XXV. HUMANISM AND MEDIAEVALISM (part 2 of 2)

XXV. HUMANISM AND MEDIAEVALISM (part 2 of 2)

There are modern editions in J. Haslewood, Two Interludes (Roxburghe Club, 1820); F. J. Child, Four Old Plays (1848); Hazlitt-Dodsley, vol. i; also a facsimile by H. S. Ashbee (1876) and extracts in Pollard, 126. There are 915 lines. The dramatis personae are Thersites, Mulciber, Miles, Mater, Telemachus. Mulciber has ‘a sharp sword made in the place,’ and Mater ‘the place which is prepared for her.’ The date is fixed by a prayer for Prince Edward, born Oct. 12, 1537, and Queen Jane Seymour, who died Oct. 24, 1537. Bolte, in Vahlen-Festschrift, 594, says that the piece is translated from the Thersites of J. Ravisius Textor, printed in his Dialogi (1651), 239. The first edition of the Dialogi was in 1530 (Bahlmann, Lat. Dr. 31).

18. †1560. Thomas Ingelend. The Disobedient Child.

[Probably an Elizabethan play, but included here on account of its relation to Thersites.]

[1561-75.] Thomas Colwell. A pretie and Mery new Enterlude: called the Disobedient Child. Compiled by Thomas Ingelend late Student in Cambridge.

There are modern editions by Halliwell (Percy Soc. xxiii) and in Hazlitt-Dodsley, vol. ii. The closing prayer is for Elizabeth. Bolte, loc. cit., considers this a translation of the Iuvenis, Pater, Uxor of Ravisius Textor (Dialogi, 71). Brandl, lxxiii, finds in it the influence of the Studentes (1549) of Christopherus Stymmelius (Bahlmann, Lat. Dr. 98).

Farces on Classical Models.

19. †1550-3. W. Stevenson (?). Gammer Gurton’s Needle.

1575. Thomas Colwell. A Ryght Pithy, Pleasaunt and merie Comedie: Intytuled Gammer gurton’s Nedle: Played on Stage, not longe ago in Christes Colledge in Cambridge. Made by Mʳ S. Mʳ of Art.

1661. Thomas Johnson.

There are modern editions in Hawkins, vol. i; W. Scott, Ancient British Drama (1810), vol. i; Old English Drama (1830), vol. i; Hazlitt-Dodsley, vol. iii; Manly, vol. ii. The latest is by H. Bradley in C. M. Gayley, Representative English Comedies (1903).

The play is divided into Acts and Scenes, has a prologue and a plaudite; but the subject is not taken from Latin comedy. It is probably identical with the Dyccon of Bedlam entered by Colwell on the Stationers’ Register in 1562-3, since ‘Diccon, the bedlem’ is a character. The 1575 edition may, therefore, not have been the first. Jusserand, Théâtre, 181, thinks that the satire is even pre-Reformation in tone. The authorship is much in dispute. I. Reed, Biographia Dramatica (1782), suggested John Still, afterwards bishop of Bath and Wells, who was a M.A. of Christ’s in 1565. C. H. Ross, in Modern Language Notes, vii (1892), no. 6, and Anglia, xix. 297, accepts John Bridges, afterwards bishop of Oxford, who is spoken of, but with doubtful seriousness, as the author, in Martin Marprelate’s Epistle (1588). But Bridges’ initial is not S, nor was he a Christ’s man. H. Bradley, in Athenæum for August 6, 1898, and J. Peile, Christ’s College (1900), 54, 73, point out that one William Stevenson, a Bachelor Fellow of Christ’s, is shown by college accounts to have been in charge of plays there between 1550 and 1553. His seems to me by far the strongest claim yet made.

20. †1553-4. Nicholas Udall. Roister Doister.

See s.v. Udall.

21. †1553-8. Jack Juggler.

[1562-9.] W. Copland, A new Enterlude for Chyldren to playe, named Jacke Jugeler, both wytte, and very playsent Newly Imprentid.

According to Grosart, two leaves of another edition are bound with the Duke of Devonshire’s copy.

The play was entered by Copland on the Stationers’ Register in 1562-3. There are modern reprints in J. Haslewood, Two Interludes (Roxburghe Club, 1820); F. J. Child, Four Old Plays (1848); A. B. Grosart, Fuller Worthies Library Miscellanies (1873), vol. iv; Hazlitt-Dodsley, vol. ii, and a facsimile by E. W. Ashbee (1876). The piece is an imitation of the Amphitruo of Plautus. Brandl, lxxi, assigns it to the reign of Mary on the strength of a Catholic sentiment.

Tragedy on Classical Model (?).

22. †1516-33. Lucrece.

A fragment of a ‘Play concerning Lucretia’ is attributed by R. G. C. Proctor, in Hand Lists of English Printers (1896), Part ii, to the press of John Rastell (1516-33). It is in the Bagford collection of fragments, Harl. MS. 5919, f. 20 (no. 98), and consists of two pages, containing a scene in which Publius Cornelius instructs a confidential friend with the initial B to sound the feeling of ‘Lucres’ towards him, and the beginning of a scene between B. and ‘Lucres.’ Halliwell-Phillipps, ii. 340, says that the play was written by Medwall, †1490, and gives the title as ‘A godely interlude of Fulgeus, Cenatoure of Rome, Lucres his daughter, Gayus Flaminius and Publius Cornelius, of the Disputacyon of Noblenes.’ The ‘Fulgius and Lucrelle’ of seventeenth-century play-lists (Hazlitt, Manual, s.v.; Greg, Masques, lxx) may be related to this. The heroine is not Shakespeare’s Lucrece.

Latin Neo-Mysteries.

23. †1535-45. Thomas Watson (?). Absolon.

Ascham, Scholemaster (ed. Mayor, 1869), highly praises, together with Buchanan’s Jephthes, the Absolon of Thomas Watson ‘in Sᵗ John’s College Cambridge’ which he never would publish because an anapaest sometimes stood where he thought, incorrectly, that there should have been an iambus. Watson became bishop of Lincoln. Fleay, Biog. Chron. ii. 267, and others ascribe the play in error to John Watson, bishop of Winchester, and speak of a manuscript at Penshurst, which, however, is not mentioned in the account of the Penshurst MSS. in Hist. MSS. iii. app. 227. Probably the play is identical with the Absolon preserved in Brit. Mus. Stowe MS. 957, described by G. B. Churchill and W. Keller, Die lat. Universitäts-Dramen Englands in der Zeit der Königin Elisabeth (Shakespeare-Jahrbuch, xxxiv (1898), 229). An eighteenth-century ascription on the first leaf to John Bale is of no authority. The play is of a Senecan type, with acts and scenes and a chorus. The first line was originally ‘Adhuc animus vexatur excusso metu,’ but in the MS., which has many corrections, ‘Animus adhuc’ has been substituted.

24. †1540. Nicholas Grimald. Christus Redivivus.

25. †1547. Nicholas Grimald. Archipropheta.

See s.v. Grimald.

26. †1550. John Foxe. Christus Triumphans.

1551. Christus triumphans, Comoedia apocalyptica. Autore Ioanne Foxo Anglo. London 1551. 8ᵒ.

1556. Oporinus, Basle.

1590. Nuremberg, Gerlach.

In 1672 and 1677 the Latin text was edited by Thomas Comber for school use. A French translation by Jacques Bienvenu appeared in 1562. There is also

1579. John and Richard Day. Christ Jesus Triumphant, A fruitefull Treatise, wherein is described the most glorious Triumph, and Conquest of Christ Iesus our Saviour.... Made to be read for spiritual comfort by Iohn Foxe, and from Latin translated intoo English by the Printer....

There are later editions of 1581 and 1607. This is generally regarded as a translation of the Christus Triumphans, but Greg, Masques, cxxiii, doubts this, and notes that ‘a modern reprint [1828] in the B. M. is not dramatic.’ The reprint is in fact a translation of the De Christo Triumphante, Eiusdem Autoris Panegyricon appended to the Basle edition of the play. But possibly it does not represent the whole of Day’s work. The 1551 edition is given by Bahlmann, Lat. Dr. 107. According to S. L. Lee, in D. N. B., it only rests on the authority of Tanner. In 1551 Foxe was tutor to the children of Lord Surrey, who had been executed some years before. In 1555 he entered the printing office of Oporinus at Basle, and in 1564 that of John Day in London. The MS. of the play is Lansd. MS. 1073. It is an ‘Antichrist’ play, written under the influence of the Pammachius (1538) of Thomas Kirchmaier or Naogeorgus (Bahlmann, op. cit. 71). A full analysis is given by Herford, 138.

Translation from Latin Neo-Moral.

27. †1530-40. J. Palsgrave. Acolastus.

1540. Thomas Berthelet. Ioannis Palsgravi Londoniensis, ecphrasis Anglica in comoediam Acolasti. ¶ The Comedye of Acolastus translated into oure englysshe tongue, ... Interpreted by John Palsgraue.

This is a translation of the Acolastus (1530) of Wilhelm de Volder, known in learning as Gnaphaeus or Fullonius, of the Hague (Bahlmann, Lat. Dr. 39). It is arranged for school use, with marginal notes on grammar, &c. The original play is the most important of the group dealing with the Prodigal Son motive: cf. Herford, 152.

Drama of Catholic Controversy.

28. 1553. Respublica.

Printed by Collier, Illustrations of Old English Literature (1866), vol. i, and Brandl, 281, from sixteenth-century MS. of Mr. Hudson Gurney of Keswick Hall, Norfolk, with the heading ‘A merye enterlude entitled Respublica, made in the yeare of our Lorde, 1553.’

The play is divided into Acts and Scenes, and is a ‘Christmas devise’ (prol. 6) by ‘boyes’ (prol. 39). The place-names are of London. The controversial tone is Catholic, and political, rather than theological. Brandl, lviii, finds the model in Lyndsay’s Satyre. Except for the Prologue (the Poet) all the characters are abstractions. Avarice, alias Policy, is ‘the vice of the plaie.’

Dramas of Protestant Controversy.

29. 1538. John Bale. God’s Promises.

30. 1538. John Bale. John Baptist.

31. 1538. John Bale. The Temptation.

32. 1538. John Bale. The Three Laws.

33. ?1539, 1561. John Bale. King John.

See s.v. Bale.

34. †1547-53. R. Wever. Lusty Juventus.

[1549-69.] W. Copland. An Enterlude called lusty Iuuentus. Lyuely describing the frailtie of youth: of natur prone to vyce: by grace and good counsayll, traynable to vertue.—At end of play, ‘Finis, quod R. Wever.’

[1548-86.] A. Vele.

Copyright was entered on the Stationers’ Register by John King in 1560-1. There are modern reprints in Hawkins, vol. i, and Hazlitt-Dodsley, vol. ii. The characters are abstractions with the Devil, a Messenger, and Little Bess a ‘Curtisane.’ The prayer is for a king and his council who rule, which points to the reign of Edward VI.

35. †1547-53. T. R. Nice Wanton.

1560. John King. A Preaty Interlude called, Nice wanton.—At end of play, ‘Finis T. R.’

There are reprints in Hazlitt-Dodsley, vol. i, and Manly, vol. i. The characters are curiously heterogeneous: Messenger, Barnabas, Ismael, Dalila, Eulalia, Iniquitie, Baily Errand, Xantippe, Worldly Shame, Daniel. Brandl, lxxii, considers the play an adaptation of the Rebelles (1535) of George Van Langeveldt or Macropedius, of Utrecht (Bahlmann, Lat. Dr. 55). The rhyme ‘queenes’—‘things’ in the final prayer shows an original date of composition under Edward VI.

36. †1547-53. Somebody, Avarice and Minister.

Fragment of unidentified edition amongst papers of the reign of Edward VI in Lambeth Library, reprinted by S. R. Maitland, List of Early Printed Books at Lambeth (1843), 280. Brandl, lix, considers this a politico-religious interlude of the school of Lyndsay.

Protestant Controversy: Translation.

37. †1561. Henry Cheke. Freewill.

[1558-63.] John Tisdale. A certayne Tragedie wrytten fyrst in Italian, by F. N. B. entituled, Freewyl, and translated into Englishe, by Henry Cheeke.

The copyright of a book ‘of frewil’ was entered on the Stationers’ Register on May 11, 1561 (Arber, i. 156). The original is the Tragedia del Libero Arbitrio (1546) of Francesco Nigri de Bassano. The translator cannot be, as stated in the D. N. B., Henry, the son of Sir John Cheke, if the date of his birth is as there given (†1548).

Protestant Controversy: Pseudo-Interludes.

38. †1547-53. Robin Conscience.

Often described as an ‘interlude,’ but really a series of dialogues between Robin Conscience, his father Covetousness, his mother New-guise, and his sister Proud-beauty. Collier, ii. 315, describes it from a printed fragment in the Devonshire library, and inclines to ascribe it to the reign of Edward VI; cf. Herford, 55. Hazlitt, iii. 225, prints the full text from a later edition.

39. 1549. Ponet. Bishop of Rome.

A tragoedie or Dialoge of the uniuste usurped primacie of the Bishop of Rome. A translation by John Ponet, Bishop of Winchester, from the Italian of Bernardino Ochino (1549); cf. Bale, i. 694; Herford, 33. Among the speakers are Edward VI and Somerset.

Lost Interludes.

See s.v. Skelton for the alleged Nigramansir (1504).

S. Jones, Biographia Dramatica (1812), ii. 328, describes ‘A newe Interlude of Impacyente Poverte, newlye Imprinted. M. V. L. X.’ The copyright of this play, which is in the Sir Thomas More list (cf. p. 200) and that in Captain Cox, cxviii, was transferred on the Stationers’ Register from the late Sampson Awdeley to John Charlwood on Jan. 15, 1582.

Halliwell-Phillipps, Dictionary of Old English Plays (1860), quoting ‘Coxeter’s Notes,’ is the authority for ‘An Interlude of Welth and Helth, full of Sport and mery Pastyme,’ n.d.

FOOTNOTES

[1] On these tendencies generally, see Davidson, 130; Ward, i. 32; R. Rosières, Société française au Moyen Âge, ii. 228; E. King, Dramatic Art and Church Liturgy (Dublin Review, cxxv. 43). Mediaeval liturgiologists such as Belethus, Durandus, and Honorius of Autun (P.L. clxxii), lay great stress on the symbolical aspect of ritual and ceremonial. J. M. Robertson, The Gospel Mystery-Play (The Reformer, N.S. iii (1901), 657), makes an ingenious attempt to show that the earlier gospel narratives of the Passion, those of Saints Matthew and Mark, are based upon a dramatic version. This, he thinks, to have been on classical lines, and to have been performed liturgically until about the second century, when it was dropped in deference to the ascetic views of the stage then prevalent (cf. vol. i. p. 11). But the narrative, with its short speeches, its crowd of characters and its sufferings ‘coram populo’ cannot, on the face of it, be derived from a classical drama. A nearer parallel would be the Graeco-Jewish Ἐξαγωγή of Ezechiel (first century B.C., cf. Ward, i. 3). The Gospel narrative is, no doubt, mainly ‘a presentation of dramatic action and dialogue’; but this may be because it was built up around Logia. Of external evidence for Mr. Robertson’s view there is none. The ritual of the first two centuries was probably a very simple one; cf. F. E. Warren, Liturgy of the Ante-Nicene Church, 54. The earliest liturgical dramas, even in the Greek churches, and those only guessed at, are of the fourth (cf. p. 206). Mr. Robertson claims support from Galatians, iii. 1 οἷς κατ’ ὀφθαλμοὺς Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς προεγράφη ἐσταυρωμένος. Lightfoot, however, declares that the meaning of προγράφειν is ‘write up in public,’ ‘placard,’ ‘proclaim.’ If it cannot, as he says, mean ‘paint,’ still less can it mean ‘represent dramatically.’

[2] Duchesne, 47: A. V. G. Allen, Christian Institutions, 515.

[3] Duchesne, 393, 469, with the Ordo dedicationis Ecclesiae from a ninth-century Metz Sacramentary there printed; Maskell, Monum. Rit. Eccl. Angl. (1882) I. cccxxvi, 196, with text from Sarum Pontifical. The ceremonies are symbolically explained by Hugo of St. Victor, de Sacramentis, ii. 5. 3 (P. L. clxxvi, 441), who says, ‘Interrogatio inclusi, ignorantia populi.’

[4] Duchesne, 236; Martene, iii. 71; Gasté, 69; Feasey, 53; Use of Sarum, i. 59; Sarum Missal, 258; Sarum Processional, 47; York Missal, i. 84; York Processional, 148. The custom is described in the Peregrinatio Silviae (Duchesne, 486) as already in use at Jerusalem in the fourth century. ‘Etiam cum coeperit esse hora undecima, legitur ille locus de evangelio, ubi infantes cum ramis vel palmis occurrerunt Domino, dicentes: Benedictus qui venit in nomine Domini. Et statim levat se episcopus et omnis populus porro: inde de summo monte Oliveti totum pedibus itur. Nam totus populus ante ipsum cum ymnis vel antiphonis, respondentes semper: Benedictus qui venit in nomine Domini. Et quotquot sunt infantes in hisdem locis, usque etiam qui pedibus ambulare non possunt, quia teneri sunt, in collo illos parentes sui tenent, omnes ramos tenentes, alii palmarum, alii olivarum; et sic deducitur episcopus in eo typo quo tunc Dominus deductus est. Et de summo monte usque ad civitatem, et inde ad Anastase per totam civitatem, totum pedibus omnes, sed et si quae matronae sunt aut si qui domini, sic deducunt episcopum respondentes, et sic lente et lente, ne lassetur populus; porro iam sera pervenitur ad Anastase.’

[5] Cf. ch. xiv.

[6] Collier, i. 82; Feasey, 68, 75, quoting payments ‘for the prophets.’ their ‘raiment,’ ‘stages’ for them, &c., from sixteenth-century Revels and churchwardens’ accounts. The Sarum Processional, 50 (from eds. 1508, 1517), has ‘finito evangelio, unus puer ad modum prophetae indutus, stans in aliquo eminenti loco, cantat lectionem propheticam modo quo sequitur.’ Then come alternating passages between the ‘propheta’ and ‘tres clerici.’ Perhaps the latter were also sometimes disguised, but the Sarum Processional, as well as the thirteenth-century Consuetudinary and the York Missal (MS. D), all specify that the clergy, other than the prophet, shall be ‘habitu non mutato.’ Several of the London records given by Mr. Feasey mention an ‘angel,’ and one of them a ‘chylde that playde a messenger.’ A Coutances Order of 1573 (Gasté, 74) forbids ‘spectacula ... cum habitibus inhonestis’ at the Gospel during Mass on Palm Sunday.

[7] Martene, iii. 72; Gasté, 72; R. Twigge, Mediaeval Service Bks. of Aquitaine (Dublin Review, cxv. 294; cxvii. 67); Pearson, ii. 296.

[8] Sarum Missal, 264. The York Missal, i. 102, says, for Good Friday, ‘Diaconus legat Passionem,’ but MS. D. adds ‘vel legatur a tribus Presbyteris, si sic ordinatum erit.’ Payments for the singers of the Passion are quoted from churchwardens’ accounts (1447-1562) by Feasey, 81. The singing was sometimes done from the rood loft.

[9] Feasey, 17; Use of Sarum, i. 140 ‘quarta autem feria ante pascha dum passio domini legitur ad prolacionem ipsius clausulae Velum templi scissum est: praedictum velum in area presbiterii decidat.’ The same rubric is in the Wells Ordinale (H. E. Reynolds, Wells Cathedral, 42).

[10] J. W. Legg, Westminster Missal (H.B.S.), 1469; G. F. Aungier, Hist. and Antiq. of Syon Monastery, 350; Lanfranc, Decreta pro Ord. S. Bened. (P.L. cl. 465) ‘Ubi dicitur Partiti sunt vestimenta mea sibi, sint duo de indutis iuxta altare, hinc et inde trahentes ad se duos pannos qui ante officium super altare missi fuerant, linteo tamen remanente subtus missale’; Leofric’s Missal (Exeter, eleventh century), 261 ‘hac expleta statim duo diaconi nudant altare sindone quae prius fuerit sub evangelio posita in modum furantis. Aliqui vero, antequam legatur passio domini, praeparant sindones duas sibi coherentes et in eo versu ubi legitur: Partiti sunt vestimenta, scindunt hinc inde ipsas sindones desuper altare in modum furantis, et secum auferunt’; York Missal, i. 102 ‘hic distrahantur linteamina super altare connexa’; Sarum Missal, 323 ‘hic accedant duo ministri in superpelliceis, unus ad dextrum et alius ad sinistrum cornu altaris; et inde duo linteamina amoveant quae ad hoc super altare fuerunt apposita.’ I find the custom in Aquitaine (Dublin Review (1897), 366), and in Hungary (Dankó, Vetus Hymnarium Eccles. Hungariae, 534).

[11] Martene, iii. 99; Feasey, 107; Wordsworth, 184.

[12] Feasey, 84; Wordsworth, 290.

[13] Strictly speaking the Antiphon is begun by one half of the choir and finished by the other; the Responsorium is a solo with a short refrain sung by the choir, like the secular carole; cf. ch. viii, and Use of Sarum, i. 307; Dankó, Vetus Hymnarium Eccl. Hung. 11.

[14] Duchesne, 108; Davidson, 134; F. E. Warren, Liturgy of the Ante-Nicene Church, 74.

[15] Frere, vi. The Gregorian Liber Antiphonarius is in P.L. lxxviii. 641.

[16] Radulphus Glaber, Hist. sui Temporis (†1044), iii. 4 (Bouquet, Rerum Gallic. et Francic. Script. x. 29) ‘Igitur infra supradictum millesimum tertio iam fere imminente anno, contigit in universo pene terrarum orbe, praecipue tamen in Italia et in Galliis, innovari Ecclesiarum Basilicas, licet pleraeque decenter locatae minime indiguissent. Aemulabatur tamen quaeque gens Christicolarum adversus alteram decentiore frui. Erat enim instar ac si mundus ipse excutiendo semet, reiecta vetustate, passim candidam ecclesiarum vestem induerit.’

[17] Ekkehardus, Vita B. Notkeri Balbuli, c. xvi (Goldast, Rerum Alaman. Script. i. 235) ‘Iubilus, id est neuma ... si autem tristitiae fuerit oratio, ululatus dicitur, si vero gaudii, iubilus.’

[18] Gautier, Les Tropes, passim; Winchester Troper, vi; Dankó, Vetus Hymnarium Eccles. Hungariae, 15; Julleville, Myst. i. 21; Creizenach, i. 47. Gautier, i, defines a trope, ‘Qu’est-ce qu’un Trope? C’est l’interpolation d’un texte liturgique,’ and M. Gerbert, de cantu et musica sacra (1774), i. 340 ‘Tropus, in re liturgica, est versiculus quidam aut etiam plures ante inter vel post alios ecclesiasticos cantus appositi.’ Of earlier writers, cf. Durandus, iv. 5 ‘Est autem proprie tropus quidam versiculus qui in praecipuis festivitatibus cantatur immediate ante introitum quasi quoddam praeambulum et continuatio ipsius introitus.’ Gautier, 111, describes a large number of Tropers; Frere, Winchester Troper, xxvii, xxx, those of English uses from Winchester, Canterbury, Worcester, St. Albans, Dublin; Pamelius, Liturgicon (1609), ii. 611 an English Troper in the library of St. Bavon’s, Ghent. Amongst tropes in the wider sense are included the farsurae (vol. i. p. 277). Many of the later tropes are trivial, indecent, or profane. They are doubtless the work of goliardi (vol. i. p. 60).

[19] St. Gall MS. 484, f. 13 (ninth century); cf. Gautier, 34, 62, 139, 218; Winchester Troper, xvi; Meyer, 34. It is also in the Winchester Tropers (tenth-eleventh century), and the Canterbury Troper (fourth century), and is printed therefrom in Winchester Troper, 4, 102. Here it is divided between two groups of Cantores, and has the heading ‘Versus ante officium canendi in die Natalis Domini.’

[20] The Introit is: ‘Puer natus est nobis, et filius datus est nobis: cuius imperium super humerum eius, et vocabitur nomen eius magni consilii angelus. Ps. Cantate domino canticum novum.’

[21] Gautier, 219, prints a dialogued trope for a feast of St. Peter from an eleventh-century troper of St. Martial of Limoges; the Winchester Troper, 6, 103, has one for St. Stephen’s day (Winchester) and one for St. John the Evangelist’s (Canterbury). Meyer, 35, calls attention to the dialogued Christmas versus sacerdotales in Hartker’s tenth-century St. Gall Antiphonarium (J. M. Thomasius, Opera, iv. 187).

[22] St. Gall MS. 484, f. 11; printed and facsimiled by Gautier, 216, 220.

[23] S. Matthew xxviii. 1-7; S. Mark xvi. 1-7.

[24] The Introit is: ‘Resurrexi et adhuc tecum sum, alleluia: posuisti super me manum tuam, alleluia; mirabilis facta est scientia tua, alleluia, alleluia. Ps. Domine, probasti me.’

[25] Lange, 22, from Bibl. Nat. Lat. MS. 1240, f. 30ᵇ. As to date (923-34) and provenance of the MS., I follow H. M. Bannister in Journal of Theological Studies (April, 1901). Lange, 4, considers it an eleventh-century Antiphonar from Beaune.

[26] Printed by Frere, 176; cf. Gautier, 219. The version in Lange, 20, is incomplete. The Limoges Tropers (Bibl. Nat. 887, 909, 1084, 1118, 1119, 1120, 1121), all of the eleventh century, are described by Gautier, 111; cf. p. 29.

[27] Bibl. Nat. 1118, f. 40ᵛ; cf. Gautier, 226; Frere, 176.

[28] Bodl. Douce MS. 222, f. 6 (eleventh century; cf. Gautier, 136), printed and facsimiled by Gautier, 215, 219. Du Méril, Or. Lat. 149, gives it from a Limoges Troper (B.N. 909, f. 9): it is also in B.N. 1118, f. 8ᵛᵒ, and probably the other Limoges MSS. Frere, 145, gives it from the twelfth-century St. Magloire Troper (B.N. 13,252), and R. Twigge, in Dublin Review (1897), 362, from a fifteenth-century breviary of Clermont-Ferrand (Cl. F. MS. 67). Here it is sung by two boys, and near the altar after the Te Deum at Matins. According to Gautier, 123, it is also in the late eleventh-century Nevers Troper (B.N. 9449).

[29] Frere, 110, from Cott. MS. Calig. A. xiv (eleventh century). It comes between an illumination of the Ascension and the heading ‘In Die Ascensionis Domini.’ It is also in the St. Magloire Troper (B.N. 13,252, f. 10ᵛ) under the heading ‘In Ascensione Tropi ad Processionem,’ and in the St. Martial of Limoges Tropers (Gautier, 219; Lange, 20). Martene, iii. 193, describes it as sung in the procession before Mass at Vienne.

[30] Martene, iv. 147 ‘“Post processionem,” addunt Dionysianae consuet. [thirteenth century], “ascendant iuxta Sancta Sanctorum quidam bene cantantes, alii in dextro latere, alii in sinistro latere assistentes, bene et honorifice tropas scilicet: Quem quaeritis; coniubilantes, et sibi invicem respondentes; et cum intonuerint, Quia surrexi, dicens, Patri, mox Archicantor et duo socii eius assistentes in choro regias virgas in manibus tenentes, incipiant officium.” Hunc ritum accepisse videntur a Cassinensibus, quorum Ordinarium [before 1105] haec habet: “Processione finita, vadat Sacerdos post altare, et versus ad chorum dicat alta voce, Quem quaeritis? et duo alii Clerici stantes in medio chori respondeant: Iesum Nazarenum; et Sacerdos: Non est hic; illi vero conversi ad chorum dicant: Alleluia. Post haec alii quatuor cantent tropos, et agatur missa ordine suo.”’ As usual in Ordinaria (cf. e.g. p. 309) only the opening words of the chants are given. A similar direction is contained in MS. Casinense, 199, a twelfth-century breviary (Bibliotheca Casinensis, iv. 124): cf. also Lange, 21, 23.

[31] Martene, iii. 173; Lange, 24 (Tours i).

[32] Lange, 26. Cf. the account of the Vienne Quem quaeritis (p. 26).

[33] Martene, iv. 148.

[34] Mr. Frere does not print any Introit tropes from the Worcester, St. Albans, and Dublin tropers: a leaf is unfortunately missing from the Canterbury troper (Frere, 107) where the Quem quaeritis might have come. It is not amongst the few tropes taken by Pamelius, Liturgicon (1609), ii. 611, from the English troper at St. Bavon’s, Ghent (Frere, 142). As the Concordia Regularis was partly based on Ghent customs (cf. p. 307), I should gladly know more of this.

[35] Bodl. MS. 775; described by Frere, xxvii, as MS. E ‘Its date lies between 979 and 1016, since Ethelred is mentioned as reigning sovereign in the Litany on f. 18ᵛ, and in consequence it has sometimes been called “The Ethelred Troper.” Also, as it has the Dedication Festival on the 24th of November, it is probably anterior to the re-dedication of the Cathedral on Oct. 20, 980, since this day became subsequently the Dedication Festival.’ A facsimile from the MS. was published by the Palaeographical Society (Series ii. pl. iii), and it was suggested that it is in an early eleventh-century hand, but possibly copied an earlier text. But surely it would have been brought up to date on such a matter as the Dedication Festival.

[36] C.C.C. Cambridge MS. 473, of the middle of the eleventh century, described by Frere, xxvii, as MS. CC. The text of the Quem quaeritis differs slightly from that of the Bodl. MS. and does not appear to be quite complete. It is facsimiled by Frere (pl. 26ᵃ). The printed text in Frere, 17, represents both versions; that in Manly, i. xxi, follows the Bodl. MS. Both Frere and Manly have ‘Angelice uocis consolatio’ where the Bodl. MS., as I read it, has ‘Angelice uoces consolatus’ (clearly in error).

[37] A full account of the Concordia Regularis and extracts from the Latin text are in Appendix O.

[38] I cannot understand why Mr. Frere, xvi, thinks that the Quem quaeritis was ‘a dramatic dialogue which came to be used as a trope to the Introit of Easter: but at Winchester it kept its independent place.’ It is used as a trope a century before the date of the Concordia Regularis.

[39] Why is the Quem quaeritis in the Bodl. MS. apparently on Good Friday? Perhaps this was an irregular use reformed by Bp. Ethelwold. If so the C. R. must be about 980 or later. This is not impossible (cf. App. O). In the later C. C. C. C. MS. the Q. q. might, I think, from its position be intended for Easter Matins. The version described in the C. R. differs slightly from that of the tropers.

[40] Martene, iv. 299 ‘Saeculo, ut aiunt, x scriptae’: cf. Douhet, 849. Martene, iii. 173, cites another Matins version from a vetustissimum rituale’ of Poitiers. If this is identical with the ‘pontificale vetustissimum: annorum circiter 800’ mentioned in his list of authorities (i. xxii) it may be earlier than the tenth century. It is certainly not the ‘liber sacramentorum annorum 900 circiter’ with which Douhet, 848, would identify it. The Pontificale was used by Martene in his edition of 1738; about the first edition of 1700-6, I cannot say. This version is not in Lange, and, as the omission of the usual first line is curious, I print it below (p. 29).

[41] Lange, 29; cf. Creizenach, i. 49.

[42] The Verdun Consuetudines do not. The burial and resurrection of the cross clearly formed no part of the Good Friday and Easter rites. The dialogue takes place ‘in subterraneis specubus,’ i.e. the crypt, and the representatives of the Maries return to the choir ‘cruce vacua nuntiantes: Surrexit Dominus’ (Martene, iv. 299).

[43] Appendix O.

[44] Bare feet continued to be the rule for the Adoratio Crucis. An exception is at Exeter, where, according to Pearson, ii. 296, they were forbidden, cf. Feasey, 115.

[45] St. Ethelwold’s Latin is atrocious, but I think that the sepulchre was made on the altar, not in the hollow of it, and covered from sight until wanted by a veil let down all round it from a circular support above. Cf. the Latin text in Appendix O: perhaps it is corrupt.

[46] Peregrinatio Silviae in Duchesne, 490. The object of adoration was a fragment of the true Cross, ‘sanctum lignum crucis.’ The Invention of the Cross by St. Helena is put by tradition †326. Doubtless many other churches obtained a fragment, and used it for the same purpose: cf. Feasey, 116. Thus the cross used at Rome was ‘lignum pretiosae crucis’ (Duchesne, 465: cf. his ed. of the Liber Pontificalis, i. 374).

[47] Duchesne, 238. For the mediaeval ceremony, cf. Feasey, 114; Pearson, ii. 293; Milchsack, 121; Rock, iii. 2. 241; Martene, iii. 129; iv. 137; Sarum Missal, 328; York Missal, i. 105; York Manual, 156, and the Durham extract in Appendix P: for that of modern Rome, Malleson and Tuker, ii. 271.

[48] The sepulchrum is not in the Sacramentarium Gelasianum (†seventh century, ed. H. A. Wilson, 77); nor the Sacramentum Gregorianum (†eighth century, P. L. lxxviii. 86), ‘qua salutata et reposita in loco suo’; nor in the Roman Ordines collected by Mabillon (P. L. lxxviii) nor in those added by Duchesne, 451, 464. The Ordines of 954 and 963 repeat the Gregorian formula, which is expanded by those of 1215 and 1319 into ‘in suo loco super altare.’ There is no mention of the sepulchrum in the Gallican liturgical books collected by Mabillon (P. L. lxxii). Of English books Leofric’s Exeter Missal (tenth century, ed. F. E. Warren) has no Sepulchrum; nor the Missal of St. Augustine’s Canterbury (†1100, ed. M. Rule), ‘reposita in loco solito’; nor the Missal of Robert of Jumièges (ninth and tenth century, ed. H. A. Wilson for H. B. Soc.). Pearson, ii. 316, suggests that the cross used for adoration was the great rood usually placed in the rood-loft, but sometimes ‘super altare.’

[49] Ethelwold’s Concordia Regularis was largely founded on that of Benedict of Aniane (†817; cf. Miss Bateson in E. H. Review, ix. 700), but there is no Easter week ordo in this (P. L. ciii. 701) nor in the same writer’s Memoriale or Ordo Monasticus (P. L. lxvi. 937: cf. his Vita, c. viii, in Acta SS. Feb. ii. 618). Ethelwold also borrowed customs from Fleury and Ghent (Appendix O). The sepulchrum is not mentioned in the Consuetudines Floriacenses (tenth century, ed. De Bosco, Floriac. Vet. Bibl. (1605), 390); cf. Creizenach, i. 49: nor in the description of a thirteenth-century coutumier in Rocher, Hist. de l’Abbaye de St.-Benoît-sur-Loire, 323. The only Fleury Quem quaeritis is of a late type in a thirteenth-century MS.; cf. p. 32. At Ghent, however, an inventory of treasures remaining at St. Bavon’s after a Norman invasion (1019-24) includes ‘tabulas de sepulchro 23,’ which appear to be distinct from reliquiae ‘de sepulchro Domini’ and ‘de operculo ligneo quod super corpus ipsius positum fuit in sepulchro’ (Neues Archiv, viii. 374). Did the possession of these ‘reliquiae’ suggest to the monks of St. Bavon’s the construction of an Easter sepulchre?

[50] It is merely a guess to say St. Gall. Schübiger, Sängerschule St. Gallens, 69, mentions the sepulchre there, but gives no very early notice. The sepulchre was known in the Eastern, as well as the Western Church, and for all I know may have come from Jerusalem (Feasey, 177). As to date, Weber, 32, suggests that pictorial representations of the Maries at the tomb show the influence of the dramatic Visitatio Sepulchri as far back as the ninth century. His chief point is that the Maries carry turribula (cf. p. 25, n. 5).

[51] E. H. Review, ix. 706.

[52] P. L. cl. 465 ‘adorata ab omnibus cruce, portitores eius elevantes eam incipiant antiphonam Super omnia ligna cedrorum, et sic vadant ad locum ubi eam collocare debent.’ This does not exclude a sepulchre, but probably the locus was an altar which might serve as a statio for the processions ‘ad crucifixum’ ordered on Easter Saturday after vespers and thrice a day through Easter week. Such processions continued in later ritual to visit the cross after its Elevatio on Easter morning: cf. York Manual, 177.

[53] See the description of the ceremony by a sixteenth-century eye-witness in Appendix P. The sepulchrum was also used by the Bridgettines of Sion monastery, an order of reformed Benedictine nuns (G. F. Aungier, Hist. of Syon Monastery, 350).

[54] J. D. Chambers citing J. B. Thiers, De Expositione S. Sacramenti, iii. 19.

[55] See the extracts from Sarum service-books in Appendix Q.

[56] York Missal, i. 106; York Manual, 163, 170.

[57] Wordsworth, 278.

[58] Hereford Missal (ed. Henderson), 96.

[59] H. E. Reynolds, Wells Cathedral, 32.

[60] The fullest accounts of the Easter sepulchre in England are those by H. J. Feasey, Ancient English Holy Week Ceremonial, 129, and A. Heales, Easter Sepulchres: their Object, Nature, and History in Archaeologia, xlii. 263; cf. also Monumenta Vetusta (Soc. of Antiquaries), iii. pll. xxxi, xxxii; Parker, Glossary of Architecture, s.v. Sepulchre; M. E. C. Walcott, Sacred Archaeology, s.v. Easter Sepulchre; T. F. Dyer, Church Lore Gleanings, 219; W. Andrews, Old Church Lore, iii; J. D. Chambers, App. xxiv; Micklethwaite, 52; Rock, iii. 2. 92, 240, 251. Continental ordines and notices may be found in Martene, iii. 131, 172, 178; iv. 141, 145; Milchsack, 41, 121; Pearson, ii. 295; Wetzer and Welte, Kirchen-Lexicon, s.v. Grab; J. Dankó, Vetus Hymn. Eccl. Hungariae, 535, 579. I have not seen this writer’s Die Feier des Osterfestes (Wien, 1872). On representations of the sepulchre in mediaeval art, cf. P. Weber, 32, and the miniature from Robert of Jumièges’ Missal (ed. F. E. Warren for H. B. Soc. pl. viii).

[61] At Exeter on the other hand Vespers on both Good Friday and Easter Eve were sung before the Sepulchre; and so with the Hours at Tours (Feasey, 130).

[62] Martene, iii. 179; Milchsack, 122; Lange, 135. The latter gives a Passau fifteenth-century version which ends ‘quibus finitis stantes ante altare, mutua caritate se invicem deosculentur, dicentes: Surrexit dominus vere. Et apparuit symoni. Dicatur una oratio de resurrectione. Statim fiat pulsatio.’ The Easter greeting and kiss of peace were in use, either before or after Matins at many churches (Martene, iii. 171, 180) and do not depend upon the sepulchre.

[63] Milchsack, 128, 135; cf. Meyer, 64. The Ordo Augustensis of 1487 directs that a procession shall go from the sepulchre ‘per ambitum vel cimeterium ... usque ad ultimam ianuam, quae claudatur.’ Here the Tollite portas dialogue is held with the ‘levita iunior, vel alius in figura diaboli grossa voce.’ On the other hand, in the Ordo Wirceburgensis of 1564 the procession knocks at the door from inside, and the respondent ‘loco Sathanae’ is without.

[64] ‘Sacerdos ... antequam congregetur chorus, cum processione sibi paucorum adiunctorum ... foribus ecclesiae clausis, secretius tollat sacramentum de sepulchro’; cf. the fifteenth-century Passau Breviary (Lange, 135) ‘clam surgitur’ and the Ordo Sepulturae in the Missalis Posoniensis of 1341 (Dankó, 579) ‘laicis exclusis.’ I have not noticed any such limitation in English rubrics later than the Concordia Regularis.

[65] Milchsack, 119 ‘quum a nostris antecessoribus ad nos pervenerit, ut in sacra nocte dominicae resurrectionis ad sustollendam crucifixi imaginem de sepulchro, ubi in parasceve locata fuerat, nimia virorum et mulierum numerositas, certatim sese comprimendo, ecclesiam simul cum canonicis et vicariis introire nitantur, opinantes erronee, quod si viderent crucifixi imaginem sustolli, evaderent hoc anno inevitabilem mortis horam. His itaque obviantes statuimus, ut resurrectionis mysterium ante ingressum plebis in ecclesiam peragatur’: cf. Pearson, ii. 298.

