XLIII. THE MEDIAEVAL SYNTHESIS: DANTE

XLIII. THE MEDIAEVAL SYNTHESIS: DANTE

It lies before us to draw the lines of mediaeval development together. We have been considering the Middle Ages very largely, endeavouring to fix in mind the more interesting of their intellectual and emotional phenomena. We have found throughout a certain spiritual homogeneity; but have also seen that the mediaeval period of western Europe is not to be forced to a fictitious unity of intellectual and emotional quality--contradicted by a disparity of traits and interests existing then as now. Yet just as certain ways of discerning facts and estimating their importance distinguish our own time, making it an “age” or epoch, so in spite of diversity and conflict, the same was true of the mediaeval period. From the ninth to the fourteenth century, inter-related processes of thought, beliefs, and standards prevailed and imparted a spiritual colour to the time. While not affecting all men equally, these spiritual habits tended to dominate the minds and tempers of those men who were the arbiters of opinion, for example, the church dignitaries, or the theologian-philosophers. Men who thought effectively, or upon whom it fell to decide for others, or to construct or imagine for them, such, whether pleasure-loving, secularly ambitious, or immersed in contemplation of the life beyond the grave, accepted certain beliefs, recognized certain authoritatively prescribed ideals of conduct and well-being, and did not reject the processes of proof supporting them.

The causes making the Middle Ages a characterizable period in human history have been scanned. We observed the antecedent influences as they finally took form and temper in the intellectual atmosphere of the latter-day pagan world and the cognate mentalities of the Church Fathers. We followed the pre-Christian Latinizing of Provence, Spain, Gaul, and the diffusion of Christianity throughout the same countries, where, save for sporadic dispossession, Christianity and Latin were to continue, and become, in the course of centuries, mediaeval and Romance. As waves of barbarism washed over the somewhat decadent society of Italy and her Latin daughters, we saw a new ignorance setting a final seal upon the inability of these epigoni to emulate bygone achievements. Plainly there was need of effort to rescue the disjecta membra of the antique and Christian heritages. The wreckers were famous men, young Boëthius, old Cassiodorus, the great pope Gregory, and princely Isidore. For their own people they were gatherers and conservers; but they proved veritable transmitters for Franks, Anglo-Saxons and Germans, who were made acquainted with Christianity and Latinity between the sixth and the ninth centuries, the period in the course of which the Merovingian kingdoms were superseded by the Carolingian Empire.

With the Carolingian period the Middles Ages unquestionably are upon us. The factors and material of mediaeval development, howsoever they have come into conjunction, are found in interplay. It was for the mediaeval peoples, now in presence of their spiritual fortunes, to grow and draw from life. Their task, as has appeared from many points of view, was to master the Christian and antique material, and change its substance into personal faculty. Under different guises this task was for all, whether living in Italy or dwelling where the antique had weaker root or had been newly introduced.

This Carolingian time of so much sheer introduction to the teaching of the past presented little intellectual discrimination. That would come very gradually, when men had mastered their lesson and could set themselves to further study of the parts suited to their taste. Nevertheless, there was even in the Carolingian period another sort of discrimination, towards which men’s consciences were drawn by the contrast between their antique and Christian heritages, and because the latter held a criterion of selection and rejection, touching all the elements of human life.

Whoever reflects upon his life and its compass of thought, of inclination, of passion, action, and capacity for happiness or desolation, is likely to consider how he may best harmonize its elements. He will have to choose and reject; and within him may arise a conflict which he must bring to reconcilement if he will have peace. He may need to sacrifice certain of his impulses or even rational desires. As with a thoughtful individual, so with thoughtful people of an epoch, among whom like standards of discrimination may be found prevailing. The ninth century received, with patristic Christianity, a standard of selection and rejection. In conformity with it, men, century after century, were to make their choice, and try to bring their lives to a discriminating unity and certain peace. Yet in every mediaeval century the soul’s peace was broken in ways demanding other modes of reconcilement.

What profiteth a man to gain the world and lose his eternal life? Here was the Gospel basis of the matter. And, following their conception of Christ’s teaching, the Fathers of the Church elaborated and defined the conditions of attainment of eternal life with God, which was salvation. This was man’s whole good, embracing every valid and righteous element of life. Thus it had been with Christ; thus it was with Augustine; thus it was with Benedict of Nursia and Gregory the Great; only in Benedict and Gregory the salvation which represented the true and uncorrupt life of man on earth, as well as the assured preparation for eternal life with God, had shrunken from the universality of Christ, and even from the fulness of desire with which Augustine sought to know God and the soul. In these later men the conception of salvation had contracted through ascetic exclusion and barbaric fear.

