeavored to wound them in the foot or leg so as to prevent escape, but they never accepted a ransom for a prisoner. Certain men were attached to the army whose duty it was to remove the killed and wounded during the action, so that the enemy might not know the losses and take fresh heart.[464]
[Sidenote: TLASCALTECS AND TARASCOS.]
The Tlascaltecs formed their army into battalions, each having its appointed chief, the whole being under the command of a general-in-chief, who was elected from among those of the four seigniories into which the republic was divided. Their mode of fighting differed little from that of the Mexicans, with the exception of a certain practice which they observed upon first coming in contact with the enemy. This consisted in carrying with them two darts which they believed would presage victory or defeat according to the result of their delivery into the hostile ranks. According to Motolinia the tradition among them in regard to this belief was, that their ancestors came from the north-west, and that in order to reach the land they navigated eight or ten days; from the oldest among them they then received two darts which they guarded as precious relics, and regarded as an infallible augury by which to know whether they would gain a victory or ought to retreat in time.[465] When a victory was won the great standard was brought to the front and placed upon a rising ground or in some conspicuous position, and all were obliged to assemble around it; he who neglected to do so was punished.
The Tarascos fought with great courage to the sound of numerous horns and sea-shells, and carried to battle banners made of feathers of many colors. Their skill and valor is best proven by the fact that the Mexicans were never able to subdue them. They showed especial strategy in luring the foe into ambush. Like the Mexicans their chief object in battle was to take prisoners to sacrifice to their gods.[466]
Among the Mexicans, when the battle was over, the first prisoners taken were given to the priests to be sacrificed before the idols they carried with them. An account was taken of the losses sustained and of the number of prisoners and other booty gained. Rewards were distributed to all who had distinguished themselves and punishment inflicted on any who had misbehaved. All disputes relative to the capture of prisoners were inquired into and adjusted. If a case arose where neither of the disputants could prove their title, the prisoner was taken from them and given to the priests to be sacrificed. Those inhabitants of the conquered province who could prove that they had taken no active part in the war were punished at the discretion of their conqueror; usually they were condemned to pay a certain annual tribute, or to construct public works; meantime, the vanquished province was supplied with a governor and officers, appointed from among the conquerors.[467]
When the king or a feudatory lord captured a prisoner for the first time, his success was made the occasion of much rejoicing. The captive, dressed in showy apparel and mounted on a litter, was borne to the town in great triumph, accompanied by a host of warriors shouting and singing; at the outskirts of the city the procession was met by the inhabitants, some playing on musical instruments, others dancing and singing songs composed for the occasion. The prisoner was saluted with mimic honors, and his captor greatly extolled and congratulated. Numbers of people arrived from the adjoining towns and villages to assist in the general hilarity, bringing with them presents of gold, jewels, and rich dresses. Upon the day appointed for the sacrifice a grand festival was held, previous to and after which the lord fasted and performed certain prescribed ceremonies. The victim was usually dressed for the occasion in the robes of the god of the sun, and sacrificed in the usual manner. With some of the blood that flowed, the priest sprinkled the four sides of the temple; the remainder was collected in a vessel and sent to the noble captor, who with it sprinkled all the gods in the court yard of the temple as a thank-offering for the victory he had gained. After the heart was taken out the body was rolled down the steps and received below; the head was then cut off and placed upon a high pole, afterwards the body was flayed, and the skin stuffed with cotton and hung up in the captor's house as a memento of his prowess.[468]
[Sidenote: GLADIATORIAL COMBAT.]