[66] A Finchale inventory of 1481 (J. T. Fowler, Trans. of Durham and North. Arch. Soc. iv. 134) includes ‘Item 1 pixis argentea cum coopertorio et ymagine crucifixi in summitate coopertorii pro corpore xⁱ deferendo in passione xⁱ.’ A pyx was also used in the Sarum rite (Appendix Q).

[67] Feasey, 165; Dankó, Vet. Hymn. Eccl. Hung. 535.

[68] York Manual, 174 ‘cuppa in qua est sacramentum.’

[69] At Durham (Appendix P) and at Lincoln (Wordsworth, 278); cf. Feasey, 164; Heales, 307. The image ‘cum corona spinea’ used at York (York Manual, 170) was of course the crucifix. A Reformation record of 1566 at Belton, Lincolnshire, speaks of ‘a sepulker with little Jack broken in pieces’ (Feasey, 165). Either a mere image or a mechanical puppet (cf. p. 158) may be meant. The labarum is the sign of the risen Christ in the later versions of the Quem quaeritis; cf. p. 35. It figures in nearly all paintings of the Resurrection.

[70] Narbonne Ordinarium (†1400) ‘levent cum filo pannum, qui est super libros argenti super altare in figura sepulcri’ (Martene, iii. 172; Lange, 65); Le Mans, Ordinarium ‘Tunc tres clerici accedentes ad altare cum reverentia sublevent palium cum quo sepulchrum fuerit coopertum’ (Lange, 66); cf. Pearson, ii. 293.

[71] Feasey, 131. In versions of the Quem quaeritis given by Lange, 24, 25, 26, the action is at the altar. A Senlis Breviary (fourteenth century) has ‘elevantes palium altaris’ (Lange, 27), and a Sens thirteenth-century MS. ‘Sublevans tapetum altaris, tamquam respiciens in sepulchrum’ (Lange, 64). But I am not sure that there was a genuine sepulchre in all these cases: cf. p. 26.

[72] Würzburg Breviary (fourteenth century) ‘descendunt in criptam ad visitandum sepulcrum’ (Lange, 53): cf. the Verdun Consuetudines (p. 16), where there may or may not have been a regular sepulchre.

[73] I have seen a beautiful one at Tarrant Hinton, Dorset, which is not amongst those mentioned by Heales or Feasey.

[74] The performers are sometimes directed to enter the sepulchre; cf. e.g. Lange, 28.

[75] Feasey, 149. There is such a chapel beneath the choir of the Jérusalem church at Bruges. The Winchester sepulchre is a chapel, but not of the Jerusalem type. At St. Gall the sepulchre was (†1583) in the ‘sacellum S. Sebastiani’ (Lange, 69).

[76] J. Britton, Redcliffe Church, 47, prints a contemporary description of a sepulchre given in 1470 by ‘Maister Canynge’ to St. Mary Redcliffe, Bristol, with, amongst other adornments, ‘Heaven made of timber and stain’d clothes’ and ‘Hell, made of timber and iron-work thereto, with Divels to the number of 13.’ This is apparently not a Chatterton forgery. Feasey, 166, gives a somewhat similar London specification, and also (p. 145) describes a fourteenth-century wooden sepulchre from Kilsby, Northants, believed to be the only one in existence. I have a suspicion that the wooden so-called ‘watcher’s chamber’ to the shrine of St. Frideswide in Christ Church, Oxford, is really a sepulchre. It is in the right place, off the north choir aisle, and why should a watcher of the shrine want to be perched up in a wooden cage on the top of a tomb?

[77] Dankó, 536, 580. Two instances are given. In one the sepulchre was sealed, in the other the pyx, ‘sigillo vel clavi ecclesiae.’ At Hereford ‘episcopus ... cereo claudat sepulchrum’ (Feasey, 159, from Harl. MS. 2983).

[78] Cf. vol. i. p. 126.

[79] Wordsworth, 279; Feasey, 161; Heales, 272, 299.

[80] Milchsack, 127.

[81] G. Gilpin, The Bee-Hive of the Romish Church (1579) (translated from Isaac Rabbotenu of Louvain, 1569) ‘They make the graue in a hie place in the church, where men must goe up manie steppes, which are decked with blacke cloth from aboue to beneath, and upon everie steppe standeth a siluer candlesticke with a waxe candle burning in it, and there doe walke souldiours in harnesse, as bright as Saint George, which keep the graue, till the Priests come and take him up; and then commeth sodenlie a flash of fire, wherwith they are all afraid and fall downe; and then up startes the man, and they begin to sing Alleluia, on all handes, and the clocke striketh eleuen.’ Feasey, 168, quotes De Moleon for a statement that the watchers at Orleans were dressed as soldiers.

[82] Appendix Q.

[83] Hooper, Early Writings (Parker Soc.), 45 ‘The ploughman, be he never so unlearned, shall better be instructed of Christ’s death and passion by the corn that he soweth in the field, and likewise of Christ’s resurrection, than by all the dead posts that hang in the church, or are pulled out of the sepulchre with Christus resurgens. What resemblance hath the taking of the cross out of the sepulchre and going a procession with it, with the resurrection of Christ? None at all: the dead post is as dead when they sing Iam non moritur, as it was when they buried it with In pace factus est locus eius’: cf. Ridley, Works (Parker Soc.), 67.

[84] Articles devised by the King’s Majesty, 1536 (Burnet, i. 1. 435; i. 2. 472; cf. Froude, ii. 486); Strype, Eccles. Memorials, i. 1. 546; i. 2. 432.

[85] Dixon, ii. 82, 432, 513, 516; iii. 37; Hardy and Gee, Doc. illustrative of English Church History, 278; Cardwell, Documentary Annals of the Reformation, i. 7; Froude, iv. 281. There certainly were sepulchres in 1548 (Feasey, 175).

[86] Dixon, iii. 37; Wilkins, iv. 32. The Act of 2 and 3 Edward VI, c. 10 (Froude, iv. 495), against images and paintings, was probably also held to require the demolition of many sepulchres: cf. Ridley’s Visitation Articles of 1550, quoted by Heales, 304.

[87] Dixon, iv. 129.

[88] Dixon, iv. 157; S. R. Maitland, Essays on the Reformation (ed. 1899), 186.

[89] Hardy and Gee, op. cit. 428. Art. xxiii forbids ‘monuments of ... idolatry and superstition.’ The Elizabethan Visitation Articles collected in the Second Report of the Ritual Commission make no mention of sepulchres. They generally follow pretty closely the wording of the Injunctions. But the Articles of Bentham, Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry (1565), specify ‘monuments of idolatry and superstition’ as including ‘Sepulchres which were used on Good Friday’ (Heales, 307). Notices of the destruction of sepulchres become numerous, being found, for instance, in the case of 50 out of 153 Lincolnshire churches (Feasey, 142), and pious legacies begin to direct tombs ‘whereas the sepulchre was wonte to stande.’

[90] Davidson, 140; Malleson and Tuker, ii. 263, 267, 272. The latest examples of the Quem quaeritis are of the eighteenth century from Cologne and Angers (Lange, 36, 39) and Venice (Z. f. d. A. xli. 77).

[91] This respond begins Dum transisset Sabbatum.

[92] Cf. p. 18, n. 2. The Sarum Custumary provides for censing on feasts (a) at the anthem ‘super Magnificat’ at Vespers, (b) during or after the Te Deum at Matins (Use of Sarum, i. 113, 121). The sepulchre is included only at Vespers (cf. Appendix Q), but the variation I suggest would not be great.

[93] Cf. p. 22, n. 1. The Bamberg Agenda of †1597 (Lange, 93) has an Ordo visitandi sepulchrum which opens with directions for the construction of a sepulchre, which would obviously not be the case if the Depositio and Elevatio had preceded. Lange rarely prints more than the Visitatio, but of one group of texts he notes (p. 135) that the MSS. generally have also the Elevatio.

[94] Lange’s collection from 224 MSS. supersedes those of Du Méril, Coussemaker, Milchsack, &c. He supplemented it by versions from Meissen, Worms, Venice, and Grau in Hungary in Z. f. d. A. (1896), xli. 77; and has not got those from the (a) Winchester Tropers (cf. p. 12); (b) Autun and Nevers Tropers of the eleventh century (Gautier, 126, 219); (c) St. Magloire, twelfth-century Troper (cf. p. 11); (d) Dublin Processionals (Appendix R); (e) Laon twelfth-century Ordinary (Chevalier, Ordinaires de Laon, 118); (f) Clermont-Ferrand fifteenth-century Breviary (cf. p. 11); (g) Poitiers Ritual (Martene, iii. 173); (h) Verdun tenth-century Consuetudinary (Martene, iv. 299; cf. p. 15). The MSS. extend from the tenth to the eighteenth century. The majority of them are Breviaries; some are Ordinaries, Antiphoners, Processionals; a few are late Tropers, in which, besides the Tropes proper, the Holy week Ordo is included (cf. Gautier, 81); two (B. N. Lat. 1139 from Limoges, and Orleans MS. 178, from Fleury) are special books of dramatic repraesentationes; cf. p. 1.

[95] Martene, iii. 180, from an undated Caeremoniale. Lange, 26, only gives a portion of the text containing the Quem quaeritis proper, which was sung as a processional trope before the Missa maior. The procession had immediately before gone to the sepulchre and sung other anthems. But the sepulchre played a part at two other services. Before Matins the clergy had in turn entered the sepulchre, found it empty, came out and given each other the kiss of peace and Easter greeting. No Elevatio is described; perhaps it was still earlier ‘clam.’ After Lauds, the Missa matutinalis was sung ‘ad sepulchrum’ and the prosa or Alleluia trope was thus performed: ‘Prosa Victimae Paschali. Finito v Dicat nobis Maria, clericulus stans in sepulcro cum amictu parato et stola, dicat ℣. Angelicos testes. Chorus respondeat Dic nobis Maria. Clericulus dicat Angelicos testes. Clericus dicat Surrexit Christus. Chorus Credendum est magis usque ad finem.’ On this prose and its relation to the Quem quaeritis cf. p. 29. At St. Mark’s, Venice (Z. f. d. A. xli. 77), the position of the Quem quaeritis is also abnormal, coming just before Prime, but this version dates from 1736.

[96] Cf. p. 12.

[97] Lange, 28 (Parma), 30 (Laon), 47 (Constance), 68 (Rheinau), 69 (St. Gall). At Rheinau, the Elevatio takes place in the course of the Quem quaeritis: at Parma, and probably in the other cases, the ‘sacrista pervigil’ has already removed the ‘Corpus Christi.’

[98] Durandus, lib. vi. c. 87. He describes the normal Visitatio, in terms much resembling those of Belethus (cf. p. 31), and adds ‘quidam vero hanc presentationem faciunt, antequam matutinum inchoent, sed hic est proprior locus, eo quod Te deum laudamus exprimit horam, qua resurrexit. Quidam etiam eam faciunt ad missam, cum dicuntur sequentia illa Victimae paschali, cum dicitur versus Dic nobis et sequentes.’ Ioannes Abrincensis, de Offic. eccles. (P. L. cxlvii. 54), briefly notes the ‘officium sepulchri’ as ‘post tertium responsorium,’ and says no more.

[99] Strassburg Agenda of 1513 (Lange, 50) ‘Haec prescripta visitatio sepulcri observetur secundum consuetudinem cuiuslibet ecclesiae.’ Meyer, 33, quotes a passage even more to the point from the Bamberg Agenda of 1587 ‘Haec dominicae resurrectionis commemoratio celebrioribus servit ecclesiis, unde aliarum ecclesiarum utpote minorum et ruralium rectores et parochi ex ordine hic descripto aliquid saltem desumere possunt, quod pro loci et personarum illic convenientium qualitate commodum fore iudicaverint.’

[100] Laon Ordinarium of twelfth century (U. Chevalier, Ordinaires de Laon, 118). The change consisted mainly in the introduction of the Victimae paschali: cf. p. 29.

[101] Cf. the full discussion, mainly from the textual point of view, throughout Lange’s book, with that of Meyer, and Creizenach, i. 47; Froning, 3; Wirth, 1.

[102] The Bohemian fourteenth-century version (Lange, 130) is nearly all narrative sung by the Ebdomarius: the only dialogue is from the Victimae paschali. Martene, iii. 173, gives, from a ‘vetustissimum Rituale,’ this Poitiers version, not in Lange, ‘Finitis matutinis, accedunt ad sepulchrum, portantes luminaria. Tunc incipit Maria: Ubi est Christus meus? Respondet angelus Non est hic. Tunc Maria aperit os sepulchri, et dicit publica voce: Surrexit Christus. Et omnes respondent Deo gratias.’ Possibly Maria here is the Virgin, who is not usually included in the Visitatio. But the same anthem opens a twelfth-century Limoges version, headed ‘Oc est de mulieribus’ in B. N. Lat. MS. 1139, a collection of ritual plays. The full text is ‘Ubi est Christus meus dominus et filius excelsus?’ which is not really appropriate to any other speaker: cf. Milchsack, 38. A frequent variant on ‘Quem quaeritis in sepulchro, o Christicolae?’ is ‘Quem quaeritis, o tremulae mulieres, in hoc tumulo plorantes?’; nor can the two forms be localized (Lange, 84).

[103] Lange, 32. These MSS. are of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. I find no such section in the normal text of the Gregorian Liber responsalis, which is the antiphonary for the office (P. L. lxxviii. 769). The ‘antiphonae de resurrectione domini ubicumque volueris’ of the B. N. Lat. MS. 17,436 include the ‘Cito euntes dicite, &c.,’ ‘Currebant duo simul, &c.,’ ‘Ardens est cor meum, &c.,’ and others which are regularly introduced into the play. Another commonly used is the Christus resurgens with its verse, ‘Dicant nunc Iudaei, &c.,’ which the Sarum books assign to the Elevatio (Appendix Q): cf. Lange, 77.

[104] Text in Daniel, Thesaurus Hymnologicus, ii. 95; Kehrein, Lateinische Sequenzen des Mittelalters, 81, and with facsimile and setting in A. Schübiger, Die Sängerschule St. Gallens, 90, &c.; cf. Lange, 59; Meyer, 49, 76; Milchsack, 34; Chevalier, Repertorium Hymnologicum, s.vv.; A. Schübiger, La Séquence de Pâques Victimae Paschali et son auteur (1858).

[105] Malleson-Tuker, ii. 27. It is used throughout Easter week.

[106] Lange, 60. It was interpolated during the thirteenth century in a twelfth-century Laon version (Chevalier, Ordinaires de Laon, 118).

[107] Narbonne, †1400 (Lange, 65) ‘duo canonici, tanquam apostoli’; cf. Lange, 75.

[108] Augsburg liber liturgicus of eleventh or twelfth century (Lange, 82).

[109] Belethus, c. cxiii (P. L. ccii. 119) ‘fit enim in plerisque Ecclesiis ut cantato ultimo responso, cum candelis cereis et solemni processione eant ex choro ad locum quemdam, ubi imaginarium sepulcrum compositum est, in quod introducuntur aliquot in personis mulierum et discipulorum Ioannis et Petri, quorum alter altero citius revertitur, sicut Ioannes velocius cucurrit Petro, atque item alii quidam in personis angelorum qui Christum resurrexisse dixerunt a mortuis. Quo quidem facto personae eae redeunt ad chorum, referuntque ea quae viderint et audierint. Tunc chorus, audita Christi resurrectione, prorumpit in altam vocem, inquiens, Te Deum laudamus.’ It is to be observed that Belethus knows no Depositio and Elevatio. After the Adoratio, he has, like the older Roman liturgies, ‘crucifixus in suum locum reponi debet’ (c. xcviii). Durandus, vi. 87, has an account very similar to that of Belethus, but says ‘Si qui autem habent versus de hac representatione compositos, licet non authenticos non improbamus’; cf. also p. 27.

[110] Engelberg (1372), Cividale (fourteenth century), Nuremberg (thirteenth century), Einsiedeln (thirteenth century), Prague (six, twelfth to fourteenth centuries), Rouen (two, thirteenth and fifteenth centuries), Mont St.-Michel (fourteenth century), Coutances (fifteenth century), Fleury (Orleans MS. 178, thirteenth century); all printed by Lange, 136 sqq. Gasté, 58, 63, also gives the Rouen and Coutances versions, the latter more fully than Lange. Meyer, 80, discusses the interrelations of the texts.

[111] Lange, 138. In this text the Maries have a locus suus. The MS. is a Processional, and it may be that the play was given not in the church, but in the open square, as was the Annunciation play in the same MS. (Coussemaker, 284; cf. p. 67). It is none the less liturgical. Rouen had probably an ‘ortus Christi’ out of which came the apparition ‘in sinistro cornu altaris,’ for at Easter, 1570, divine service was performed in a ‘paradis dressé avec la plus grande solennité dans la chapelle Notre-Dame, derrière le chœur’ (Gasté, 58).

[112] These are of course the ‘versus’ spoken of with tolerance in the passage just quoted from Durandus.

[113] Appendix R. The Heu! pius pastor occiditur does not seem to have been found outside the Fleury and Dublin plays (Chevalier, Repert. Hymn. nᵒ. 7741).

[114] Lange, 136, 141; Milchsack, 35, 66.

[115] Lange, 64, 74.

[116] Ibid. 162.

[117] Ibid. 151. The fourteenth-century text runs:

Tres Mariae:

‘aromata preciosa querimus, Christi corpus ungere volumus, holocausta sunt odorifera sepulturae Christi memori.’

Ungentarius:

‘dabo vobis ungenta optima, salvatoris ungere vulnera, sepulturae eius ad memoriam et nomen eius ad gloriam.’

The earlier texts have ‘aromata ... memori,’ preceded by ‘Mariae cantantes “aromata” procedant ad unguentarium pro accipiendis ungentis’ and followed by ‘quibus acceptis accedant ad sepulchrum.’ Meyer, 58, 91, 106, calls this scene, in which he finds the first introduction of non-liturgical verse, the Zehnsilberspiel, and studies it at great length.

[118] Lange, 24, 51, 64 ‘coopertis capitibus’ (Tours, fifteenth century), ‘capita humeralibus velata’ (Rheinau), ‘amictibus in capitibus eorum’ (Narbonne, †1400).

[119] Lange, 36 (fourteenth century).

[120] Ibid. 27, 36, 53, 64, &c.; Appendix R.

[121] Lange, 51, 160; cf. Conc. Regularis (Appendix O).

[122] Lange, 64 ‘induti albis et amictibus cum stolis violatis et sindone rubea in facie eorum et alis in humeris’ (Narbonne, †1400).

[123] Lange, 40, 155, 158, 162 ‘palmam manu tenens, in capite fanulum largum habens’ (Toul, thirteenth century), ‘tenens spicam in manu’ (Rouen, fifteenth century), ‘tenens palmam in manu et habens coronam in capite’ (Mont St.-Michel, fourteenth century), ‘vestitus alba deaurata, mitra tectus caput etsi deinfulatus, palmam in sinistra, ramum candelarum plenum tenens in manu dextra’ (Fleury, thirteenth century).

[124] Appendix R.

[125] Lange, 147.

[126] Ibid. 143 ‘quae sit vestita dalmatica casulamque complicatam super humeros habeat; coronamque capiti superimpositam, nudis pedibus.’

[127] Lange, 156 ‘albatus cum stola, tenens crucem.’

[128] Ibid. 159, 164 ‘in habitu ortolani ... redeat, indutus capa serica vel pallio serico, tenens crucem’ (Coutances); ‘praeparatus in similitudinem hortolani ... is, qui ante fuit hortulanus, in similitudinem domini veniat, dalmaticatus candida dalmatica, candida infula infulatus, phylacteria pretiosa in capite, crucem cum labaro in dextra, textum auro paratorium in sinistra habens’ (Fleury). The labarum is the banner of Constantine with the Chi-Ro monogram (cf. Gibbon-Bury, ii. 567): but the banner usually attached to the cross in mediaeval pictures of the Resurrection itself bears simply a large cross; cf. Pearson, ii. 310.

[129] A study of the music might perhaps throw light on the relation of the versions to each other. I am sorry that it is beyond my powers: moreover Lange does not give the notation; Coussemaker gives it for half a dozen versions.

[130] For such overtures cf. Lange, 36, 62, 64; Milchsack, 37, 38, 40. On the doubtful use of the Gloriosi et famosi at Einsiedeln, cf. p. 54.

[131] In the Prague versions (Lange, 151). The choir, or rather ‘conventus,’ introduces the scenes with the three following anthems: (i) ‘Maria Magdalena et alia Maria ferebant diluculo aromata, dominum querentes in monumento,’ (ii) ‘Maria stabat ad monumentum foris plorans; dum ergo fleret, inclinavit se et prospexit in monumentum,’ (iii) ‘Currebant duo simul et ille alius discipulus praecucurrit citius petro et venit prior ad monumentum.’

[132] Lange, 146 (Nuremberg); for later examples cf. Lange, 99 sqq. The hymn generally comes just before the Te Deum. A fourteenth-century Bohemian version from Prague (Lange, 131) has a similar Bohemian hymn ‘Buoh wssemohuczy.’ At Bamberg in 1597 ‘potest chorus populo iterum praecinere cantilenas pascales Germanicas’ (Lange, 95). At Rheinau in 1573 it is suggested that the Quem quaeritis itself may as an alternative be sung in German (Lange, 68) ‘hisce aut Germanicis versibus cantatis.’ At Aquileja in 1495 ‘Populus cantet Christus surrexit,’ apparently in Latin (Lange, 106); and at Würzburg in 1477, ‘Populus incipit Ymnum suum: Te Deum’ (Lange, 67).

[133] Lange, 39, 119, 122, 124; cf. Martene, iii. 171.

[134] Lange, 41.

[135] Z. f. d. A. xli. 77.

[136] Lange, 39.

[137] Creizenach, i. 56; Julleville, i. 67.

[138] Lichfield Statutes of Hugh de Nonant, 1188-98 (Lincoln Statutes, ii. 15, 23) ‘Item in nocte Natalis representacio pastorum fieri consuevit et in diluculo Pasche representacio Resurreccionis dominicae et representacio peregrinorum die lune in septimana Pasche sicut in libris super hijs ac alijs compositis continetur.... De officio succentoris ... et providere debet quod representacio pastorum in nocte Natalis domini et miraculorum in nocte Pasche et die lune in Pascha congrue et honorifice fiant.’

[139] Cf. p. 90.

[140] Text in Bibl. de l’École des Chartes, xxxiv. 314, from B. N. Lat. 16,309 (thirteenth-century Saintes Breviary), begins ‘Quando fiunt Peregrini, non dicitur prosa, sed peregrini deforis veniunt canendo ista’; ends with Magnificat and Oratio, ‘Deus qui sollempnitate paschali.’

[141] Text in Gasté, 65; Du Méril, 117, from Rouen Ordinarium (fourteenth century), begins ‘Officium Peregrinorum debet hic fieri hoc modo’; ends ‘Et processio, factis memoriis, redeat in choro et ibi finiantur vesperae.’ Gasté, 68, quotes an order of 1452 ‘Domini capitulantes concluserunt quod in istis festis Paschae fiat misterium representans resurrectionem Christi et apparitionem eius suis discipulis, eundo apud castrum de Emaux, amotis et cessantibus indecenciis.’

[142] Text in G. Desjardins, Hist. de la Cath. de Beauvais (1865), 115, 269, begins ‘Ordo ad suscipiendum peregrinum in secunda feria Paschae ad vesperas’; ends with Oratio de Resurrectione. Meyer, 133, describes the MS. as of the first half of the twelfth century.

[143] Text in Du Méril, 120, from Orleans MS. 178 (thirteenth century), begins ‘Ad faciendam similitudinem dominicae apparitionis in specie Peregrini, quae fit in tertia feria Paschae ad Vesperas’; ends ‘Salve, festa dies.’

[144] E. Hautcœur, Documents liturgiques de Lille, 55, from Ordinarium of thirteenth century, ‘Feria ii. ... in vesperis ... post collectam fit representatio peregrinorum. Qua facta cantatur Christus resurgens, et itur in chorum.’

[145] W. Meyer, Fragmenta Burana, 131, with text and facsimile. The play begins ‘Incipit exemplum apparicionis domini discipulis suis <iuxta> castellum Emaus, ubi illis apparuit in more peregrini,’ &c.

[146] Use of Sarum, i. 157; Sarum Breviary, i. dcccxxix.

[147] The Peregrini start ‘a vestiario ... per dextram alam ecclesiae usque ad portas occidentales, et subsistentes in capite processionis.’ Then the Sacerdos, ‘nudus pedes, ferens crucem super dextrum humerum’ comes ‘per dextram alam ecclesiae’ to meet them. They lead him ‘usque ad tabernaculum, in medio navis ecclesiae, in similitudinem castelli Emaux praeparatum.’

[148] Text in Milchsack, 97; Coussemaker, 21, from Tours MS. 927 (twelfth or thirteenth century); cf. Creizenach, i. 88; Julleville, i. 62; Meyer, 95; and on the MS. which also contains the ‘Ordo representacionis Adae,’ and is not native to Tours, cf. p. 71.

[149] Milchsack, 105; Creizenach, i. 90. The beginning and end of the Klosterneuburg play were printed from a thirteenth-century MS., now lost, by B. Pez, Thesaurus novus Anecd. ii. 1. liii. It began ‘Primo producatur Pilatus cum responsorio: Ingressus Pilatus,’ and ended with ‘Christ, der ist erstanden’; cf. Meyer, 126.

[150] ‘Modo veniat angelus et iniciat eis fulgura; milites cadunt in terram velut mortui.’

[151] Meyer, 97, 125, with text and facsimile, ‘Incipit ludus immo exemplum Dominice resurrectionis.’ The episode of the Resurrection with the dismay of the soldiers is found not only in the Tours and Benedictbeuern MS., but also in the simpler Coutances Quem quaeritis. Lange, 157, omits this passage, but Gasté, 63, gives it; ‘Si Mariae debeant representari, finito responsorio quatuor clerici armati accedentes ad sepulcrum Domini pannis sericis decenter ornatum et secum dicant personagia sua. Quo facto, duo pueri induti roquetis veniant ad monumentum ferentes duas virgas decorticatas in quibus sunt decem candelae ardentes; et statim cum appropinquaverint ad sepulcrum praedicti milites, procidant quasi mortui, nec surgant donec incipiatur Te Deum, ... &c.’ There is no actual appearance of the Rising Christ in any of these three plays as originally written. But a later hand has inserted in the Benedictbeuern MS. directions for the Christ to appear, discourse with the angels, and put on the ‘vestem ortulani.’

[152] Creizenach thinks the play (like Adam) was outside the church, because the Maries appear ‘ante ostium ecclesiae.’ But ‘ante’ may be inside. Mary Magdalen at one point is ‘in sinistra parte ecclesiae stans,’ and most of the action is round the sepulchrum.

[153] E. Wechssler, Die romanischen Marienklagen (1893); A. Schönbach, Die Marienklagen (1873); cf. Creizenach, i. 241; Julleville, i. 58; Sepet, 23; Milchsack, 92; Coussemaker, 285, 346; Meyer, 67; Pearson, ii. 384.

[154] A planctus ascribed to Bonaventura (thirteenth century) has the titles ‘Officium de compassione Mariae’ (Wechssler, 14), and ‘Officium sanctae crucis’ (Bibl. de l’École des Chartes, xxxiv. 315). Another, the ‘Surgit Christus cum trophaeo,’ is headed in thirteenth- and fourteenth-century MSS. ‘Sequentia devota antiquorum nostrorum de resurrectionis argumentis. Sanctarum virginum Mariae ac Mariae Magdalene de compassione mortis Christi per modum dyalogi sequentia.’ The chorus begins, and ‘tres bene vociferati scholares respondent’ (text in Milchsack, 92; cf. Wechssler, 14). A third, ‘O fratres et sorores,’ is headed ‘Hic incipit planctus Mariae et aliorum in die Parasceves’ (text from fourteenth-century Cividale MS. in Coussemaker, 285; Julleville, i. 58; cf. Wechssler, 17). Ducange, s.v. Planctus, quotes a (thirteenth-century) Toulouse rubric, ‘planctum beatissimae Virginis Mariae, qui dicitur a duobus puerulis post Matutinum et debent esse monachi, si possunt reperiri ad hoc apti.’ This planctus was sung from the ‘cathedra praedicatorii.’ On the use of vernacular Italian planctus by the laudesi in churches through Lent, cf. Wechssler, 30. The vernacular German ‘ludus passionis’ printed by O. Schönemann, Der Sündenfall und Marienklage (1855), 129, from a Wolfenbüttel fifteenth-century MS., seems to have still been meant for liturgical use, as it has the rubric ‘debet cantari post crux fidelis et sic finiri usque ad vesperam lamentabiliter cum caeteris sicut consuetum est fieri.’ It incorporates the Depositio.

[155] Meyer, Fragmenta Burana, 64, 122, with text and facsimile. The piece ends ‘et ita inchoatur ludus de resurrectione. Pontifices: O domine recte meminimus,’ which is the opening of the Easter play already described.

[156] Printed by Du Méril, 147; Gasté, 25; Davidson, 173, from Rouen Ordinaria (Rouen MSS. Y. 108 of fifteenth century, Y. 110 of fourteenth century); Coussemaker, 235, with notation, from Rouen Gradual (Bibl. Nat. Lat. 904); it is also in B. N. Lat. 1213 (fifteenth century) and Bibl. Mazarin, 216 (Du Méril, 148).

[157] The ‘obstetrices’ figure in the Protevangelium Iacobi, chh. 18 sqq. (Tischendorf, Evangelia Apocrypha, 33), and the Pseudo-Matthaei Evangelium, ch. 13 (Tischendorf, 77). In the latter they are named Salome and Zelomi.

[158] Gasté, 31 ‘Archiepiscopus, vel alius sacerdos versus ad Pastores dicat: Quem vidistis, pastores, dicite; annunciate nobis in terris quis apparuit. Pastores respondeant: Natum vidimus et choros angelorum collaudantes Dominum. Alleluia, alleluia, et totam antiphonam finiant’: cf. Meyer, 39; Sarum Breviary, clxxxviii; Martene, iii. 36; Durandus, vi. 13, 16 ‘in laudibus matutinis quasi choream ducimus, unde in prima antiphona dicimus; Quem vidistis, pastores? &c. Et ipsi responderunt: Natum vidimus.’

[159] Gasté, 33.

[160] Tille, D. W. 309; Pollard, xiii; Durandus-Barthélemy, iii. 411; E. Martinengo-Cesaresco, Puer Parvulus in Contemporary Review, lxxvii (1900), 117; W. H. D. Rouse, in F. L. v. 6; J. Feller, Le Bethléem Verviétois, 10. I find a modern English example described in a letter of 1878 written by Mr. Coventry Patmore’s son Henry from a Catholic school at Ushaw (Life of C. Patmore, i. 308).

[161] Malleson-Tuker, ii. 212.

[162] P. Sabatier, Life of St. Francis (Eng. transl.), 285, from Thomas of Celano, Vita Prima, 84, and Bonaventura, Vita, 149; cf. D’Ancona, i. 116.

[163] Usener, i. 280. It is called ‘oratorium sanctum quod praesepe dicitur’ (†731-41) and ‘camera praesepii’ (†844-7).

[164] Origen, adv. Celsum, i. 51; cf. Usener, i. 283, 287.

[165] Usener, i. 281; Tille, D. W. 54; Malleson-Tuker, ii. 210.

[166] Usener, i. 280. Gregory IV (827-43) ‘sanctum fecit praesepe ad similitudinem praesepii S. dei genetricis quae appellatur maior,’ in S. Maria in Trastevere.

[167] Gasté, 33, citing Montpellier MS. H. 304. The play occurs, with an Officium Stellae, in an anonymous treatise De ratione divini officii. The Amiens Ordinarium of 1291 (Grenier, 389) gives directions for a Pastores during the procession after the communion at the midnight mass. In preparation lights were lit at the praesepe during first vespers ‘dum canitur versus praesepe iam fulget tuum.’ At the end of the first nocturn the figure of a child was placed there. At the first lesson of the second nocturn the cry of noël was raised.

[168] Du Méril, 148.

[169] Ioannes Abrincensis, De officiis ecclesiasticis (P. L. cxlvii. 41, 43). Neither Belethus nor Durandus mentions the Pastores.

[170] Cf. vol. i. p. 272. The praesepe is of course in the Stella, which is found at Strassburg, Bilsen, and Einsiedeln, but even this is more characteristic of France than of Germany.

[171] Text ed. C. Magnin (Journal des Savants (1846), 93), from Bibl. Nat. Lat. 1139.

[172] Gasté, 50 ‘Corona ante crucem pendens in modum stellae accendatur’ (Rouen); Du Méril, 153 ‘stellam pendentem in filo, quae antecedit eos’ (Limoges). The churchwardens’ accounts of St. Nicholas, Yarmouth, from 1462-1512 (Norfolk Archaeology, xi. 334), contain payments for ‘making a new star,’ ‘leading the star,’ ‘a new balk line to the star and ryving the same star.’ Pearson, ii. 325, lays stress on the prominence of the star in the German vernacular mysteries. J. T. Micklethwaite, Ornaments of the Rubric, 44, says that the ‘star’ was called a ‘trendle’ or ‘rowell.’ Its use does not necessarily imply the presence of a drama.

[173] The account of the Stella here given should be supplemented from Creizenach, i. 60; Köppen, 10. The latter studies the verbal relation of the texts much more fully than can be done here. Meyer, 38, argues for their origin in an archetype from Germany. There are doubtless many other texts yet unprinted. Ch. Magnin, Journal de l’Instruction publique, Sept. 13, 1835, mentions such in Soleures, Fribourg, and Besançon Rituals.

[174] Text in Du Méril, 151; Martene, iii. 44, from Limoges Ordinarium of unspecified date. The version is partly metrical, and the action took place ‘cantato offertorio, antequam eant ad offerendum.’

[175] Text in Gasté, 49; Du Méril, 153; Davidson, 176; from Rouen MS. Y. 110 (fourteenth-century Ordinarium); Coussemaker, 242, from Bibl. Nat. Lat. MS. 904 (thirteenth-century Gradual, with notation); P. L. cxlvii. 135, from B. N. 904 and B. N. Lat. 1213 (fifteenth-century Ordinarium); cf. Gasté, 3. The rubric begins ‘Officium regum trium secundum usum Rothomagensem. Die epyphaniae, tercia cantata.’ John of Avranches (†1070) describing the Epiphany service, probably of Rouen, says, after mentioning the Evangelium genealogiae, which follows the ninth responsorium of Matins, ‘Deinde stellae officium incipiat’ (P. L. cxlvii. 43). Gasté, 53, quotes some Rouen chapter orders. In 1379 Peter Chopillard, painter, was paid ‘pro pingendo baculos quos portant Reges die Apparitionis.’ In 1507 the chapter after ‘matura deliberatio’ ordered the ‘representatio trium Regum’ to be held. In 1521 they suppressed it.

[176] Texts ed. L. Delisle, in Romania, iv (1875), 1. The earlier version is from Bibl. Nat. Lat. 9449 (†1060, a Gradual, or, according to Gautier, Les Tropes, 123, a Troper). The text is headed ‘Versus ad Stellam faciendam.’ The later is from B. N. Lat. 1235 (twelfth-century Gradual). It is headed ‘Ad Comm[unionem].’ Of the first part, down to the end of the interview with Herod, there are two alternative forms in this MS. The one, a free revision of the normal text, is headed:

‘Sic speciem veteres stellae struxere parentes, quatinus hos pueri versus psallant duo regi.’

[177] Text in K. A. M. Hartmann, Über das altspanische Dreikönigsspiel (Leipzig Diss. 1879), 43, from eleventh-century B. N. Lat. MS. 16,819.

[178] This line is not actually in the Compiègne text. But it is in most of the later versions of this scene, and is interesting, as being a classical tag from Sallust, Catilina, c. 32; cf. Köppen, 21; Creizenach, i. 63. Reminiscences of Aeneid, viii. 112; ix. 376, are sometimes put into Herod’s mouth in the scene with the Magi (Du Méril, 164, 166).

[179] The version is described, but unfortunately not printed by Gasté, 53. It is from the De ratione divini officii in Montpellier MS. H. 304.

[180] Text, headed ‘Ordo Stellae’ in U. Chevalier, Ordinaires de l’église de Laon, xxxvi, 389 from Laon MS. 263 (thirteenth-century Trophonarium).

[181] Text printed by Lange in Zeitsch. f. deutsch. Alterthum, xxxii. 412, from B. M. Add. MS. 23,922 (Antiphoner of †1200). The play was ‘In octava Epiphaniae’ after the Magnificat at Vespers.

[182] Text in C. Cahier and A. Martin, Mélanges d’Archéologie, i. (1847-9), 258; Clément, 113, from eleventh-century Evangeliarium, now in a Bollandist monastery in Brussels (Meyer, 41). It is a revision of the normal text. The author has been so industrious as even to put many of the rubrics in hexameters. The opening is

‘Ordo. Post Benedicamus puerorum splendida coetus ad regem pariter debent protendere gressu, praeclara voce necnon istic resonare.’

The ‘rex’ who presided and possibly acted Herod (cf. p. 56) was, I suppose, an Epiphany king or ‘rex fatuorum.’

[183] Translation only in P. Piolin, Théâtre chrétien dans le Maine (1891), 21. The exact source is not given.

[184] The first text in Du Méril, 156; Davidson, 174, from Munich MS. 6264ᵃ (eleventh century). Apparently it begins with a bit of dumb show, ‘Rex sedens in solio quaerat consilium: exeat edictum ut pereant continuo qui detrahunt eius imperio.’ Then comes ‘Angelus, in primis.’ Second text, headed ‘Ordo Rachaelis’ in Du Méril, 171; Froning, 871, from Munich MS. 6264 (eleventh century). It is mainly metrical.

[185] Texts in Du Méril, 162, 175; Davidson, 175; Coussemaker, 143; Wright, 32, from Orleans MS. 178. The first part begins with the rubric ‘Parato Herode et ceteris personis ...’; the second with ‘Ad interfectionem Puerorum....’

[186] Wordsworth, 147, suggests that the name ‘Le Galilee,’ given at Lincoln to a room over the south porch and also found elsewhere, may be ‘derived from some incident in the half-dramatic Paschal ceremonies.’ For another liturgical drama in which ‘Galilee’ is required as a scene, cf. p. 60.

[187] B. N. Lat. 1152 (eleventh century) in Bibl. de l’École des Chartes, xxxiv. 657. Einsiedeln fragment (eleventh-twelfth century) printed by G. Morel in Pilger (1849), 401; cf. Köppen, 13.

[188] Text in Du Méril, 151, from Vienne MS. 941 (fourteenth century). It is entitled ‘Ad adorandum filium Dei per Stellam invitantur Eoy.’ The first three lines, headed ‘Stella,’ are an address to the ‘exotica plebs’; each of the remaining ten lines is divided between three speakers, ‘Aureolus,’ ‘Thureolus,’ ‘Myrrheolus.’

[189] On the use of tropes at these points in the Mass, cf. Frere, xix.

[190] Use of Sarum, i. 280.

[191] Martene, iii. 44; in England the royal offering is still made, by proxy, at the Chapel Royal, St. James’s (Ashton, 237).

[192] I follow the epoch-making étude of M. Sepet, Les Prophètes du Christ, in Bibl. de l’École des Chartes, xxviii. (1867), 1, 210, xxix. (1868), 205, 261, xxxviii. (1877), 397 (I am sorry not to be able to cite the separate edition printed at Paris, 1878); cf. also Creizenach, i. 67; Julleville, Myst. i. 35; and, especially, Weber, 41. But none of these writers could make use of the Laon version discovered by M. Chevalier. Meyer, 53, suggests that Sepet has exaggerated the importance of the Prophetae in the development of the O. T. dramatic cycle.

[193] Text in P. L. xlii. 1117; on the date cf. Weber, 41. The lectio is printed by Sepet, xxviii. 3.