Yet with Benedict and Gregory, in whom there was much constructive sanity, and indeed with all men who were not maniacally constrained, there was recognition that salvation was of the mind as well as through faith and love, or abhorrent fear. It is necessary to know the truth; and surely it is absolutely good to desire to know the truth forever, without the cumbrances of fleshly mortality. This desire is a true part of everlasting life. Through it Origen, Hilary of Poictiers, Augustine largely, and after them the great scholastics with Dante at their close, achieved salvation.

But why should one desire to know the truth utterly and forever, were not the truth desirable, lovable? Naturally one loves that which through desire and effort one has come to know. Love is required and also faith by him who will have and know the salvation which is eternal life; the emotions must take active part. Yet salvation comes not through the unguided sense-desiderative nature. It is for reason to direct passionate desire, and raise it to desire rationally approved, which is volition.

Thus salvation not only requires the action of the whole man, but is in and of his entire nature. It presents a unity primarily because of its agreement with the will of God, and then because of its unqualified and universal insistence that it, salvation, life eternal, be set absolutely first in man’s endeavour. What indeed could be more irrational, and more loveless and faithless, than that any desire should prevail over the entire good of man and the will of God as well? Oneness and peace consist in singleness of purpose and endeavour for salvation. Herein lies the standard of conduct and of discrimination as touching every element of mortal life.

With mediaeval men, the application of the criterion of salvation depended on how the will of God for man, and man’s accordant conduct, was conceived. What kind of conduct, what elements of the intellectual and emotional life were proper for the Kingdom of Heaven? What matters barred the way, or were unfit for the eternal spiritual state? The history of Christian thought lies within these queries. An authoritative consensus of opinion was represented by the Church at large, holding from century to century a juste milieu of doctrine, by no means lax and yet not going to ascetic extremes. Seemingly the Church maintained varying standards of conduct for different orders of men. Yet in truth it was applying one standard according to the responsibilities of individuals and their vows.

The Church (meaning, for our purpose, the authoritative consensus of mediaeval ecclesiastical or religious approvals) always upheld as the ideal of perfect living the religious life, led under the sanction and guidance of some recognized monastic regula. So lived monks and nuns, and in more extreme or sporadic instances, anchorites and reclusae. The main peril of this strait and narrow path was its forsaking, the breaking of its vows. Less austerely guarded and exposed to further dangers were the secular clergy, living in the world, occupied with the care of lay souls, and with other cares that hardly touched salvation. The world avowedly, the flesh in reality, and the devil in all probability, beset the souls of bishops and other clergy. In view of their exposed positions “in the world,” a less austerely ascetic life was expected of the seculars, whose lapses from absolute holiness God might--or perhaps might not--condone.

Around, and for the most part below, regulars and seculars were the laity of both sexes, of all ages, positions, and degrees of instruction or ignorance. They had taken no vows of utter devotion to God’s service, and were expected to marry, beget children, fight and barter, and fend for themselves amid the temptations and exigencies of affairs. Well for them indeed if they could live in communion with the Church, and die repentant and absolved, eligible for purgatory.

For all these kinds of men and women like virtues were prescribed, although their fulfilment was looked for with varying degrees of expectation. For instance, the distinctly theological virtues, faith, hope, and charity, especially the first, could not be completely attained by the ignorance and imperfect consecration of laymen. The vices, likewise, were the same for all, pride, anger, hypocrisy, and the rest; only with married people a venial unchastity was sacramentally declared not to constitute mortal sin. For this one case, human weakness, also mankind’s necessity, was recognized; while, in practice, the Church, through its boundless opportunities for penitence and absolution, mercifully condoned all delinquency save obstinate pride, impenitence, and disbelief.