When a renowned captain or noble was made prisoner, the right of fighting for his liberty was granted him--an honor not permitted to warriors of an inferior rank. Near the temple was an open space capable of containing a large multitude; in the middle was a circular mound built of stone and mortar, about eight feet high, with steps leading to the top, where was fixed a large round stone, three feet high, smooth, and adorned with figures. This stone was called the temalacatl; upon it the prisoner was placed, tied at the ankle with a cord, which passed through a hole in the centre of the stone. His weapons consisted of a shield and macana.[469] He who had taken him prisoner then mounted the stone, better armed, to combat with him. Both the combatants were animated with the strongest motives to fight desperately. The prisoner fought for his life and liberty, and his adversary to sustain his reputation. If the former was conquered, a priest, called chalchiuhtepehua, immediately seized him, hurried him dead or alive to the sacrificial stone and tore out his heart. The victor was then publicly congratulated and rewarded with military honors. If, however, the prisoner vanquished his first opponent and six others, by whom, in succession, he was attacked, he was granted his freedom, all spoil taken from him in battle was restored to him, and he returned to his country covered with glory. A notable violation of this law is recorded of the Huexotzincas. In a battle between them and the Cholultecs, the leader of the latter nation became separated from his own people during the heat of battle, and was, after a gallant resistance, made prisoner and conducted to the capital. Being placed on the gladiatorial stone he conquered the seven adversaries that were brought against him, but the Huexotzincas, dreading to liberate so famous a warrior, contrary to their universal law, put him to death, and thereby covered themselves with ignominy.[470]
[Sidenote: PRISONERS OF WAR.]
If the prisoner was a person of very high rank, he was taken before the king, who ordered that he should be sumptuously fed and lodged for forty days. At the end of that time he was accorded the right of combat, and if conquered, after the usual sacrificial ceremonies the body was cut into small pieces; these were sent to the relations and friends of the deceased, who received them as relics of great value and acknowledged the favor by returning gold, jewels, and rich plumes.[471] If we are to believe Gomara and others, the number of victims, chiefly prisoners of war, sacrificed at some of the festivals, was enormous. The historians relate that in front of the principal gate of the temple there was a mound built of stone and lime with innumerable skulls of prisoners inserted between the stones. At the head and foot of the mound were two towers built entirely of skulls and lime; on the top of the mound were seventy or more upright poles, each with many other sticks fastened crossways to it, at intervals, from top to bottom; on the points of each cross stick were five skulls. They go on to say that two soldiers of Cortés counted these skulls and found them to amount to one hundred and thirty-six thousand. Those that composed the towers they could not count.[472]
The nations contiguous to the Mexicans imitated to a great extent their manner of disposing of prisoners of war, and kept them to be sacrificed at their festivals. The first prisoner taken in battle by the Tlascaltecs was flayed alive and he who captured him dressed himself in the horrid trophy, and so covered served the god of battles during a certain number of days. He paraded from one temple to another followed by a crowd that shrieked for joy; but had, however, to run from his pursuers, for if they caught him they beat him till he was nearly dead. This ceremony was called exquinan, and was sometimes observed by two or three at the same time.[473] At one of their festivals they bound their prisoners to high crosses and shot them to death with arrows; at other times they killed them with the bastinado. They had also solemn banquets, at which they ate the flesh of their prisoners. At the taking of Mexico, the Tlascaltec soldiery feasted upon the bodies of the slain Mexicans, and Cortés, although shocked at the revolting practice, was unable to prevent it.[474]
The Mexicans, Tlascaltecs, and neighboring nations always made the return of a successful army the occasion of great festivity and rejoicing; the loud sound of drums and musical instruments greeted the entry of the victorious troops into the capital; triumphal arches were erected in the streets and the houses decorated with flowers; an abundance of copal was burned and sumptuous banquets were prepared; all were dressed in their gayest attire, and the warriors put on all the insignia of their rank; gifts were distributed to those who had performed any deed of gallantry, and minstrels sung or recited poems in their praise. Many went to the temples to observe especial acts of devotion to the gods, and numbers of the prisoners were then sacrificed. All these ceremonies tended to inspire the youths with courage and make them ambitious to gain distinction in war.[475]
FOOTNOTES:
[428] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 329-32.Return to passage
[429] Codex Mendoza, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. i., pl. lxiv-lxvi. In explanation of plate lxv., No. 19, it is stated that the warrior was called Quachic by reason of having taken five prisoners in war. 'Haber cautivado en la guerra cinco, demas de que en otras guerras a cautivado otros muchos de sus enemigos.' Explanation of Id., vol. v., p. 104; while Purchas says such a one was 'called Quagchil ... shewing that hee had taken fiue at the Wars of Guexo, besides that in other Wars he tooke many of his enemies.' Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iv., p. 1110-11.Return to passage