[194] At Arles it was the sixth lectio at Matins on Christmas day (Sepet, xxviii. 2); at Rome the fourth lesson at Matins on Christmas eve (Martene, iii. 31); at Rouen it was read at Matins two days earlier (Martene, iii. 34); in the Sarum Breviary, i. cxxxv, it makes the fourth, fifth, and sixth lectiones at Matins on the fourth Sunday in Advent.

[195] Bucol. iv. 7.

[196] Eusebius, Orat. Const. Magn. ad Sanctorum Coetum, c. 18 (P.G. xx. 1288). On the Iudicii Signum and the Dit des quinze Signes (Text in Grass, Adamsspiel, 57) derived from it, cf. Sepet, xxviii. 8; Du Méril, 185. According to Martene, iii. 34, the Versus Sibyllae were often sung at Matins on Christmas day, apparently apart from the sermo. Thus at Limoges they were sung after the sixth responsorium.

[197] Sepet, xxviii. 13; cf. p. 5.

[198] Text in Du Méril, 179; Coussemaker, 11; Wright, 60; from Bibl. Nat. Lat. 1139 (eleventh or twelfth century). Weber, 51, gives an interesting account of the Prophetae in art, and points out that the play seems to have influenced such representations in Italy early in the eleventh century.

[199] Text in U. Chevalier, Ordinaires de l’Église de Laon, xxxvi, 385, from Laon MS. 263 (thirteenth century Trophonarium). It is headed ‘Ordo Prophetarum.’

[200] Text in Gasté, 4, from Rouen MS. Y. 110 (fourteenth-century Ordinarium). The opening is ‘Nota, Cantor; si Festum Asinorum fiat, processio ordinetur post Terciam. Si non fiat Festum, tunc fiat processio, ut nunc praenotatur. Ordo Processionis Asinorum secundum Rothomagensem usum. Tercia cantata, paratis Prophetis iuxta suum ordinem, fornace in medio navis ecclesiae lintheo et stuppis constituta, processio moveat de claustro, et duo clerici de secunda sede, in cappis, processionem regant, hos versus canentes: Gloriosi et famosi.... Tunc processio in medio ecclesiae stet.’ At the end the ‘Prophetae et ministri’ rule the choir. Unfortunately the MS., like other Ordinaria, only gives the first words of many of the chants.

[201] The Gloriosi et famosi hymn occurs in a twelfth-century Einsiedeln MS. (Milchsack, 36) as an overture to the Quem quaeritis. It is arranged for ‘chorus’ and ‘Prophetae,’ and was therefore borrowed from Christmas. It is followed by another hymn, more strictly Paschal, the Hortum praedestinatio, and this, which is also used with the Sens Quem quaeritis (Milchsack, 58), is sung at the end of the Rouen Prophetae by ‘omnes prophetae et ministri [? = vocatores] in pulpito’—a curious double borrowing between the two feasts. Meyer, 51, argues that the Einsiedeln MS., which is in a fragmentary state, contained a Prophetae, to which, and not to the Quem quaeritis, the Gloriosi et famosi belonged.

[202] Sepet, xxviii. 25.

[203] So says Gasté, 4. But I think he must be wrong, for the Introit with which the text concludes is Puer natus est, which belongs to the Magna missa of the feast-day, and not to the eve.

[204] Martene, iii. 41, from a fourteenth-century Rituale: ‘dicto versiculo tertii nocturni, accenditur totum luminare, et veniunt Prophetae in capitulo revestiti, et post cantant insimul Lumen Patris, et clericus solus dicit In gaudio, et post legitur septima lectio. Post nonam lectionem ducunt prophetas de capitulo ad portam Thesaurarii cantilenas cantando, et post in chorum, ubi dicunt cantori prophetias, et duo clericuli in pulpito cantando eos appellant. Post dicitur nonum [responsorium?] in pulpito.... Post [primam] recitatur miraculum [Martene conjectures martyrologium] in claustro ... [Ad vesperas] dictis psalmis et antiphonis, ducunt ad portam Thesaurarii prophetas, sicut ad matutinum et reducunt in chorum similiter, et habent clerici virgas plenas candelis ardentibus, vocant eos clerici duo sicut ad vesperas [? matutinum].’ Presently follows the Deposuit: cf. vol. i. p. 309.

[205] Cf. vol. i. p. 313.

[206] Gasté, 20.

[207] Sepet, xxviii. 219, suggests that Balaam, when first introduced into the Prophetae, merely prophesied, as he does in the Adam (Grass, 46). Possibly, yet his introduction at the end of the Laon play (unknown to Sepet) looks as if he were an appendix for the sake of his ass.

[208] Champollion-Figeac, Hilarii Versus et Ludi (1838), from B. N. Lat. MS. 11,331. The plays are also printed by Du Méril, Or. Lat. On the life cf. Hist. Litt. de la France, xx. 627; D.N.B. s.v. Hilary; Morley, English Writers, iii. 107.

[209] Du Méril, 272 ‘Ludus super iconia Sancti Nicolai.’ There is a ‘persona iconie.’ A Barbarus speaks partly in French.

[210] Du Méril, 225 ‘Suscitatio Lazari: ad quam istae personae sunt necessariae: Persona Lazari, duarum Sororum, quatuor Iudaeorum, Iesu Christi, duodecim Apostolorum, vel sex ad minus ... (ends). Quo finito, si factum fuerit ad Matutinas, Lazarus in piat: Te Deum laudamus: si vero ad Vesperas: Magnificat anima mea Dominum.’

[211] Du Méril, 241 ‘Historia de Daniel repraesentanda,’ with a list of the ‘personae necessariae’ and a final rubric as in the ‘Suscitatio Lazari’: cf. Sepet, xxviii. 232, on this and similar plays and their relation to the Prophetae. From the names ‘Hilarius,’ ‘Iordanus,’ ‘Simon,’ attached to parts of the Daniel in the MS., it would seem that Hilarius had collaborators for this play (Sepet, xxviii. 248).

[212] E. Dümmler, in Z. f. d. Alterthum, xxxv. 401; xxxvi. 238, from B. M. Addl. MS. 22,414 (‘Liber Sancti Godehardi in Hild[esheim]’). On the group of Nicholas plays cf. Creizenach, i. 105.

[213] G. Morel, in Anzeiger für Kunde der deutschen Vorzeit, vi. (1859), 207, from Einsiedeln MS. 34.

[214] Golden Legend, ii. 109; Wace, Vie de Saint-Nicolas (ed. Delius, 1850).

[215] Du Méril, 262; Coussemaker, 100. The play ends with the Te Deum. The same subject is treated in the Einsiedeln play, and one of those from Hildesheim.

[216] Du Méril, 254; Coussemaker, 83. The play ends with the anthem ‘O Christi pietas,’ used at second Vespers on St. Nicholas’ day (Sarum Breviary, iii. 38). The same subject is treated in the other Hildesheim play.

[217] Du Méril, 276; Coussemaker, 123; begins ‘Ad repraesentandum quomodo Sanctus Nicolaus, &c. ...’: ends with anthem ‘Copiosae caritatis’ used at Lauds on St. Nicholas’ day (Sarum Breviary, iii. 37).

[218] Du Méril, 266; Coussemaker, 109; begins ‘Aliud miraculum de Sancto Nicolao, &c. ...’: ends with anthem ‘Statuit ei Dominus,’ not in Sarum Breviary, but used at Rome as Introit on feasts of Pontiffs. This is the subject of Hilarius’ play.

[219] Text in Du Méril, 213; Coussemaker, 220. The play contains a Paschal sequence and ends with a Te Deum. Part of the action is in a platea; Simon has a domus, which afterwards ‘efficiatur quasi Bethania.’ Other ‘loci’ represent ‘Ierusalem’ and ‘Galilaea’ (cf. p. 50), and the ‘Suscitatio’ takes place at a ‘monumentum’ (probably the Easter sepulchre).

[220] Text in Coussemaker, 49, and Danjou, Revue de la Musique religieuse, iv. (1848), 65. Cf. Sepet, xxviii. 232, and on the MS., vol. i. p. 284. As in the Beauvais Officium Circumcisionis, there are many processional chants or conductus, in one of which are the terms ‘celebremus Natalis solempnia’ and ‘in hoc Natalitio’ which attach the play to Christmas, or at least the Christmas season. The text begins ‘Incipit Danielis ludus,’ and ends with the Te Deum. The following quatrain serves as prologue:

‘Ad honorem tui, Christe, Danielis ludus iste in Belvaco est inventus et invenit hunc iuventus.’

Meyer, 56, finds relations between the Beauvais Daniel and that of Hilarius.

[221] Text in Anzeiger für Kunde d. deutschen Vorzeit (1877), 169, from late twelfth-century MS.; cf. Creizenach, i. 74.

[222] Cf. p. 99.

[223] Creizenach, i. 6, 71. The unauthentic Annales of Corvei mention also a play on Joseph under the year 1264 (Creizenach, i. 75).

[224] Text in Du Méril, 237; Coussemaker, 210; begins ‘Ad repraesentandam conversionem beati Pauli apostoli, &c. ...’: ends with Te Deum. Four ‘sedes’ are required, and a ‘lectus’ for Ananias.

[225] Latest text, with long introduction, mainly philological, by W. Cloetta, in Romania, xxii. (1893), 177; others by Du Méril, 233; Coussemaker, 1; E. Boehmer, in Romanische Studien, iv. 99; K. Bartsch, Lang. et Litt. françaises, 13; cf. also Julleville, Les Myst. i. 27; E. Stengel, Z. f. rom. Phil. iii. 233; E. Schwan, Z. f. rom. Phil. xi. 469; H. Morf, Z. f. rom. Phil. xx. 385. The manuscript is Bibl. Nat. Lat. 1139. MM. Cloetta (p. 221) and G. Paris (Litt. fr. au moyen âge², 237, 246) assign the Sponsus to the earlier half or second third of the twelfth century, and the former, with the delightful diffidence of a philologist, thinks, on linguistic grounds, that it was written at Saint Amant de Boixe (sixteen kilomètres north of Angoulême). It only remains for some archivist to find a clerk of St. Martial of Limoges whose native place was this very village.

[226] Cf. p. 33.

[227] H. Morf, loc. cit., considers the Sponsus an Easter play.

[228] Creizenach, i. 77. An Italian dramatic Lauda on the same subject is headed ‘In Dominica de Adventu’ (D’Ancona, i. 141).

[229] Text in Froning, 206, from edition of Zezschwitz, Vom römischen Kaisertum deutscher Nation (1877). The earliest edition is by Pez, Thesaurus Anecd. Noviss. (1721-9), ii. 3, 187. This writer introduced confusion by giving the play the title Ludus paschalis de adventu et interitu Antichristi. It has nothing to do with Easter. The latest and best edition is that by W. Meyer, in Sitzungsberichte d. hist.-phil. Classe d. königl. bayr. Akad. d. Wiss. (Munich), 1882, 1. The unique MS. is Munich MS. 19,411 (twelfth-thirteenth century), formerly in Kloster Tegernsee. Both Zezschwitz and Meyer have long and valuable introductions; cf. also Froning, 199; Creizenach, i. 78. T. Wright prints the play from Pez, in Chester Plays, ii. 227.

[230] 2 Thessalonians, ii. 3-12. According to York Missal, i. 10, part of this passage is read at Mass on Saturday in the Quatuor Tempora of Advent.

[231] ‘Templum domini et vii sedes regales primum collocentur in hunc modum:

Ad orientem templum domini; huic collocantur sedes regis Hierosolimorum et sedes Sinagogae.

Ad occidentem sedes imperatoris Romani; huic collocantur sedes regis Theotonicorum et sedes regis Francorum.

Ad austrum sedes regis Graecorum.

Ad meridiem sedes regis Babiloniae et Gentilitatis.’

Other than this direction the play has no heading, but in later stage-directions it is incidentally called a ‘ludus.’

[232] Printed in P. L. ci. 1291.

[233] Pseudo-Augustine, De altercatione Ecclesiae et Synagogae dialogus in P. L. xlii. 1131. On this theme and the débats based thereon cf. Hist. Litt. xxiii. 216; G. Paris, § 155; Pearson, ii. 376. P. Weber, Geistliches Schauspiel und kirchliche Kunst (1894), is mainly occupied with this motive and its place in the religious drama and religious art. It is a most valuable study, but I find no ground for the conjecture (Weber, 31, 36) that the Altercatio, like the Prophetae, had already, before the Antichrist, been semi-dramatically rendered in the liturgy.

[234] Cf. p. 98.

[235] Representations, s.v. Dunstable.

[236] At Rouen, e.g., a confraternity played a misterium on the feast of the Assumption in a waxen ‘hortus’ set up in their chapel; and this between 1446 and 1521 required reformation from various ‘derisiones,’ especially a ‘ludus de marmousetis’ (Gasté, 76). But I know of no evidence for a Latin Assumption play, although such may quite well have existed. The Lincoln Assumption play was given in the cathedral, as a wind-up to a cycle (Representations, s.v. Lincoln).

[237] Cf. p. 11.

[238] Ducange, s.v. Festum Ascensionis, ‘qui ... officio hac die praeerat, cum modicum panis et vini degustasset, cantato responsorio Non vos relinquam, ambonem ascendebat, ubi ex monte efficto coelum petere videbatur; tunc pueri symphoniaci veste angelica induti decantabant Viri Galilaei, etc.’

[239] Julleville, Les Myst. ii. 9; Annales archéologiques, xviii. 173 ‘pro pingendo cicatrices in manibus D. Iohannis Rosnel, facientis mysterium in die Ascensionis’ (1416), ‘pro potandum cum discipulis,’ ‘vicariis representantibus Crucifixum cum suis discipulis et ibidem simul manducantibus et bibentibus vinum,’ ‘pro pingendo vulnera,’ ‘pro faciendo novas nubes,’ ‘pro pictura dictarum nubium,’ ‘pro cantando non vos.’ In Germany (Naogeorgos in Stubbes, i. 337) the crucifix was drawn up by cords and an image of Satan thrown down. For England, see the end of Lambarde’s account, below.

[240] Grenier, 388 (Amiens, 1291, and elsewhere in Picardy); Hautcœur, Documents liturgiques de Lille, 65 (thirteenth century), and Histoire de l’Église de Lille, i. 427; Gasté, 75 (Bayeux, thirteenth century, Caen, Coutances); D’Ancona, i. 31 (Parma), i. 88 (Vicenza, 1379, a more elaborate out-of-door performance); Naogeorgos in Stubbes, i. 337 (Germany); Ducange, s.v. nebulae. I have three English examples: Hone, E. D. Book, i. 685 (Computus of St. Patrick’s, Dublin, for 1509), ‘we have ivˢ viiᵈ paid to those playing with the great and little angel and the dragon; iiiˢ paid for little cords employed about the Holy Ghost; ivˢ viᵈ for making the angel censing (thurificantis), and iiˢ iiᵈ for cords of it—all on the feast of Pentecost’; Lincoln Statutes, i. 335; ii. cxviii. 165 (1330) ‘in distributione autem Pentecostali percipiet ... clericus ducens columbam vj denarios’; W. Lambarde, Alphabetical Description of the Chief Places in England and Wales (1730, written in sixteenth century), 459, s.v. Wytney, ‘The like Toye I myselfe (beinge then a Chyld) once saw in Poules Church at London, at a Feast of Whitsontyde, wheare the comynge downe of the Holy Gost was set forthe by a white Pigion, that was let to fly out of a Hole, that yet is to be sene in the mydst of the Roofe of the great Ile, and by a longe Censer, which descendinge out of the same Place almost to the verie Grounde, was swinged up and downe at suche a Lengthe, that it reached with thone Swepe almost to the West Gate of the Churche, and with the other to the Quyre Staires of the same, breathynge out over the whole Churche and Companie a most pleasant Perfume of suche swete Thinges as burned thearin; with the like doome Shewes also, they used every whear to furnishe sondrye Partes of their Churche Service, as by their Spectacles of the Nativitie, Passion, and Ascension of Christe.’ From further notices in W. S. Simpson, St. Paul’s and Old City Life, 62, 83, it appears that the censing was on Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday in Whit-week, that the Lord Mayor attended, and that the ceremony was replaced by sermons in 1548.

[241] Creizenach, i. 76; D’Ancona, i. 90, 92, 114 (Padua, Venice, Trevigi), and i. 29 (Parma Ordinarium of fifteenth century) ‘ad inducendum populum ad contritionem, ... ad confirmandum ipsum in devotione Virginis Mariae ... fit reverenter et decenter Repraesentatio Virginis Mariae ... cum prophetis et aliis solemnitatibus opportunis’; Coussemaker, 280 (Cividale Processionalia of fourteenth and fifteenth centuries). In the fourteenth century there was a procession to the market-place, where ‘diaconus legat evangelium in tono, et fit repraesentatio Angeli ad Mariam.’ In the fifteenth century ‘In Annuntiatione B. M. Virginis Repraesentatio’ was a similar procession and ‘cantatur evangelium cum ludo, quo finito, revertendo ad ecclesiam, cantatur Te Deum.’ The text goes slightly beyond the words of the Gospel (Luke i. 26-38) having a part for ‘Helisabeth.’ Gasté, 79, describes the foundation of a mystère of the Annunciation during vespers on the eve of the feast at Saint-Lo, in 1521.

[242] I gather this from the consuetudo of giving gloves to Mary, the Angel, and the Prophets at Christmas (Representations, s.v. Lincoln). Here, as at Parma, the Prophetae appear in connexion with the Annunciation ceremony.

[243] See the curious and detailed document in Appendix S as to the Tournai ceremony founded by Peter Cotrel in the sixteenth century. A precisely similar foundation was that of Robert Fabri at Saint Omer in 1543 (Bull. arch. du Comité des travaux historiques (1886), 80; Mém. de la Soc. des Antiquaires de la Morinie, xx. 207). The inventory of the ‘ornementz et parementz’ in a ‘coffre de cuir boully’ includes ‘ung colomb de bois revestu de damas blancq.’ Alike at Tournai, St. Omer, and Besançon (Martene, iii. 30) the ceremony was on the Wednesday in the Quatuor Tempora of Advent. For the ‘golden Mass’ of this day the Gospel is the same as that of the Annunciation; cf. York Missal, i. 6; Pfannenschmidt, 438.

[244] Creizenach, i. 154, 317, 346. A slight addition to the Stella is made by two Provençal plays of †1300 (ed. P. Meyer in Romania, xiv. 496) and 1333 (dramatis personae only in Revue des Sociétés savantes, viii. 259) which introduce episodes from the life of the Virgin previous to the Nativity.

[245] Creizenach, i. 70, quoting Gesta Alberti Livoniensis episcopi (†1226) in Gruber, Origines Livoniae (1740), 34 ‘Eadem hyeme factus est ludus prophetarum ordinatissimus, quam Latini Comoediam vocant, in media Riga, ut fidei Christianae rudimenta gentilitas fide etiam disceret oculata. Cuius ludi et comoediae materia tam neophytis, quam paganis, qui aderant, per interpretem diligentissime exponebatur. Ubi autem armati Gedeonis cum Philistaeis pugnabant; pagani, timentes occidi, fugere coeperunt, sed caute sunt revocati.... In eodem ludo erant bella, vtpote Dauid, Gedeonis, Herodis. Erat et doctrina Veteris et Novi Testamenti.’

[246] Text edited by V. Luzarche (Tours, 1854); L. Palustre (Paris, 1877); K. Bartsch, Chrestomathie, (ed. 1880, 91); K. Grass (Halle, 1891); cf. the elaborate study by Sepet, xxix, 105, 261, and Julleville, Les Myst. i. 81; ii. 217; Creizenach, i. 130; Clédat, 15. The manuscript is Tours MS. 927, formerly belonging to the Benedictines of Marmoutier. Grass, vi, summarizes the opinions as to its date. In any case the text is probably of the twelfth century, and Grass, 171, after an elaborate grammatical investigation, confirms the opinion of Luzarche, doubted by Littré and others, that it is of Anglo-Norman rather than Norman origin. But, even if the writer was an Anglo-Norman clerk, the play must have been written for performance in France. I doubt if it was ever actually played or finished. It is followed in the MS. by a Norman (not Anglo-Norman) poem on the Fifteen Signs of Judgement (text in Grass, 57), which looks like material collected for an unwritten Sibyl prophecy. The remaining contents of the first part of the MS., which may be of the twelfth century, are some hymns and the Latin Tours Quem quaeritis (p. 38).

[247] Sepet, xxix, 112, 128, points out that certain lectiones and responsoria which accompany the Adam and Cain and Abel are taken from the office for Septuagesima. Possibly an independent liturgical drama of the Fall arose at Septuagesima and was absorbed by the Prophetae. But mention of the ‘primus Adam’ is not uncommon in the Nativity liturgy; cf. Sepet, xxix, 107, and the Sponsus (p. 61).

[248] Annales Ratisponenses (M. G. H. Scriptores, xvii. 590) ‘Anno Domini 1194. Celebratus est in Ratispona ordo creacionis angelorum et ruina[e] Luciferi et suorum, et creacionis hominis et casus et prophetarum ... septima Idus Februarii.’

[249] Köppen, 35, discusses the textual relation between the St. Gall and Benedictbeuern plays and their common source, the Freising Stella.

[250] Text in Mone, Schauspiele des Mittelalters, i. 143; cf. Creizenach, i. 123.

[251] Text in Schmeller, Carmina Burana, 80; Du Méril, 187; Froning, 877, from a Munich MS. of thirteenth to fourteenth century formerly in the abbey of Benedictbeuern in Bavaria; cf. Creizenach, i. 96; Sepet, xxxviii, 398. The title ‘Ludus scenicus de nativitate Domini’ given by Schmeller is not in the MS.

[252] Cf. p. 56. The Balaam in Adam is ‘sedens super asinam,’ but no further notice is taken of the animal.

[253] Text ed. Le Verdier (Soc. des Bibliophiles normands); cf. Julleville, Les Myst. ii. 36, 430.

[254] Cf. p. 38.

[255] Tischendorf, Evangelia Apocrypha (1876), 389.

[256] Cf. pp. 4, 5, 20. One of the anthems for Easter Saturday in the Sarum Breviary is Elevamini, portae.

[257] Text in Pollard, 166; K. Böddeker, Altenglische Dichtungen des MS. Harl. 2253 (1878), 264; E. Mall, The Harrowing of Hell (1871); cf. Ten Brink, ii. 242; Ward, i. 90; Creizenach, i. 158. There are three MSS.: (a) Bodl. Digby MS. 86 (late thirteenth century); (b) Harl. MS. 2253 (†1310); (c) Edin. Advoc. Libr. (Auchinleck) MS. W. 41 (early fourteenth century). The Digby version has a prologue beginning:

‘Hou ihesu crist herewede helle Of hardegates ich wille telle.’

The Harleian has:

‘Alle herkneth to me nou, A strif will I tellen ou.’

The Auchinleck prologue lacks the beginning, but the end agrees with the Harleian. Böddeker, who accepts the dramatic character of the piece, thinks that the prologues were prefixed later for recitation. In any case this poem became a source for a play in the Ludus Coventriae cycle (Pollard, xxxviii).

[258] Text of Muri fragments in Froning, 228; cf. Creizenach, i. 114; Wirth, 133, 281. A French fragment (†1300-50) also introducing this theme is printed by J. Bédier, in Romania, xxiv. (1895), 86. Pez, Script. rerum austriacarum, ii. 268, describes a vision of the thirteenth-century recluse Wilbirgis: ‘Item quadam nocte Dominicae Resurrectionis, cum in Monasterio ludus Paschalis tam a Clero quam a populo ageretur, quia eidem non potuit corporaliter interesse, coepit desiderare, ut ei Dominus aliquam specialis consolationis gratiam per Resurrectionis suae gaudia largiretur. Et vidit quasi Dominum ad Inferos descendentem et inde animas eruentem, quae quasi columbae candidissimae circumvolantes ipsum comitabantur, et sequebantur ab inferis redeuntem.’ Meyer, 61, 98, deals fully with the development of the Resurrection and Harrowing of Hell themes in the early vernacular plays.

[259] Text in Monmerqué et Michel, Théâtre fr. au moyen âge, 10, from Bibl. Nat. fr. 902; cf. Creizenach, i. 135; Julleville, Les Myst. i. 91; ii. 220; Clédat, 59. The MS. is of the fourteenth century, but the Norman-French, which some writers, as with the Adam, think Anglo-Norman, is assigned to the end of the twelfth century.

[260] D’Ancona, i. 90. The original authority for the statement, taken from a MS. treatise on the Commedia italiana by Uberto Benvoglienti, is not given.

[261] D’Ancona, i. 87, quoting several chronicles: ‘hoc anno in festo Pascae facta fuit Reppraesentatio Passionis et Resurrectionis Christi solemniter et ordinate in Prato Vallis.’

[262] Text in Schmeller, Carmina Burana, 95; Du Méril, 126; Froning, 284; cf. Creizenach, i. 92; Wirth, 131, 278. The only heading to the play in the MS. is ‘Sancta Maria assit nostro principio! amen.’

[263] Scenes between the Mercator, his wife, and their lad Rubin play a large part in the later German Passion plays; cf. Wirth, 168.

[264] Creizenach, i. 155. Two fourteenth-century texts exist, one in Provençal, one in Catalan.

[265] Text in Mone, Schauspiele des Mittelalters, i. 72; cf. Creizenach, i. 121; Wirth, 135, 282.

[266] Text in Froning, 340 (begins ‘Incipit ordo sive registrum de passione domini’); cf. Creizenach, i. 219; Wirth, 137, 295.

[267] Text in Froning, 305 (begins ‘Ad materiae reductionem de passione domini. Incipit ludus pascalis’); cf. Creizenach, i. 92, 120; Wirth, 134, 293.

[268] Giuliano da Cividale, Cronaca Friulana (D’Ancona, i. 91; Muratori, Rer. Ital. Script. xxiv. 1205, 1209): ‘Anno domini MCCLXXXXVIII die vii exeunte Maio, videlicet in die Pentecostes et in aliis duobus sequentibus diebus, facta fuit Repraesentatio Ludi Christi, videlicet Passionis, Resurrectionis, Ascensionis, Adventus Spiritus Sancti, Adventus Christi ad iudicium, in curia Domini Patriarchae Austriae civitatis, honorifice et laudabiliter, per Clerum civitatensem .... Anno MCCCIII facta fuit per Clerum, sive per Capitulum civitatense, Repraesentatio: sive factae fuerunt Repraesentationes infra scriptae: In primis, de Creatione primorum parentum; deinde de Annunciatione Beatae Virginis, de Partu et aliis multis, et de Passione et Resurrectione, Ascensione et Adventu Spiritus Sancti, et de Antichristo et aliis, et demum de Adventu Christi ad iudicium. Et predicta facta fuerunt solemniter in curia domini Patriarchae in festo Pentecostes cum aliis duobus diebus sequentibus, praesente r. d. Ottobono patriarcha aquileiensi, d. Iacobo q. d. Ottonelli de Civitate episcopo concordiensi, et aliis multis nobilibus de civitatibus et castris Foro-iulii, die XV exeunte Maio.’ Still earlier, some dramatic fragments not later than the mid-thirteenth century from Kloster Himmelgarten near Nordhausen, include scenes from both the early and late life of Christ (Text, ed. Sievers, in Zeitsch. f. d. Phil. xxi. 393; cf. Creizenach, i. 124); but these might conceivably belong to a set of plays for different dates, such as those of the Sainte Geneviève MS. (Julleville, Les Myst. ii. 379). Besides the English cosmic cycles, there are several fifteenth-century French ones described by Julleville, Les Myst. ii. 394 sqq.: in Germany plays of this scope are rare.

[269] Pearson, ii. 312; Köppen, 49; Ten Brink, i. 287.

[270] Cf. Sepet, xxxviii. 415; Creizenach, i. 260; G. Smith, 253; Julleville, Les Myst. ii. 352. Le Mistère du viel testament, printed †1510 (ed. Rothschild, 1878-91, for Soc. des anciens textes français), is a fifteenth-century compilation of O. T. plays from various sources.

[271] French versions of the Vengeance de Notre Seigneur, of which the chief episode is the Siege of Jerusalem, appear in the fifteenth century (Julleville, Les Myst. ii. 12, 415, 451). A late Coventry play on the same theme is unfortunately lost.

[272] Cf. p. 99.

[273] Cf. p. 79.

[274] Pearson, ii. 315; and cf. the angels aloft in the Rouen Pastores (p. 41).

[275] Cf. p. 50.

[276] Plan in Mone, ii. 156; Froning, 277; Davidson, 199; Pearson, ii. 320; Könnecke, Bilderatlas, 55: on the play, cf. Creizenach, i. 224; Wirth, 139, 327. Another sixteenth-century plan from Lucerne is given by Leibing, Die Inscenierung des 2-tägigen Osterspiels, 1869; cf. Creizenach, i. 168.

[277] See the mention of ‘en mi la place’ in the prologue; but ‘place’ might be only the French equivalent of ‘platea’ as used in the Fleury Suscitatio Lazari.

[278] Pearson, ii. 322.

[279] Julleville, Les Myst. ii. 37.

[280] Reproduced in Clédat, 4; Bapst, 33, from Horae of †1460; cf. Jusserand, Lit. Hist. i. 470.

[281] D’Ancona, i. 191, however, describes the Italian devozioni as taking place on talami or platforms in the naves of churches. In France, minor religious plays at least took place on scaffolds, built up sometimes against the wall of a church (Bapst, 23, 29). A raised stage, with sedes along the back of it, is shown by the miniatures in the MS. of the Valenciennes Passion (reproduced in Jusserand, Shakespeare in France, 63; cf. Julleville, Les Mystères, ii. 153); but this is as late as 1547.

[282] Julleville, Les Myst. i. 386; Bapst, 28.

[283] Cf. p. 137. Amongst the ‘establies’ required for the Rouen play of 1474 was ‘Enfer faict en maniere d’une grande gueulle se cloant et ouvrant quant besoing en est’ (Julleville, Les Myst. ii. 37). Just such an ‘enfer’ is represented in the Fouquet and Valenciennes miniatures.

[284] Cf. p. 98.

[285] Cf. p. 77.

[286] Froning, 363 ‘Et notandum, quod optime congruit, ne populus nimiam moram faciendo gravetur, et ut resurrectio domini gloriosius celebretur, ut ulterior ordo ludi in diem alterum conservetur; quod si apud rectores deliberatum fuerit, Augustinus coram populo proclamet dicens sine rigmo, ut in die crastino revertatur.’

[287] Creizenach, i. 340.

[288] Cf. p. 130.

[289] Cf. p. 74. By the fifteenth century lay performers appear even in the ritual Quem quaeritis. An Augsburg version of 1487 (Milchsack, 129) concludes ‘Permittitur tamen aliis, qui forsan huiusmodi personas [i.e. ‘sacerdotes’ et ‘cantores’] non habent, ut cum aliis personis et etiam moribus honestis tamen et discretis, huiusmodi visitationem sepulchri exequantur.’ See also the jest of Tyll Ulenspiegel with the parson’s concubine who played the angel, quoted by Pearson, ii. 308.

[290] Julleville, Les Myst. ii. 2. For plays by German guilds cf. Pearson, ii. 364.

[291] Creizenach, i. 137; Julleville, Les Myst. i. 115; Les Com. 43. Probably the ‘Jeu de Nicholas’ of Jean Bodel, and the fourteenth-century ‘Miracles de Notre Dame,’ belong to the répertoires of puys.

[292] Julleville, Les Myst. i. 412; Les Com. 55.

[293] Du Méril, 410, 414, prints examples of such épîtres farcies for the feasts of St. Stephen and St. Thomas of Canterbury: cf. the numerous references in D’Ancona, i. 66, and vol. i. p. 277.

[294] Text in Coussemaker, 256, from Bibl. St. Quentin MS. 75 (fourteenth century); cf. Julleville, Les Myst. i. 64. The Quem quaeritis includes the Hortulanus scene and has, like the Prague versions, the Mercator. It was probably written later than 1286, as the Ordinarius of that year (Coussemaker, 337) directs a shorter version in Latin.

[295] Text in Froning, 49, from Trier MS. 75 (begins ‘incipit ludus de nocte paschae, de tribus Mariis et Maria Magdalena’ ... ends ‘explicit ludus’); cf. Creizenach, i. 112; Davidson, 149; Wirth, 120, 235.

[296] Cf. Academy for Jan. 4 and 11, 1890, where Prof. Skeat prints the text from Shrewsbury MS. Mus. iii. 42 f. 48 (a book of anthems). Manly, i. xxviii, also gives it with some valuable notes of his own.

[297] Creizenach, i. 109.

[298] Ibid. i. 99, 202; Pearson, ii. 271, 302, 394; Wirth, 168, 201, 215; D’Ancona, i. 62.

[299] Cf. vol. i. p. 83.

[300] Cf. vol. i. pp. 185, 207, 213.

[301] Cf. p. 56.

[302] Cf. p. 4.

[303] Cf. vol. i. pp. 258, 268, 327.

[304] Julleville, Les Myst. ii. 412; Les Com. 149, 237 (Chaumont), 239 (Chauny).

[305] Creizenach, i. 356; cf. p. 146.

[306] D’Ancona, i. 87 sqq.; F. Torraca, Discussioni e ricerche (1888), 92; Creizenach, i. 299 sqq.; J. A. Symonds, Renaissance in Italy, iv. 242 sqq.; G. Smith, 297; Wechssler, 30; Gaspary, i. 138, 357; I. S. A. Herford, The Confraternities of Penance, their Dramas and their Lamentations in E. H. Review, vi. (1891), 646. A first instalment of dramatic Lauds was published by Monaci, Appunti per la storia del teatro italiano in Rivista di Filologia Romana, i. 235, ii. 29. For other collections cf. D’Ancona, i. 153; Gaspary, i. 361. D’Ancona has published Sacre Rappresentazioni (1872). A selection of Lauds, Devozioni, and Rappresentazioni is in F. Torraca, Il teatro italiano dei Secoli xiii, xiv, e xv (1885).

[307] D’Ancona, i. 94.

[308] Galvano Fiamma, de rebus gestis a Vicecomitibus (D’Ancona, i. 97; Muratori, Rer. Ital. Script. xii. 1017). The ceremony was ‘in die Epifanie in conventu fratrum Praedicatorum.... Fuerunt coronati tres Reges in equis magnis, vallati domicellis, vestiti variis, cum somariis multis et familia magna nimis. Et fuit stella aurea discurrens per aera, quae praecedebat istos tres Reges, et pervenerunt ad columnas Sancti Laurentii, ubi erat rex Herodes effigiatus, cum scribis et sapientibus. Et visi sunt interrogare regem Herodem, ubi Christus nasceretur, et revolutis multis libris responderunt, quod deberet nasci in civitate Bethleem in distantia quinque milliariorum a Hierusalem. Quo audito, isti tres Reges coronati aureis coronis, tenentes in manibus scyphos aureos cum auro, thure et myrrha, praecedente stella per aera, cum somariis et mirabili famulatu, clangentibus tubis, et bucinis praecedentibus, simiis, babuynis, et diversis generibus animalium, cum mirabili populorum tumultu, pervenerunt ad ecclesiam Sancti Eustorgii. Ubi in latere altaris maioris erat praesepium cum bove et asino, et in praesepio erat Christus parvulus in brachiis Virginis matris. Et isti Reges obtulerunt Christo munera; deinde visi sunt dormire, et Angelus alatus ei dixit quod non redirent per contratam Sancti Laurentii, sed per portam Romanam: quod et factum fuit. Et fuit tantus concursus populi et militum et dominarum et clericorum, quod nunquam similis fere visus fuit. Et fuit ordinatum, quod omni anno istud festum fieret.’ This is precisely the liturgic Stella translated into an out-of-door spectacle, which in its turn becomes the model for many a Quattrocento painting; cf., e.g., Botticelli’s Magi in the Uffizi, or Gentile da Fabriano’s, with the baboons done to the life, in the Accademia.

[309] D’Ancona, i. 94, 301, considers, however, that the late fifteenth-century Passio of Revello was not a native growth, but modelled on contemporary cyclic plays from France.

[310] The Rouen play of 1474 (Julleville, Les Myst. ii. 36) was one, and cf. pp. 119, 122.

[311] Creizenach, i. 242; cf. the lists in Julleville, Les Myst. ii. 183.

[312] Julleville, Les Myst. ii. 9 sqq.

[313] D’Ancona, i. 218; Guasti, Le feste di San Giovanni Baptista in Firenze (1884). Rappresentazioni on St. John’s day were known to the late fourteenth-century Florentine historian Goro di Stagio Dati. An account of the feast in 1407 makes no mention of them, but they appear in that of 1439, and are elaborately described in the Storia of Matteo di Marco Palmieri about 1454 (D’Ancona, i. 228). Early in the morning of June 22 started a procession of clergy, compagnie, edifizii, and cavalleria. These stopped in the Piazza della Signoria, and rappresentazioni, forming a complete cycle from the Fall of Lucifer to the Last Judgement, and lasting sixteen hours, were given upon the edifizii. D’Ancona suggests that the dumb show type of rappresentazioni preceded the dialogued one, ‘come più semplice.’ But this seems equally inconsistent with his view that the rappresentazioni grew out of devozioni, and mine that they were an adaptation of earlier cyclical plays to the conditions of the Florentine feast.

[314] Cf. ch. xxi.

[315] D’Ancona, i. 243; Schack, ii. 103; Ticknor, Hist. of Spanish Lit. ii. 249. The Autos Sacramentales are so named from their connexion with this day.

[316] Creizenach, i. 170, 227. The earliest German mention is at the council of Prague in 1366 (Höfler, Concilia Pragensia, 13, in Abhandl. d. königl. böhmischen Gesellsch. der Wiss. series v. vol. 12) ‘omnibus ... clericis et laicis ... mandatur ut ludos theatrales vel etiam fistulatores vel ioculatores in festo corporis Christi in processionibus ire quovis modo permittant et admittant.’ Extant Frohnleichnamsspiele are those of Innsbruck, †1391 (Text in Mone, Altteutsche Schauspiele, 145), and of Künzelsau, †1479 (ed. H. Werner, in Germania, iv. 338). Cf. the description (†1553) of Naogeorgos (transl. Googe) in Stubbes, i. 337.

[317] Julleville, ii. 208.

[318] Ward, i. 44; Davidson, 215; Malleson-Tuker, ii. 227.

[319] See e.g. the ‘Processio huius ludi’ at the end of the text of the Alsfeld Passion of 1501 (Froning, 858); cf. Pearson, ii. 365. As to the general relations of processions and plays, cf. p. 160.

[320] Cf. p. 136.

[321] The closest merging of play and procession is suggested by an order at Draguignan in 1558 (Julleville, Les Myst. ii. 209), where it was ordered ‘Le dit jeu jora avec la procession comme auparadvant et le plus d’istoeres et plus brieves que puront estre seront et se dira tout en cheminant sans ce que personne du jeu s’areste pour eviter prolixité et confusion tant de ladite, prosession que jeu, et que les estrangiers le voient aisement.’ Perhaps the short speeches of the Innsbruck play were similarly delivered while the procession was moving. The nearest continental approach to the English type is the Künzelsau play, which was divided into three parts and played at three different stations (Creizenach, i. 227).

[322] Creizenach, i. 218.

[323] Creizenach, i. 128, 137 sqq., 156; Julleville, Les Myst. i. 95, 107, 115, 185; ii. 2, 4, 5, 221, 226, 345; Les Com. 49; Sepet, 202, 242; Clédat, 63, 73, 105.

[324] Creizenach, i. 130, 165, 176; Julleville, Les Myst. i. 347; Les Com. 291; D’Ancona, i. 57; Pearson, ii. 303; Wirth, 144. A play could be given outside the church without wholly losing its connexion with the liturgy. It became a sort of procession: cf. pp. 32, 67. D’Ancona, i. 59, quotes from Bibl. de l’École des Chartes, iii. 450, a licence given by the Bishop of Langres in 1408 ‘Ut in quadem platea vel plateis congruis et honestis, infra vel extra villam, prope et supra rippariam loci, coram clero et populo, alta et intelligibili voce, lingua latina et materna, cum magna reverentia et honore ac diversis personacium et habituum generibus ad hoc congruis et necessariis, solemniter et publice vitam et miracula egregii confessoris et pontificis Machuti, recitare et exponere, missamque solemnem in pontificalibus, in platea seu plateis supradictis super altare portatili consecrato per alterum vestrum canonicorum vel alium ydoneum sacerdotem celebrare ... licentiam et auctoritatem impertimus per praesentes.’ Cf. the examples of plays at the Feasts of Fools and of the Boy Bishop (vol. i. pp. 295, 296, 299, 304, 306, 309, 313, 342, 348, 349, 380).