These were the bare poles ethical of the orthodox mediaeval Christian scheme. How as to its intellectual and emotional inclusiveness? The many-phased interest of the mind, i.e. the desire to know, was in principle accepted, but with the condition that the ultimate end of knowledge should be the attainment of salvation. It was stated and re-emphasized by well-nigh every type of mediaeval thinker, that Theology was the queen of sciences, and her service alone justified her handmaids. All knowledge should make for the knowledge of God, and enlarge the soul’s relationship to its Creator and Judge. “He that is not with me is against me.” Knowledge which does not aid man to know his God and save his soul, all intellectual pursuits which are not loyal to this end, minister to the obstinacy and vainglory of man, stiff-necked, disobedient, unsubmissive to the will of God. Knowledge is justified or condemned according to its ultimate purpose. Likewise every deed, business, occupation, which can fill out the active life of man. As they make for Christ and salvation, the functions of ruler, warrior, lawyer, artisan, priest, are justified and blessed--or the reverse.

But how as to the appetites and the emotions? How as to love, between the sexes, parent and child, among friends? The standard of discrimination is still the same, though its application vary. Appetite for food, if unrestrained, is gluttony; it must be held from hindering the great end. One must guard against love’s obsession, against sense-passion, which is so forgetful of the ultimate good: concupiscence is sinful. Through bodily begetting, the taint of original sin is transmitted; and in all carnal desire, though sanctioned by the marriage sacrament, is lust and spiritual forgetfulness. When in fornication and adultery its acts contravene God’s law, they are mortal sins which will, if unabsolved, cast the sinner into hell.

Few men in the Middle Ages were insensible to their future lot, and therefore the criterion of salvation unto eternal life would rarely be rejected. But often there was conflict within the soul before it acquiesced in what it felt compelled to recognize; and sometimes there was clear revolt against current convictions, or practical insistence that a larger volume of the elements of human nature were fit for life eternal.

Conflict before acquiescence had agitated the natures of sainted Fathers of the Church, who marked out the path to salvation which the Middle Ages were to tread. One thinks at once of Jerome’s never-forgotten dream of exclusion from Paradise because of too great delight in classic reading. Another phase was Augustine’s, set forth somewhat retrospectively in his Confessions. Therein, as would seem, the drawings of the flesh were most importunate. Yet not without sighs and waverings did the mind of Augustine settle to its purpose of knowing only God and the soul. At all events the chafings of mortal curiosity, the promptings of cultivated taste, and the cravings of the flesh, were the moving forces of the Psychomachia which passed with Patristic Christianity to the Middle Ages. Thousands upon thousands of ardent souls were to experience this conflict before convincing themselves that classic studies should be followed only as they led heavenward, and that carnal love was an evil thing which, even when sacramentally sanctioned, might deflect the soul.

The revolt against the authoritatively accepted standard declared itself along the same lines of conflict, but did not end in acquiescence and renunciation. It contended rather for a peace and reconcilement which should include much that was looked upon askance. It was not always violent, and might be dumb to the verge of unconsciousness, merely a tacit departure from standards more universally recognized than followed.

There were countless instances of this silent departure from the standard of salvation. With cultivated men, it realized itself in classical studies, as with Hildebert of Le Mans or John of Salisbury. It does not appear that either of them experienced qualms of conscience or suffered rebuke from their brethren. No more did Gerbert, an earlier instance of catholic interest in profane knowledge, though legends of questionable practices were to encircle his fame.

Other men pursued knowledge, rational or physical, in such a way as to rouse hostile attention to its irrelevancy or repugnancy to saving faith, and this even in spite of formal demonstration by the investigator--Roger Bacon is in our mind--of the advantage of his researches to the Queen Theology. Bacon might not have been so suspect to his brethren, and his demonstration of the theological serviceableness of natural knowledge would have passed, had he not put forth bristling manifestos denouncing the blind acceptance of custom and authority. Moreover, the obvious tendencies of methods of investigation advocated by him countered methods of faith; for the mediaeval and patristic conception of salvation, whatever collateral supports it might find in reason, was founded on the authority of revelation.

Indeed it was the lifting up of the standard of rational investigation which distinguished the veritable revolt from those preliminary inner conflicts which often strengthened final acquiescence. And it was the obstinate elevation of one’s individual wisdom (as it appeared to the orthodox) that separated the accredited supporters of the Church among theologians and philosophers, from those who were suspect. We mark the line of the latter reaching back through Abaelard to Eriugena. Such men, although possibly narrower in their intellectual interests than some who more surely abode within the Church’s pale, may be held as broader in principle. For inasmuch as they tended to set reason above authority, it would seem that there was no bound to their pursuit of rational knowledge, wherewith to expand and fortify their reason.