[430] Torquemada and Brasseur speak of a yet higher rank among the princes. 'Vna de las maiores grandeças, à que llegaba, era atarse el cabello, que era demonstracion de Gran Capitan, y estos se llamaban Quachictin, que era el mas honroso nombre, que à los Capitanes se los daba, y pocos lo alcançaban.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 543. 'Dont les membres se nommaient "Quachictin," c'est-à-dire, Couronnés. Leurs insignes consistaient dans la courroie écarlate dont nous avons parlé plus haut, mais dont le bout, avec sa houppe de plumes, pendait alors jusqu'à la ceinture.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 590-1. Herrera and Acosta both mention a fourth order: 'Auia otros como caualleros Pardos, que no eran de tanta cuenta, como estos, los quales tenian vnas coletas cortadas por encima de la oreja en redondo.' Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 443-4; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xix.; West und Ost Indischer Lustgart, pt i., p. 99; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 267-8; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 140.Return to passage
[431] The greaves were called cozehuatl, the brachials matemecatl, the bracelets matzopetztli, the lip ornament tentetl, the ear-rings nacochtli, and the collar or necklace cozcapetlatl. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 543; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 595; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 141.Return to passage
[432] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 295-6.Return to passage
[433] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 293-7.Return to passage
[434] Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. lxvi.; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 593; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 143; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 543.Return to passage
[435] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 141-3; Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 305.Return to passage
[436] Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. i., pp. 289-90.Return to passage
[437] Tezozomoc, Crónica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 83.Return to passage
[438] Carli, Cartas, pt i., pp. 17-21; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 354; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. ii.; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 37; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. i., p. 519; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 14. For further reference to defensive weapons and armor, see: Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 608-19; West-Indische Spieghel, p. 246; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 267; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 81-3; Mexique, Études Hist., p. 8; Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, pt ii., p. 28; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., p. 161; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 133; Müller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 542.Return to passage
[439] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xi.; Gage's New Survey, pp. 99-100.Return to passage
[440] 'I Tehuacanesi erano singolarmente rinomati per la lor destrezza nel tirar tre, o quatro frecce insieme.... La destrezza di quei Popoli nel tirar le frecce non sarebbe credibile, se non fosse accertata per la deposizione di centinaja di testimonj oculati. Radunatisi parecchj frecciatori gettano in sù una pannocchia di frumentone, e si mettono a saettarla con una tal prontezza, e con una tal desterità, che non la lasciano venite a terra, finattantochè non le hanno levati tutti i grani. Gettano similmente una moneta d'argento non più grande d'un giulio, e saettandola la trattengono in aria, quanto voglioni.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 143.Return to passage
[441] Ixtlilxochitl mentions clubs studded with iron, but it is well known that the Aztec nations had no knowledge of that mineral, although it is said they possessed the art of being able to temper copper to the hardness of steel, 'porras claveteadas de hierro, cobre y oro.' Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., p. 332.Return to passage
[442] According to Gomara it was made of 'cierta rayz que llaman çacotl, y de teuxalli, que es vna arena rezia, y como de vena de diamantes, que mezclan y amassan con sangre de morcielagos, y no se que otras aues.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 110.Return to passage
[443] In reference to the macana, which all assert to have been a most formidable weapon, I quote only a few authorities. 'Sus espadas de palo largas, de un palo muy fuerte, engeridas de pedernales agudísimos, que de una cuchillada cortaban á cercen el pescuezo de un caballo.' Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 188. Bernal Diaz describing a battle with the Tlascaltecs where Pedro de Moron was wounded and had his horse killed, says 'dieron vna cuchillada â la yegua, que le cortaron el pescueço redondo, y alli quedó muerta.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 44. 'Taglia come vn rasoio di Tolosa. Io viddi che combattendosi vn di, diede vn Indiano vna cortellata a vn cauallo sopra il qual era vn caualliero con chi combatteua, nel petto, che glielo aperse fin alle interiora, et cadde incontanente morto, & il medesimo giorno viddi che vn'altro cortellata a vn'altro cauallo su il collo che se lo gettò morto a i piedi.' Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 305. The Anonymous Conqueror does not say the head was cut off, but that one horse was killed with a cut on the breast that opened it to the entrails, and the other from a cut on the neck was laid dead at his feet. 'Lo que podrán efectuar con aquella espada en el pescuezo del caballo sera de la herida cuanto entraren los filos en la carne, que no pasarán de un canto de real de plata, porque todo lo otro es grueso, por tener el lomo que arriba referimos las navajas.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. lxvi.; Hernandez, Nova Plant., p. 340; Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iv., p. 1129.Return to passage