[325] Cf. p. 16.

[326] Cf. vol. i. p. 318. Pearson, ii. 285, translates: ‘The old Fathers of the Church, in order to strengthen the belief of the faithful and to attract the unbeliever by this manner of religious service, rightly instituted at the Feast of Epiphany or the Octave religious performances of such a kind as the star guiding the Magi to the new-born Christ, the cruelty of Herod, the dispatch of the soldiers, the lying-in of the Blessed Virgin, the angel warning the Magi not to return to Herod, and other events of the birth of Christ. But what nowadays happens in many churches? Not a customary ritual, not an act of reverence, but one of irreligion and extravagance conducted with all the license of youth. The priests having changed their clothes go forth as a troop of warriors; there is no distinction between priest and warrior to be marked. At an unfitting gathering of priests and laymen the church is desecrated by feasting and drinking, buffoonery, unbecoming jokes, play, the clang of weapons, the presence of shameless wenches, the vanities of the world, and all sorts of disorder. Rarely does such a gathering break up without quarrelling.’

[327] On Gerhoh (1093-1169) see the article in the 2nd ed. of Wetzer and Welte’s Kirchenlexicon. He took a strong reforming and anti-imperial line in the controversies of his day.

[328] Gerhohus, Comm. in Ps. cxxxii (P. L. cxciv. 890) ‘Cohaerebat ipsi Ecclesiae claustrum satis honestum, sed a claustrali religione omnino vacuum, cum neque in dormitorio fratres dormirent, neque in refectorio comederent, exceptis rarissimis festis, maxime in quibus Herodem repraesentarent Christi persecutorem, parvulorum interfectorem, seu ludis aliis aut spectaculis quasi theatralibus exhibendis comportaretur symbolum ad faciendum convivium in refectorio aliis pene omnibus temporibus vacuo.’

[329] Gerhohus, de Inv. Ant. lib. i. c. 5, de spectaculis theatricis in ecclesia Dei exhibitis (Gerhohi Opera Inedita, ed. Scheibelberger, i. 25) ‘Et sacerdotes, qui dicuntur, iam non ecclesiae vel altaris ministerio dediti sunt, sed exercitiis avaritiae, vanitatum et spectaculorum, adeo ut ecclesias ipsas, videlicet orationum domus, in theatra commutent ac mimicis ludorum spectaculis impleant. Inter quae nimirum spectacula adstantibus ac spectantibus ipsorum feminis interdum et antichristi, de quo nobis sermo est, non ut ipsi aestimant imaginariam similitudinem exhibent sed in veritate, ut credi potest iniquitatis ipsius mysterium pro parte sua implent. Quidni enim diabolus abutatur in serium rebus sibi exhibitis in vanitatis ludicrum, sicut Dominus quoque Iesus convertens in seria ludibria, quibus apud Iudaeos vel Pilatum in passione sua affectus est?... Quid ergo mirum si et isti nunc antichristum vel Herodem in suis ludis simulantes eosdem non, ut eis intentioni est, ludicro mentiuntur sed in veritate exhibent, utpote quorum vita ab antichristi laxa conversatione non longe abest?... Contigit, ut comperimus, aliquando apud tales, ut eum quem inter ludicra sua quasi mortuum ab Elisaeo propheta suscitantem exhiberent peracta simulatione mortuum invenirent. Alius item antichristo suo quasi suscitandus oblatus intra septem dies vere mortuus, ut comperimus, et sepultus est. Et quis scire potest an et cetera simulata antichristi scilicet effigiem, daemonum larvas, herodianam insaniem in veritate non exhibeant?... Exhibent praeterea imaginaliter et salvatoris infantiae cunabula, parvuli vagitum, puerperae virginis matronalem habitum, stellae quasi sidus flammigerum, infantum necem, maternum Rachelis ploratum. Sed divinitas insuper et matura facies ecclesiae abhorret spectacula theatralia, non respicit in vanitates et insanias falsas, immo non falsas sed iam veras insanias, in quibus viri totos se frangunt in feminas quasi pudeat eos, quod viri sunt, clerici in milites, homines se in daemonum larvas transfigurant....’

[330] Prynne, Histriomastix, 556, refers to ‘the visible apparition of the Devill on the Stage at the Belsavage Play-house, in Queene Elizabeth’s dayes (to the great amazement both of the Actors and Spectators) whiles they were there prophanely playing the History of Faustus (the truth of which I have heard from many now alive, who well remember it), there being some distracted with that fearefull sight.’

[331] Pollard, xxiv. I do not know how Ward, i. 43, gets at the very different theory that in 1210 (sic for 1207) Innocent III ordered plays ‘to be represented outside the church as well as inside.’ Mr. Pollard, by the way, assigns the prohibition to ‘Pope Gregory,’ a further mistake, due, I suppose, to the fact that it was subsequently included in the Gregorian Decretals.

[332] Cf. vol. i. p. 279.

[333] Quoted by Creizenach, i. 101, ‘Non tamen hic prohibetur repraesentare praesepe Domini, Herodem, magos et qualiter Rachel ploravit filios suos, etc., quae tangunt festivitates illas, de quibus hic fit mentio, cum talia ad devotionem potius inducant homines quam ad lasciviam vel voluptatem, sicut in pascha sepulcrum Domini et alia repraesentantur ad devotionem excitandam’: cf. vol i. p. 342. J. Aquila, Opusculum Enchiridion appellatum ferme de omni ludorum genere, f. 14 (Oppenheim, 1516), after referring to the canon, says, ‘Demonstrationes quae fiunt ad honorem dei puta passionis Christi aut vitae alicuius sancti non prohibentur in sacris locis ac temporibus fieri.’ Both canon and gloss are cited in Dives and Pauper, a book of fifteenth-century English morality (F. A. Gasquet, Eve of Reformation, 317): cf. also D’Ancona, i. 54.

[334] Cf. vol. i. p. 91. An anchoress of Tarrant Keynston (Ancren Riwle, †1150, C. S. 318) was bound to confess if she ‘eode oðe pleouwe ine chircheie: biheold hit ⁊ oðe wrastlinge ⁊ oðer fol gomenes’: but ‘pleouwe,’ like ludus (vol. i. p. 393), may have a very general meaning.

[335] Manning, 146:—

Un autre folie apert Vnt les fols clercs cuntroue, Qe ‘miracles’ sunt apele; Lur faces vnt la deguise Par visers, li forsene,— Qe est defendu en decree; Tant est plus grand lur peche. Fere poent representement,— Mes que ceo seit chastement En office de seint eglise Quant hom fet la deu servise,— Cum iesu crist le fiz dee En sepulcre esteit pose, Et la resurrectiun, Pur plus auer deuociun. Mes, fere foles assemblez En les rues des citez, Ou en cymiters apres mangers, Quant venent les fols volunters,— Tut dient qe il le funt pur bien,— Crere ne les deuez pur rien Qe fet seit pur le honur de dee, Einz del deable, pur verite, Seint ysidre me ad testimone Qe fut si bon clerc lettre; Il dist qe cil qe funt sepectacles Cume lem fet en miracles, Or ius qe nus nomames einz— Burdiz ou turneinens,— Lur baptesme vnt refusez, E deu de ciel reneiez,’ &c.

Robert Mannyng of Brunne (1303) translates:—

‘Hyt ys forbode hym, yn the decre, Myracles for to make or se; For myracles, ȝyf þou begynne, Hyt ys a gaderyng, a syghte of synne, He may yn þe cherche þurghe þys resun Pley þe resurrecyun, Þat ys to seye, how Gode ros, God and man yn myȝt and los, To make men be yn beleue gode That he has ros wyþ flesshe and blode: And he may pleye wyþoutyn plyghte Howe god was bore yn ȝole nyght, To make men to beleue stedfastly Þat he lyghte yn þe vyrgyne Mary. Ȝuf þou do hyt in weyys or greuys, A syghte of synne truly hyt semys. Seynt Ysodre, y take to wytnes, For he hyt seyþ þat soþ hyt es; Þus hyt seyþ yn hys boke, Þey foresake þat þey toke— God and here crystendom— Þat make swyche pleyys to any man As myracles and bourdys, Or toumamentys of grete prys,’ &c.

The reference to ‘Seynt Ysodre’ is to Isidore of Seville, Etymologiarum xviii. 59, de horum [ludorum] exsecratione (P. L. lxxxii. 660). The saint is speaking of course of the Roman spectacula.

[336] On the ‘pardon’ or ‘Ablass’ given to actors at Oberammergau, and the meaning, or want of meaning, to be attached to it, see an amusing controversy in the Nineteenth Century for January and February, 1901.

[337] L’Enfant, Hist. du Concile de Constance (1727), ii. 404; Hardt, Magnum Oecumenicum Constantiense Concilium (1700), iv. 1089; K. Schmidt, Die Digby-Spiele, 12. The performance, which was possibly a dumb show, took place at a banquet on Jan. 24, 1417/8, and was repeated on the following Sunday before the emperor, who had arrived in the interval. Hardt quotes the German of one Dacher, an eye-witness: ‘Am 24ᵗᵉⁿ tag des Monats Januarii, das war auff Timotheus tag, da luden die Bischöff aus Engeland, der Bischoff Salisburgensis, der Bischoff von Londen, und demnach funff Bischoff von Engeland, alle Räht zu Costniz und sonst viel ehrbar Bürger daselbst, in Burchart Walters Haus, das man vorzeiten nennt zu dem Burgthor, itzt zu dem gulden Schvvert, allernächst bey S. Laurenz. Und gab ihnen fast ein köstlich mahl, ie 2. Gericht nach einander, jedes Gericht besonder mit 8 Essen: Die trug man allvveg eins mahl dar, deren allvveg waren 4 verguld oder versilbert. In dem mahl, zvvischen dem Essen, so machten sie solch bild und geberd, als unser Frau ihr Kind unsern Herrn und auch Gott gebahr, mit fast köstlichen Tüchern und Gevvand. Und Joseph stellten sie zu ihr. Und die heiligen 3 Könige, als die unser Frauen die Opffer brachten. Und hatten gemacht einen lauteren guldnen Stern, der ging vor ihnen, an einem kleinen eisern Drat. Und machten König Herodem, vvie er den drey Königen nachsandt, und vvie er die Kindlein ertodtet. Das machten sie alles mit gar köstlichem Gevvand, und mit grossen guldenen und silbernen Gürteln, und machten das mit grosser Gezierd, und mit grosser Demuht.’

[338] The provincial C. of Sens (1460), c. 3 (Labbé, xiii. 1728), while confirming the Basle decree, allowed ‘aliquid iuxta consuetudines ecclesiae, in Nativitate Domini, vel Resurrectione ... fiat cum honestate et pace, absque prolongatione, impedimento, vel diminutione servitii, larvatione et sordidatione faciei’; cf. the Toledo decree of 1473 quoted vol. i. p. 342. The C. of Compostella (1565), c.c. 9-11 (Aguirra Conc. Hispan. v. 450, 460), forbade ‘actus sive repraesentationes’ during service in church; they might take place with leave of the bishop, or in his absence the chapter, before or after service. Devotional ‘actus’ were allowed in Passion week on similar conditions. The Corpus Christi procession ‘semel tantum subsistat, causa horum actuum vel representationum in eo loco extra ecclesiam quem Praelatus aut [capitulum] idoneum iudicabit.’ On the other hand the C. of Seville (1512), c. 21 (Aguirra, v. 370), had forbidden priests or monks to perform or give a ‘locus’ for such ‘actus’: ‘Sumus informati, quod in quibusdam Ecclesiis nostri Archiepiscopatus et Provinciae permittitur fieri nonnullas repraesentationes Passionis Domini nostri Iesu Christi, et alios actus, et memoriam Resurrectionis, Nativitatis Salvatoris nostri, vel alias repraesentationes. Et quia ex talibus actibus orta sunt, et oriuntur plura absurda, et saepe saepius scandala in cordibus illorum qui non sunt bene confirmati in nostra sancta fide Catholica, videntes confusiones, et excessus, qui in hoc committuntur....’ Cf. also the Langres licence of 1408 (p. 97).

[339] Text in Reliquiae Antiquae, ii. 42; Hazlitt, 73; from late fourteenth-century volume of homilies formerly in library of St. Martin’s-in-the-Fields. There is also in Rel. Ant. i. 322 a satirical English poem from Cott. MS. Cleop. B. ii (fifteenth century), against the miracle plays of the ‘frer mynours,’ apparently at Rome. But the Minorite in Pierce the Ploughman’s Crede (†1394, ed. Skeat), 107, says of his order, ‘At marketts & myracles we medleþ vs nevere.’

[340] Creizenach, i. 157, 162: Julleville, Les Myst. i. 107, 187; G. Smith, 251; Pollard, xix; Ward, i. 41.

[341] Cf. ch. xxv.

[342] Cf. p. 54 (Rouen, Prophetae, fourteenth century).

[343] Cf. pp. 37, 41, 45; Lange, 130, 155; ‘officium sepulchri,’ ‘officium peregrinorum,’ ‘officium pastorum,’ ‘officium regum trium,’ ‘stellae officium’ (Rouen, eleventh century-fifteenth century); ‘resurrectionis domini aguntur officia’ (Prague, fourteenth century). At Melk in 1517, ‘acturus officium angeli’ (Lange, 110), ‘officium’ has rather the sense of ‘part.’

[344] Cf. pp. 37, 48, 49, 53, 71, 77; Lange, 48, 93, 95, 146; ‘Ordo visitationis sepulchri’ (Strassburg, 1513), ‘Ordo visitandi sepulchrum’ (Bamberg, 1597), ‘Ordo ad visitandum sepulchrum’ (Prague, twelfth century, Haarlem, thirteenth century), ‘Ordo sepulchri’ (Würzburg, thirteenth century), ‘Ordo ad suscipiendum peregrinum’ (Beauvais), ‘Ordo stellae’ (Laon, thirteenth century), ‘Ordo [stellae]’ (Bilsen, eleventh century), ‘Ordo Rachaelis’ (Freising, eleventh century), ‘Ordo Prophetarum’ (Laon, thirteenth century), ‘Ordo creacionis, etc.’ (Regensburg, 1194), ‘Ordo, sive registrum de Passione domini’ (Frankfort, fourteenth century).

[345] See last note.

[346] Cf. p. 58.

[347] Cf. pp. 36, 37, 47; Lange, 160 ‘ad faciendam similitudinem domini sepulchri,’ ‘ad faciendam similitudinem domini apparitionis’ (Fleury, thirteenth century), ‘versus ad stellam faciendam’ (Nevers, †1060), ‘fiunt peregrini’ (Saintes, thirteenth century).

[348] Cf. p. 103, n. 5 above.

[349] Cf. pp. 58, 60; Lange, 157; ‘ad repraesentandum quomodo sanctus Nicolaus’ (Fleury, thirteenth century), ‘historia de Daniel repraesentanda’ (Hilarius, twelfth century), ‘si Mariae debeant repraesentari’ (Coutances, fifteenth century).

[350] Cf. pp. 37, 39.

[351] Cf. pp. 45, 107; Lange, 136; ‘in resurrectione domini repraesentatio’ (Cividale, fourteenth century), ‘repraesentatio trium Regum’ (Rouen, 1507, 1521), ‘repraesentacio pastorum ... resurreccionis ... peregrinorum’ (Lichfield, †1190).

[352] Cf. vol. i. p. 393.

[353] Cf. pp. 63, 73, ‘ludus super iconia Sancti Nicolai’ (Hilarius, twelfth century); cf. the Antichrist and Benedictbeuern Nativity, and note 11 below.

[354] Cf. pp. 140, 202.

[355] Cf. vol. i. p. 91; vol. ii. pp. 60, 380; ‘miraculum de Sancto Nicolao’ (Fleury, thirteenth century), repraesentationes miraculorum’ (Fitz-Stephen, †1180), ‘miraculum in nocte Paschae’ (Lichfield, †1190; cf. note 7 above), ‘ludum ... quem Miracula vulgariter appellamus’ (Matthew Paris, thirteenth century), ‘ludos quos vocant miracula’ (Grosseteste, 1244). The vernacular ‘miracles,’ ‘myraclis,’ is found in the Handlyng Synne, and the Tretise of miraclis pleyinge.

[356] Pollard, xix; Ward, i. 41. The first English use of the term ‘mystery’ is in the preface to Dodsley’s Select Collection of Old Plays (1744). The distinction between ‘mysteries’ which ‘deal with Gospel events only’ and ‘miracles,’ which ‘are more especially concerned with incidents derived from the legends of the Saints of the Church’ is a not very happy invention of the literary historians.

[357] Julleville, Les Myst. i. 417 ‘Licence de faire et jouer quelque Misterre que ce soit, soit de la dicte Passion, et Résurreccion, ou autre quelconque tant de saincts comme des sainctes.’

[358] Julleville, Les Myst. i. 189.

[359] Except after its dramatic sense was already well established; cf. pp. 42, 65, ‘mysterium in die Ascensionis’ (Lille, 1416), ‘misterium Pastorum’ (Rouen, 1457).

[360] Cf. Appendix B.

[361] Walafridus Strabo, de rebus eccles., c. 22, in the ninth century, gives the name ‘actio’ to the ‘canon’ or unchangeable portion of the Mass (Maskell, Ancient Liturgy of the Church of England, 112).

[362] Cf. Representations, s.v. Shipton.

[363] Cf. supra, p. 102, note 1.

[364] Cf. p. 146.

[365] Trans. of Shropshire Antiq. Soc. viii. 273.

[366] Analytical Index to Remembrancia of City of London, 330 sqq.; 350 sqq.

[367] Cf. ch. xxv.

[368] For the general Puritan attitude to the stage, see S. Gosson, Schoole of Abuse, 1579 (ed. Arber); W. Prynne, Histriomastix (1633), with the authorities there quoted; and the tracts in W. C. Hazlitt, The English Drama and Stage.

[369] On such guilds cf. Cutts, Parish Priests, 476; Rock, ii. 395; F. A. Gasquet, The Eve of the Reformation, 351.

[370] C. Tales, 3383 (Miller’s Tale).

[371] Cf. vol. i. p. 121.

[372] On the economics of a mediaeval parish and the functions of the churchwardens cf. Hobhouse, Churchwardens’ Accounts, xi (Somerset Record Soc.).

[373] Cf. Appendix T.

[374] Cf. pp. 58, 60.

[375] Cf. p. 73.

[376] Cf. p. 41.

[377] Cf. p. 75.

[378] I can only give the most general account of the legendary content of the plays. For full treatment of this in relation to its sources cf. the authorities quoted in the bibliographical note to chapter xxi, and especially L. T. Smith, York Plays, xlvii; P. Kamann, in Anglia, x. 189; A. Hohlfeld, in Anglia, xi. 285. Much still remains to be done, especially for the Chester plays and the Ludus Coventriae. The chief earlier sources are probably the Evangelium Pseudo-Matthaei and the Evangelium Nicodemi (including the Gesta Pilati and the Descensus Christi ad Inferos), both in Tischendorf, Evangelia Apocrypha, and the Transitus Mariae in Tischendorf, Apocalypses Apocryphae. The later sources include the Legenda Aurea of Jacobus de Voragine (†1275) and the Cursor Mundi (ed. R. Morris for E. E. T. S.), a Northumbrian poem of the early fourteenth century.

[379] Cf. p. 63.

[380] Cf. the Mors Pilati in Tischendorf, Evang. Apocr. 456.

[381] The ‘Holy Rood’ episodes are those numbered 6, 13, 14, 16-20, 61 in the table. The fullest accounts of the legend in its varied literary forms are given by W. Meyer, Die Geschichte des Kreuzholzes vor Christus (Abhandlungen der k. bayer. Akad. der Wiss. I. Cl. xvi. 2. 103, Munich, 1881), and A. S. Napier, History of the Holy Rood-tree (E. E. T. S. 1894). Roughly, the story is as follows: Seth went to Paradise to fetch the oil of mercy. An angel gave him three pips from the tree of knowledge. These were laid beneath the tongue of Adam at his burial, and three rods, signifying the Trinity, sprang up. Moses cut the rods, and did miracles with them. At his death they were planted in Mount Tabor. An angel in a dream sent David to fetch them. They grew into one tree, in the shade of which David repented of his sin with Bathsheba. When the Temple was building, a beam was fashioned from the tree, but it would not fit and was placed in the Temple for veneration. The woman Maximilla incautiously sat upon it and her clothes caught fire. She prophesied of Christ, and the Jews made her the first martyr. The beam was cast into the pool of Siloam, to which it gave miraculous properties, and was finally made into a bridge. At the Passion, a portion of it was taken for the Rood.

[382] The Norwich play of the Fall is extant in two sixteenth-century versions.

[383] The Newcastle play of the Building of the Ark is extant.

[384] Two Coventry plays are extant, the Shearmen and Taylors’ play, extending from the Annunciation to the Massacre of the Innocents, and the Weavers’ play of the Purification and Christ in the Temple.

[385] Probably these smaller plays, chiefly Paschal, were in English. The Nativity and Resurrection plays in Lord Northumberland’s chapel and the Resurrection play in Magdalen College chapel may have been in Latin (cf. p. 107).

[386] ‘Thobie’ is included in the French collection of mysteries known as the Viel Testament (Julleville, Les Myst. ii. 354, 370).

[387] On the way in which the later local miracle-play and the scriptural interlude merge into each other, cf. p. 191.

[388] The Destruction of Jerusalem, together with the Visit of Veronica to Tiberius and the Death of Pilate, which are scenes in the Cornish cycle, forms the subject-matter of a French Vengeance de Nostre Seigneur, printed in 1491. Another Vengeance de Nostre Seigneur is attached to the Passion of Eustache Mercadé (†1414). A representation of a Vengeance, following close on one of a Passion, is recorded at Metz in 1437, and there are several later examples (Julleville, Les Myst. ii. 12, 175, 415, 451).

[389] Cf. p. 61.

[390] Cf. p. 97.

[391] Cf. vol. i. p. 221.

[392] Julleville, Les Myst. ii. 574.

[393] Archdeacon Rogers thus describes the Chester plays (Digby Plays, xix) ‘They first beganne at yᵉ Abbaye gates; & when the firste pagiente was played at yᵉ Abbaye gates, then it was wheeled from thence to the pentice at yᵉ highe crosse before yᵉ Mayor; and before that was donne, the seconde came, and yᵉ firste wente in-to the water-gate streete, and from thence vnto yᵉ Bridge-streete, and soe all, one after an other, tell all yᵉ pagiantes weare played.’

[394] Cf. pp. 95, 160.

[395] D’Ancona, i. 228.

[396] Cf. p. 83.

[397] Cf. p. 83.

[398] C. T. 3384 (Miller’s Tale). This ‘scaffold’ may have been merely a throne or sedes for Herod. But plays on platforms or scaffolds are found at Chelmsford, Kingston, Reading, Dublin.

[399] Cf. M. Jusserand, in Furnivall Miscellany, 186, and the pit for La Mer on the 1547 Valenciennes Passion play stage figured in his Shakespeare in France, 63.

[400] Furnivall Miscellany, 192, 194, from Bodl. MS. 264, ff. 54ᵇ, 76ᵃ.

[401] The directions to the Coventry Weavers’ play refer to the ‘for pagand’ and the ‘upper part’; those of the Grocers’ play at Norwich to the ‘nether parte of yᵉ pageant.’ For the purposes of the dramas these are distinct localities.

[402] Cf. p. 86. The Digby St. Mary Magdalen play has the stage direction, ‘a stage, and Helle ondyr-neth that stage.’ At Coventry the Cappers had a ‘hell-mouth’ for the Harrowing of Hell and the Weavers another for Doomsday.

[403] Every conceivable spelling of the word ‘pageant’ appears in the records. The Promptorium Parvulorum, ii. 377 (†1440, ed. A. Way for Camd. Soc.), has ‘Pagent, Pagina,’ and this is the usual Latin spelling, although pagenda and pagentes (acc. pl.) occur at Beverley. The derivation is from pagina ‘a plank.’ The Catholicon Anglicum (1483, ed. S. J. H. Herrtage for E. E. T. S.) has ‘A Paiande; lusorium,’ and there can be little doubt that ‘playing-place,’ ‘stage’ is the primary sense of the word, although as a matter of fact the derivative sense of ‘scene’ or ‘episode’ is the first to appear. Wyclif so uses it, speaking of Christmas in his Ave Maria (English Works, E. E. T. S. 206) ‘he that kan best pleie a pagyn of the deuyl, syngynge songis of lecherie, of batailis and of lesyngis ... is holden most merie mon.’ In Of Prelates (loc. cit. 99) he says that false teachers ‘comen in viserid deuelis’ and ‘pleien the pagyn of scottis,’ masking under St. George’s ‘skochen.’ The elaborate pageants used in masks and receptions (cf. p. 176, and vol. i. p. 398) led to a further derivative sense of ‘mechanical device.’ This, as well as the others, is illustrated in the passages quoted by the editors of the Prompt. Parv. and the Cath. Angl. from W. Horman, author of Vulgaria (1519) ‘Alexander played a payante more worthy to be wondred vpon for his rasshe aduenture than for his manhede.... There were v coursis in the feest and as many paiantis in the pley. I wyll haue made v stagȝ or bouthis in this playe (scenas). I wolde haue a place in the middyl of the pley (orchestra) that I myght se euery paiaunt. Of all the crafty and subtyle paiantis and pecis of warke made by mannys wyt, to go or moue by them selfe, the clocke is one of the beste.’ Synonyms for ‘pageant’ in the sense of ‘stage’ are ‘cariadge’ (Chester) and ‘karre’ (Beverley); in the sense of ‘scene,’ iocus (Coventry), visus (Lincoln), processus or ‘processe’ (Towneley and Digby plays, Croxton Sacrament and Medwall’s morality of Nature).

[404] Cf. p. 90, and Hamlet, iii. 2. 9 ‘O, it offends me to the soul to hear a robustious periwig-pated fellow tear a passion to tatters, to very rags, to split the ears of the groundlings, who for the most part are capable of nothing but inexplicable dumb-shows and noise: I would have such a fellow whipped for o’erdoing Termagant; it out-herods Herod.’ The Miller in Cant. Tales, 3124, cries out ‘in Pilates vois.’ The torturers also seem to have been favourite performers; cf. the Poem on the Evil Times of Edward II (T. Wright, Political Songs, C. S. 336):

‘Hii ben degised as turmentours that comen from clerkes plei.’

[405] Cf. p. 48.

[406] In Jean Fouquet’s miniature representing the French mystery of St. Apollonia (cf. p. 85) a priest, with a book in one hand and a wand in the other, appears to be conducting the play.

[407] Cf. p. 203.

[408] Hen. V, ii. 3. 42 ‘Do you not remember, a’ saw a flea stick upon Bardolph’s nose, and a’ said it was a black soul burning in hell-fire?’

[409] Hamlet, v. 1. 85 ‘Cain’s jawbone, that did the first murder.’

[410] Warton, ii. 223 ‘In these Mysteries I have sometimes seen gross and open obscenities. In a play of The Old and New Testament, Adam and Eve are both exhibited on the stage naked, and conversing about their nakedness: this very pertinently introduces the next scene, in which they have coverings of fig-leaves. This extraordinary spectacle was beheld by a numerous assembly of both sexes with great composure: they had the authority of scripture for such a representation, and they gave matters just as they found them in the third chapter of Genesis. It would have been absolute heresy to have departed from the sacred text in personating the primitive appearance of our first parents, whom the spectators so nearly resembled in simplicity.’

[411] Deimling, i. 30 ‘Statim nudi sunt ... Tunc Adam et Eva cooperiant genitalia sua cum foliis.’

[412] Cf. vol. i. p. 5.

[413] Cf. p. 103. So the ‘ordinary’ or prompter (p. 140) is the man in charge of the ordinale.

[414] ‘Oreginale de S. Maria Magdalena’ (Digby MS.); ‘originall booke,’ ‘regenall,’ ‘rygynall,’ ‘orraginall’ (Chester); ‘orygynall,’ ‘rygenale’ (Coventry); ‘regenell’ (Louth); ‘ryginall’ (Sleaford).

[415] Cf. p. 90.

[416] As the price paid was only ‘iiijᵈ’ a printed play was probably bought, from which the ‘partes,’ at a cost of ‘ijˢ,’ were written; cf. p. 192.

[417] Ritson, Bibl. Poet. 79, included in his list of Lydgate’s works a ‘Procession of pageants from the creation’ which has not been identified. On the ‘Procession of Corpus Christi,’ which follows in the list, cf. p. 161.

[418] Ten Brink, ii. 235 ‘An incessant process of separating and uniting, of extending and curtailing, marks the history of the liturgical drama, and indeed of the mediaeval drama generally.’

[419] Towneley Plays (E. E. T. S.), xiv.

[420] Anglia, xi. 253.

[421] Davidson, 252.

[422] Cf. p. 69.

[423] Thus at York, the Corpus Christi procession which the plays were originally designed to magnify, had become by 1426 a hindrance to them; cf. p. 139.

[424] There is but little of direct merging of the plays with folk-customs. At Aberdeen the ‘Haliblude’ play was under the local lord of misrule. At Norwich the play was on Whit-Monday; the lord of misrule held revel on Whit-Tuesday. At Reading there were plays on May-day. At Chelmsford and Wymondham they were attached to the Midsummer ‘watch’ or ‘show.’ Typically ‘folk’ personages, the ‘wodmen’ (cf. vol. i. p. 185), appear in the Aberdeen Candlemas procession, and at Hull the ‘hobby-ship’ (cf. vol. i. p. 121) becomes the centre of a play.

[425] Richard Carew lays stress on the delight taken by the spectators in the devils of the Cornish plays. Collier, ii. 187, quotes a jest about the devil in a Suffolk stage-play from C. Mery Talys (†1533). In the Conversion of St. Paul of the Digby MS., a later hand has carefully inserted a devil scene. On the whole subject of the representation of devils in the plays, cf. Cushman, 16; Eckhardt, 53.

[426] York Plays, 524.

[427] Ed. Groeneveld (1888); cf. Creizenach, i. 362; Julleville, Les Myst. i. 180, ii. 342.

[428] I do not think that these Dutch plays have been printed. The MS., in the Royal Library at Brussels, is described by Hoffmann von Fallersleben, Horae Belgicae, vi, xxix; cf. Creizenach, i. 366. Besides the three chivalric plays, it contains a dramatized estrif of Summer and Winter (cf. vol. i. p. 187) included with them under the general title of ‘abele Spelen,’ and also a long farce or ‘Boerd.’ To each of the five plays, moreover, is attached a short farcical after-piece. A few notices of other fifteenth-century Dutch chivalric plays are preserved. The subjects are Arnoute, Ronchevale, Florys und Blancheflor, Gryselle (Griseldis); cf. Creizenach, i. 372.

[429] Julleville, Les Myst. ii. 284, 310.

[430] Ed. F. Guessard et E. de Certain (1862) in Collection des documents historiques; cf. Creizenach, i. 372; Julleville, Les Myst. ii. 576; H. Tivier, Étude sur le Myst. du Siège d’O. (1868). The play may have been designed for performance at the festival held at Orleans in memory of the siege on May 8. The passage quoted from Sir Richard Morrison on p. 221, suggests that a similar commemoration was held in the sixteenth century by the English at Calais of the battle of Agincourt in 1415.

[431] Ed. Stengel (1883); cf. Creizenach, i. 374; Julleville, Les Myst. ii. 569.

[432] Cf. Representations, s.v. Dublin.

[433] Collier, ii. 183, thinks the term ‘morality’ a ‘recent’ one, but it was used in 1503: cf. p. 201.

[434] There is not much direct imitation of the Roman de la Rose in the moralities. Perhaps the French Honneur des Dames of Andrieu de la Vigne (Julleville, Rép. com. 73) comes nearest. But its leading episode, the siege of the fortress of Danger, is reflected in the siege of the Castle of Perseverance and that of the Castle of Maudleyn in the Mary Magdalen of the Digby MS. On the general place of allegory in contemporary literature cf. Courthope, i. 341.

[435] Cf. pp. 63, 77.

[436] Ward, i. 105; Archaeologia, xiii. 232. A débat on precisely this theme is introduced into the Chasteau d’Amour, a theological work in the form of a romance, ascribed to Robert Grosseteste (1175-1253), on which cf. F. S. Stevenson, Life of Grosseteste, 38; Jusserand, Eng. Lit. i. 214. In the English version of the fourteenth century (R. F. Weymouth, The Castel of Love, 273) the passage begins—

‘For now I chul tellen of þe stryf Þat a-mong þe foure sustren liþ.’

[437] No stress is of course to be laid upon the late introduction of Dolor and Myserye into the Grocers’ play at Norwich, when the text was rewritten in 1565.

[438] Ludus Cov. 106 (play xi, Virtutes), 70, 79, 89, 105, 124, 129, 289 (plays viii-xiii, xxix, Contemplacio), 184 (play xix, Mors), 386 (play xli, Sapientia); cf. Hohlfeld, in Anglia, xi. 278.

[439] Jusserand, Théâtre, 123; Pearson, i. 2; Creizenach, i. 461; Captain Cox, clxvi; W. Seelmann, Die Totentänze des Mittelalters (Jahrb. d. Vereins f. niederdeutsche Sprachforschung, xvii. 1). A bibliography of the Dance of Death is given by Goedeke, i. 322 (bk. iii. § 92).

[440] Prudentius, Psychomachia (†400 P. L. lx. 11); cf. Creizenach, i. 463.

[441] Ephesians, vi. 11.

[442] Creizenach, i. 470; Julleville, La Com. 44, 78. The earliest French notice is that of the ‘Gieux des sept vertuz et des sept pechiez mortelz’ at Tours in 1390. A ‘mystère de Bien-Avisé et Malavisé’ is said to have been played in 1396 (Julleville, Rép. com. 324). The extant play of that name, somewhat later in date, is a morality. Other early French morals on a large scale are L’Homme juste et l’Homme mondain (1508) and L’Homme pécheur (†1494) (Julleville, Rép. com. 39, 67, 72). All these are on variants of the Contrast of Vice and Virtue theme.

[443] Creizenach, i. 465, quoting a thirteenth-century German sermon.

[444] Cf. p. 201 and Texts (ii). It is not quite clear whether the English play of Everyman is the original or a translation of the Dutch Elckerlijk, or whether the two plays have a common source.

[445] Cf. p. 131.

[446] Cf. p. 199.

[447] Cf. vol. i. p. 381.

[448] Cf. p. 218.

[449] See Pearson, ii. 260, and the interesting study of P. Weber, Geistliches Schauspiel und kirchliche Kunst (1894).

[450] Cf. p. 42.

[451] W. Lambarde, Alphabetical Description of the Chief Places in England and Wales (1730, written in the sixteenth century), 459, s.v. Wytney.

[452] Gairdner, 253, quoting an unnamed chronicler, ‘a picture of the Resurrection of Our Lord made with vices, which put out his legs of sepulchre, and blessed with his hand and turned his head.’

[453] Magnin, Marionnettes; J. Feller, Le Bethléem verviétois (Bull. de la Soc. verviétoise d’Arch. et d’Hist. 1900).

[454] Cf. vol. i. p. 71.

[455] Morley, passim; Hone, 229; Strutt, 164; T. Frost, Old Showmen and Old London Fairs (1874); W. B. Boulton, Amusements of Old London, ii. 49, 224.

[456] The term ‘motion’ is not, however, confined to puppet-plays. Bacon, Essay xxxvii, uses it of the dumb-shows of masquers, and Jonson, Tale of a Tub, v. 1, of shadow-plays.

[457] P. C. Acts, viii. 131.

[458] Winter’s Tale, iv. 3. 102.

[459] Bartholomew Fair, v. 3; cf. v. 1. 8 ‘O, the motions that I, Lanthorn Leatherhead, have given light to in my time, since my master Pod died! Jerusalem was a stately thing, and so was Nineveh, and the City of Norwich, and Sodom and Gomorrah, with the rising of the prentices and pulling down the bawdy-houses there upon Shrove-Tuesday; but the Gunpowder Plot, there was a get-penny! I have presented that to an eighteen or twenty pence audience, nine times in an afternoon’; also Every Man out of His Humour, Induction:

‘Will show more several motions in his face Than the new London, Rome, or Nineveh.’

[460] Lanthorn Leatherhead says of his puppets, ‘I am the mouth of them all’; cf. Hamlet, iii. 2. 256 ‘I could interpret between you and your love, if I could see the puppets dallying’; Two Gentlemen of Verona, ii. 1. 100 ‘O excellent motion! O exceeding puppet! Now will he interpret to her.’

[461] Morley, 179, 187, 190, 247, 261, 273, 304, 321, records ‘Patient Grisel’ (1655, 1677), ‘Susanna’ (1655), ‘Sodom and Gomorrah’ (1656), ‘Judith and Holophernes’ (1664), ‘Jephtha’s Rash Vow’ (1697, 1698, 1701, 1704, 1733), ‘The Creation of the World’ (1701).

[462] Powell’s performances of the ‘Creation of the World’ at Bath and ‘Susanna’ at Covent Garden are referred to in the Tatler for May 14, 1709, and the Spectator for March 16, 1711.

[463] Hone, 230, describes a ‘gallantee show’ of the Prodigal Son and of Noah’s Ark with a scene of ‘Pull Devil, Pull Baker,’ showing the judgement upon a baker who gave short weight (cf. the cut in Morley, 356), seen by him in London in 1818. This was an exhibition of ombres chinoises rather than a puppet-play proper.

[464] A. Dieterich, Pulcinella, 234, considers Pulcinella a descendant of Maccus, derives the name from pullicenus, pulcinus, pullus, and connects the fowl-masks of Italian comedy with the cockscomb of the English fool (cf. vol. i. p. 385).

[465] Collier, Punch and Judy (1870), 11 sqq.; Frost, The Old Showmen and the Old London Fairs, 29. The earliest English notice of Punch in England is in the overseers’ books of St. Martin’s-in-the-Fields for 1666 and 1667, ‘Recᵈ of Punchinello, yᵉ Italian popet player, for his booth at Charing Cross.’ In a Bartholomew Fair playbill of the early eighteenth century, ‘the merry conceits of Squire Punch and Sir John Spendall’ were attached to the puppet-show of the Creation of the World. Punch was also amongst the dramatis personae of Robert Powell. The nature of these earlier Punch plays is unknown. That now traditional in England is implied by the ballad of Punch’s Pranks (†1790). Collier, who prints it as given by one Piccini in Drury Lane, with cuts by Cruikshank, considers it to be derived from Don Juan. But it seems to me to come still nearer to the morality plays. French Punch plays have many other themes.

[466] Julleville, Les Myst. ii. 208; cf. p. 95.

[467] Printed by Halliwell, Minor Poems of Lydgate (Percy Soc.), 95, from Shirley’s Harl. 2251, f. 293, as a Processioune of Corpus Cristi, with a note at the end that ‘Shirley kowde fynde no more.’ It is also, with the same note, in Shirley’s Trin. Coll. Camb. MS. R. 3. 20, f. 348, with the heading, ‘Ordenaunce of a p’cessyoun of the feste of Corpus Cristi, made in London by Daun John Lydegate’ (E. P. Hammond, in Anglia, xxii. 364), and is copied thence by John Stowe in B. M. Add. MS. 29, 729, f. 166. The piece is nᵒ. 153 in the list of Lydgate’s works given by Ritson, Bibl. Poet. 79. It may be doubted whether Ritson’s nᵒ. 152 ‘A Procession of pageants from the creation’ is really distinct. Lydgate describes to his hearers ‘figures shewed in your presence’ which embody ‘gracious mysteries grounded in Scripture.’ Of course ‘mysteries’ has no technical dramatic sense here. Lydgate’s method of ‘interpreting’ may have been based on the incorrect mediaeval notion of the methods of the classical stage, which he adopts in his Troy Book (cf. p. 208). The ‘figures’ represented twenty-seven persons whose utterances revealed the mystery of the Mass. There were eight patriarchs, the Ecclesiast, four prophets, the Baptist, four evangelists, St. Paul, and seven Christian doctors.