But if the intellectual side of man pressed upon the absolutism of the standard of salvation, more belligerent was the insistency of love--not of the Crucified. To the Church’s disparagement of the flesh, love made answer openly, not slinking behind hedges or closed doors, nor even sheltering itself within wedlock’s lawfulness. It, love, without regard to priestly sanction, proclaimed itself a counter-principle of worth. The love of man for woman was to be an inspiration to high deeds and noble living as well as a source of ennobling power. It presented an ideal for knights and poets. It could confer no immortality on lovers save that of undying fame: but it promised the highest happiness and worth in mortal life. If only knights and ladies might not have grown old, the supremacy of love and its emprize would have been impregnable. But age must come, and the ghastly mediaeval fear of death was like to drive lover and mistress at the last within some convent refuge. Fear brought compunction and perhaps its tears. Renunciation of the joy of life seemed a fit penance to disarm the Judge’s wrath. So at the end of life the ideal of love was prone to make surrender to salvation. Asceticism even enters its literature, as with the monkish Galahad. There was, however, another way of reconcilement between the carnal and the spiritual, the secular and the eternal, by which the secular and carnal were transformed to symbols of the spiritual and eternal--the way of the Vita nuova and the Divina Commedia, as we shall see.

So in spite of conflicts or silent treasons within the natures of many who fought beneath the Christian banner, in spite of open mutinies of the mind and declared revolts of the heart, salvation remained the triumphant standard of discrimination by which the elements of mediaeval life were to be esteemed or rejected. What then were these elements to which this standard, or deflections from it, should apply? How specify their mediaeval guise and character? It would be possible to pass in review synoptically the contents of this work. We might return, and then once more travel hitherward over the mediaeval path, the many paths and byways of mediaeval life. We might follow and again see applied--or unapplied--these standards of discrimination, salvation over all, and the deviations of pretended acquiescence or subconscious departure. We might perhaps make one final attempt to draw the currents of mediaeval life together, or observe the angles of their divergence, and note once more the disparity of taste and interest making so motley the mediaeval picture. But this has been done so excellently, in colours of life, and presented in the person of a man in whom mediaeval thought and feeling were whole, organic, living--an achievement by the Artist moving the antecedent scheme of things which made this man Dante what he was. We shall find in him the conflict, the silent departures, and the reconcilement at last of recalcitrant elements brought within salvation as the standard of universal discrimination. Dante accomplishes this reconcilement in personal yet full mediaeval manner by transmuting the material to the spiritual, the mortal to the eternal, through the instrumentality of symbolism. He is not merely mediaeval; he is the end of the mediaeval development and the proper issue of the mediaeval genius.

Yes, there is unity throughout the diversity of mediaeval life; and Dante is the proof. For the elements of mediaeval growth combine in him, demonstrating their congruity by working together in the stature of the full-grown mediaeval man. When the contents of patristic Christianity and the surviving antique culture had been conceived anew, and had been felt as well, and novel forms of sentiment evolved, at last comes Dante to possess the whole, to think it, feel it, visualize its sum, and make of it a poem. He had mastered the field of mediaeval knowledge, diligently cultivating parts of it, like the Graeco-Arabian astronomy; he thought and reasoned in the terms and assumptions of scholastic (chiefly Thomist-Aristotelian) philosophy; his intellectual interests were mediaeval; he felt the mediaeval reverence for the past, being impassioned with the ancient greatness of Rome and the lineage of virtue and authority moving from it to him and thirteenth-century Italy and the already shattered Holy Roman Empire. He took earnest joy in the Latin Classics, approaching them from mediaeval points of view, accepting their contents uncritically. He was affected with the preciosity of courtly or chivalric love, which Italy had made her own along with the songs of the Troubadours and the poetry of northern France. His emotions flowed in channels of current convention, save that they overfilled them; this was true as to his early love, and true as to his final range of religious and poetic feeling. His was the emotion and the cruelty of mediaeval religious conviction; while in his mind (so worked the genius of symbolism) every fact’s apparent meaning was clothed with the significance of other modes of truth.

Dante was also an Italian of the period in which he lived; and he was a marvellous poet. One may note in him what was mediaeval, what was specifically Italian, and what, apparently, was personal. This scholar could not but draw his education, his views of life and death, his dominant inclinations and the large currents of his purpose, from the antecedent mediaeval period and the still greater past which had worked upon it so mightily. His Italian nature and environment gave point and piquancy and very concrete life to these mediaeval elements; and his personal genius produced from it all a supreme poetic creation.