[444] It may be that this ballesta was a somewhat similar implement to that used by the Aleuts and Isthmians. See vol. i., pp. 90, 761. 'Dardi che essi tirano con vn manga no fatto di vn'altro bastone.' Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 305; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 594-5.Return to passage
[445] Cortés, Cartas, p. 101; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. ii., p. 5; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 299; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 460.Return to passage
[446] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 128-9.Return to passage
[447] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 339.Return to passage
[448] In regard to the armorial ensign of the Tlascaltecs, authors differ. It is admitted that the general-in-chief carried the standard of the republic, and important authorities say that the one borne by Xicotencatl in his battle with Cortés had emblazoned upon it a white bird resembling an ostrich or heron, but Clavigero and Prescott incline to the opinion that the emblem was an eagle. In regard to this we have the following accounts. Bernal Diaz, an actor in the battle, says the Tlascaltec army was ranged under the banner of Xicotencatl, 'qua era vn aue blanca tendidas las alas, como que queria bolar, que parece como auestruz.' Hist. Conq., fol. 45. 'Lleuaua el estandarte de la ciudad, que es vna grua de oro con las alas tendidas.' Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 75. 'Esta bandera de Tascaltecle es una grua que trae por divisa, ó armas al natural, de oro, é tendidas las alas.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 499. 'Xicotencatl ... llevaba el Estandarte de la Republica, que era vn Aguila de Oro, con las Alas estendidas.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 423; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 145; Prescott's Mex., vol. i., p. 439; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., p. 234.Return to passage
[449] 'Ha ogni compagnia il suo Alfiere con la sua insegna inhastata, & in tal modo ligata sopra le spalle, che non gli da alcun disturbo di poter combattere ne far ciò che vuole, & la porta cosi ligata bene al corpo, che se non fanno del suo corpo pezzi, non se gli puo sligare, ne torgliela mai.' Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 305.Return to passage
[450] 'Respetaban à los Embaxadores de sus mortales enemigos, como à Dioses, teniendo por mejor violar qualquier rito de su Religion, que pecar contra la fee dada à los Embaxadores.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 535-6. 'Los Correos, ò Mensageros, que se despachaban de las Guerras, tambien pasaban seguros, por todas partes.' Ib.; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 118-20.Return to passage
[451] 'A cada parte y puerta de las cuatro del patio del templo grande ya dicho habia una gran sala con muy buenos aposentos altos y bajos en rededor. En estos tenian muchas armas, porque como los Templos tengan por fortalezas de los pueblos tienen en ellos toda su municion.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. li.Return to passage
[452] 'Si Dios no les quebrara las alas.' Cortés, Cartas, p. 132. See also Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 151-2; Ortega, in Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., p. 319.Return to passage
[453] Cortés, Cartas, pp. 150, 152.Return to passage
[454] 'Una gran cerca de piedra seca.' Cortés, Cartas, pp. 59-60. 'Una fuerça bien fuerte hecha de cal y canto, y de otro betun tan rezio, que con picos de hierro era forçoso deshazerla.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq., fol. 43; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 418-19; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., pp. 229, 232; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iv., pp. 134-5; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 70; Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. i.; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 150; Solis, Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. i., p. 241.Return to passage
[455] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 150.Return to passage
[456] Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, p. 107; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 567; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 133.Return to passage
[457] Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., pp. 203-4, 422-3; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 384-5, 540; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxv.; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 243, 246; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 132.Return to passage