[468] Sharp, 172, quotes from a contemporary writer a passage showing that the Dublin procession, like those of Coventry and Shrewsbury, lasted to a recent date: ‘The Fringes was a procession of the trades and corporations, performed in Ireland on Corpus Christi day, even within the author’s recollection. King Solomon, Queen of Sheba, with Vulcan, Venus, and Cupid, were leading persons upon this occasion.’

[469] Julleville, Les Myst. ii. 211; Davidson, 219.

[470] The following is from an account of a continental Corpus Christi procession in Barnabe Googe’s translation of Naogeorgos’ Popish Kingdom (1553), iv. 699 (Stubbes, i. 337):

‘Christes passion here derided is, with sundrie maskes and playes; Faire Ursley with hir maydens all, doth passe amid the wayes: And valiant George, with speare thou killest the dreadfull dragon here; The deuil’s house is drawne about, wherein there doth appere A wondrous sort of damned sprites, with foule and fearefull looke; Great Christopher doth wade and passe with Christ amid the brooke: Sebastian full of feathred shaftes, the dint of dart doth feele; There walketh Kathren with hir sworde in hande, and cruell wheele: The Challis and the singing Cake, with Barbara is led, And sundrie other Pageants playde in worship of this bred, &c.’

[471] Sharp, 217, records a play of the Golden Fleece provided by Robert Crowe for the Cappers’ Candlemas Dinner in 1525; the London drapers had a pageant with the same title in 1522 (cf. p. 165).

[472] Cf. the Paradise show at the London reception of Henry VI in 1432 (p. 170).

[473] Toulmin Smith, English Guilds, 149.

[474] Ibid. 148.

[475] Ibid. 30.

[476] Kelly, 7, 11.

[477] Cf. Representations, s.v. Canterbury.

[478] The ‘pagent’s paynted and lemenyd with gold’ of the Holy Trinity, Saints Fabian, Sebastian, and Botulph, ‘and the last pagent of the terement, & gen’all obyte, of the brether’n and suster’n, that be passed to God,’ which the London guild of the Holy Trinity had on a ‘rolle of velom, cou’ed with a golde-skyn’ in 1463 (Hone, 81), were probably not, as Davidson, 224, thinks, ‘a description and representation of the pageants which were carried in procession by the guild,’ but illuminated pages (paginae). For a similar misunderstanding cf. p. 401, n. 1. Abp. Thoresby (†1357) circulated a ‘tretys in Englisce ... in smale pagynes’ (Shirley, Fasciculi Zizaniorum, xiii).

[479] Representations, s.v. Preston.

[480] Dyer, 60.

[481] Cf. vol. i. p. 221.

[482] Cf. vol. i. pp. 118, 120.

[483] Cf. Representations, s.v. London.

[484] J. G. Nichols, London Pageants (1837); F. W. Fairholt, Lord Mayor’s Pageants (1843-4, Percy Soc. nᵒˢ. 38, 43), and The Civic Garland (Percy Soc. 1845).

[485] Herbert, i. 457. The same writer quotes a payment from the drapers’ accounts of 1516 of £13 4_s._ 7_d._ for ‘Sir Laurens Aylmer’s Pageant.’ But this cannot have been intended for a lord mayor’s show, for Aylmer’s only mayoralty was in 1507-8, and a grocer, not a draper, was mayor in 1515-6 and in 1516-7.

[486] Malcolm, Londinium Redivivum, ii. 42; W. C. Hazlitt, Livery Companies (1892), 310.

[487] Herbert, i. 199.

[488] W. Smith, A breffe description of the Royall Citie of London (1575), quoted by Nichols, 95.

[489] The Annales Londonienses record at the visit of the Emperor Otho to King John in 1207 ‘tota civitas Londoniae induit solempnitatem pallis et aliis ornamentis circumornata,’ and at the entry of Edward II after his marriage in 1308 ‘tapeti aurei’ and the city dignitaries ‘coram rege et regina karolantes’ (Chronicles of the Reigns of Edw. I and Edw. II, R. S. i. 13, 152). At the coronation of Henry IV in 1399 was an ‘equitatio magnifica’ (Annales Hen. IV, R. S. 291), and the streets were hung with ‘paremens,’ and there were ‘nœuf broucherons a manière de fontaines en Cep a Londres, courans par plusieurs conduits, jettans vin blanc et vermeil’ (Froissart, Chroniques, ed. Kervyn de Lettynhove, xvi. 205).

[490] M. Paris, Chronica Maiora (R. S.), iii. 336 ‘quibusdam prodigiosis ingeniis et portentis.’

[491] Stowe, Annals, 207. The authority quoted in the margin is ‘Chro. Dun.,’ which I cannot identify. It is not the Dunstable Annals in the Annales monastici (R. S.), vol. iii.

[492] Annales Londonienses (Chron. of Edw. I and Edw. II, R. S.), i. 221 ‘quaedam navis, quodam mirabili ingenio operata, cum malo et velo erectis, et depictis de supradictis armis [of England and France] et varietate plurima’; cf. H. T. Riley, Memorials of London, 107, from Corporation Letter Book D. f. 168.

[493] T. Walsingham, Hist. Anglica (R. S.), i. 331.

[494] Fabyan, 538; H. Knighton, Chronicon (R. S.), ii. 320; Richard Maydiston, De concordia inter regem Ricardum II et civitatem London (Political Poems, R. S. i. 282).

[495] Full contemporary accounts in Gesta Henrici Quinti (Eng. Hist. Soc.), 61, and a set of verses by John Lydgate printed in London Chronicle, 214, and H. Nicolas, Hist. of Agincourt (1833), 326; more briefly in London Chronicle, 103; T. Walsingham, Hist. Anglic. (R. S.), ii. 314; cf. C. L. Kingsford, Henry V, 156.

[496] T. Walsingham, Hist. Anglica (R. S.), ii. 336 ‘ludicis et vario apparatu.’

[497] Cf. p. 174.

[498] Printed from Corp. Letter Book K. f. 103ᵛ, by H. T. Riley, Liber Albus (R. S.), iii. 457; cf. descriptive verses by Lydgate, Minor Works (Percy Soc.), 2; London Chronicle, 119; Fabyan, 603; Gregory, 173.

[499] Carpenter uses the term pagina, which here occurs for the first time in connexion with these London receptions. Mr. Riley quite unnecessarily proposes to read machina.

[500] A pun was concealed here, for John de Welles, grocer, was mayor, and the ‘oranges, almonds, and the pomegranade’ on the trees were the grocers’ wares. Cf. the tree of the Norwich grocers in the Corpus Christi procession (p. 163).

[501] Stowe, Annals, 385; cf. London Chronicle, 134 ‘goodly sights ayenst her coming’; Fabyan, 617 ‘sumptuous and costly pagentes, and resemblaunce of dyuerse olde hystoryes’; Gregory, 186 ‘many notabylle devysys in the cytte.’ According to Stowe, Lydgate wrote verses for these pageants.

[502] A memorandum of ceremonial As ffor the ressaunge off a Quene and her Crownacion of the reign of Henry VII (Antiquarian Repertory, i. 302) has the following direction for the riding from the Tower to Westminster, ‘at the condit in Cornylle ther must be ordined a sight wᵗ angelles singinge and freche balettes yʳon in latene, engliche and ffrenche, mad by the wyseste docturs of this realme; and the condyt of Chepe in the same wyse; and the condit must ryn bothe red wyn and whit wyne; and the crosse in Chepe muste be araid in yᵉ most rialle wyse that might be thought; and the condit next Poules in the same wyse.’

[503] Contemporary account in Leland, Collectanea (ed. Hearne), iv. 218, and J. Ives, Select Papers (1773), 127.

[504] Minutely detailed contemporary account in Antiquarian Repertory, ii. 248; cf. Stowe, Annals, 483; Hazlitt-Warton, iii. 160.

[505] Stowe, Annals, 517; Hall, 638; cf. Representations (London).

[506] Minutely detailed contemporary account in Antiquarian Repertory, ii. 232; Hall, 801; Collier, ii. 353. Leland’s and Udall’s verses for the pageants are in Ballads from MSS., i. 378 (Ballad Soc.).

[507] Contemporary account in Leland, Collectanea (ed. Hearne), iv. 313.

[508] Stowe, Annals, 616; cf. Texts, s.v. John Heywood.

[509] Holinshed, iii. 1121.

[510] Contemporary account in Nichols, Progresses of Elizabeth, i. 38.

[511] Cf. vol. i. p. 121.

[512] Warton, iii. 158, says that ‘Speakers seem to have been admitted into our pageants about the reign of Henry VI.’ But there were songs, and for all we know, speeches also in 1377 and 1415. Verses such as Lydgate wrote for pageants were often fastened on them, and read or not read aloud when the visitor approached, as might be convenient.

[513] Cf. p. 5.

[514] Wheatley-Cunningham, London Past and Present, i. 373, 458; iii. 409.

[515] Julleville, Les Myst. i. 196; ii. 186.

[516] Sharp, 145.

[517] Davies, 162, 171, 282.

[518] J. Raine, English Miscellanies (Surtees Soc., vol. lxxxv), 53, from Corporation House Book, vi. 15.

[519] Contemporary account in Leland, Collectanea (ed. Hearne), iv. 185. A description of an earlier reception of Edward IV at Bristol with ‘Wylliam conquerour,’ ‘a greet Gyaunt delyueryng the Keyes,’ and St. George is in Furnivall, Political, Religious, and Love Poems (E. E. T. S.), 5.

[520] Leland, Collectanea, iv. 263.

[521] Cf. Representations, s.v. Aberdeen.

[522] Cf. vol. i. p. 398.

[523] Symonds, Renaissance in Italy, iv. 338.

[524] Cf. vol. i. p. 86.

[525] Ward, i. 108. The limitation by Collier, ii. 299, of ‘what may be properly, and strictly, called Interludes’ to farces of the type affected by John Heywood has introduced a most inconvenient semi-technical term into literary nomenclature. I do not so limit the word.

[526] Gawain and the G. K. 472:

‘Wel bycommes such craft vpon, cristmasse, Laykyng of enterludez, to laȝe & to syng.’

[527] Cf. vol. i. p. 93.

[528] Hazlitt, E. D. S. 80 ‘How thanne may a prist pleyn in entirlodies?’ In Barbour, Bruce (†1375), x. 145 ‘now may ȝe heir ... Interludys and iuperdys, þat men assayit on mony vis Castellis and pelis for till ta,’ the sense is metaphorical, as in ‘ioculando et talia verba asserendo interludia fuisse vanitatis’ quoted by Ducange from Vit. Abb. S. Alb., i.e. probably Thomas Walsingham (†1422), not Matthew Paris (†1249). The reading is doubtful in Anastasius Bibliothecarius (9th cent.), Hist. Pontif. (P. L. lxxx. 1352), ‘quem iussit sibi praesentari in interludo noctu ante templum Palladis.’

[529] For probable 1385 cases, cf. Representations, s.v. King’s Lynn.

[530] A ‘vyce’ made pastime before and after a play at Bungay, but this was not until 1566.

[531] Julleville, Les Com. 97. These performances were known as les pois pilés and began about the middle of the fourteenth century. The Anglo-French entrelude, asterisked by the N. E. D., is found in 1427 (cf. p. 186). Collier’s theory receives some support from the Spanish use of the term entremes for a comic piece played in conjunction with a serious auto. But the earlier sense of entremes itself appears to be for an independent farce played at banquets (Ticknor, Hist. of Span. Lit. (ed. 1888), i. 231; ii. 449).

[532] Cf. the accounts in Leland, Collectanea, iv. 228, 236, of the court of Henry VII. Douglas, Palace of Honour, ii. 410 ‘At eis they eit with interludis betwene,’ dates from 1501. Horman, Vulgaria (1519), quoted on p. 137, speaks of the ‘paiantis’ of a play as corresponding in number to the courses of a feast. Much earlier Raoul de Presles (†1374) in his Exposicion to Augustine, de Civ. Dei, ii. 8 (Abbeville, 1486), says that comedies ‘sont proprement apellez interludia, pour ce quilz se font entre les deux mengiers.’ But the use of interludere by Ausonius, Idyll, x. 76, ‘interludentes, examina lubrica, pisces,’ and Ambrose, Epist. xlvii. 4, ‘interludamus epistolis,’ supports my view.

[533] For a curious distinction, probably neither original nor permanent, drawn about 1530 between ‘stage playes’ (presumably out of doors) in the summer and ‘interludes’ (presumably indoors) in the winter, cf. the documents printed by H. R. Plomer, in Trans. of Bibliographical Society, iv. (1898), 153, and A. W. Pollard in Fifteenth Century Prose and Verse, 305, about a suit between John Rastell, lawyer, printer, and playwright, and one Henry Walton. Rastell, going on a visit to France about 1525, had left with Walton a number of players’ garments. These are fully described. They were mostly of say or sarcenet, and the tailor, who with the help of Rastell’s wife had made them, valued them at 20_s._ apiece. Walton failed to restore them, and for some years let them on hire, to his own profit. Evidence to this effect was given by John Redman, stationer, and by George Mayler, merchant tailor, and George Birche, coriar, two of the king’s players. These men had played in the garments themselves and had seen them used in ‘stage pleyes’ when the king’s banquet was at Greenwich [in 1527; cf. vol. i. p. 400]. They had been used at least twenty times in stage plays every summer and twenty times in interludes every winter, and Walton had taken, as the ‘common custume’ was, at a stage play ‘sumtyme xlᵈ., sometyme ijˢ., as they couth agree, and at an interlude viijᵈ for every tyme.’ Rastell had brought a previous suit in the mayor’s court, but could only receive 35_s._ 9_d._, at which the goods had been officially appraised. But they were then ‘rotten and torne,’ whereas Rastell alleged that they were nearly new when delivered to Walton and worth 20 marks. Walton relied on the official appraisement, and had a counter-claim for 40_s._ balance of a bill for 50_s._ costs ‘in making of stage for player in Restall’s grounde beside Fyndesbury, in tymbre, bourde, nayle, lath, sprigge and other thyngs.’ He held the clothes against payment of this amount, which Rastell challenged.

[534] In 1503 a Magi was given in Canterbury guildhall. Some of the crafts of Coventry (1478-1568) and Newcastle (1536) had plays at their guild feasts. The indoor performances of Chester plays in 1567 and 1576 are late and exceptional.

[535] Cf. Appendix E, ii (Maxstoke), iii (Thetford), vii (Howard), viii (Tudor Court). ‘Moleyn’s wedding’ attended by Lord Howard, is the first of many at which the players are recorded to have made the mirth. Some of the entries may imply visits to the plays, rather than of the plays, and this I suppose to be the case with Henry VII’s payment ‘to the players at Myles End.’ It is perhaps a little arbitrary to assume, as I have done, that players locally named are never professional. Thus the lusores de Writhill paid by the duke of Buckingham on Jan. 6, 1508, are almost certainly identical with the lusores Dñi de Wrisell (his brother-in-law, the earl of Northumberland) paid by him at Xmas, 1507 (Archaeologia, xxv. 318, 324), although it happens curiously enough that the Chelmsford wardrobe was drawn upon by players of Writtle in 1571-2. The local designation of members of the minstrel class is exceptional; but cf. the York example in the next note. The locally named lusores may, however, sometimes have acted not a miracle, but a May-game or sword-dance; e.g., at Winchester College in 1400 when they came ‘cum tripudio suo’ (App. E, iv).

[536] I have taken lusores in the computi as always meaning performers of a dramatic ludus. This is often demonstrably correct and never demonstrably incorrect, except that when Colet in his Oratio ad Clerum of 1511 quotes the canon ‘ne sit publicus lusor’ he seems to use the term in its canonical sense of ‘gambler.’ The English version (1661) has ‘common gamer or player.’ A similar ambiguity is, I think, the only one which attaches itself to ‘player’ where it is a technical term after the middle of the fourteenth century. Lydgate in his Interpretacyon of the names of Goddys and Goddesses (quoted by Collier, i. 31) uses it of an actor, although an older sense is preserved by the Promptorium Parvulorum (1440), ‘Bordyoure or pleyere, ioculator.’ The sense of ludentes, I think, is wide. The ludentes ‘de Donyngton’ and ‘de Wakefield’ paid by the York corporation in 1446 (York Plays, xxxviii) are more likely to have been minstrels whom the corporation did provide for the plays than actors whom they did not. On the other hand about interludentes and interlusores, neither of them very common terms, there can be no doubt. Lusiatores occurs as a synonym for lusores at Shrewsbury only. Mimi and histriones I have uniformly treated as merely minstrels. At a late date they might, I suppose, be actors, but it is impossible to differentiate.

[537] Plays were sometimes read, even in the fifteenth century. The prologue of The Burial and Resurrection has ‘Rede this treyte,’ although it was also converted into ‘a play to be playede’; and the epilogue of the Digby St. Mary Magdalen has ‘I desyer the redars to be my frynd.’ Thomas Wylley in 1537 describes some of his plays to Cromwell as ‘never to be seen, but of your Lordshyp’s eye.’ Prynne, 834, asserts that ‘Bernardinus Ochin his Tragedy of Freewil, Plessie Morney his Tragedie of Jeptha his daughter, Edward the 6 his Comedie de meretrice Babilonica, Iohn Bale his Comedies de Christo et de Lazaro, Skelton’s Comedies, de Virtute, de Magnificentia, et de bono Ordine, Nicholaus Grimoaldus, de Archiprophetae Tragedia ... were penned only to be read, not acted’; but this is incorrect as regards Bale and Skelton and probably as regards others. The earliest printed plays are perhaps Mundus et Infans (1522) and Hickscorner (n.d.) both by Wynkyn de Worde (1501-35), Everyman (n.d.) by Richard Pynson (1509-27). If a Nigramansir, by Skelton, was really, as Warton asserts, printed by Wynkyn de Worde in 1504, it might take precedence.

[538] Cf. Appendix E.

[539] 3 Edw. IV, c. 5; cf. vol. i. p. 45. This was continued by 1 Hen. VIII, c. 14, 6 Hen. VIII, c. 1, and 24 Hen. VIII, c. 13.

[540] Cf. Appendix E; Hist. MSS. v. 548.

[541] Percy, N. H. B. 22, 158, 339. An estimate for 1511-12 includes ‘for rewardes to Players for Playes playd in Christynmas by Stranegers in my house after xxᵈ every play by estimacion. Somme xxxiijˢ iiijᵈ.’ Another of 1514-15 has ‘for Rewards to Players in Cristynmas lxxijˢ.’ By 1522-3 the customary fee had largely grown, for a list of ‘Al maner of Rewardis’ of about that date has ‘Item. My Lorde usith and accustometh to gif yerely when his Lordshipp is at home to every Erlis Players that comes to his Lordshipe bitwixt Cristynmas ande Candelmas If he be his ˢpeciall Lorde and Frende ande Kynsman, xxˢ ... to every Lordis Players, xˢ.’

[542] Leland, Collectanea (ed. Hearne), iv. 265. The computi of James IV (L. H. T. Accts. ii. 131, 387; iii. 361) contain entries for plays before him by ‘gysaris’ including one at this wedding; but there is no evidence of a regular royal company at the Scottish court. In 1488 occurs a payment to ‘Patrik Johnson and the playaris of Lythgow that playt to the King,’ and in 1489 one to ‘Patrick Johnson and his fallowis that playt a play to the kyng in Lythqow.’ This Johnson or Johnstone, celebrated in Dunbar’s Lament for the Makaris, seems to have held some post, possibly as a minstrel, at court (L. H. T. Accts. i. c, cxcviii, ccxliv, 91, 118; ii. 131; Dunbar, Poems (ed. S. T. S.), i. ccxxxvii).

[543] Collier, i. 44 and passim; Henry, Hist. of Britain, 454; cf. Appendix E, viii. The Transactions of the New Shakspere Soc. (1877-9), 425, contain papers about a dispute in 1529 between one of the company George Maller, glazier, and his apprentice, who left him and went travelling on his own account. From these it appears that ‘the Kinge’s plaierz’ wore ‘the Kinge’s bage.’ George Maller is the same player who appeared as a witness in the Rastell suit (cf. p. 184). There he is described as a merchant tailor; here as a glazier. That a king’s player should have a handicraft, even if it were only nominal, at all, looks as if the professional actors were not invariably of the minstrel type. Perhaps the glamour of a royal ‘bage’ made even minstrelsy respectable. Arthur, prince of Wales, had his own company in 1498 (Black Book of Lincoln’s Inn, i. 119), and Henry, prince of Wales, his by 1506.

[544] Medwall’s Nature is divided into two parts, for performance on different days. But Medwall was a tedious person. Another interlude of his played in 1514 was so long and dull that Henry VIII went out before the end. The Four Elements was intended to take an hour and a half ‘but if you list you may leave out much of the said matter ... and then it will not be past three quarters of an hour of length.’

[545] This method begins with the Croxton Sacrament, which has twelve parts, but ‘ix may play it at ease.’ Bale’s Three Laws claims to require five players and Lusty Juventus four. Several of the early Elizabethan interludes have similar indications.

[546] A Winchester computus of 1579 (Hazlitt-Warton, ii. 234) has ‘pro diversis expensis circa Scaffoldam erigendam et deponendam, et pro domunculis de novo compositis cum carriagio et recarriagio ly joystes et aliorum mutuatorum ad eandem Scaffoldam, cum vj linckes et jᵒ duodeno candelarum, pro lumine expensis, tribus noctibus in ludis comediarum et tragediarum xxvˢ viijᵈ.’

[547] Appendix E (i).

[548] Brewer, iv. 1390, 1393, 1394; Hall, 723; Collier, i. 98.

[549] Stowe, Annals, 511.

[550] The miracle-plays and popular morals have a more general prayer for the spiritual welfare of the ‘sofereyns,’ ‘lordinges,’ and the rest of their audience.

[551] Willis, Mount Tabor (1639, quoted Collier, ii. 196), describing the morality of The Castle of Security seen by him as a child, says ‘In the city of Gloucester the manner is (as I think it is in other like corporations) that when Players of Enterludes come to towne, they first attend the Mayor, to enforme him what noble-mans servants they are and so to get licence for their publike playing: and if the Mayor like the Actors, or would show respect to their Lord and Master, he appoints them to play their first play before himselfe and the Aldermen and Common Counsell of the City; and that is called the Mayor’s play, where every one that will comes in without money, the Mayor giving the players a reward as hee thinks fit, to show respect unto them. At such a play, my father tooke me with him, and made mee stand betweene his leggs, as he sate upon one of the benches, where we saw and heard very well.’ In Histriomastix, a play of 1590-1610 (Simpson, School of Shakespeare, ii. 1), a crew of tippling mechanicals call themselves ‘Sir Oliver Owlet’s men and proclaim at the Cross a play to be given in the townhouse at 3 o’clock. They afterwards throw the town over to play in the hall of Lord Mavortius.’ In Sir Thomas More (†1590, ed. A. Dyce, for Shakespeare Society, 1844) ‘my Lord Cardinall’s players,’ four men and a boy, play in the Chancellor’s hall and receive ten angels. For similar scenes cf. the Induction to The Taming of the Shrew, and Hamlet, ii. 2; iii. 2.

[552] The earliest record of plays at inns which I have noticed is in 1557, when some Protestants were arrested and their minister burnt for holding a communion service in English on pretence of attending a play at the Saracen’s Head, Islington (Foxe, Acts and Monuments, ed. Cattley, viii. 444).

[553] Eustace Deschamps (†1415), Miroir de Mariage (Œuvres, in Anc. Textes franç. vol. ix), 3109 (cf. Julleville, La Com. 40):

Mais assez d’autres femmes voy, Qui vont par tout sanz nul convoy Aux festes, aux champs, au theatre, Pour soulacier et pour esbatre: ... Elles desirent les cités, Les douls mos a euls recités, Festes, marchiés, et le theatre, Lieux de delis pour euls esbatre.

This theatre was probably one established towards the end of the fourteenth century by the confrérie de la Passion. From about 1402 they performed in the Hôpital de la Trinité; cf. Julleville, Les Com. 61, La Com. 40.

[554] Cf. vol. i. p. 383.

[555] Register of Bishop Grandisson (ed. Hingeston-Randolph), ii. 1120. The letter, unfortunately too long-winded to quote in full, was written on Aug. 9, 1352, to the archdeacon of Exeter or his official. Grandisson says:—‘Sane, licet artes mechanicas, ut rerum experiencia continue nos informat, mutuo, necessitate quadam, oporteat se iuvare; pridem, tamen, intelleximus quod nonnulli nostrae Civitatis Exoniae inprudentes filii, inordinate lasciviae dediti, fatue contempnentes quae ad ipsorum et universalis populi indigenciam fuerunt utiliter adinventa, quendam Ludum noxium qui culpa non caret, immo verius ludibrium, in contumeliam et opprobrium allutariorum, necnon eorum artificii, hac instanti Die Dominica, in Theatro nostrae Civitatis predictae publice peragere proponunt, ut inter se statuerunt et intendunt; ex quo, ut didicimus, inter praefatos artifices et dicti Ludi participes, auctores pariter et fautores, graves discordiae, rancores, et rixae, cooperante satore tam execrabilis irae et invidiae, vehementer pululant et insurgunt.’ The ludus is to be forbidden under pain of the greater excommunication. At the same time the allutarii are to be admonished, since they themselves, ‘in mercibus suis distrahendis plus iusto precio, modernis temporibus,’ have brought about the trouble, ‘ne exnunc, in vendendo quae ad eos pertinent, precium per Excellentissimum Principem et Dominum nostrum, Angliae et Franciae Regemillustrem, et Consilium suum, pro utilitate publica limitatum, exigant quovis modo.’

[556] L. G. Bolingbroke, Pre-Elizabethan Plays and Players in Norfolk (Norfolk Archaeology, xi. 336). The corporation gave a lease of the ‘game-house’ on condition that it should be available ‘at all such times as any interludes or plays should be ministered or played.’ John Rastell’s 50_s._ stage in Finsbury about 1520-5 (cf. p. 184), although not improbably used for public representations, is not known to have been permanent.

[557] At Rayleigh, Essex (1550), 20_s._ from the produce of church goods was paid to stage-players on Trinity Sunday (Archaeologia, xlii. 287). An Answer to a Certain Libel (1572, quoted Collier, ii. 72) accuses the clergy of hurrying the service, because there is ‘an enterlude to be played, and if no place else can be gotten, it must be doone in the church’; cf. S. Gosson, Third Blast of Retrait from Plaies and Theaters, 1580 (Hazlitt, E. D. S. 134) ‘Such like men, vnder the title of their maisters or as reteiners, are priuiledged to roaue abroad, and permitted to publish their mametree in euerie Temple of God, and that through England, vnto the horrible contempt of praier. So that now the Sanctuarie is become a plaiers stage, and a den of theeues and adulterers.’ Possibly only the publication of the banns of plays in church is here complained of. Cf. also Fuller, Church History (1655), 391.

[558] Bonner’s Injunctions, 17, of April, 1542 (Wilkins, iii. 864), forbade ‘common plays games or interludes’ in churches or chapels. Violent enforcers of them were to be reported to the bishop’s officers; cf. the various injunctions of Elizabethan bishops in Ritual Commission, 409, 411, 417, 424, 436, and the 88th Canon of 1604.

[559] Kelly, 16 ‘Paid to Lord Morden’s players because they should not play in the church, xijᵈ.’

[560] Jackson-Burne, 493, citing Sir Offley Wakeman in Shropshire Archaeological Transactions, vii. 383. Such plays were performed on wagons at Shropshire wakes within the last century. The ‘book’ seems to have been adapted from the literary drama, if one may judge by the subjects which included ‘St. George,’ ‘Prince Mucidorus,’ ‘Valentine and Orson,’ and ‘Dr. Forster’ or ‘Faustus.’ But a part was always found for a Fool in a hareskin cap, with balls at his knees. He is described as a sort of presenter or chorus, playing ‘all manner of megrims’ and ‘going on with his manœuvres all the time.’ I have not been able to see a paper on Shropshire Folk-plays by J. F. M. Dovaston. G. Borrow, Wild Wales, chh. lix, lx (ed. 1901, p. 393), describes similar Welsh interludes which lasted to the beginning of the nineteenth century. The titles named suggest moralities. He analyses the Riches and Poverty of Thomas Edwards. This, like the Shropshire interludes, has its ‘fool.’

[561] Roper, Life and Death of Sir Thomas More (†1577, J. R. Lumby, More’s Utopia, vi) ‘would he at Christmas tyd sodenly sometymes stepp in among the players, and never studinge for the matter, make a parte of his owne there presently amonge them’; Erasmus, Epist. ccccxlvii ‘adolescens comoediolas et scripsit et egit.’ Bale, Scriptores (1557), i. 655, ascribes to him comoedias iuveniles. Lib. 1.’ In the play of Sir Thomas More (cf. p. 189) he is represented, even when Chancellor, as supplying the place of a missing actor with an improvised speech. Bale, ii. 103, says that Henry Parker, Lord Morley (1476-1556) ‘in Anglica sermone edidit comoedias et tragoedias, libros plures.’

[562] The Revels Account for 1511 (Brewer, ii. 1496) notes an interlude in which ‘Mr. Subdean, now my Lord of Armykan’ took part. In his Oratio ad Clerum of the same year Colet criticizes the clerics who ‘se ludis et iocis tradunt’ (Collier, i. 64). A Sermo exhortatorius cancellarii Eboracensis his qui ad sacros ordines petunt promoveri printed by Wynkyn de Worde about 1525 also calls attention to the canonical requirement that the clergy should abstain ‘a ludis theatralibus’ (Hazlitt, Bibl. Coll. and Notes, 3rd series (1887), 274).

[563] Collier, i. 46 and passim; Bernard Andrew, Annales Hen. VII in Gairdner, Memorials of Henry VII (R. S.), 103; Hall, 518, 583, 723; Kempe, 62; Revels Accounts, &c., in Brewer, passim; cf. Appendix E (viii). The Chapel formed part of the household of Henry I about 1135 (Red Book of Exchequer, R. S. iii. cclxxxvii, 807); for its history cf. Household Ordinances, 10, 17, 35, 49; E. F. Rimbault, The Old Cheque Book of the Chapel Royal (C. S.); F. J. Furnivall, Babees Book (E. E. T. S.), lxxv.

[564] Percy, N. H. B. 44, 254, 345. In household lists for 1511 and 1520 comes the entry ‘The Almonar, and if he be a maker of Interludys than he to have a Servaunt to the intent for Writynge of the Parts and ells to have non.’ There were nine gentlemen and six children of the chapel. The 1522-3 list of ‘Rewardes’ has ‘them of his Lordship Chappell and other his Lordshipis Servaunts that doith play the Play befor his Lordship uppon Shroftewsday at night, xˢ,’ and again, ‘Master of the Revells ... yerly for the overseyinge and orderinge of his Lordschip’s playes interludes and Dresinge [? disguisinges] that is plaid befor his Lordship in his Hous in the xij days of Xmas, xxˢ.’ This latter officer seems to have been, as at court, distinct from the ‘Abbot of Miserewll’ (vol. i. p. 418).

[565] Black Books of Lincoln’s Inn, i. 104, 119.

[566] Hall, 719; Collier, i. 103.

[567] R. J. Fletcher, Pension Book of Gray’s Inn, xxxix, 496.

[568] Hist. MSS. vii. 613. The play was to comprehend a ‘discourse of the world,’ to be called Love and Life, and to last three hours. There were to be sixty-two dramatis personae, each bearing a name beginning with L.

[569] Cf. Appendix E (v).

[570] Brewer, iv. 6788.

[571] Boase, Register of the University of Oxford (O. H. S.), i. 298.

[572] Mullinger, Hist. of Cambridge, ii. 73. Ascham, Epist. (1581), f. 126ᵛ, writing †1550 (quoted Hazlitt-Warton, iii. 304) says that Antwerp excels all other cities ‘quemadmodum aula Iohannis, theatrali more ornata, seipsam post Natalem superat.’ Speaking in The Scholemaster (ed. Mayor, 1863), 168, of his contemporaries at St. John’s (†1530-54), Ascham highly praises the Absalon of Thomas Watson, which he puts on a level with Buchanan’s Jephthah. Watson, however, ‘would never suffer it to go abroad.’ This play apparently exists in manuscript; cf. Texts (iv). Ascham himself, according to his Epistles, translated the Philoktetes into Latin (Hazlitt, Manual, 179). In The Scholemaster, he further says, ‘One man in Cambrige, well liked of many, but best liked of him selfe, was many tymes bold and busie to bryng matters upon stages which he called Tragedies.’ Ascham did not approve of his Latin metre. Possibly he refers to John Christopherson, afterwards bishop of Chichester, to whom Warton, iii. 303; Cooper, Athenae Cantab. i. 188; D. N. B. attribute a tragedy in Greek and Latin of Jepthes (1546). I can find no trace of this. It is not mentioned by Bahlmann.

[573] Cf. p. 220.

[574] J. Peile, Christ’s College, 54; cf. p. 216.

[575] Mullinger, Hist. of Cambridge, ii. 627. Statute 24 of 1560, De comoediis ludisque in Natali Christi exhibendis, requires that ‘novem domestici lectores ... bini ac bini singulas comoedias tragoediasve exhibeant, excepto primario lectore quem per se solum unam comoediam aut tragoediam exhibere volumus.’ A fine is imposed on defaulters, and the performances are to be in the hall ‘privatim vel publice’ during or about the twelve nights of Christmas. On an earlier draft of this statute cf. vol. i. p. 413.

[576] Statute 36 (Documents relating to Cambridge, iii. 54); cf. Mullinger, op. cit. ii. 73.

[577] Dee, Compendious Rehearsall (app. to Hearne, Ioh. Glastoniensis Chronicon, 501), after mentioning his election, says ‘Hereupon I did sett forth a Greek comedy of Aristophanes’ play named in Greek Εἰρήνη, in Latin Pax.’

[578] J. Sargeaunt, Annals of Westminster, 49; Athenæum (1903), i. 220.

[579] Maxwell-Lyte, Hist. of Eton (3rd ed. 1899), 118 ‘pro expensis circa ornamenta ad duos lusus in aula tempore natalis Domini, xˢ.’

[580] Printed in E. S. Creasy, Memoirs of Eminent Etonians, 91 ‘circiter festum D. Andreae ludimagister eligere solet pro suo arbitrio scaenicas fabulas optimas et quam accommodatissimas, quas pueri feriis natalitiis subsequentibus, non sine ludorum elegantia, populo spectante, publice aliquando peragant. Histrionum levis ars est, ad actionem tamen oratorum et gestum motumque corporis decentem tantopere facit, ut nihil magis. Interdum etiam exhibet Anglico sermone contextas fabulas, quae habeant acumen et leporem.’

[581] Brewer, xiv. 2. 334 ‘Woodall, the schoolmaster of Eton, for playing before my Lord, £5.’

[582] Brown, Cat. of Venetian Papers, iv. 3. 208, 225; Brewer, iv. 3563; Hall, 735; Cavendish, Life of Wolsey (ed. Singer), 201; Collier, i. 104.

[583] Lupton, Life of Colet, 154.

[584] Texts, s.v. Heywood.

[585] Warton speaks of a play by the ‘children’ or ‘choir-boys’ of St. Paul’s at a visit to Elizabeth by Mary and of another play of Holophernes ‘perhaps’ by the same children later in the year. But the dates given in his Hist. of Poetry (ed. Hazlitt), ii. 234, iii. 312, and his Life of Sir Thomas Pope (ed. 1780), 46, do not agree together, and the authority to which he refers (Machyn’s Diary, then in MS.) does not bear him out. On his bona fides cf. H. E. D. Blakiston, in E. H. Review, for April, 1896. Ward, i. 153, rather complicates the matter by adding to Holophernes a second play called The Hanging of Antioch, but even in Warton’s account this ‘hanging’ was only a curtain.

[586] Bale, Scriptores (1557), i. 700 ‘Radulphus Radclif, patria Cestriensis, Huchiniae in agro Hartfordiensi, & in coenobio, quod paulo ante Carmelitarum erat, ludum literarium anno Domini 1538 aperuit, docuitque Latinas literas. Mihi quidem aliquot dies in unis & eisdem aedibus commoranti, multa arriserunt: eaque etiam laude dignissima. Potissimum vero theatrum, quod in inferiori aedium parte longe pulcherrimum extruxit. Ibi solitus est quotannis simul iucunda & honesta plebi edere spectacula, cum ob iuventutis, suae fidei & institutioni commissae, inutilem pudorem exuendum, tum ad formandum os tenerum & balbutiens, quo clare, eleganter, & distincte verba eloqui & effari consuesceret. Plurimas in eius museo vidi ac legi tragoedias & comoedias ... Scripsit de Nominis ac Verbi, potentissimorum regum in regno Grammatico, calamitosa &

Exitiali pugna, Lib. 2 ... De patientia Grisilidis, Com. 1 ... De Melibaeo Chauceriano, Com. 1 ... De Titi & Gisippi amicitia, Com. 1 ... De Sodomae incendio, Tra. 1 ... De Io. Hussi damnatione, Tra. 1 ... De Ionae defectione, Com. 1 ... De Lazaro ac diuite, Com. 1 ... De Iudith fortitudine, Com. 1 ... De Iobi afflictionibus, Com. 1 ... De Susannae liberatione, Tra. 1 ...

Claruit Radclifus, anno a Christi servatoris ortu 1552 ... Nescioque an sub Antichristi tyrannide adhuc vivat.’ Bale, Index, 333, has fuller titles. Some of Radclif’s plays were almost certainly in Latin, for Bale gives in Latin the opening words of each, and as Herford, 113, points out, those of the Lazarus and the Griselda clearly form parts of Latin verses. But he showed them ‘plebi.’ Professor Herford learnt ‘that no old MSS. in any way connected with Radclif now remain at Hitchin, where his family still occupies the site of his school.’

[587] Julleville, Les Com., passim. A collection of farces is in E. L. N. Viollet-le-Duc, Ancien Théâtre français (1854-7). For morals and farces at the Feasts of Fools and of the Boy Bishop abroad, and for the satirical tendency of such entertainments, cf. vol. i. p. 380. In 1427, after the feast of St. Laurent, Jean Bussières, chaplain of St. Remi de Troyes, ‘emendavit quod fecerat certum perconnagium rimarum in cimiterio dicte ecclesie Sancti Remigii; de quibus rimis fuerat dyabolus et dixerat plura verba contra viros ecclesiasticos’ (Inv. des Arch, de l’Aube, sér. G, i. 243). The fifteenth-century Dutch farces appear to have been played at the meetings of the Rederijkerkammern, and the German Fastnachtsspiele, which derive largely from folk ludi, by associations of handicraftsmen (Creizenach, i. 404, 407).

[588] Julleville, Les Com. 325.

[589] Ibid. 342. There is nothing to show the character of the French players who visited the English court in 1494 and 1495 (Appendix E, viii).

[590] Cf. p. 190 and vol. i. p. 383. The only known English puy is that of London (vol. i. p. 376).

[591] The titles of the printed plays do not help, as they were probably added by the printers, and in any case ‘enterlude’ does not exclude a popular play.

[592] Hist. MSS. vii. 613.

[593] Collier, ii. 196, quotes the description by Willis, Mount Tabor (1639), and refers to other notices of the play. In Sir Thomas More (†1590, ed. A. Dyce, from Harl. MS. 7368 for Shakes. Soc. 1844) ‘my lord Cardinall’s players’ visit More’s house and offer the following repertory:

‘The Cradle of Securitie, Hit nayle o’ th’ head, Impacient Pouertie, The play of Foure Pees, Diues and Lazarus, Lustie Juuentus, and the Mariage of Witt and Wisedom.’

The ascription of these plays to Wolsey’s lifetime must not be pressed too literally. Of Hit Nayle o’ th’ Head nothing is known. Radclif (p. 197) wrote a Dives and Lazarus. For the rest cf. p. 189; Texts (iv). The piece actually performed in Sir Thomas More is called Wit and Wisdom, but is really an adaptation of part of Lusty Juventus. A play of Old Custome, probably a morality, was amongst the effects of John, earl of Warwick, in 1545-50 (Hist. MSS. ii. 102).