The Italian part of Dante comes between the mediaeval and the personal, as species comes between the genus and the individual. The tremendous feeling which he discloses for the Roman past seems, in him, specifically Italian: child of Italy, he holds himself a Latin and a direct heir of the Republic. Yet often his attitude toward the antique will be that of mediaeval men in general, as in his disposition to accept ancient myth for fact; while his own genius appears in his beautifully apt appropriation of the Virgilian incident or image; wherein he excels his “Mantuan” master, whose borrowings from Homer were not always felicitous. Frequently the specifically Italian in Dante, his yearning hate of Florence, for example, may scarcely be distinguished from his personal temper; but its civic bitterness is different from the feudal animosities or promiscuous rages which were more generically mediaeval. As a lighter example, there are three lines in the fourth canto of the Purgatorio which do not reflect the Middle Ages, nor yet pertain to Dante’s character, but are, we feel, Italian. They are these: “Thither we drew; and there were persons who were staying in the shadow behind the rock, as one through indolence sets himself to stay.”

Again, Dante’s arguments in the De monarchia[672] seem to be those of an Italian Ghibelline. Yet beyond his intense realization of Italy’s direct succession to the Roman past, his reasoning is scholastic and mediaeval, or springs occasionally from his own reflections. The Italian contribution to the book tends to coalesce either with the general or the personal elements. Dante argues that the rewards or fruits of virtue belonged to the Roman people because of the pre-eminent virtue, high lineage, and royal marriage-connections, of their ancestor Aeneas.[673] Here, of course, the statements of Virgil are accepted literally, and one notes that while the argument is mediaeval in its absurdity, it will be made Italian in its application. Likewise his further arguments making for the same conclusion, however Italianized in their pointing, are mediaeval, or patristic, in their provenance: for example, that the Roman Empire was divinely helped by miracles; that the divine arbitrament decided the world-struggle or duellum in its favour; and that Christ was born and suffered legally to redeem mankind under the Empire’s authority and jurisdiction.[674] Moreover, in refuting the very mediaeval papal arguments from “the keys,” from “the two swords,” and from the analogy of the sun and moon, Dante himself reasons scholastically.[675]

The De vulgari eloquentia illustrates the difference between Dante accepting and reproducing mediaeval views, and Dante thinking for himself. In opening he speaks of mixing the stronger potions of others with the water of his own talent, to make a beverage of sweetest hydromel--we have heard such phrases before! Then the first chapters give the current ideas touching the nature and origin of speech, and describe the confusion of language at the building of Babel: each group of workmen engaged in the same sort of work found themselves speaking a new tongue understood only by themselves; while the sacred Hebrew speech endured with that seed of Shem who had taken no part in the impious construction. After this foolishness, the eighth chapter of Book I. becomes startlingly intelligent as Dante discusses the contemporary Romance tongues of Europe and takes up the idioma which uses the particle si. Out of its many dialects he detaches his thought of a volgare, a mother tongue, which shall be the illustrious, noble, and courtly speech in Latium, and shall seem to be of every Latian city and yet of none, and afford a standard by which the speech of each city may be criticized. The mediaeval period offers no such penetrating linguistic observation; and in the De Vulgari Eloquentia, as in the Convito, Dante is deeply conscious of the worth of the Romance vernacular.

Written in the volgare, the style of the latter nondescript work bears curious likeness to scientific Latin writing. The Latin scholastic thought shows plainly through this involved and scholastic volgare, while the scholastic substance is rendered in a scarcely altered medium. The Convito is indeed a curious work which one need not lament that Dante did not carry out to its mediaeval interminableness in fourteen books. The four that he wrote suffice to show its futility and apparent confusion in conception and form. Besides incidentally explaining the thought of the idyllic Vita nuova, it professed to be a commentary upon fourteen of Dante’s canzone, the meaning of which had been misunderstood. Indeed they had been suspected of disclosing a passion bearing a morganatic relationship to the love of Beatrice. Truly understood they referred to that love which is the love of knowledge, philosophy to wit; and their commentary should expound that, and might properly set forth the contents of the Seven Liberal Arts and the higher divine reaches of knowledge. The Convito seems also to mark a stage in Dante’s life: the time perhaps when he turned, or imagined himself as turning, to philosophy for consolation in youthful grief, or the time perhaps when his nature looked coldly upon its early faith and sought to stay itself with rational knowledge. The book might thus seem a De consolatione philosophiae, after the temper, if not the manner, of Boëthius’ work, which then was much in Dante’s mind. Yet it was to be a setting forth of knowledge for the ignorant, a sort of Summa contra Gentiles, as is hinted in the last completed chapter. These three purposes fall in with the fact that the work was apparently the expression of Dante’s intellectual nature, and of his spiritual condition between the experience of the Vita nuova and the time or state of the Commedia.[676]