[458] Las Casas says that very old women were admitted to war councils. 'Nunca movian guerra sin dar parte al pueblo, y sin mucho consejo de los mas ancianos y caballeros ejercitados en la guerra, al cual consejo se admitian las mujeres muy viejas como personas que habian visto y oido muchas cosas y asi esperimentadas de lo pasado.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. lxvi. According to the Chevalier Boturini the first ambassadors were accredited to the king or lord of the province, the second were dispatched to the nobility requiring them to persuade their lord, and the third convoked the people and advised them of the motives their monarch had for waging war against them. Boturini, Idea, pp. 162-3. See also Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mej., tom. iii., pp. 424-7; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., tom. ix., pp. 246-7; Tezozomoc, Crónica Mex., in Id., pp. 40, 73; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 382-3, 534-5.Return to passage
[459] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 423; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 75; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. vi.Return to passage
[460] 'A estas Espias, que embiaban delante, llamaban Ratones, que andan de noche, ò escondidos, y à hurtadillas.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 538.Return to passage
[461] Camargo says: 'L'armée était divisée par bataillons de cent hommes.' Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 134. 'Quando l'esercito era numeroso, si contava per Xiquipilli: ed ogni Xiquipilli si componeva d'otto mila uomini.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 147.Return to passage
[462] Also spelt quiahtlale, jaotlalli, meaning a place for war. Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 147-3; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 322; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 538.Return to passage
[463] Tezozomoc, Crónica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 31, 41, 50, 147.Return to passage
[464] For further account of their manner of conducting a war, see: Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 147-9; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 311-12; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. lxvii.; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 129-31; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 322-3; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 598-601; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 537-40; Chaves, Rapport, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii., tom. v., pp. 313-14; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 86-8.Return to passage
[465] Motolinia, Hist. Indios, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 11; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvii.; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 87; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 34; Gage's New Survey, p. 77; Bussierre, L'Empire Mex., p. 230.Return to passage
[466] Beaumont, Crón. Mechoacan, MS., pp. 51, 60-1.Return to passage
[467] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 313; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. lxvii.Return to passage
[468] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., pp. 131-4; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 541-2; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 149.Return to passage
[469] Camargo says the prisoner was given his choice of every kind of offensive and defensive weapons. Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcviii., pp. 188-9, but all other authors state that he was only given a short sword and shield. Boturini says a servant who was under the stone drew the cord and so controlled the prisoner that he could not move. Idea, p. 164. Duran says: 'El modo que en celebrarlo tenian; que era atar á los Presos con una soga al pie por un ahugero que aquella piedra tenia por medio, y desnudo en cueros le daban una rodela y una espada de solo palo emplumado en las manos, y unas pelotas de palo con que se defendian de los que salian á combatir con él, que eran cuatro muy bien armados.' Hist. Indias, MS., tom. i., cap. 36.Return to passage
[470] Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 305; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 47-8.Return to passage
[471] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 536.Return to passage
[472] Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol. 121-2; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 333-5; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xviii.; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 242.Return to passage
[473] Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcix., p. 134.Return to passage
[474] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 51; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 423. For further reference to treatment of prisoners, see: Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 250-1; Tezozomoc, Crónica Mex., in Id., p. 164; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, tom. v., pp. 102-3; Müller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 634; Fossey, Mexique, pp. 215-16; Peter Martyr, dec. v., lib. viii.Return to passage
[475] Instances of how the Mexicans received their victorious armies are given in Tezozomoc, Crónica Mex., in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. ix., pp. 39, 61, 177-8; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., pp. 321-2. See further, Camargo, Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcix., p. 136; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvii.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 574; Acosta, Hist. de las Ynd., pp. 489-90.Return to passage