[594] Cf. Brandl, xl. The performances of Everyman given in the courtyard of the Charterhouse in 1901, and subsequently in more than one London theatre, have proved quite unexpectedly impressive.

[595] John Rastell printed †1536 Of gentylnes and nobylyte, A dyalogue ... compilit in maner of an enterlude with divers toys and gestis addyd thereto to make mery pastyme and disport; cf. Bibliographica, ii. 446. Heywood’s Witty and Witless is a similar piece, and a later one, Robin Conscience, is in W. C. Hazlitt, Early Popular Poetry, iii. 221. In 1527 Rastell seems to have provided for the court a pageant of ‘The Father of Hevin’ in which a dialogue, both in English and Latin, of riches and love, written by John Redman, and also a ‘barriers’ were introduced (Brewer, iv. 1394; Collier, i. 98; Hall, 723; Brown, Venetian Papers, iv. 105). A dialogue of Riches and Youth, issuing in a ‘barriers,’ is described by Edward VI in 1552 (Remains, ii. 386). On the vogue during the Renascence of this dialogue literature, which derives from the mediaeval débats, cf. Herford, ch. 2.

[596] Collier, i. 69. This notice is said by Collier to be from a slip of paper folded up in the Revels Account for 1513-4. It is not mentioned in Brewer’s Calendar.

[597] Leland, Collectanea (ed. Hearne), iv. 265; Computus for 1551-6 of Sir Thos. Chaloner (Lansd. MS. 824, f. 24) ‘Gevyn on Shrove monday to the king’s players who playd the play of Self-love ... xx⁸.’

[598] Cf. ch. xvi.

[599] There was a ‘farsche’ at Edinburgh in 1554 (Representations, s.v.). In 1558 the Scottish General Assembly forbade ‘farseis and clerke playis’ (Christie, Account of Parish Clerks, 64). Julleville, La Com. 51, explains the term. Farsa is the L. L. past part. of farcire ‘to stuff.’ Besides its liturgical use (vol. i. p. 277) ‘on appela farce au théâtre une petite pièce, une courte et vive satire formée d’éléments variés et souvent mêlée de divers langages et de différents dialectes.... Plus tard, ce sens premier s’effaça; le mot de farce n’éveilla plus d’autre idée que celle de comédie très réjouissante.’ Farce is, therefore, in its origin, precisely equivalent to the Latin Satura.

[600] Cf. vol. i. p. 83.

[601] Texts, s.v. Lyndsay. The only other fragment of the Scottish drama under James IV is that ascribed to Dunbar (Works, ed. Scot. Text Soc., ii. 314). In one MS. this is headed ‘Ane Littill Interlud of the Droichis Part of the [Play] but in another Heir followis the maner of the crying of ane playe. Both have the colophon. Finis off the Droichis Pairt of the Play. From internal evidence the piece is a cry or banes. Ll. 138-41 show that it was for a May-game:

‘ȝe noble merchandis ever ilkane Address ȝow furth with bow and flane In lusty grene lufraye, And follow furth on Robyn Hude.’

[602] Cushman, 63, 68.

[603] No play in the first two sections of the ‘vice-dramas’ tabulated by Cushman, 55, has a vice. Of the eleven plays (excluding King John, which has none) that remain, eight can be called morals. But to these must be added Heywood’s Love and Weather, Grimald’s Archipropheta, Jack Juggler, Hester, Tom Tiler and His Wife, none of which are morals, unless the first can be so called.

[604] Cushman, 68. It has been derived from vis d’âne, and from vis, ‘a mask’; from the Latin vice, because the vice is the devil’s representative; from device, ‘a puppet moved by machinery,’ and finally, by the ingenious Theobald, from ‘O. E. jeck—Gk. εἰκαῖ, i.e. ϝικαῖ = ϝείκ = formal character.’

[605] Cf. Texts, s.v. Medwall. In Misogonos (†1560) Cacurgus, the Morio, is a character, and is called ‘foole’ and ‘nodye’ but not ‘vice.’

[606] Collier, ii. 191; Cushman, 69; cf. ch. xvi.

[607] Cf. Representations, s.vv. Bungay, Chelmsford.

[608] The ‘pleyers with Marvells’ at court in 1498 are conjectured to have played miracles. But they may have been merely praestigiatores.

[609] Cf. vol. i. p. 180.

[610] Cf. p. 197, n. 1.

[611] Cf. Texts, s.v. Grimald.

[612] W. B[aldwin], Bell the Cat (1553).

[613] Krumbacher, 534, 644, 653, 717, 746, 751, 766, 775. The Χριστὸς Πάσχων (ed. by J. G. Brambs, 1885; and in P. G. xxxviii. 131) was long ascribed to the fourth-century Gregory Nazianzen. Later scholars have suggested Joannes Tzetzes or Theodorus Prodromus, but Krumbacher thinks the author unidentified. A third of the text is a cento from extant plays, mainly of Euripides.

[614] Krumbacher, 645.

[615] Teuffel, ii. 372; Cloetta, i. 3, 70; Creizenach, i. 4, 20. The Querolus (ed. L. Havet, 1880) was ascribed by the Middle Ages to Plautus himself. The Geta, if it existed, is lost.

[616] Sidonius, Carm. xxiii. 134.

[617] Cloetta, i. 14; ii. 1; Creizenach, i. 1, 486; Bahlmann, Ern. 4; M. Manitius, in Philologus, suppl. vii. 758; Ward, i. 7, quoting Hrotsvitha,

‘sunt etiam ... qui, licet alia gentilium spernant, Terentii tamen fragmenta frequentius lectitant.’

[618] Creizenach, i. 2; Ward, i. 8; Göttinger gelehrte Anzeigen (1835), 911.

[619] Creizenach, i. 17; Cloetta, i. 127; Ward, i. 6; Pollard, xii; A. Ebert, Gesch. d. Litt. d. Mittelalters (1887), iii. 314; W. H. Hudson in E. H. R. iii. 431. The plays of Hrotsvitha (ed. K. A. Barack, 1858; ed. P. L. Winterfeld, 1901) are the Gallicanus, Dulcitius, Callimachus, Abraham, Paphnutius, Sapientia. They were discovered by Conrad Celtes and edited in 1501. It is not probable that he forged them.

[620] Printed in Appendix U.

[621] Creizenach, i. 5; Cloetta, i. 38. One of the exceptionally learned men who really knew something about the classical drama was John of Salisbury (†1159), Polycraticus, i. 8 ‘comicis et tragoedis abeuntibus, cum omnia levitas occupaverit, clientes eorum, comoedi videlicet et tragoedi, exterminati sunt’; iii. 8 ‘comoedia est vita hominis super terram, ubi quisque sui oblitus personam exprimit alienam’ (P. L. cxcix. 405, 488). For the popular notion cf. Lydgate, Troy Book (ed. 1555), ii. 11, perhaps translating Guido delle Colonne:

‘In the theatre there was a smale aulter, Amyddes sette that was half Circuler, Which into East of custome was directe, Upon the whiche a Pulpet was erecte, And therin stode an auncient poete, For to reherse by rethorykes swete, The noble dedes that were hystoryall, Of kynges & prynces for memoryall ... All this was tolde and red of the Poete, And whyle that he in the pulpet stode, With deadly face all deuoyde of blode, Synging his ditees with muses all to rent, Amyd the theatre shrowded in a tent, There came out men gastfull of their cheres, Disfygured their faces with viseres, Playing by sygnes in the peoples syght, That the Poet songe hath on heyght, ... And this was done in Apryll and in May.’

[622] Creizenach, i. 6; Cloetta, i. 35. See the miniature reproduced from a fifteenth-century MS. of Terence in P. Lacroix, Sciences et Lettres au Moyen Âge (1877), 534.

[623] Cloetta, i. 14, has accumulated a fund of learning on this subject; cf. Creizenach, i. 9.

[624] Johannes Januensis, Catholicon (1286), quoted by Cloetta, i. 28 ‘differunt tragoedia et comoedia, quia comedia privatorum hominum continet facta, tragoedia regum et magnatum. Item comoedia humili stilo describitur, tragoedia alto. Item comoedia a tristibus incipit sed cum laetis desinit, tragoedia e contrario.’

[625] Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum maius triplex (†1250), i. 109 ‘Comoedia poesis exordium triste laeto fine commutans. Tragoedia vero poesis a laeto principio in tristem finem desinens.’ The Dante-commentator Francesco da Buti, quoted by Cloetta i. 48, illustrates this notion with an extraordinary explanation of the derivation of tragedia from τράγος; ‘come il becco ha dinanzi aspetto di principe per le corna e per la barba, e dietro è sozzo mostrando le natiche nude e non avendo con che coprirle, così la tragedia incomincia dal principio con felicità e poi termina in miseria.’ Krumbacher, 646, describes the very similar history of the terms τραγῳδία and κωμῳδία in Byzantine Greek.

[626] Boethius, who of course understood the nature of comedy and tragedy, says (Cons. Philosoph. ii. pr. 2. 36) ‘quid tragoediarum clamor aliud deflet, nisi indiscreto ictu fortunam felicia regna vertentem?’ This becomes in the paraphrase of his eleventh-century commentator Notker Labeo (ed. Hattemar, 52ᵇ) ‘tragoediae sínt luctuosa carmina. álso díu sínt. díu sophocles scréib apud grecos. de euersionibus regnorum et urbium. únde sínt uuideruuártig tien comoediis. án dîen uuir îo gehórên laetum únde iocundum exitum.’

[627] Cloetta, i. 4; Teuffel, ii. 506. Blossius Aemilius Dracontius was a Carthaginian poet. The Orestes is printed in L. Baehrens, Poet. Lat. Min. (Bibl. Teub.), v. 218. There seems a little doubt whether the title Orestis tragoedia in the Berne MS. is due to the author or to a scribe. The Ambrosian MS. has Horestis fabula.

[628] Creizenach, i. 12.

[629] Ibid. i. 7; Cloetta, i. 49. The ludus prophetarum played at Riga in 1204 (p. 70) is called ‘ludus ... quam Latini comoediam vocant.’ Probably this is a bit of learning on the part of the chronicler; cf. the Michael-House instance (p. 344). For scraps from non-dramatic classical authors in liturgical plays, cf. p. 48. The ‘theatricales ludi’ of Innocent III and others (vol. i. p. 40; vol. ii. p. 99) seem to be not miracle-plays, but the Feast of Fools and similar mummings.

[630] Dante, Dedicatio of Paradiso to Can Grande (Opere Latine, ed. Giuliani, ii. 44) ‘est comoedia genus quoddam poeticae narrationis.... Differt ergo a tragoedia in materia per hoc quod tragoedia in principio est admirabilis et quieta, in fine sive exitu est foetida et horribilis ... comoedia vero inchoat asperitatem alicuius rei, sed eius materia prospere terminatur.’ P. Toynbee (Romania, xxvi. 542) shows that Dante substantially owed these definitions to the Magnae Derivationes of the late twelfth-century writer, Uguccione da Pisa.

[631] Boccaccio’s Ameto bears the sub-title Comedia delle Ninfe fiorentine.

[632] Chaucer, Monk’s Prologue, (C. T. 13,999):

‘Or elles first Tragedies wol I telle Of whiche I have an hundred in my celle. Tragedie is to seyn a certeyn storie, As olde bokes maken us memorie, Of him that stood in greet prosperitee And is y-fallen out of heigh degree Into miserie, and endeth wrecchedly.’

Cf. the gloss in his Boethius, ii. pr. 2, 78, to the passage already quoted on p. 20; and the description of Troilus in T. C. v. 1786.

[633] Lydgate, Fall of Princes, prol.:

‘My maister Chaucer with his fressh commedies, Is deed, alas, chefe poete of Bretayne: That sometyme made full pitous tragedies.’

[634] W. F. Trench, A Mirror for Magistrates; its Origin and Influence (1898), 18, 76, 82, 120, 125.

[635] Cf. vol. i. p. 177.

[636] Bale, i. 370.

[637] Ibid. ii. 68.

[638] Cloetta, ii. 4, 11, 91, 147; Creizenach, i. 487, 529, 572; Bahlmann, Ern. 9, 13, 15, 30, 40.

[639] Cloetta, ii. 69, 221; Creizenach, i. 490, 510, 580.

[640] The earliest printed text (†1473) of Claudian’s De Raptu Proserpinae is from a version arranged as two pseudo-dramas (Cloetta, i. 135).

[641] Cloetta, i, passim; Creizenach, i. 20; Peiper, Die profane Komödie des Mittelalters, in Archiv f. Litteraturgeschichte, v. 497. Some of the texts are in Müllenbach, Comoediae Elegiacae (1885), and T. Wright, Early Mysteries and other Latin Poems (1844). Cloetta gives references for the rest.

[642] Creizenach, i. 533, 548, 563, 581; Bahlmann, Ern. 13, 36, 38, 44, 48.

[643] Creizenach, i. 569; ii. 23, 43, 59; Bahlmann, L. D. 31; Julleville, Les Com. 298; J. Bolte, in Vahlen-Festschrift (1900), 589.

[644] Creizenach, ii. 1, 71, 88, 370, 374; Heiland, Dramatische Aufführungen, in K. A. Schmid, Enc. d. gesammten Erziehungs- und Unterrichtswesens (2nd ed. 1876-87).

[645] Cf. p. 196.

[646] A. Wood, Athenae (ed. Bliss), i. 35, s.v. Lilly, says that Ritwise ‘made the Tragedy of Dido out of Virgil; and acted the same with the scholars of his school before cardinal Wolsey with great applause.’ The date of this performance is given in the D. N. B., through a confusion with the anti-Lutheran play at court (cf. p. 196), as 1527. It is often identified with the Dido played before Elizabeth at Cambridge in 1564. But there is no reason to doubt the statement of Hatcher’s sixteenth-century MS. account of King’s College (transcript in Bodl. 11,614) that the author of this was Edward Halliwell, who, like Ritwise, was a fellow of the college.

[647] Cf. p. 195.

[648] For the translation of the Philoktetes of Sophocles by Roger Ascham, cf. p. 195. Bale, Scriptores (1557), i. 720, mentions a translation from Greek into Latin of tragoedias quasdam Euripidis by Thomas Keye or Caius (†1550).

[649] Creizenach, ii. 74; Herford, 84; Ward, i. 120; Bahlmann, L. D. 39, 53, 66, 82. Many plays of this school are in Comoediae et Tragoediae aliquot ex Novo et Vetere Testamento desumptae (Brylinger, Basle, 1540) and Dramata Sacra (Oporinus, Basle, 1547).

[650] Creizenach, ii. 76; Herford, 119; Bahlmann, L. D. 71. The play is in Brylinger, 314. A recent edition is that by Bolte and Schmidt (1891).

[651] Cf. p. 195. Both Thomas Artour, of Cambridge (ob. 1532), who wrote a Microcosmum, tragoediam, and a Mundum plumbeum, tragoediam (Bale, i. 709), and John Hooker (ob. †1543), of Magdalen College, Oxford, who wrote a comoediam, scilicet Piscatorem ... alio titulo Fraus illusa vocatur (Bale, i. 712), seem to have been Protestants, but nothing is known of the character of their plays, which may have been either English or Latin.

[652] Cf. p. 197.

[653] Bale, Scriptores, i. 674. It was written in his eleventh year (1547-8): cf. his Remains, i. xvi.

[654] Hall, 641.

[655] Hall, 719; Collier, i. 103.

[656] Hall, 735; Collier, i. 104; Brewer, iv. 1603; Brown, Venetian Papers, iv. 208; Cavendish, Life of Wolsey, i. 136. The characters further included ‘an oratur,’ a Poet, Religion, Ecclesia, Veritas, Heresy, False Interpretation, ‘Corrupcio Scriptoris,’ St. Peter, St. Paul, St. James, a Cardinal, two Serjeants, the Dauphin and his brother, a Messenger, three ‘Almayns,’ ‘Lady Pees,’ ‘Lady Quyetnes,’ ‘Dame Tranquylyte.’ Brandl, lvi suggests that the play might have been related to the Ludus ludentem Luderum ludens of Johannes Hasenberg (1530), and the analysis of this piece given by Bahlmann, L. D. 48, shows that the two had several characters in common. Another anti-Luther play, the Monachopornomachia (1538) of Simon Lemnius (Bahlmann, L. D. 70), appears to be distinct.

[657] Brown, Venetian Papers, iv. 229.

[658] Herbert of Cherbury, Life of Henry VIII (Kennet, Hist. of England, ii. 173).

[659] Collier, i. 119, quoting Foxe, Martyrologie (1576), 1339.

[660] Herford, 129; Mullinger, Hist. of Cambridge, ii. 74; Cooper, Annals of Cambridge, i. 422; J. Peile, Christ’s College, 48. The correspondence about the play between Gardiner and Parker is printed in full in J. Lamb, Collection of Documents from C. C. C. C. (1838), 49.

[661] Brewer, xii. 1. 557, 585.

[662] Bale, Scriptores, i. 702. Cf. also S. R. Maitland, Essays on the Reformation, 182.

[663] Brewer, xii. 1. 244; Collier, i. 128. ‘The Lorde make you the instrument of my helpe, Lorde Cromwell, that I may have fre lyberty to preche the trewthe.

I dedycat and offer to your Lordeshype A Reverent Receyving of the Sacrament, as a Lenton matter, declaryd by vj chyldren, representyng Chryst, the worde of God, Paule, Austyn, a Chylde, a Nonne callyd Ignorancy; as a secret thyng that shall have hys ende ons rehersyd afore your eye by the sayd chyldren.

The most part of the prystes of Suff. wyll not reseyve me ynto ther chyrchys to preche, but have dysdaynyd me ever synns I made a play agaynst the popys Conselerrs, Error, Colle Clogger of Conscyens, and Incredulyte. That, and the Act of Parlyament had not folowyd after, I had be countyd a gret lyar.

I have made a playe caulyd A Rude Commynawlte. I am a makyng of a nother caulyd The Woman on the Rokke, yn the fyer of faythe a fynyng, and a purgyng in the trewe purgatory; never to be seen but of your Lordshyp’s eye.

Ayde me for Chrystys sake that I may preche chryst.

Thomas Wylley of Yoxforthe Vykar fatherlesse and forsaken.’

[664] Brewer, xiv. 1. 22; Collier, i. 124.

[665] Foxe, Acts and Monuments (ed. Cattley), v. 443, 446.

[666] Brewer, xvii. 79; Wilkins, iii. 860. About the same date a Discourse (Cotton MSS. Faustina, C. ii. 5) addressed by Sir Richard Morison to Henry VIII is described by Brewer xvii. 707 as proposing ‘a yearly memorial of the destruction of the bishop of Rome out of the realm, as the victory of Agincourt is annually celebrated at Calais, and the destruction of the Danes at Hoptide (sic: cf. vol. i. p. 154). It would be better that the plays of Robin Hood and Maid Marian should be forbidden, and others devised to set forth and declare lively before the people’s eyes the abomination and wickedness of the bishop of Rome, the monks, friars, nuns and such like, and to declare the obedience due to the King.’ In 1543 the Lord Mayor complained to the Privy Council of the ‘licentious manner of players.’ Certain joiners, who were the Lord Warden’s players, were imprisoned and reprimanded for playing on Sunday (P. C. Acts, i. 103, 109, 110, 122).

[667] 34, 35 Hen. VIII, c. 1; Hazlitt, E. D. S. 3; Collier, i. 127. A proclamation of May 26, 1545 (Hazlitt, E. D. S. 6), states an intention to employ in the fleet ‘all such ruffyns, Vagabonds, Masterles men, Comon players and euill disposed persons’ as haunt ‘the Banke, and such like naughtie places,’ and forbids the retaining of servants, other than household servants or others allowed by law or royal licence. I have already (p. 185) called attention to the ambiguity of the term ‘comon player,’ and on the whole, in view of a reference in the proclamation to ‘theft and falsehood in play’ I think that gamblers are here in question. In any case the protected players were not suppressed.

[668] 1 Edw. VI, c. 12.

[669] S. P. Dom. Edw. VI, i. 5; Collier, i. 135.

[670] Kempe, 64, 74, with a list of personages for precisely such a play. W. Baldwin, on whom cf. pp. 194, 200, and Modern Quarterly, i. 259, was probably a dramatist of this temper.

[671] Brown, Venetian Papers, v. 347; cf. the letters between Gardiner and Somerset, quoted by Maitland, Essays on the Reformation, 228, from Foxe, vi. 31, 57.

[672] Hazlitt, E. D. S. 8; Collier, i. 142; Fuller, Ch. Hist. (1655), 391.

[673] 2, 3 Edw. VI, c. 1.

[674] Hazlitt, E. D. S. 9; Collier, i. 144. In 1550 ‘il plaiers’ were sought for in Sussex (Remains of Edward VI, ii. 280). In 1551 the council gave Lord Dorset a licence for his players to play in his presence only (P. C. Acts, iii. 307). In 1552 Ogle sent to Cecil a forged licence taken from some players (S. P. Dom. Edw. VI, xv. 33).

[675] Holinshed (1808), iv. 61.

[676] Hazlitt, E. D. S. 15; Collier, i. 155; P. C. Acts, iv. 426.

[677] S. P. Dom. Mary, viii. 50; P. C. Acts, v. 234, 237; vi. 102, 110, 118, 148, 168, 169. In Feb. 1556 the council sent Lord Rich to inquire into a stage-play to be given at Shrovetide at Hatfield Bradock, Essex, and directed him to stop such assemblies. An order against strolling players who spread sedition and heresy came in May. In June, 1557, performers of ‘naughty’ and ‘lewd’ plays were arrested in London and Canterbury. An order forbade plays throughout the country during the summer. In August a ‘lewd’ play called a ‘Sackfull of News’ was suppressed at the Boar’s Head, Aldgate; and in September plays were forbidden in the city except, after licence by the ordinary, between All Saints and Shrovetide.

[678] The proclamation of 16 May 1559 is printed in Hazlitt, E. D. S. 19; Collier, i. 166; N. S. S. Trans. 1880-5, 17†. I do not think the proclamation loosely referred to by Holinshed (1587), iii. 1184, as at ‘the same time’ as another proclamation of 7 April is distinct from this. By 1 Eliz. c. 2 (the Act of Uniformity) the provision of 2, 3 Edw. VI, c. 1, against ‘derogation, depraving or despising’ the Book of Common Prayer in interludes was re-enacted with a penalty of 100 marks.

[679] Cf. vol. i. p. 54.

[680] Guy, xxvii.

[681] B. Bernhard, Rech. sur l’Hist. de la Corp. des Ménétriers ou Joueurs d’Instruments de la Ville de Paris (Bibl. de l’École des Chartes, iii. 377; iv. 525; v. 254, 339).

[682] Julleville, Les Com. 238.

[683] Morris, 12, 346; Rymer, xi. 642; Ribton-Turner, 109, 129, 133, 148, 182, 201; Ormerod, Hist. of Cheshire, i. 36; Memorials of the Duttons (1901), 9, 209.

[684] Carta le Roy de Ministralx, in Dugdale, Monasticon (1822), iii. 397, from Tutbury Register in Coll. of Arms; Plot, Hist. of Staffs. (1686), ch. x. § 69.

[685] Rymer (1710), xi. 642, (1741) v. 2. 169.

[686] Percy, 372.

[687] Analytical Index to Remembrancia of the City of London, 92.

[688] Grove, Dict. of Music, s.v. Musicians; W. C. Hazlitt, Livery Companies of London.

[689] Civis, No. xxi.

[690] Poulson, Beverlac, i. 302 (probably from Lansd. MS. 896, f. 180).

[691] Leach, Beverley MSS. 179.

[692] Crowest, 244.

[693] York Plays, xxxviii. 125; M. Sellers in Eng. Hist. Review, ix. 284.

[694] So placed in the old MS.

[695] Boor—so spelt to accord with the vulgar pronunciation of the word bower.

[696] Porte—so spelt in the original. The word is known as indicating a piece of music on the bagpipe, to which ancient instrument, which is of Scandinavian origin, the sword-dance may have been originally composed.

[697] Stour—great.

[698] Muckle tinte—much loss or harm; so in MS.

[699] Something is evidently amiss, or omitted here. David probably exhibited some feat of archery.

[700] Lout—to bend or bow down, pronounced loot, as doubt is doot in Scotland.

[701] Figuir—so spelt in MS.

[702] Agast—so spelt in MS.

[703] var. lect. anulas, agniculam, anniculam.

[704] var. lect. ulerioticos. Ducange explains jotticos as ‘ludi, Gall. jeux.’

[705] Ermuli. Ducange, s.v., would read hinnuli. He says that Archbishop Ussher thought that the passage referred to the Saxon god Irminsul.

[706] maida G. explains as Backtrog, i.e. ‘kneading-trough’ (Gk. μάκτρα); cf. Diez, Etym. Wörterbuch, s.v. madia; Körting, Lat.-Rom. Wörterbuch, No. 4980.

[707] MS. fectum.

[708] Cod. Madrid, Friga holdam; var. lect. unholdam.

[709] 709-709 Omitted by Frere, probably because it was inconvenient to facsimile part only of a page.

[710] _Christu_m.

[711] et.

[712] Si_mi_li.

[713] Omitted.

[714] dicat hoc modo.

[715] contingit.

[716] Omitted.

[717] Deinde.

[718] Omitted.

[719] Ungentes.

[720] Dilecti.

[721] 721-721 Omitted: but a later hand has written on a margin of the manuscript, Condimentis aromatum vnguentes corpus _sanc_t_issi_m_um_ quo p_re_ciosa.

[722] 722-722 Omitted.

[723] reuoluit.

[724] appariat.

[725] Omitted.

[726] dicat sic.

[727] Omitted.

[728] gaudendo.

[729] dica_n_t sim_u_l.

[730] eas dicens.

[731] dicentes simul.

[732] deferens.

[733] 733-733 Omitted. Lines 3-5 of the sequence are preceded by S_e_c_un_da Maria, and lines 6-9 by Tercia Maria di_cat_.

[734] Manly suggests mortuus.

[735] respondeat quasi.

[736] Tercia.

[737] et interim.

[738] Omitted.

[739] dicentes hoc modo.

[740] audito.

[741] dicant.

[742] 742-742 Omitted.

[743] Only a stage-direction, Hic ludit [? cadit] Lucifer de celo.

[744] Imperfect.

[745] Jordan closes with an invitation to a Redemptio on the morrow.

[746] Narrated.

[747] Duplicates.

[748] Misplaced.

[749] Imperfect.

[750] Late addition.

[751] Imperfect?

[752] And later fragment.

[753] Imperfect.

[754] J. Stuart, Extracts from the Council Register of the Burgh of Aberdeen, vol. i. 1398-1570 (Spalding Club, 1844).

[755] Dunbar, Works (ed. J. Small, for Scottish Text Soc.), ii. 251.

[756] Hearne, Liber Niger Scaccarii (ed. 2), ii. 598.

[757] B. H. Wortham, Churchwardens’ Accounts of Bassingbourne (Antiquary, vii. 25); Lysons, Magna Britannia, Cambridgeshire, 89; Dyer, 343, from Antiquarian Repertory (1808), iii. 320.

[758] C. B. Pearson, Accounts of St. Michael’s, Bath (R. Hist. Soc. Trans. vii. 309).

[759] Cant. Tales, 6140 (W. of B.’s Prol. 558).

[760] L. T. Smith, York Plays, lxv.

[761] Acta Sanctorum, Maii, ii. 189; Historians of the Church, of York, i. 328 (Rolls Series, lxxi); Rock, ii. 430; A. F. Leach in Furnivall Miscellany, 206.

[762] A. F. Leach, Beverley Town Documents (Selden Soc. xiv), l. lix. 33, 45, 75, 99, 109, 117; and in Furnivall Miscellany, 208; Poulson, Beverlac, i. 268 sqq., 302; Lansdowne MS. 896, f. 133 (Warburton’s eighteenth-century collections for a history of Yorkshire).

[763] A. F. Leach, in Furnivall Miscellany, 220.

[764] Corrie, Boxford Parish Accounts (Cambridge Antiq. Soc. Trans. i. 266).

[765] Pearson, ii. 413; Morant, History of Essex (1768), ii. 399.

[766] L. Toulmin Smith, Ricart’s Kalendar (Camden Soc.), 80.

[767] L. G. Bolingbroke, in Norfolk Archaeology, xi. 336; Eastern Counties Collectanea, 272.

[768] Hist. MSS. xiv. 8, 133; Arnold, Memorials of St. Edmund’s Abbey (R. S.), iii. 361.

[769] Masters, Hist. of C.C.C. Cambridge (ed. 1753), i. 5.

[770] Hazlitt-Warton, iii. 302. The only reference given is ‘MSS. Rawlins. Bibl. Bodl. Oxon.’ Mr. F. Madan kindly informs me that the document cannot now be identified amongst the Rawlinson MSS.

[771] Arch. Cantiana, xvii. 147.

[772] Ibid. xvii. 80.

[773] Hist. MSS. Comm. ix. 1, 147.

[774] Pearson, ii. 414; Freemasons’ Magazine and Magic Mirror, Sept. 1861.

[775] Morris, 575.

[776] Morris, 317. Canon Morris does not say where he found the document. He dates it in ‘24 Hen. VIII, 1531.’ [The regnal year. 24 Hen. VIII, by the way, is 1532-3.] But the monastery is called ‘dissolved,’ which it was not until 1541. The list of Mayors (Morris, 582) gives William Snead (1516-7), William Sneyde (1531-2), William Sneyde, jun. (1543-4). Obviously two generations are concerned. The second mayoralty of the younger man was 1543-4. And the appointment of Newhall as clerk of the Pentice was in 1543 (Morris, 204). Oddly, Canon Morris’s error was anticipated in a copy of the proclamation made on the fly-leaf of Harl. MS. 2013 of the plays (Deimling, 1), which states that it was ‘made by Wᵐ newall, Clarke of the pentice [in R]udio 24, H. 8 [1532-3].’

[777] I reproduce Canon Morris’s text literatim. But he does not explain the square brackets, and I do not understand them.

[778] The ‘proclamation’ in the White Book is clearly a revision of the 1544 version. On the other hand, the Corpus Christi procession was suppressed in 1547. The ‘Banns,’ which include a pageant ‘of our lady thassumpcon’ not in the list of plays, are perhaps rather earlier.

[779] Harl. MS. 2150, ff. 85ᵇ-88ᵇ.

[780] It is this entry which shows that Harl. MS. 2150 is not the ‘White Book,’ but a copy. The official catalogue of the Harleian collection is in doubt on this point.

[781] So printed by Furnivall, possibly as an addition to the text of Harl. 1944, from the shorter copy of the Breauarye in Harl. 1948.

[782] Hist. MSS. i. 49.

[783] C. L. Kingsford in D. N. B. s.v. Higden. Mr. Kingsford does not think that ‘Randle Heggenett,’ the author of the Chester Plays, can be identified with Higden. But ‘Higden,’ which occurs in Rogers’s list of Mayors, is an earlier form in the tradition than ‘Heggenett.’

[784] Ormerod, Hist. of Cheshire (ed. Helsby), iii. 651; Morris, 315.

[785] Morris, 316. The Painters and Glaziers’ charter is quoted as calling them ‘tyme out of minde one brotherhood for the ... plaie of the Shepperds’ Wach,’ but no date is given.

[786] Ibid.

[787] Harl. MS. 2150, f. 85ᵇ.

[788] Morris, 318; Furnivall, xxv; Hist. MSS. viii. 1. 363, 366.

[789] Pennant, Wales, i. 145.

[790] Furnivall, xxii, xxviii.

[791] D. Rogers, Breauarye, in Furnivall, xviii; Morris, 303.

[792] Morris, 322, 353; Furnivall, xxvi.

[793] Morris, 322; Furnivall, xxvi; Collier, i. 112.

[794] Morris, 324; Furnivall, xxiii; Fenwick, Hist. of Chester, 370.

[795] Sharp, 8.

[796] C. L. Kingsford, Henry V, 346, says that he reached Coventry alone on March 15, and joined Katharine at Leicester on March 19. Ramsay, Y. and L. i. 290, quoting J. E. Tyler, Henry of Monmouth, ii. 28, gives the same dates. The entry in the Leet Book (Harris, 139) brings him to Coventry on March 21 and with the queen. But this was Good Friday. If the Leet Book is right, he might have remained for Hox Tuesday, April 1.

[797] Brewer, xiv (1), 77.

[798] C. Mery Talys, lvi (ed. Oesterley, 100).

[799] Heywood, The Foure PP, 831 (Manly, i. 510).

[800] Foxe, vi. 411; viii. 170; Maitland, Essays on the Reformation, 24.

[801] Sharp, 12, 39, 64, 75, 78; Weavers’ Play, 21.

[802] Sharp, 9; Hearne, Fordun’s Scotichronicon, v. 1450.

[803] Sharp, 157; Hearne, loc. cit.

[804] Sharp, 216.

[805] Sharp, 209; Halliwell-Phillipps, Outlines, ii. 296.

[806] Sharp, 159.

[807] J. T. Gilbert, Calendar of Ancient Records of Dublin, i. 239; ii. 54. Cf. Davidson, 222, and in Modern Language Notes, vii. 339.

[808] Harris, Hist. of Dublin, 147; J. C. Walker, Hist. Essay on the Irish Stage (Trans. Roy. Irish Acad. ii (1788), 2. 75), from MS. of Robert Ware.

[809] Walker, loc. cit.; Sir James Ware, Annales Rerum Hibern. (1664), 161; Variorum, iii. 30, from MS. in Trin. Coll. Dublin. W. F. Dawson, Christmas: its Origin and Associations, 52, says that Henry II kept Christmas at Hogges in 1171 with ‘miracle plays.’ But I cannot find the authority for this.

[810] Gilbert, op. cit. i. 242.

[811] Matthew Paris, Gesta Abbat. S. Albani, ap. H. T. Riley, Gesta Abbatum S. Albani (R. S.), i. 73; Bulaeus, Historia Universitatis Parisiensis, ii. 226; Collier, i. 13.

[812] J. D. Marwick, Records of Edinburgh (Scottish Burghs Record Soc.), ii. 193 sqq.

[813] Kelly, 19.

[814] Pearson, ii. 413.

[815] L. G. Bolingbroke, Pre-Eliz. Plays and Players in Norfolk (Norfolk Archaeology, xi. 338).

[816] N. and Q. xii. 210; Kelly, 68.

[817] Hist. MSS. xiii. 4. 300.

[818] Hist. MSS. xiii. 4. 288.

[819] R. Johnson, Ancient Customs of Hereford (ed. 2. 1882), 119.

[820] Hist. MSS. xiii. 4. 352.

[821] Nichols, Extracts from Churchwardens’ Accounts, 175.

[822] W. Sandys, Christmas Carols, xc.

[823] G. Hadley, Hist. of Kingston upon Hull (1788), 823.

[824] W. Andrews, Historic Yorkshire, 43; Curiosities of the Church, 19.

[825] J. Wodderspoon, Memorials of the Ancient Town of Ipswich (1850), 161; Hist. MSS. ix. 1. 245.

[826] Nathaniel Bacon, The Annalls of Ipswich, 1654 (ed. W. H. Richardson, 1884), 102 and passim. Some additional notices are in Hist. MSS. ix. 1. 241 sqq.

[827] R. S. Ferguson, A Boke of Record ... of Kirkbie Kendall (Cumb. and Westm. Arch. and Ant. Soc.), 91, 136.

[828] See s.v. Manningtree.

[829] Weever, Funeral Monuments, 405.

[830] I. Disraeli, Curiosities of Literature, Second Series, iii. 343.

[831] Bale, Vocacyon to Ossory (1553), in Harleian Miscellany (ed. 1745), vi. 402; (ed. 1808), i. 345.

[832] Hist. MSS. xi. 3. 165, 223, 224. The original documents appear to be in Latin.

[833] Harrod, King’s Lynn Records, 87.

[834] Cf. Appendix E (viii).

[835] Lysons, Environs of London, i. 229.

[836] See s.v. Kendal.

[837] Percy, N. H. B. 343, 345.

[838] Kelly, 27, 187. M. Bateson, Records of Leicester, ii. 297; J. Nichols, History of Leicestershire, iv. i. App. 378, 9.

[839] Kelly, 188.

[840] Kelly, 7.

[841] Kelly, 14, 16.

[842] Kelly, 15, 18, 19, 20; T. North, Accounts of Churchwardens of St. Martin’s, 2, 21, 74, 86, 87.

[843] Kelly, 193.

[844] Lincoln Statutes, ii. 15, 23.

[845] Cf. vol. i. p. 91.

[846] Wordsworth, 126, and in Lincoln Statutes, ii. lv. The entry given for 1452 in the latter omits ‘et Prophetis.’

[847] Wordsworth, 126.

[848] A. F. Leach, in Furnivall Miscellany, 223; Rock, ii. 430.

[849] Leach, loc. cit. 224.

[850] Wordsworth, 139.

[851] Leach, loc. cit. 224; Lincoln Statutes, ii. ccliv; Hist. MSS. xiv. 8. 25.

[852] Wordsworth, 141; Leach, loc. cit. 223, from Chapter Act Book, A. 31, f. 18; Shaks. Soc. Papers, iii. 40, from copy of same document in Harl. MS. 6954, p. 152. The latter has ‘Serenomium’ (for Ceremonium). Mr. Leach reads ‘Sermonium’ and translates ‘speech.’

[853] Leach, loc. cit. 227; Gentleman’s Magazine, liv. 103.

[854] J. C. Robertson, Materials for the Hist. of Becket (R.S.), iii. 9.

[855] Dodsley, Collection of Old Plays (1744), i. xii. I cannot trace the original authority.

[856] Malvern, Continuator to Higden’s Polychronicon (ed. J. R. Lumby in R.S.), ix. 47.

[857] Malvern, loc. cit. ix. 259. Probably this is the play for which the Issue Roll of the Exchequer for Easter—Michaelmas, 1391 (F. Devon, Issues of the Exchequer, Hen. III-Hen. VI, 244), records on July 11, 1391, a payment ‘to the Clerkes of the Parish Churches and to divers other clerkes of the City of London, in money paid to them in discharge of £10 which the Lord and King commanded to be paid them of his gift on account of the play of the Passion of our Lord and the Creation of the World by them performed at Skynner Well, after the Feast of Bartholomew last past.’ But the dates do not quite agree, and there may have been a play at Bartholomew-tide 1390 as well as that of July, 1391.

[858] London Chronicle, 80.

[859] London Chronicle, 91. The Cott. MS. reads ‘Clerkenwelle’ for the ‘Skynners Welle’ of the Harl. MS. Gregory’s Chronicle (Hist. Coll. of a Citizen of London, Camden Soc.), 105, also mentions ‘the grette playe at Skynners Welle’ in 1409.

[860] J. H. Wylie, Hist. of Henry IV, iv. 213.

[861] J. G. Nichols, Grey Friars Chronicle (Camden Soc.) 12; R. Howlett, Monumenta Franciscana (R.S.), ii. 164.

[862] J. Christie, Some Account of Parish Clerks, 24, 71.

[863] H. Morley, Memoirs of Bartholomew Fair, 15.

[864] Stowe, Survey, 7.

[865] Andrew, Annales Henr. VII (R.S.), 121.

[866] Collier, in Shakesp. Soc. Papers, iii. 40. The ‘pagents’ on a roll of vellum belonging to the Holy Trinity Guild in St. Botolph’s, Bishopsgate (†1463), were probably only paintings with descriptive verses (Hone, 81).

[867] Kempe, 71. The date given, Shrovetide, 38 Hen. VIII, must be wrong, as the king died before Shrovetide (Feb. 20-2) in the thirty-eighth year of his reign.

[868] Herbert, Hist. of Livery Companies, i. 80.

[869] E. B. Jupp, Hist. of Carpenters’ Company, 198.

[870] Collier, i. 51.

[871] Machyn, 138.

[872] Machyn, 145.

[873] Prynne, 117.

[874] Stowe, Annales, 489; Survey, 38; Herbert, i. 197, 454; Brand-Ellis, i. 166.

[875] R. W. Goulding, Louth Records.

[876] Hist. MSS. v. 517.

[877] Manningham’s Diary (Camden Soc.), 130.

[878] Heywood, Apology for Actors (Shakespeare Soc.), 61.

[879] Quoted in Variorum, xvi. 295.

[880] Dekker’s Plays (ed. Pearson).

[881] Hazlitt-Warton, iii. 312.

[882] Harrod, King’s Lynn Records, 88.

[883] W. Hobhouse, Churchwardens’ Accounts (Somerset Record Soc.), 209.

[884] F. Holthausen, Das Noahspiel von N. upon T. (1897), 11; H. Bourne, Hist. of N. (1736), 139; J. Brand, Hist. of N. (1789), ii. 369; E. Mackenzie, Hist. of N. (1827), ii. 664, 707; F. W. Dendy, Newcastle Gilds (Surtees Soc.), i. 4; ii. 161, 164, 171.

[885] W. A. Scott-Robertson, The Passion Play and Interludes at New Romney (Archaeologia Cantiana, xiii. 216); Hist. MSS. v. 533; Arch. Cantiana, xvii. 28.

[886] C. A. Markham and J. C. Cox, Northampton Borough Records, ii. 184.

[887] Paston Letters, iii. 227.

[888] H. Harrod, Particulars concerning Early Norwich Pageants (Norfolk Archaeology, iii. 3).

[889] R. Fitch, Norwich Pageants: The Grocers’ Play, in Norfolk Archaeology, v. 8, and separately.

[890] Fitch, op. cit.; Blomfield, Hist. of Norfolk, iii. 176.

[891] Blomfield, iv. 426.

[892] Cf. vol. i. p. 222.

[893] Cf. Appendix E (v).

[894] W. Hobhouse, Churchwardens’ Accounts (Somerset Record Soc.), 232.

[895] Norris, ii. 452; E. H. Pedler in Norris, ii. 507; Carew, Survey of Cornwall; D. Gilbert, History of Cornwall; Borlase, Antiquities of Cornwall (ed. 2), 207; Nat. Hist. of Cornwall, 295; T. F. Ordish, Early London Theatres, 15.

[896] See s.v. Kendal.

[897] W. A. Abram, Memorials of the Preston Guilds, 18, 21, 61, 99.

[898] C. Kerry, History of St. Lawrence, Reading, 233. Extracts only from the accounts are given; a full transcript would probably yield more information.

[899] W. H. R. Jones, Vetus Registrum Sarisburiense (R.S.), ii. 129.

[900] Cal. State Papers, Dom. Addl. (1580-1625), 101.

[901] Jones and Macray, Salisbury Charters (R.S.), xi, 102.

[902] Cf. Appendix E (vi).

[903] Phillips, Hist. of Shrewsbury, 201.

[904] Phillips, 201.

[905] Owen and Blakeway, Hist. of Shrewsbury, i. 328.

[906] Shropshire Arch. Soc. Trans. viii. 273.

[907] F. A. Hibbert, Influence and Development of English Craft Guilds (1891). 113.

[908] Add. MS. 28,533, ff. iᵛ, 2. Computi from 1477 to 1545 are in this MS.; but most of them are very summary.

[909] York Plays, lxv.

[910] G. Oliver, Hist. of Holy Trinity Guild at Sleaford (1837), 50, 68, 73, 82.

[911] Cf. Appendix E (vii).

[912] Collier, ii. 67.

[913] Hobhouse, 184.

[914] Hazlitt-Warton, iii. 163, from Register of St. Swithin’s. This is amongst the Wulvesey MSS., now in the possession of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners (York Plays, lxv). The date is given as 1487 by Hazlitt-Warton, but the visit is said to be that ‘on occasion of the birth of Prince Arthur,’ which took place in the autumn of 1486.

[915] London Chronicle, 159.

[916] Cf. e.g. Durham Accounts, i. 95, 101, 105 ‘Soteltez ... Sutiltez ... Suttelties erga Natale.’

[917] E. Picot, in Romania, vii. 245.

[918] Hist. MSS. xiv. 8, 187.

[919] Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 342; Toulmin Smith, Ordinances of Worcester in English Guilds, 385, 407 (E. E. T. S.).

[920] Norfolk Archaeology, ix. 145; xi. 346.

[921] A. Nevyllus, De furoribus Norfolciensium Ketto Duce (1575), i. 18; Holinshed (1587), iii. 1028.

[922] L. G. Bolingbroke, in Norfolk Archaeology, xi. 334.

[923] Lincoln Statutes, ii. 98; cf. Use of Sarum, i. xxii*.

[924] Cf. p. 409.

[925] York Plays, xxxv, xli; Arch. Review, i. 221.

[926] Drake, Eboracum, App. xxix; Davies, 243; York Plays, xxxiv. Melton is called ‘sacrae paginae professor,’ which Drake and many light-hearted scholars after him, down to A. W. Ward (ed. 2, 1899), i. 53, translate ‘professor of holy pageantry.’ The ‘sacred page,’ however, is the Bible, and the title = S.T.P., or D.D.

[927] Davies, 245.

[928] Antiquary, xxiii. 29.

[929] York Plays, xxi, 125; E. H. R. ix. 285.

[930] Wyclif, English Works, ed. Mathew (E. E. T. S.), 429.

[931] York Plays, xxix; Toulmin, English Gilds (E. E. T. S.), 137.

[932] Antiquary, xxii. 265.

[933] Halliwell, Letters of the Kings of England, i. 354, from a Latin original in the Bodl. Rawlinson MSS.

[934] Davies, 263.

[935] Davies, 273; Arch. Review, i. 221.

[936] Printed in York Plays, xix.

[937] Printed in Davies, 233.

[938] W. Andrews, Yorkshire in Olden Times, 105, 146.

[939] D. N B. s.v. Hegge. Poems of Richard James (ed. Grosart, xxii); T. Fowler, Hist. of C. C. C. 175, 183, 394.

[940] Dugdale, Hist. of W. (1656), 116. A not materially different version, from Dugdale’s MSS., is given by Sharp, Dissertation, 218. Nor does Sharp, in the account of the Grey Friars in his Hist. and Antiq. of Coventry (1817), add any information as to their plays.

[941] Hearne, Fordun’s Scotichronicon, v. 1493 (from MS. of Annals, penes Thomas Jesson of Ch. Ch.) ‘This yeare the King came to se the playes acted by the Gray Friers and much commended them.’ The mayoral list in this text of the Annals goes to 1675. It is probably another that Sharp, Diss. 5, quotes as making the same statement and describes as ‘not older than the beginning of Charles I’s reign.’ He does not give the full entry. Is it the basis of Mr. Fretton’s addition to the 1871 ed. of Sharp’s Hist. and Antiq. of Cov. 202 ‘1492. Henry 7th and his Queen saw the Plays at Whitsuntide’? Can ‘by the Gray Friers’ mean ‘at a station by the convent’? In the Carpenters’ accounts for 1453 is an item ‘for the mynstrell at the frerˢ.’ This, says Sharp, Diss. 213, relates to the craft’s annual dinner held at the White Friars. There is no other possible allusion to friars’ plays in Mr. Sharp’s extracts.

[942] Ten Brink, iii. 276; Sharp, 45.

[943] Hohlfeld, in Anglia, xi. 228.

[944] The term ‘pageant’ is once used in the stage-directions (Halliwell, 132) ‘Hic intrabit pagentum de purgatione Mariae et Joseph.’

[945] Ten Brink, ii. 283; Pollard, xxxvii. Hohlfeld (Anglia, xi. 228) combines two theories by suggesting that the Coventry Grey Friars were driven by the popularity of the rival craft-plays to travel.

[946] Holthausen, 16.

[947] F. W. Denby, Newcastle Gilds (Surtees Soc.), ii. 165, 168.

[948] Norfolk Archaeology, iii. 3.

[949] Collectanea (Oxf. Hist. Soc.), i. 130.

SUBJECT INDEX

[This index is almost wholly confined to the text, and only includes the principal passages dealing with each subject. I am sorry not to have been able to prepare a local or a nominal index. The want of the former may be in part met, so far as the miracle-plays are concerned, by the topographical list of representations in Appendix W.]

A l’entrada dal tens clar, i. 170.

Abbayes joyeuses, i. 375, 383.

Abbesses, mock, i. 361.

Abbot, of Bon-Accord, i. 173, ii. 333; of Marham, i. 173, ii. 250; of Misrule, i. 403; of Unreason, i. 181, ii. 335.

Abraham and Isaac, plays of, ii. 130, 426.

Abrenuntiatio, i. 19, 97.

Absalon of Thomas Watson, ii. 195, 458.

Account-books, extracts from, on minstrelsy and plays, ii. 234, 240.

Acolastus, of Gnaphaeus, ii. 217; of John Palsgrave, 459.

Actio, term for miracle-play, ii. 105.

Actors, a perplexity to Roman government, i. 3, 7; punished for satire, 5; private performances of, 7; infamia of, 8, 12, 14, 16; hostility of, to Christianity, 10; become minstrels, 24; in miracle-plays, regulations for, ii. 114; payment of, 139; professional, under Tudors, 186, 225; the King’s, 187, 201; economic status of, under Elizabeth, 225.

Actus, term for miracle-play, ii. 105.

Adam, ii. 70; analysis of, 80; vernacular mingled with Latin in, 89.

Adam le Boscu, minstrel in 1306, i. 47.

Adan de la Hale, plays of, i. 171, 381.

Adoptionist controversies, and Christmas, i. 240.

Adoratio Crucis, ii. 16.

Advent, i. 247; liturgical drama in, ii. 62, 67.

Agricultural festivals. See Feasts, Village festivals.

Agriculture, begun by women, i. 106; religion of, 106, 109.

Aguilaneuf, i. 254.

Alcuin, his dislike of minstrelsy, i. 32, 35.

Ales, i. 179.

Allegory in mediaeval drama, ii. 151.

Alleluia, funeral of, i. 186.

All Saints’ day, i. 247, 265.

All Souls’ day, i. 247, 265.

Altercatio Ecclesiae et Synagogae, ii. 64, 152.

Amour, Prince d’, at Middle Temple, i. 416.

Ancestors, cult of, at New Year, i. 264.

Andrew, St., his day, i. 232.

Andria of Terence, ii. 215, 456.

Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, songs in, i. 31.

Anglo-Saxons, non-professional singers of, i. 64.

Animals, cult of, i. 131.

Animism, i. 103.

Anne, St., miracle-plays on her day, ii. 118, 127, 130.

Annunciation, dramatic ceremonies at, ii. 66.

Annunciation style, i. 246.

Antichristus, liturgical play of, ii. 62, 151.

Antiphonarium of Gregory the Great, ii. 7.

Antiphons, nature of, ii. 6.

Apfeln-Bischof, i. 369.

Apostles, feast of, at Beauvais, i. 287; at Sens, 288.

Aquinas, on minstrels, i. 58.

Archipropheta of Grimald, ii. 451.

Armenians, on birthday of Christ, i. 239.

Armiger, title of minstrel, i. 50, ii. 139.

Aryan and pre-Aryan in folk-lore, i. 101.

Ascension, feast of, i. 114; dialogued trope for, ii. 11; dramatic ceremony at, 65; miracle-play at, 129.

Asotus of Macropedius, ii. 217.

Ass, ears of, worn by ‘fools,’ i. 385; liturgical drama, ii. 57. See Palmesel.

Asses, feast of, i. 275, 282, 304, 305, 320, 330, 374, 377. See Prose of Ass.

Atellanes, i. 2, 4.

Aubes, i. 78, 171.

Aucassin et Nicolete, i. 42, 45, 74.

Auctor of plays, i. 83.

Augustine, St., and theatre, i. 12, 17; a character in miracle-plays, ii. 72, 77.

Ausonius, his Ludus Septem Sapientum, ii. 212.

Authorship of miracle-plays, ii. 144.

Autos Sacramentales, ii. 95, 105.

Baculus, feast of, i. 276, 279, 283, 289, 309, 319, 325, 345.

Balaam, episode of, in Prophetae, ii. 55, 72.

Baldwin, William, his plays, ii. 194, 200.

Bale, John, ii. 131, 144, 220, 222, 224, 446.

Ball, tossed at festivals, i. 128; at Feast of Fools, 327; struggle for, in games, meaning of, 149.

Ballad, in Elizabethan age, i. 69.

Ballationes, i. 161.

‘Banns’ of miracle-plays, ii. 114, 122, 140, 144.

Barbarian indifference to theatre, i. 19, 21.

Bards, classes of, i. 76.

‘Barring-out,’ i. 263.

Barritus of Germans, i. 26.

Bartholomew Fair, puppet-shows at, ii. 158.

Basoches, i. 375.

Bastaxi, i. 71.

Baston, Robert, his tragoediae, ii. 211.

Bathing at folk-festivals, i. 122.

Battle, mock, in folk-drama, i. 187, 210. See also Débats.

Bauble of fool, i. 385.

Bean, king of, i. 260, 408.

‘Bearing the book,’ ii. 140.

Bearwards, i. 68, 72.

Beast-dances, i. 166.

Beast-mimicry, by minstrels, i. 71.

‘Beating the bounds,’ i. 120, 143.

Beauty and Good Properties of Women, ii. 455.

Beelzebub, in Plough Monday play, i. 209; in St. George play, 214.

Befana, i. 268.

Bel, cult of, in Bohemia, i. 253.

Bells, in morris-dance, i. 200; in sword-dance, 201.

Beltane, i. 111, 133, 138, 143.

Belus, cult of, in Europe, i. 112, 234.

Benedictbeuern manuscript, liturgical plays in, ii. 37, 39, 40, 72, 76.

Benedictio fontium, i. 124.

Beowulf i. 29; sword-dance in, 191.

‘Bessy’ in sword-dance, i. 192, 194, 198, 206, 210.

‘Bezant’ procession, i. 119.

Bilingual religious plays, ii. 89, 108.

‘Bishops’ of Fools, i. 295, 326, 368. See Feast of Fools, passim.

Black faces at folk-festivals, i. 125, 154, 199, 214.

Blood, importance of, in sacrifice, i. 132, 138.

Blôt-monath, i. 256.

Boar, sacrificial animal at New Year, i. 257.

Bon Accord, abbot of, i. 173, ii. 333.

Bordeors Ribauz, Des Deus, i. 67, 79, 85.

Bouffons, danse des, i. 191.

‘Box-holder’ in St. George play, i. 217.

Boy Bishop, sermons of, i. 356; in schools and universities, 362; disliked by Reformation, 366; customs of, resemble Feast of Fools, 368; in religious drama, ii. 72.

Boy Bishop, at Sens, i. 344; at Rouen, 345; at Bayeux, 345; at Coutances, 346; at Tours, 347; at Toul, 347; in France generally, 349; at Noyon, 350; in Spain, 350; in Germany, 350; at Salisbury, 352, ii. 282; at Exeter, i. 354; at St. Paul’s, 354; at York, 356, ii. 287; at Beverley, i. 357; at Lincoln, 358; vogue of, in England, 358; at Westminster, 360; at Durham, 360; at Winchester, 361.

Boys, feast of. See Boy Bishop.

Braies, fête de, at Laon, i. 302; roi de, 373.

Breri, a fabulator, i. 77.

Broom, in St. George play, i. 215.

Brothelyngham, order of, at Exeter, i. 383.

Brumalia, i. 234.

Buffons, les, name for morris-dance, i. 200.

Buffoons. See Fools, Minstrels.

Bufos, i. 63.

Bull-baiting, origin of, i. 141, 257.

Burial and Resurrection, ii. 129, 431.

‘Burial of Carnival,’ i. 186.

Burlesque of worship at Feast of Fools, i. 280, 286, 294, 296, 325, 381.

Cabham, Thomas de, his classification of minstrels, i. 59, ii. 262.

Cakes at festivals, i. 133, 142, 260.

Calendar, origins of, i. 110, 229, 232.

Calisto and Meliboea, ii. 455.

Candlemas, i. 114, 126, 163, 251.

Cantica, i. 161, 169.

Canticum triumphale, ii. 74.

Cantilenae, of folk and scôp, i. 26; on heroes, 163, 167; of sword-dance, 192.

Carnival, i. 114, 121; ‘burial’ of, 186.

Caroles, i. 164, 272.

‘Carping,’ of minstrels, i. 72.

Cartuaitheail, i. 129.

Castle of Perseverance, ii. 155, 437.

Catherine, St., her day, i. 247; plays on legend of, ii. 64, 107, 133.

‘Catherning,’ i. 253.

Cawarden, Sir Thomas, i. 405.

Censorship of stage, ii. 225.

Cereal sacrifices, i. 133; survival of in folk-festivals, 142, 260.

Ceri, procession of, at Gubbio, i. 119.

Cernunnos, i. 259.

Cervulus, i. 258, 330.

Chansons, of minstrels, i. 73; de gestes, 74; dramatic elements in, 77; de carole, 164; à danser, 171; de mal-mariées, 171.

Chanteloup, Walter de, attacks folk-ludi, i. 91.

Chapel Royal, plays by, ii. 193, 202.

Charivari, i. 153, 379.

Charlemagne, and heroic song, i. 26; a patron of minstrels, 36.

Charlot et le Barbier, of Rutebeuf, i. 79.

Charms, i. 121.

Chaucer, a typical trouvère, i. 64; interludes based on, ii. 205.

Cheke, Henry, his Freewill, ii. 461.

‘Chekkar,’ minstrels of, at Scottish court, i. 50.

Chester Plays, ii. 407.

Chevauchées, i. 153, 379.

Children, inheritors of folk-customs, i. 152; place of, in winter feasts, 263.

Chimney-sweeps, their connexion with May-day, i. 125.

Choir-boys, miracle-plays acted by, ii. 121.

Chori, in folk-dance and song, i. 27, 163.

Christianity, elements of, in folk-custom, i. 249.

Christmas, St. George play at, i. 226; origin of, 238; in Saxon England, 244; New Year customs at, 246; in mediaeval England, 390; masques at, 391; at universities, 407; at inns of court, 413; dialogued tropes for, ii. 8, 11, 41; praesepe at, 42; liturgical plays at, 41; miracle-plays at, 70, 129.

Christmas-boxes, i. 271.

Christmas-flowering trees, i. 252.

Christmas lord. See Misrule, lord of.

‘Christmas,’ Old Father, in St. George play, i. 216.

Christmas Prince, at St. John’s College, Oxford, i. 408.

Christmas trees, i. 251.

Christopherson, John, his Jephthes, ii. 218.

Χριστὸς Πάσχων, ii. 206.

Christus Redivivus of Grimald, ii. 450.

Christus Triumphans of John Foxe, ii. 458.

Chrysostom, St., and theatre, i. 15; and pantomimi at banquets, 24; and Kalends, 244.

Churches, dances in, i. 163; ‘clipping’ of, 166; miracle-plays in, ii. 79, 134; interludes in, 191.

Churchyards, miracle-plays in, ii. 134.

Circular movement as sun-charm, i. 129.

Circumcision, feast of, i. 245, 330. See New Year, Kalends, Feast of Fools.

Cithara, i. 73.

Classical plays, Renascence performances of, ii. 214.

‘Clemencing,’ i. 253.

Clement, St., his day, i. 247.

Clergy, their share in miracle-plays, ii. 117, 120.

Clerico et Puella, Interludium de, i. 86, ii. 181; text of, ii. 324.

Clerks’ plays, ii. 104, 140, 202.

‘Clipping the church,’ i. 166.

Cockneys, king of, at Lincoln’s Inn, i. 414.

Cocks-comb, worn by fools, i. 385.

Columpnarium, ii. 213.

Comedy, on Roman stage, i. 2; extinction of classical, ii. 207; mediaeval sense of term, 209; humanist revival of, 212; in Tudor interlude, 215.

Compagnies des fous, i. 373. See Sociétés joyeuses.

Complaint of Deor, i. 29.

Computi, extracts from, on minstrelsy and plays, ii. 234, 240.

Concordia Regularis, ii. 14, 306.

Conductus, i. 282.

Conduits, filled with wine, ii. 166; pageants on, 173.

Conflict of Vice and Virtue, ii. 153.

Confrérie de la Passion, ii. 88.

Confréries, for Feast of Fools, i. 373.

Constance, council of, performance of Stella at, ii. 101.

Contes, i. 74.

Contrafazedor, i. 82.

Controversy, religious, in drama, ii. 217.

Conversion of England, i. 95.

Coquille, seigneur de la, i. 374.

Corbeil, Pierre de, and the Feast of Fools, i. 281, 287.

Cornards, i. 374, 384.

Coronations. See Entries.

Cornish plays, ii. 127, 433.

Corporations, their control of miracle-plays, ii. 114; their expenses, 115; plays sometimes produced by them, 118.

Corpus Christi, miracle-plays at, ii. 77, 94, 108, 112, 138, 160; procession at, 138, 160, 329; guilds of, 118.

Corraro, his Progne, ii. 212.

‘Cosmic’ dramas. See Cycles.

Costume, of minstrels, i. 44; at folk-festivals, 185; in St. George play, 219; of fools, 384; in miracle-plays, ii. 122, 141.

Court, the English, minstrels at, i. 47, ii. 234; fools at, i. 386; Christmas at, 390; revels and disguisings at, 391; lord of misrule at, 403; master of revels at, 404; miracle-plays at, 397, ii. 130, 184; interludes at, 186, 192.

Courtois d’Arras, i. 79.

Courts of minstrelsy, i. 54.

Coventry, plays at, ii. 422. See Ludus Coventriae.

Cradle of Security, ii. 189, 200.

Craft-guilds, miracle-plays maintained by, ii. 111, 113, 115; levies on members of, 116; appropriateness of plays to occupations of, 118, 131; and Corpus Christi procession, 162.

Creation of the World of W. Jordan, ii. 435.

Creed Play, ii. 120, 130.

‘Creeping to the cross,’ ii. 17.

‘Crib’ at Christmas, i. 272, 333, ii. 42, 157.

Cromwell, and Protestant interludes, ii. 220.

Croxton Sacrament play, ii. 427.

Cucking-stool, i. 122.

Cuckoo, the herald of summer, i. 188.

Cues, ii. 144.

Cult, its permanence, i. 99.

Cycles of miracle-plays, formed by expansion and merging, ii. 72; become ‘cosmic’ drama, 77; spread over successive days or years, 86, 130; popularity of in England, 113; their subject-matter, 125, 321.

Cynewulf, a scôp, i. 31.

Dance, a form of play, i. 160; attacked by Church, 161; in churches, 162; at folk-festivals, 163, 272; in Middle Ages, 164; processional and circular, 164; dramatic tendency of, 188; at Feast of Fools, 326; in miracle-plays, ii. 141. See Morris-dance, Sword-dance.

Dance of Death, ii. 153.

Dancers, in Rome, i. 6, 9; as minstrels, 71.

Dancing sun, at Easter, i. 129.

Daniel, liturgical plays on, ii. 58, 60.

Danse des bouffons, i. 191.

Dati, his Hiempsal, ii. 212.

Daurel et Beton, i. 67.

Deacons, feast of, on St. Stephen’s day, i. 336.

Dead, feast of, i. 228, 247, 264.

Deasil, i. 123, 129, 165.

Death, Dance of, ii. 153.

Death, expulsion of, i. 183.

Death, mock, in sword-dance, i. 206; in folk-plays, 210, 213, 219.

Débats, i. 79, 187; and moralities, ii. 153; acted as interludes, 201.

‘Decoration’ at New Year, i. 251.

Dedication of churches, wake on day of, i. 96, 114; dramatic ceremony of, ii. 4.

Dee, John, play translated by, ii. 195.

Degollada, la, figure in sword-dance, i. 204.

Depositio Crucis, ii. 17.

Deposuit, feast of, i. 277, 306, 309, 325, 339, 345, 376.

Descensus Christi ad inferos, dramatic treatment of, ii. 73.

Destruction of Jerusalem, play on, ii. 132.

De Symbolo, pseudo-Augustinian sermon, ii. 52.

Devils, in miracle-plays, ii. 91, 148.

Devozioni, ii. 92.

Dialogues, in Anglo-Saxon literature, i. 80; in minstrelsy, 77; in liturgical tropes, ii. 8; recited in schools, 212.

Dice, a temptation to minstrels, i. 48, 60; played at mummings, 394.

Digby Plays, ii. 428.

Disguisings, i. 393, 400. See Mummings, Masques, Drama, Interludes.

Disobedient Child, The, of Ingelend, ii. 214, 223, 456.

Disours, i. 75, 387.

Dit des Taboureurs, i. 63.

Dits, i. 74.

Doctor, in folk-drama, i. 185; in sword-dances, 207; in Plough Monday play, 210; in St. George play, 213, 218, 226.

Doctors de trobar, i. 63.

Domestic feast at New Year, i. 262.

Domus of religious plays, ii. 79, 83, 136.

Donaueschingen, stage of Passion-play at, ii. 84.

Dout, i. 217.

‘Ducking’ at folk-festivals, i. 122; at Feast of Fools, 298, 307, 313, 327.

Dumb-show, in folk-drama, i. 211.

Dracontius, his Orestes, ii. 209.

Dragon, in morris-dance, i. 196; in St. George play, 212, 217, 226.

Drama, decay of, at Rome, i. 3; elements of, in minstrelsy, 77; developed from pastourelles, 171; at English May-games, 177; folk-element in, 182; relation of, to dance, 188; magical efficacy of, 192; influence of schoolmaster on, 202; at Feasts of Fools and Boy Bishop, 380; element of, in liturgy, ii. 3; process of secularization in, from thirteenth century, 69; expansion of, 69; brought outside the church, 79; acted by lay guilds, 87; vernacular introduced into, 88; vogue of devils in, 91; at feast of Corpus Christi, 95; processional type of, 95; liturgical survivals in, 96; passes into interlude, 180; mediaeval confusion as to nature of, 208; controversial use of, at Reformation, 216. See Actors, Comedy, Folk-drama, Interludes, Liturgical plays, Miracle-plays, Moralities, Tragedy, &c. &c.

Draw a Pail of Water, i. 124.

Droichis Part of the Play, assigned to Dunbar, ii. 454.

Druids, i. 251.

Dunbar, his banns for a May-game, ii. 454.

Durham Priory, extracts from accounts of, ii. 240.

Dwarf effigies, i. 353.

Earth-goddess, i. 105; cult of, in India, 149, ii. 266; swine sacrificed to, i. 257; as ruler of dead, 264.

Easter, i. 114; folk-customs at, 124, 126, 128, 150, 156, 157, 163, 165, &c.; St. George play at, 226; dialogued tropes for, ii. 9; religious drama at, 15, 27, 73, 129. See Quem quaeritis, Peregrini.

Easter sepulchre. See Sepulchre.

Ecerinis of Mussato, ii. 211.

Edward I, his Pentecost feast, minstrels at, i. 47, ii. 234.

Edward VI, his De Meretrice Babylonica, ii. 218, 222.

Eggs, at Easter, i. 128; in Quem quaeritis, ii. 36.

‘Elegiac’ comedies and tragedies, ii. 212.

Elevatio Crucis, at Easter, ii. 17, 20.

Elisaeus, liturgical play of, ii. 60.

Eltham, mummings at, i. 395, 397.

Enfants-sans-Souci, i. 374, 382.

English, John, a player, ii. 187.

Enseignamens por Joglars, i. 67.

Entries, royal, pageants at, ii. 166, 174, 336; elements from miracle-plays and moralities in, 172.

Eostre, i. 108.

‘Epic’ comedies and tragedies, ii. 212.

Epicharmus, his mimes, i. 2.

Epinette, roi de l’, i. 373.

Epiphany, early significance of, i. 239; subordinated to Christmas, 244; New Year customs at, 247, 260; Feast of Fools at, 323; religious drama at, ii. 44, 129. See Stella.

Episcopus puerorum, or Nicholatensis, i. 369. See Boy Bishop.

Erasmus, his sermon for Boy Bishop, i. 356.

Erberie, Dit de l’, of Rutebeuf, i. 33, 85.

Erce, i. 108.

Ermulus, i. 258.

Esclaffardi, i. 290, 315, 323.

Esem Esquesem, in Plough Monday play, i. 210.

Estrifs, i. 81. See Débats.

Ethelwold, St., author of Concordia Regularis, ii. 14, 307.

Ethnology, of Europe, i. 101; in folk-custom, 270.

Étourdis, prévot des, i. 373.

Étrennes. See Strenae.

Evergreens, as representing fertilization spirit, i. 251.

Everyman, Summoning of, ii. 155, 217, 439.

Exemplum, term for religious play, ii. 104.

Exeter, order of Brothelyngham at, i. 383; fourteenth-century theatre at, 383, ii. 190.

Expulsion of Death, i. 183.

Fabliaux, i. 43, 74.

‘Faddy’ dance at Helston, i. 119, 165.

Fall, the, introduced into religious drama, ii. 71, 77.

Family, feast of, at New Year, i. 262.

Farce, vogue of, at Rome, i. 2, 4; played by minstrels, 83; in fifteenth-century France, ii. 197; in interludes, 202.

Farsura, i. 277.

Fasching in sword-dance, i. 192.

Fastnachtspiele, i. 382.

Fatui. See Fools.

‘Feasten’ cakes, i. 133, 142, 236, 260.

Feasts, of primitive Europe, i. 110; village, customs of, 116; play at, 146; at beginning of winter, 228; in mid-winter, 234; between harvest and New Year, 247. See Asses, Feast of; Fools, Feast of.

Ferrers, George, i. 405.

Fertilization spirit, in winter customs, i. 250.

Feuillée, Jeu de la, of Adan de la Hale, i. 381.

Fire, not taken from house at New Year, i. 217, 238, 269.

Fires at folk-festivals, i. 125, 255; in pestilence, 127; at Feast of Fools, 327.

‘First foot,’ i. 270.

Flagellants, and mediaeval drama in Italy, ii. 92.

Fleury, liturgical plays at, ii. 32, 37, 50, 59, 60, 61.

Flight into Egypt, representations of, i. 287, 333.

Floralia, a festival at Rome, i. 5.

Flower-dances, i. 166.

Flytings, i. 80.

Folk-drama, i. 182; relation of, to sword-dance, 207, 218.

Folk-elements, in Feast of Fools, i. 298, 326; in miracle-plays, ii. 91, 120, 147; in royal entries, 172.

Folk-medicine, i. 117, 123.

Folk-song, of Teutons, i. 25; adapted by minstrels, 78; as source of débats, 80. See Chansons, Song.

Food, an object of cult, i. 104; left on table at New Year, 266.

‘Fool,’ meaning of term, i. 334; in folk-custom, 142, 150, 192, 196, 208, 214; costume of, 384, 387; in household, 386; at miracle-plays, ii. 141; in interludes, 141. See Buffoon, ‘Vice.’

Fool-literature, i. 382.

Fools, Feast of, i. 275; condemned by Innocent III (1207), 279; by council of Paris (1212), 279; by Odo of Tusculum (1245); described in thirteenth century, 290; condemned by Gerson, 292; by council of Basle (1435), 293; by Pragmatic Sanction (1438), 293; by Paris theologians (1445), 293; later attacks on, 300; customs of, 323; possible eastern origin of, 327; loose use of term, 337; inherited by sociétés joyeuses, 373; relation of, to liturgical drama, ii. 56; at Paris, i. 276, 300; at Sens, 279, 291, 297; at Beauvais, 284, 300; at St. Omer, 289, 305; at Bayeux, 289; at Autun, 289, 312; at Nevers, 290; at Romans, 290; at Laon, 290, 303; at Amiens, 290, 300; at Troyes, 295; at Noyon, 302; at Soissons, 302; at Senlis, 303; at Rheims, 304; at Châlons-sur-Marne, 305; at Béthune, 305; at Lille, 306; at Tournai, 307; at Chartres, 308; at Tours, 309; at Bourges, 309; at Avallon, 309; at Auxerre, 309; at Besançon, 311; at Dijon, 313; at Châlons-sur-Saône, 314; at Valence, 314; at Vienne, 314; at Viviers, 315; at Arles, 317; at Fréjus, 317; at Aix, 317; at Antibes, 317; in Spain, 318; at Mosburg, 319; at Cologne, 320; in Bohemia, 320; at Lincoln, 321; at Beverley, 322; at St. Paul’s, 323; at Salisbury, 323.

Fools, order of, i. 375, 382.

Football, at folk-festivals, i. 149.

Footing, payment of, i. 157.

‘Forced fire,’ i. 127.

Four Elements, Nature of, of John Rastell, ii. 200, 453.

Four Ps of Heywood, ii. 445.

Fous, prince des, i. 373.

Foxe, John, his Christus Triumphans, ii. 458.

Francis, St., his divine minstrelsy, i. 46; and the praesepe, ii. 42.

Frazer, J. G., his theory of human sacrifice, i. 134.

Freewill of Henry Cheke, ii. 461.

French influence on English miracle-plays, ii. 108, 146.

Freyja, i. 96, 108.

Freyr, i. 98, 108, 118, 257.

Frîja, i. 108.

Funambuli, i. 70.

Functions of heathen gods transferred to saints, i. 98, 109.

‘Funeral of Alleluia,’ i. 186.

Future, curiosity of peasant as to, i. 271.

‘Gaderyng.’ See Quête.

Gaigizons, folk-custom of, at Autun, i. 313.

Galgacus, hero of folk-play, i. 211.

Games, festival origin of, i. 148.

Gammer Gurton’s Needle, ii. 195, 216, 457.

‘Gang-week,’ i. 120.

Garçon et l’Aveugle, Le, i. 86.

‘Geese-dancers,’ or disguisers, i. 402.

Gemeinwoche, i. 247.

Genesius, St., a converted mime, i. 10; the patron of minstrels, 42.

Gentleness and Nobility, assigned to Heywood, ii. 446.

Geoffrey of St. Albans, his play on St. Catherine, ii. 64, 107.

Geola, i. 230.

‘George’ in churches, i. 224.

George, St., his day, i. 114; in morris-dance, 197; legend of, 138, 225; ridings of, 118, 221; miracle-plays on, 224, ii. 132.

George, St., or Mummers’ play, range of, i. 211, 220; analysis of, 211; characters of, 212; relation to sword-dance, 207, 218; symbolism of spring in, 218; relation to Seven Champions, 220; to St. George ridings, 221; transferred from spring to mid-winter, 226; text of, ii. 276.

Gerhoh von Reichersberg, ii. 64, 86, 98.

Germano-Kelts, their feasts, i. 228; ignorance of solstices, 228; influence of Rome upon, 232.

Gesta Grayorum, i. 417.

Gestator regis, i. 68.

Geta, ii. 207.

‘Giants’ in folk-festivals, i. 120, 139; at royal entries, ii. 173.

Gladiators, suppressed, i. 20; survival of, in minstrelsy, 72.

Glastonbury thorn, i. 252.

Gleeman (gleómon), name for scôp, i. 28, 30, 34; survival of, after Conquest, 43, 75.

Gleewood, or harp, i. 29.

Gloriosi et famosi, ii. 54.

God, the concept of, i. 104.

Godiva procession at Coventry, i. 119, ii. 163.

God’s Promises of Bale, ii. 448.

‘Golden Mass,’ at Tournai, ii. 67, 318.

Goliardi, i. 60, 280, 327, ii. 8, 27, 37, 57, 72.

‘Gooding,’ i. 253.

Γοτθικόν, τό, at Byzantium, i. 273.

Grange, Prince de la, at Lincoln’s Inn, i. 415.

Green Knight, of Arthurian romance, i. 186.

Gregory the Great, his missionary policy, i. 95.

Grimald, Nicholas, his plays, ii. 194, 218, 450.

Grosseteste, Robert, his harper, i. 56; against minstrels, 39; against folk-ludi, 91; against Feast of Fools, 321; his name given to Christmas king, 411; against miracle-plays, ii. 100.

Grotesques, as survivals of sacrifice, i. 142; in sword-dance, 192; in morris-dance, 196; in St. George play, 214.

Gubbio, Ceri procession at, i. 119.

Guenever, her Maying, i. 179.

Guilds, of minstrels, i. 55, ii. 258; for Feast of Fools, i. 373; religious and miracle-plays, ii. 87, 118; and secular plays, 198. See Corpus Christi Guilds, Craft-guilds, Puys, _Sociétés joyeuses_.

Guiraut de Riquier, his Supplicatio, i. 63.

Guisers, i. 227, 402.

Gunpowder day, i. 115.

Guy Fawkes, his day, i. 248, 253, 255.

Gwyl, i. 231.

Gyst-ale, i. 179.

Hale, Adan de la, his jeux, i. 171, 381.

Halls, interludes in, ii. 188.

Hare, a divine animal, i. 131.

Harlots, the, a theatre at Constantinople, i. 16.

Harp, used by minstrels, i. 73.

Harrowing of Hell, an estrif, i. 80, 83, ii. 74.

Harrowing of Hell, in Easter drama, ii. 73.

Harvest festival, i. 111, 114.

Harvest field, sacrificial customs of, i. 158.

Harvest-lords, i. 143.

Harvest-May, i. 117, 250.

Hastiludia, i. 392.

‘Haxey hood,’ on Epiphany, i. 150.

Heads of sacrificed animals worn by worshippers, i. 132; in folk-custom, 141, 258, 268, 327, 385, 391, &c.

Hearse, i. 277.

Heat-charms. See Sun-charms.

Heathenism, its survival in folk-custom, i. 94, ii. 290, &c.

Heaven-god, i. 105.

‘Heaving,’ at Easter, i. 157.

Hell, Harrowing of, in Easter drama, ii. 73.

Hell, representation of, in miracle-plays, ii. 86, 137, 142.

Heralds of summer, i. 110.

Hereward, Saxon lays of, i. 43, 76.

Herman, Guillaume, unedited play by, ii. 152.

Herod, drama of. See Stella.

Herod, how acted in miracle-plays, ii. 48, 57, 90, 139.

Herodas, his mimes, i. 2.

Herodias, i. 109.

Herodis Convivium, liturgical play of, ii. 61.

Heroic lays sung by minstrels, i. 62.

Herrad von Landsberg, on Feast of Fools, i. 318; on miracle-plays, ii. 98.

Heywood, John, his interludes, ii. 196, 203, 443.

Hickscorner, ii. 200, 453.

Higden, Randulph, probable author of Chester Plays, ii. 145, 352.

Higgs, Griffin, his Christmas Prince, i. 408.

Hilarius, his liturgical plays, ii. 57, 107.

Hills, cults on, i. 107, 129.

Histrio, classical sense of, i. 6. See Minstrels.

Hiver et de l’Été, Débat de l’, i. 80, 187.

Hobby-horse, i. 142, 196, 214, 258.

Hockey, at folk-festivals, i. 149, 157.

Hocking, i. 155.

‘Hockney day’ at Hungerford, i. 156.

Hock-tide, i. 154, 187, ii. 264.

Hodie cantandus, a Christmas trope, ii. 8.

Hogmanay, i. 254.

Holly, as fertilization spirit, i. 251.

Holophernes, alleged play of, ii. 196.

Holophernes, his part in folk-drama, i. 202, 219, 221.

Holy Rood legend in miracle-plays, ii. 127.

Holy water, i. 124.

Holy wells, i. 122.

‘Honour,’ minstrels of, i. 54.

Hood of fools, i. 308, 384.

Hood, Robin, in May-game, i. 174; origin of, 175; plays on, 177; in morris-dance, 195; in St. George play, 216; as lord of misrule, ii. 334.

‘Hooding,’ i. 253.

‘Horn-dance’ at Abbot’s Bromley, i. 166.

Horses, sacrificed by Teutons, i. 131; let blood on St. Stephen’s day, 257.

Hortulanus scene in Quem quaeritis, ii. 31.

Household, minstrels in, i. 48; fool in, 386; players in, ii. 186.

House-spirits fed at New Year, i. 266.

How many Miles to Babylon, i. 152.

Howards, extracts from accounts of, ii. 255.

Hrotsvitha, plays of, ii. 207.

Humanist influence on drama, ii. 181, 206, 214.

Humanity, represented in moralities, ii. 155.

Human sacrifice, its meaning, i. 133; abolition of, 136; traces of, in folk-festivals, 143, 260, &c.

Hunt, Christmas, at Inner Temple, i. 415.

Hunters, religion of, i. 106.

‘Husbands’ of miracle-play, ii. 119.

Iiuleis, i. 230.

Images, origin of, i. 259.

Impatient Poverty, ii. 461.

Imperator, lord of misrule, i. 413.

Indian earth-goddess, her festival, i. 149, ii. 266.

Inductio Autumni, i. 91.

Inductio Maii, i. 91, 172.

Infanterie Dijonnaise, i. 373, 384.

Ingelend, Thomas, his Disobedient Child, ii. 214, 223, 457.

Innocent III, against Feast of Fools, i. 279, 337, ii. 99.

Innocents’ day, i. 247, 260, 344. See Boy Bishop.

Inns, interludes in, ii. 189.

Inns of Court, revels at, i. 413; interludes at, ii. 194.

Interlude, a form of disguising, i. 400; origin and meaning of name, ii. 181; chiefly applied to domestic plays, 183; characteristics of, 188; public performances of, 189; by villagers, 192; by inns of court, 194; in universities, 194; in schools, 195; subject-matter of, 199; controversial use of, 216; state regulation of, 220, 225; inheritance of Elizabethan stage from, 224.

Interludentes, ii. 186, 233.

Interludes, players of, ii. 179. See Actors.

Interludium de Clerico et Puella, i. 86, ii. 181, 202; text of, 324.

Interlusores, ii. 186, 233.

Introit, tropes to, ii. 8.

Ioculator Regis, i. 68.

Ioculatores, ii. 230. See Minstrels.

Iron, not taken from house at New Year, i. 238, 269.

Isaac and Rebecca, liturgical play on, ii. 60.

Italy, special developments of mediaeval drama in, ii. 91.

Iubilus, ii. 7.

Ivy, as fertilization spirit, i. 251.

‘Jack i’ the green,’ i. 117.

Jack Juggler, ii. 457.

‘Jack o’ Lent,’ i. 186.

‘Jack Straw,’ at Lincoln’s Inn Christmas, i. 414.

Jape, i. 84.

Jerome, St., and theatre, i. 17, 25.

Jesters, i. 68, 386.

Jeu de la Feuillée, i. 381.

Jeu de Robin et Marion, i. 171.

Jeu du Pèlerin, i. 171.

Jeunesse, prince de la, i. 373.

Jevons, F. B., on human sacrifice, i. 135.

Jocs-partitz (jeux-partis), i. 78.

Joglars, i. 63.

John Baptist of Bale, ii. 448.

John Baptist, St., his day, i. 126, 241; sacre rappresentazioni on, at Florence, ii. 94.

John Evangelist, St., his day, i. 247; feast of priests on, 336.

‘John Jack,’ in St. George play, i. 215.

John, Tib, and Sir John of Heywood, ii. 445.

Jordan, W., his Creation of the World, ii. 435.

Jougleurs. See Minstrels.

Jugglers, i. 68, 71, ii. 231.

Julian Hospitator, St., patron of minstrels, i. 42.

Julian the Apostate, play of, ii. 132.

Julian, the Emperor, his dislike of the theatre, i. 10; his cult of the Sun, 235.

Justinian, code of, theatrical legislation in, i. 14, 16.

Kalends, of January, the New Year feast of the Roman Empire, i. 237; hostility of Church to, 244, ii. 290; relation of, to Christmas, i. 246; customs of, 250, 262, 266; cervulus at, 258; survival of, in Feast of Fools, 329.

Keltic minstrels, i. 76.

Kelts and Teutons, their common civilization, i. 100.

‘Kern-baby,’ i. 117.

King, why slain at festivals, i. 134.

‘King-ale,’ i. 179.

‘King-game,’ varying sense of, i. 173.

King John, of Bale, ii. 221, 449.

King of Egypt, in St. George play, i. 217.

Kings, mock, in folk-custom, i. 143, 260; in singing games, 152, 165; at May-games, 173; at Saturnalia, 236; at Feast of Fools, 326; as Boy Bishops, 368; of Sociétés joyeuses, 373; as lords of misrule, 403. See Rex.

Kirchmayer, his plays, ii. 217.

Kite, Bishop, as actor, ii. 193.

Kölbigk, dancers of, i. 162, 272.

Laberius, a mimograph, i. 4, 9.

Lâc, i. 160.

‘Lady’ at folk-festivals, i. 173.

Lais, i. 74.

‘Lamb-ale,’ i. 179.

Lammas-tide, i. 114.

Laneham, Robert, his account of Hock Tuesday, i. 154, ii. 264.

Langland, William, against minstrels, i. 41.

Langton, Stephen, unedited play by, ii. 152.

‘Largess,’ i. 158.

Larvae. See Masks.

Lath, sword of, worn by fool, i. 387.

Latin, known to minstrels, i. 60.

Laudesi, ii. 92.

Lazarus, liturgical plays on, ii. 58, 60.

Legends in miracle-plays, ii. 126.

Liberius, not founder of Christmas, i. 239.

Libertas Decembrica, i. 236.

Limoges, liturgical dramas at, ii. 44, 45, 53, 61.

‘Little Devil Dout,’ in St. George play, i. 215.

Liturgical drama, origin of, in tropes, ii. 7; at Easter, 27; at Christmas, 41; later developments of, 57; passes into miracle-play, 69; in England, 107. See Peregrini, Prophetae, Quem quaeritis, Stella.

Liturgy, dramatic element in, ii. 3.

Loca of religious plays, ii. 79, 83, 136.

Lord mayor’s show, ii. 165.

Lord of misrule. See Misrule, lord of.

Lord’s Prayer, plays of. See Paternoster plays.

Loschi, his Achilleis, ii. 212.

Love, as motif of folk-song, i. 169.

Love, of Heywood, ii. 444.

Lucas de Barre, blinded for minstrelsy, i. 46; a trouvère, 64.

Lucrece, an interlude, ii. 458.

Ludi of folk, attacked by thirteenth-century bishops, i. 90; their loose morals, 93; their heathen origin, 94.

Ludi regis, i. 393.

Ludi theatrales, in churches, condemned, i. 342, ii. 100.

Ludus, meaning of term, i. 393, ii. 104.

Ludus Coventriae, ii. 124, 126, 145, 146, 152, 416.

Ludus de Rege et Regina, i. 91, 172.

Ludus Septem Sapientum of Ausonius, ii. 212.

Lugnassad, i. 111, 231.

Luke, St., his day, i. 247.

Lusor, meaning of term, ii. 185, 233.

Lusty Juventus of R. Wever, ii. 223, 460.

Lusus Troiae, i. 203.

Luther in interludes, ii. 219.

Lutheran drama, ii. 216.

Lydgate, his devices for mummings, i. 396; claimed as author of miracle-plays, ii. 145; his verses for Corpus Christi, 161.

Lyndsay, Sir David, his play, ii. 157, 441.

Macro manuscript of plays, ii. 155, 436.

Magdalen, St. Mary, in religious drama, ii. 32, 60, 75, 90, 131, 155.

Magdalen College, Oxford, extracts from accounts of, ii. 248.

Magi, drama of. See Stella.

Magic and religion, i. 102; ‘sympathetic’ and ‘mimetic,’ 121.

Magnificence of John Skelton, ii. 157, 441.

Magnus, plays of, ii. 207.

Maid Marian, relation of, to Robin Hood legend, i. 175; in morris-dance, 195.

Maierolles, i. 168.

Maistre, title for minstrels, i. 47.

‘Making Christ’s bed,’ i. 187.

Mankind, ii. 155, 438.

Mannyng, Robert, of Brunne, against minstrels, i. 40; against folk-ludi, 93; against interludes, ii. 182.

Marescallus, title for minstrels, i. 50, ii. 239.

Margaret, St., in St. George ridings, i. 223.

Marham, ‘abbot’ of, at Shrewsbury, i. 173, 383, ii. 252.

Marienklagen, ii. 40.

Marion, and Robin, in pastourelles, i. 171.

Marionnettes, i. 71, ii. 158.

Mark, St., his day, i. 114.

Market place, miracle-plays in, ii. 135.

Marotte of fool, i. 385.

‘Marriage’ of fruit-trees, i. 250.

Marriage of heaven and earth, i. 105, 144, 187.

Marseilles, forbids mimes, i. 7.

Martin, St., his day, i. 230, 247, 256; as gift-giver, 268.

Masks, in folk-processions, i. 258; in Feast of Fools, 327; sacrificial origin of, 391; sale of, forbidden, 396.

Masques, at Christmas, i. 391; development of mummings, 401; origin of name, 402.

Mass, dramatic character of, ii. 3.

Matres, i. 231, 264.

Mattacino, i. 191.

Maundy Thursday, dramatic ceremony on, ii. 6.

Maxstoke Priory, extracts from accounts of, ii. 244.

May-brides, i. 144.

May-day, origin of, i. 114; its customs, 116, 126, 140, 173, &c.; songs of, 168.

May-game, early notices of, i. 173; nature of, 176; plays in, 177; dances at, 178; decay of, 179; morris-dance in, 196.

May-garland, i. 117.

May-kings, i. 143.

May-poles, i. 117; destroyed at Reformation, 180.

May-queens, i. 144.

Mayors, mock, i. 261.

Mead, i. 133.

Medwall, Henry, his plays, ii. 200, 443.

Mehlweib, in sword-dance, i. 192.

Mercator in Quem quaeritis, ii. 33, 75, 91.

Meriasek, St., play of, ii. 132, 435.

Messe à liesse, i. 304.

Methodius, dialogues of, ii. 206.

Michael III, his riots at Constantinople, i. 327.

Michaelmas, i. 114, 247.

Midsummer day, i. 114, 126; ‘watches’ on, 118, ii. 165.

Mimae play naked at Floralia, i. 5.

Mime, a type of farce, in Magna Graecia, i. 2; in Roman world, 4.

Mimi, players in mimes, i. 6; type of, preserved in minstrelsy, 24, 65, ii. 232; their modes of entertainment, i. 70; farces possibly played by, in Middle Ages, 83.

Mind, Will, and Understanding, ii. 155, 438.

Minni, i. 98, 133, 229, 267.

Minorites, taken for minstrels, i. 57.

Minot, Laurence, i. 76.

Minstrels, origin in Latin mimus and Teutonic scôp, i. 25, 33, 58; disrepute with Saxon churchmen, 31; with Frankish churchmen, 35; with mediaeval church, 38; their sense of their own infamia, 42; their life in mediaeval England, 44; its seamy side, 48; in households, 48; origin of name, 48; their testimonials, 53; legal restrictions on their movements, 54; partial toleration of them by the church, 55; classification of, by Thomas de Cabham, 59; professional distinctions amongst, 62; distinction between composer and executant appears amongst, 63; many-sidedness of, 66; decay of, at invention of printing, 68; various modes of entertainment by, 70; dramatic tendencies amongst, 77; at miracle-plays, ii. 140; become interlude-players, 186; various names for, 230; hierarchy of, 238; guilds of, 258; courts of, 259.

Miracle-plays, development of, from liturgical plays, ii. 79; attitude of Church to, 97; names for, 103; early notices of, in England, 108; wide range of, 109, 121; disliked by Lollards and Reformers, 111; revived under Mary, 112; extinction of, 112; organization of, 113; processional type of, 133; where played, 134; pageants of, 136; time of playing, 138; dates for, 138; style of acting in, 139; properties of, 141; books of, 143; authorship of, 144; interrelations of, 146; folk-elements in, 147; liturgical survivals in, 148; later developments from, 149; allegory in, 151; given in halls, 184; by travelling companies, 184; relation of interludes to, 191, 205. See Corpus Christi, Craft-guilds, Cycles, Guilds, Municipalities, Parish plays, &c.

Miracula. See Miracle-plays.

Misrule, lord of, at folk-festivals, i. 173, 260; at English and Scottish courts, 403; George Ferrers as, 405; at universities, 407; at inns of court, 413; in private households, 418. See also Abbot, Christmas Prince, Kings.

Missa Praesanctificatorum, ii. 17.

Missel des Fous at Sens, i. 279.

Mistletoe, as fertilization spirit, i. 251.

Mithraism, i. 235, 242.

Mock bishops. See Bishops of Fools, Boy Bishops.

Mock fights in folk-custom, i. 187.

Mock kings, mayors. See Kings, Mayors.

Modranicht, i. 231, 265.

Moors, in morris-dance, i. 199.

Moral licence of folk-festivals, i. 145.

Moralities, origins of, ii. 151; themes of, 153; mode of representing, 156; in interlude form, 199; list of extant, 436.

More, Sir Thomas, his love of plays, ii. 193.

Morris-dance, in England, i. 195; relation to May-game, 179, 196; in Europe, 198; origin of name, 199; identity of, with sword-dance, 200; in St. George play, 219.

Mother-goddess, i. 105.

‘Motions,’ ii. 158.

Mummers, at modern Christmas, i. 227, 402.

Mummers’ play. See St. George play.

Mummings, nature and origin of, i. 393; devices for, by Lydgate, 396; pageants in, 397, 399; development into masques, 401.

Mundus et Infans, ii. 155, 439.

Municipal minstrels, or waits, i. 51.

Municipal plays, origin of, in fourteenth century, ii. 109; under control of corporation, 114; maintenance of, 115. See Craft-guilds.

Music in minstrelsy, i. 73.

Mussato, his Ecerinis, ii. 211.

Mystères mimés, ii. 173.

Mystery-play, meaning of term, ii. 105.

Myth in folk-songs, i. 169.

Nakedness, of mimae at Floralia, i. 5; at Feast of Fools, 327; how represented in miracle-plays, ii. 142.

Narr, in sword-dance, i. 192.

Narrative literature of minstrels, i. 74.

Nativity. See Christmas.

Nature of Medwall, ii. 200, 443.

Nebuchadnezzar, episode of, in Prophetae, ii. 55.

‘Neck,’ at harvest, i. 117.

Necromantia, ii. 455.

‘Need-fire,’ i. 127.

Nehellenia, i. 109.

Neo-Latin drama, ii. 216.

Nero appears in theatre, i. 9.

Nerthus, i. 108, 118, 122.

Neumae, ii. 7.

‘New’ fire, i. 229.

‘New’ water, at New Year, i. 255.

New Year, at beginning of winter, i. 228; on January Kalends, 237; at Christmas, Annunciation, Easter, 246; customs of, at Christmas, 246; at other winter feasts, 247; festival customs of, 249; fertilization spirit at, 250; water and fire rites at, 255; sacrifice at, 256; mock kings at, 260; domestic feast at, 262; dead commemorated at, 263; omens at, 269; play at, 272; ecclesiastical revels at, 275. See Kalends.

Newcastle, plays at, ii. 424.

Nice Wanton, ii. 223, 460.

Nicholas, St., in sword-dance, i. 195; his day, 232, 247; patron of children and schools, 263, 369; as gift-giver, 268; relation of Boy Bishop to, 363, 369; religious plays on, ii. 59, 132.

Nigramansir, alleged play of, by Skelton, ii. 440.

Nigremance, i. 71.

Njordr, i. 108.

Noëls, i. 272.

‘Noise,’ Sneak’s, in Eastcheap, i. 69.

Norwich, plays at, ii. 425.

Notker Labeo translates Terence, ii. 207.

Nuts in May, i. 189.

Oats and Beans and Barley, i. 189.

Obstetrices in liturgical drama, ii. 41, 46, 126.

Odin, i. 108, 264.

‘Oes,’ i. 344.

Officium, term for religious play, ii. 103.

Officium Circumcisionis, i. 280, 289, 297, ii. 279.

‘Old Father Christmas,’ in St. George play, i. 216.

Omens for New Year, i. 238, 250, 266, 269.

‘Open the Door,’ in St. George play, i. 216.

Oranges and Lemons, i. 151.

Ordinale, book of miracle-play, ii. 143.

‘Ordinary,’ prompter, ii. 140.

Ordo, term for religious play, ii. 103.

‘Originals,’ books of miracle-plays, ii. 114, 143.

Orosius, his attack on the theatre, i. 18.

Owls, sacrifice of, i. 257.

‘Pace-eggers,’ and St. George play, i. 226.

Paedonomus, lord of misrule, i. 413.

‘Pageant-masters,’ ii. 116.

Pageants, for miracle-plays, ii. 95, 115, 133; structure of, 136; in processions, 161; in royal entries, 166; in masques, i. 398, ii. 176.

‘Pagent pencys,’ ii. 116.

‘Pajaunt silver,’ ii. 116.

Palm Sunday, i. 114; dramatic ceremonies on, ii. 4.

Palmesel, i. 333, ii. 5.

Palsgrave, John, his Acolastus, ii. 459.

Pammachius of Kirchmayer, ii. 195, 217, 220, 224.

Pantomimi, i. 6, 23.

Parade of minstrels, i. 72, 85.

Parcae, table laid for, at New Year, i. 266.

Pardoner and the Friar, The, of Heywood, ii. 444.

Parish clerks, their plays in London, ii. 119.

Parish plays, frequency of, ii. 109, 121; organization of, 121; decay of, 191.

Passion, dramatic recitation of, ii. 5.

Passion play, begins in Good Friday planctus, ii. 40; development of, 75; in England, 129.

Pastores, a Christmas liturgical play, abuses of, i. 343; origin and absorption of, ii. 41.

Pastourelles, i. 78, 171.

Paternoster plays, ii. 120, 154.

Patriarch of Fools, i. 303, 326, 329. See Feast of Fools.

Pauli Conversio, liturgical play of, ii. 61.

Pèlerin, Jeu du, i. 85.

Perchta, i. 109, 264, 266.

Percy, bishop, his view of minstrelsy, i. 66.

Peregrini, an Easter liturgical drama, ii. 36, 107.

Personnages, joueurs de, ii. 198.

Pestilence, charms for, i. 127, 140.

Petrarch, his Philologia, ii. 212.

Pfingstl, in folk-drama, i. 185.

Philistion, his mimes, i. 4.

Pickle Herring, i. 208.

Pilate, in religious drama, ii. 38, 139.

Planctus, in religious drama, ii. 33, 40, 44, 75, 129.

Platea, in religious plays, ii. 80, 135.

‘Play,’ in sense of ‘jest,’ i. 84.

Play, instinct of, i. 147; at village festivals, 147; at New Year, 272.

Play-books, ii. 143.

‘Player,’ meaning of term, ii. 185, 233.

Player-chambers, ii. 188.

Players. See Actors.

Plays. See Comedy, Drama, Interludes, Liturgical Drama, Miracle-plays, Moralities, Passion plays, St. George play, Tragedy, &c.

Plough Monday, i. 114, 121, 150, 209; folk-plays on, 207. See Ship processions.

Ploughing charm of Anglo-Saxons, i. 108, 167.

Ploughing festival, i. 111, 114.

Politics, in minstrelsy, i. 45, 76; in interludes, ii. 219.

Polytheism, origin of, i. 107.

Pope of Fools, i. 302, 326. See Feast of Fools.

Praesepe. See Crib.

Praestigiatores, i. 7, 71.

Prayer in folk-song, i. 167; at end of interludes, ii. 189.

Pre-Aryan elements in folk-lore, i. 101.

Pride of Life, ii. 155, 436.

Priests, feast of, on St. John’s day, i. 336.

Printing, the ruin of minstrelsy, i. 68.

Prisio, a sacrificial forfeit, i. 156, 298.

Privy council, plays regulated by, ii. 223, 225.

Procession noire, at Evreux, i. 378.

Processional dances, i. 164.

Processional miracle-plays, ii. 95, 133, 160.

Processions, at folk-festivals, i. 118, ii. 165; at Kalends, 237; at Feast of Fools, 327; at religious feasts, i. 222, ii. 160; in cities, 165; called ‘pageants,’ 176. See Corpus Christi procession, Ridings.

‘Prodigal Son’ motive in drama, ii. 217.

Prompters, ii. 140, 144.

‘Properties’ of miracle-plays, ii. 141.

Prophet, on Palm Sunday, ii. 5.

Prophetae, liturgical drama of, and Feast of Fools, i. 109, ii. 56; origin and development of, ii. 52, 70; in England, 67, 107.

Prosae, i. 277, ii. 8.

‘Prose of the Ass,’ i. 282, 284, 287, 309, 312, 329, 331; text of, ii. 279.

Publilius Syrus, a mimograph, i. 4.

Pulcinella, ii. 159.

Pulpita, ii. 135.

Punch and Judy, ii. 159.

Punishments, survivals of folk-custom in, i. 152.

Puppet-shows, i. 71, ii. 157.

Puritans, dislike minstrelsy, i. 41; dislike May-day, 168, 180; dislike sepulchrum, ii. 24; dislike miracle-plays, 103, 111; dislike interludes, 99, 111, 216.

Purpoole, Prince of, at Gray’s Inn, i. 416.

Puy, a bourgeois institution, i. 65; minstrels in, i. 376, ii. 258; relation of, to Feast of Fools, i. 376; in London, i. 376, ii. 198; secular plays acted by, i. 172, 376, ii. 197; miracle-plays acted by, ii. 87.

Pyrrhicha, i. 7, 203.

Quack. See Doctor.

‘Queen’ at folk-festivals, i. 170, 173, 261.

Quem quaeritis, an Easter trope, ii. 9; at Winchester, 12; becomes a drama, 15, 306; relation of, to Easter sepulchre, 16, 25; a Visitatio sepulchri, 25; precedes Te Deum at Matins, 26; varieties of custom, 26; texts of, 26; doubtful origin of, 27; diffusion of, 27; development of, 28; Victimae paschali in, 29; the Maries scenes, 30; the Apostles scene, 30; the risen Christ or Hortulanus scene, 31; planctus in, 32; unguentarius in, 33; staging of, 34; remains part of liturgy, 35; folk and religious Easter motives in, 36; in England, 107; text of Dublin version, 315.

Querolus, ii. 207.

Quêtes, at folk-festivals, i. 119, 156, 176, 209, 217, 253, 257, 263, &c.; songs for, 168; by Boy Bishop, 356, ii. 287; for miracle-plays, ii. 117.

Rabardiaux, procession of, at Laon, i. 303.

Races, at folk-festivals, i. 148.

Rachel, liturgical drama of, ii. 44.

Radclif, Ralph, plays by, ii. 196, 205, 218.

Raherus, a minstrel, founds St. Bartholomew’s, i. 48.

Rain-charms, i. 103, 121, 255, 327.

‘Ram-raisings,’ at folk-festivals, i. 91, 148.

Rastell, John, his stage at Finsbury, ii. 183; his Nature of the Four Elements, 200, 453.

Ravisius Textor, his dialogues, ii. 214.

Reading, the habit of, a rival to minstrelsy, i. 65, 68; plays used for, ii. 186.

Reconciliation of the Heavenly Virtues, a theme of moralities, ii. 152.

Redford, John, his Wit and Science, ii. 200, 454.

Refectory, religious plays in, ii. 86.

Reformation, controversial use of drama at, ii. 216. See Puritans.

Refrain in folk-songs, i. 171.

Registrum, ii. 143.

Religion, of Kelto-Teutons, its origin, i. 99; and magic, 102; higher elements of, 146.

Religious controversy in interludes, ii. 216.

Remember us poor Mayers all, i. 169.

Repraesentatio, term for religious play, ii. 104, 210.

Representations of miracle-plays, list of, ii. 329.

Responsorium, nature of, ii. 6.

Respublica, ii. 460.

Resurrection, treatment of, in Easter drama, ii. 38, 73; plays on, in England, 129. See Quem quaeritis, Peregrini.

Resurrection motive, in folk-drama, i. 185; in sword-dance, 207; in St. George play, 213, 218.

Revels, at court, i. 393; master of, 399, 404.

Revesby, Plow Boys’ play at, i. 207.

Rex, of minstrels, i. 50, ii. 232, 238, 259; aestivalis, 173; Saturnalitius, 236. See Kings.

‘Riding the stang,’ i. 152.

‘Ridings,’ on festivals, i. 221, ii. 160.

‘Risin’ and buryin’ Peter,’ i. 187.

Ritson, Joseph, his view of minstrelsy, i. 66.

Ritwise, John, ii. 196, 215, 219.

‘Robene hude,’ a dance, i. 178.

Robert of Sicily, plays on, ii. 151, 205.

Robin and Marion, in pastourelles, i. 171, 175.

Robin Conscience, ii. 461.

Robin Hood, in May-game, i. 174; legend of, 175; plays on, 177, ii. 205.

Robin Hood’s ale, i. 179.

Rogations, i. 114, 119.

Roi. See Rex.

Roi d’Angleterre, et le Jougleur d’Ely, Le, i. 85.

Roister Doister of Udall, ii. 215, 452.

Romance, in interludes, ii. 205.

Romans d’aventure, i. 74.

Rondes, i. 165.

Roo, Thomas, play by, ii. 194, 219.

‘Room,’ in St. George play, i. 216.

Round the Mulberry Bush, i. 189.

Rounds, for miracle-plays, ii. 85, 123, 135.

Royal household. See Household.

Royal Oak day, i. 115.

Rushbearing, i. 114, 168.

Rutebeuf, a typical minstrel, i. 48, 65; his Chariot et le Barbier, 79; his Dit de l’Erberie, 83, 85.

Sabra, in St. George play, i. 217.

Sacci, in Twelve nights, i. 215, 268.

Sacrament, Croxton play of, ii. 133, 427.

Sacre rappresentazioni, ii. 92.

Sacrifice, attitude of Christianity to, i. 98; types of, 130; ceremonies at, 132, ii. 266; survivals of, in folk-custom, i. 139, 256; at beginning of winter, 229; in athletics, 148; in singing games, 151; in forfeits, 157; in sword-dance, 203; in St. George play, 218; heads and skins of victims, worn by worshippers at, 166, 258, 385, 391. See Masks.

Saint Gall, song-school of, i. 338.

Saint Magnus’ church, Kölbigk, legend of dancers at, i. 162.

Saint Paul’s, two schools at, and their plays, ii. 196, 203, 219.

Saints, legends of, sung by minstrels, i. 62; religious plays on, ii. 97, 123, 132.

Salii, dance of, i. 203.

Saltatores, i. 71.

Samhain, i. 111, 230, 234.

Satura, early type of Italian farce, i. 2.

Saturnalia, i. 235, 330.

Satyre of the Thrie Estaitis of Sir David Lyndsay, ii. 157, 441.

‘Sawing the Old Woman,’ i. 183.

Scaffolds for miracle-plays, ii. 136.

Scapegoat, i. 184.

Scenic arrangements of religious plays, ii, 79, 83.

School-drama of humanists, ii. 214.

Schoolmaster, his influence on folk-drama. See Holophernes.

Schools, Boy Bishop in, i. 362, 413; interludes in, ii. 195; recitations in, during Middle Ages, 212.

Schul-Bischof, i. 369.

Scilling, a scôp, i. 29.

Scogan, John, his comoediae, ii. 211.

Scolae ministrallorum, i. 53.

Scolares vagantes. See Goliardi.

Scôp, of Teutons, i. 25, 34; relation of, to comitatus, 27; in England, 28.

Scotales, i. 91.

Scurra, ii. 233.

Secular plays, on lines of miracle-plays, ii. 150.

Secularization of religious drama, ii. 69.

Sedes of religious plays, ii. 79, 83, 136.

Seneca, his tragedies, i. 3; at Renascence, ii. 211, 216.

Sepulchre at Easter, in Concordia Regularis, ii. 16; doubtful origin of, 18; vogue of, in England, 19; varying ceremonies of, 19; host laid in, 21; structure of, 21; light and watch before, 23; at Reformation, 24; at Durham, 310; at Salisbury, 312.

Sequentiae, ii. 8.

Sermons joyeuses, i. 381, ii. 157, 203.

Seven Champions of Christendom, in sword-dance, i. 194; in St. George play, 220.

Sex-costume, change of, at festivals, i. 144, 214, 216, 218, 238, 262, 327, &c.

Sexagesimal calendar. See Three-score-day-tide calendar.

Sex-cults, i. 105, 144, 159.

Shakespeare, folk-lore of, in Hamlet, i. 267; his fools, 388.

Shaven heads of minstrels, i. 45.

‘Ship,’ for play of Noah, ii. 136.

Ship processions, i. 121; play on Noah attached to, ii. 119, 131.

Shoes, capture of, i. 157.

‘Shows’ of craft-guilds, ii. 162.

Shrewsbury, fragments of religious plays found at, ii. 90; extracts from corporation accounts of, 250.

Shrovetide, i. 114, 150, 157, 163, 382, &c. See Carnival.

Sibyl, in Prophetae, ii. 53.

Sidney, Philip, moved by minstrelsy, i. 69.

Sigillaria, i. 236.

Signs of Judgement, ii. 53.

Singing games, survival of sacrifice in, i. 151; dance in, 165; drama in, 189.

Sir Roger de Coverley, a dance, i. 165.

Skalds, of Scandinavia, i. 43.

Skelton, John, his plays, ii. 157, 440.

‘Skimmington riding,’ i. 153.

Skins, ceremonial wearing of. See Sacrifice.

‘Slasher,’ in St. George play, i. 212.

Sleeping Beauty, i. 187.

Smith, John, his Destruction of Jerusalem, ii. 132, 145.

Smith, W. Robertson, on sacrifice, i. 130, 135.

Sociétés joyeuses, i. 373; at summer feasts, 377; and charivari, 153, 379; play farces, sotties, sermons joyeuses, 379; traces of, in England, 383.

Sol Invictus, i. 234; feast of, chosen for Christmas, 238, 241.

Solstices, unknown to Germano-Kelts, i. 113, 228; feast on, at Rome, 234; relation to Christian feasts, 241.

Somebody, Avarice, and Minister, ii. 223, 461.

Song, relation of, to dance, i. 161; at folk-festivals, 163; motifs of, 166; at Christmas, 273. See Caroles, Chansons.

Songs in miracle-plays, ii. 140, 144.

Sophron, his mimes, i. 2.

Sotelties, i. 224, ii. 397.

Sots. See Fools.

Sotties, i. 381, ii. 203.

‘Souling,’ i. 253.

Sources of miracle-plays, ii. 126.

Spectacula, a preoccupation of Roman Empire, i. 3, 13, 16, 19, 21. See Actors, Drama, Theatre.

Speculum Stultorum of Wireker, i. 382.

Spirits, cult of, in primitive religion, i. 103; evil, expulsion of, 184; wanderings of, in Twelve nights, 267.

Sponsus, liturgical play of, ii. 61.

Spring, distinguished from summer, i. 111; savour of, in folk-song, 167; symbolized in folk-drama, 183, 219.

Sprinkling at folk-festivals, i. 122.

‘Squire,’ name for ‘fool,’ i. 142, 198.

Squire minstrel, ii. 239, 263.

‘Squire’s son,’ i. 194.

Squirrels, sacrifice of, i. 257.

Stage of miracle-plays, ii. 85, 136.

‘Standing’ play, ii. 134.

‘Stang,’ i. 152.

‘Star,’ at Epiphany, ii. 44.

Stationary miracle-plays, ii. 122, 134.

‘Stations’ for miracle-plays, ii. 115, 138.

Statutes of Labourers, effect of, on minstrelsy, i. 54.

Stella, liturgical drama of, at Epiphany, ii. 44; absorbs Rachel and Pastores, 48; textual development of, 51; a dramatized offertorium, 52; later forms of, 69, 129; merged with Prophetae, 72.

Stephen, St., his day, i. 247; feast of deacons on, 336.

Stercatherus, in sword-dance, i. 195.

Stevenson, William, probable author of Gammer Gurton’s Needle, ii. 195, 216, 457.

Strenae, i. 238, 250, 253, 263, 268, 271.

Stulti. See Fools.

Stultorum feriae, i. 335.

Sub-deacons, feast of, i. 323, 335. See Fools, Feast of.

Sumer is icumen in, i. 168.

Summer, beginning of, i. 110; festivals of, 114, 126, 173; in folk-drama, 183; sociétés joyeuses in, 377.

Summer-kings, i. 143, 173. See Kings.

Summoning of Everyman. See Everyman.

Sun, dance of, at Easter, i. 129; cults of, at Rome, 234.

Sun-charms, i. 121, 124, 255.

Suscitatio Lazari, liturgical plays of, ii. 58, 60.

Sword-dance, historic notices of, i. 190, ii. 270; range of, in British isles, i. 192; rhymes and personages of, 192, ii. 272; identity of, with morris-dance, i. 195; sacrificial rather than military, 201; figures of, 203; mock death in, 206; continuity of, with folk-dramas, 207; relation of, to Fastnachtspiele, 382.

Tabour, i. 73.

Taboureurs, Dit des, i. 63.

Tabula, i. 282.

Taillefer, his minstrelsy at Senlac, i. 43.

Tanfana, i. 108.

Tcharnican, i. 133.

Temporary kings, i. 137, 143. See Kings.

Temptation of Bale, ii. 448.

Tenebrae, a dramatic ceremony, ii. 6.

Tensons (tençons), i. 78.

Tenti of religious plays, ii. 135.

Terence, vogue of, in Middle Ages, ii. 207.

Terens in Englysh. See Andria.

Terentius et Delusor, i. 85, ii. 208; text of, 326.

Tertullian, against stage, i. 1, 11; against Kalends, 238.

Testimonials to travelling minstrels, i. 53.

Teutons and Kelts, their common folk-lore, i. 100.

Texts of miracle-plays, ii. 124; authorship of, 144; interrelations of, 146.

Thaleia of Arius, i. 13.

Theatrales ludi, condemned by Innocent III, i. 279, ii. 100; by Paris theologians, i. 295.

Theatre, in Greek and Roman world, i. 1; censured by pagan moralists, 9; and by Christian Fathers, 10; sympathy of Arius for, 13; at Constantinople (fourth to seventh centuries), 15; fall of, in East, 17; at Trèves, Carthage, Ravenna, Rome, Narbonne (fifth century), 18; under Theodoric the Ostrogoth at Rome (sixth century), 19; fall of, in West, 21; literary mention of, in twelfth century, 81; mediaeval, at Paris and Exeter, 383, ii. 190.

Theodora, mime and Empress, i. 16.

Theodosius, Code of, theatrical legislation in, i. 12.

Thersites, ii. 214, 456.

Thetford Priory, extracts from accounts of, ii. 245.

Thévenin de St. Leger, his tomb, i. 386.

Thomas the Apostle, St., his day, i. 247.

Thomas the Martyr, St., pageant of, ii. 164.

‘Thomasing,’ i. 253.

Thor, i. 107.

Thorns, flowering at Christmas, i. 252.

Thread the Needle, i. 165.

Three-score-day-tide calendar, i. 152, 229.

Threshing-floor, sacrificial customs of, i. 158.

Thrie Estaitis. See Satyre of the Thrie Estaitis.

Three Laws of Bale, ii. 449.

Through the Needle Eye, i. 152.

Tillage, effect of, on calendar, i. 232.

Tiwaz, i. 105.

Tobit, play of, ii. 131.

Tollite portas, ii. 4, 5, 20, 36, 74.

Tombeor de Notre Dame, i. 42.

Tombeors, i. 70.

‘Tommy’ in sword-dance, i. 192.

Topographical list of miracle-plays, ii. 329.

Tops, whipped on festivals, i. 128.

Tower of London, i. 152.

Towneley Plays, ii. 124, 412.

Tragedy, extinction of classical, i. 2, ii. 206; mediaeval conception of, 209; humanist revival of, 211; in Tudor interlude, 216.

Transformation of intention in folk-customs, i. 122, 124, 130, 138, 147.

Transformations, i. 170.

Travelling of miracle-plays, ii. 122.

Tregetours, i. 71.

Tres Reges, drama of. See Stella.

Tretise of miraclis pleyinge, i. 84, ii. 102.

Triads of divinities, i. 107, 231.

Tribunus voluptatum, i. 15, 21, ii. 229.

Triduum, relation of, to Feast of Fools, i. 323; feasts of, 336; early notices of, 338; at St. Gall, 338; at Winchester, 339; during Middle Ages, 339; abuses of, 340; at Wells, 342; at Exeter, 342.

Trimalchio, his Atellane, i. 5.

Trimousette, i. 170.

Trinity Sunday, i. 114.

Tripudia, in churches, i. 275, 326, 336.

Triumphs, i. 393, ii. 176.

Trobaires, i. 63.

Troparia, ii. 8.

Tropes, origin and nature of, ii. 7; dialogue in, 8.

Trouvères, their relation to minstrels, i. 64.

‘Tug-of-war,’ at folk-festivals, i. 149.

Tumblers, i. 70.

Turkish Knight, in St. George play, i. 212.

‘Tutti men,’ at Hungerford, i. 156.

Twelfth Night. See Epiphany.

Twelve nights, origin of, i. 244; spirits abroad in, 267; influence of, on months of year, 269.

Udall, Nicholas, his plays, ii. 144, 192, 196, 215, 218, 451.

Ululatus, ii. 7.

Unguentarius in Quem quaeritis, ii. 33, 38.

Unidentified miracle-plays, ii. 432.

Universities, lord of misrule at, i. 407; interludes at, ii. 194.

Unreason, ‘abbot’ of, i. 403.

Vagantes, scolares. See Goliardi.

Vernacular in religious plays, ii. 58, 61, 89.

Vestments used in miracle-plays, ii. 117.

Vexillatores, ii. 141, 156.

Vicars choral, and Feast of Fools, i. 324.

‘Vice,’ name for ‘fool,’ i. 387, ii. 203; at miracle-plays, 141, 205; in interludes, 203; costume of, 205.

Vice and Virtue, Conflict of, a theme of moralities, ii. 153.

Victimae paschali, ii. 29; in Quem quaeritis, 30.

Vielle, i. 73.

Village festivals, presence of the fertilization spirit at, i. 116, 250; processions at, 118, 253; images at, 120; rain-charms at, 121, 255; sun-charms at, 124, 255; sacrifice at, 132, 276, ii. 266; play at, i. 146; dance at, 160, 272; mock king at, 172, 260; folk-drama at, 183.

Virgil, in Prophetae, ii. 53.

Visitatio sepulchri. See Quem quaeritis.

Visors. See Masks.

Vota, i. 237.

Waits, i. 51.

Wakes, i. 114, 247.

Wantonness at folk-festivals, i. 93, 145, 169.

War, in early cult, i. 26.

Wassail, i. 254, 260.

Watches at midsummer, i. 118, ii. 165.

Water-charms. See Rain-charms.

Watson, Edward, comedy by, ii. 194.

Watson, Thomas, his Absalon, ii. 195, 458.

Wealth and Health, ii. 461.

Weather of Heywood, ii. 445.

Well-dressing, i. 120, 124.

Wells, cult of fertilization spirit at, i. 122.

Werwolf, i. 267.

‘Wesley-bob,’ i. 253.

Wever, R., his Lusty Juventus, ii. 223, 460.

Wheel, as sun-charm, i. 128.

Whipping, at Easter, i. 157; at Christmas, 260; at Feast of Fools, 327.

‘Whipping Toms,’ at Leicester, i. 157.

White smocks worn in folk-dances, i. 200.

‘Whitepot’ queen, i. 174.

Whitsuntide, i. 114, 141, 173, 179; dramatic ceremonies at, ii. 66; miracle-plays at, 94, 138.

Widsith, i. 28.

‘Wild hunt,’ i. 264, 267.

‘Wild man,’ i. 185.

Winchester College, extracts from accounts of, ii. 246.

Winileodi, i. 170.

Winter, beginning of, i. 110, 228, 249; represented in folk-drama, 183, 220; Roman feasts during, 234.

Wit and Science of John Redford, ii. 200, 454.

Witch-trials, heathenism in, i. 98.

Withershins, i. 129, 165.

Witty and Witless of Heywood, ii. 446.

Wodan, i. 108.

‘Wod-woz,’ i. 185, 392.

Woman, sawing the old, i. 183.

Women, primitive agricultural cult by, i. 106; position of, in village festivals, 144. See Sex-costume.

Work, begun on feast day, i. 269.

World and the Child, The. See Mundus et Infans.

Worship, dramatic element in, ii. 3.

Worthies, the six, in sword-dance, i. 195.

Would you know how doth the farmer?, i. 189.

Wren, sacrifice of, i. 132, 257.

Wrestling at folk-festivals, i. 148.

Wyclifites, against minstrelsy, i. 40; against miracle-plays, ii. 102.

Wylley, Thomas, his plays, ii. 220.

Year. See Calendar, New Year’s day, Spring, Summer, Winter.

York Plays, ii. 409.

‘Youling,’ i. 120, 142, 260.

Youth, ii. 200, 453.

Yule, derivation of name, i. 230.

Yule-log, i. 262, 267.

Yule-straw, i. 250.

THE END

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