Certainly the Convito gives evidence touching the writer’s mental processes and the interests of his mind. Except for its lofty advocacy of the volgare and its personal apologetic references, it contains little that is not blankly mediaeval. And had it kept on to its completion, so as to have become no torso, but a full Summa or Tesoro of liberal knowledge, its whimsical form as a commentary upon canzone would have made it one of the most bizarre of mediaeval compositions. One should not take this most repellent of Dante’s writings as an adequate expression of the intellectual side of his nature; though a significant phrase may be drawn from it: “Philosophy is a loving use of wisdom (uno amoroso uso di sapienza) which chiefly is in God, since in Him is utmost wisdom, utmost love, and utmost actuality.”[677] A loving use of wisdom--with Dante the pursuit of knowledge was no mere intellectual search, but a pilgrimage of the whole nature, loving heart as well as knowing mind, and the working virtues too. This pilgrimage is set forth in the Commedia, perhaps the supreme creation of the Middle Ages, and a work that by reason of the beautiful affinity of its speech with Latin,[678] exquisitely expressed the matters which in Latin had been coming to formulation through the mediaeval centuries.

The Commedia (Inferno, Purgatorio, Paradiso) is a Summa, a Summa salvationis, a sum of saving knowledge. It is such just as surely as the final work of Aquinas is a Summa theologiae. But Aquinas was the supreme mediaeval theologian-philosopher, while Dante was the supreme theologian-poet; and with both Aquinas and Dante, theology includes the knowledge of all things, but chiefly of man in relation to God. Such was the matter of the divina scientia of Thomas, and such was the subject of the Commedia, which was soon recognized as the Divina Commedia in the very sense in which Theology was the divine science. The Summa of Thomas was scientia not only in substance, but in form; the Commedia was scientia, or sapientia, in substance, while in form it was a poem, the epic of man the pilgrim of salvation. In every sense, Aristotelian and otherwise, it was a work of art; and herein if we cannot compare it with a Summa, we may certainly liken it to a Cathedral, which also was a work of art and a Summa salvationis wrought in stone. For a Cathedral--it is the great French type we have in mind--was a Summa of saving knowledge, as well as a place for saving acts. And presenting the substance of knowledge in the forms of art, very true art, the matter of which had long been pondered on and loved or hated, the Cathedral in its feeling and beauty, as well as in the order of its manifested thought, was a Commedia; for it too was a poem with a happy ending, at least for those who should be saved.

The Cathedral had grown from dumb barrel-vaulted Romanesque to Gothic, speaking in all the terms of sculpture and painted glass. It grew out of its antecedents. The Commedia rested upon the entire evolution of the Middle Ages. Therein had lain its spiritual preparation. To be sure it had its casual forerunners (precursori): narratives, real or feigned, of men faring to the regions of the dead.[679] But these signified little; for everywhere thoughts of the other life pressed upon men’s minds: fear of it blanched their hearts; its heavenly or hellish messengers had been seen, and not a few men dreamed that they had walked within those gates and witnessed clanging horrors or purgatorial pain. Heaven they had more rarely visited.

Dante gave little attention to any so-called “forerunners,” save only two, Paul and Virgil. The former was a warrant for the poet’s reticence as to the manner of his ascent to Heaven;[680] the latter supplied much of his scheme of Hell. Yet there were one or two others possessed of some affinity of soul with the great Florentine, who perhaps knew nothing of them. One of these was Hildegard of Bingen, with her vision of the spirits in the cloud, and her pungent sights of the bitterness of the pains of hell.[681] Another sort of affinity is disclosed in the allegorical Anticlaudianus of Alanus de Insulis, in which Reason can take Prudentia just so far upon her heavenly journey, and then gives place to Theology, even as Virgil, symbol of rational wisdom, gives place to Beatrice at the summit of the Mount of Purgatory.[682] Dante might have drawn still more enlightenment from the De sacramentis of Hugo of St. Victor, in which the rational basis of the universal scheme of things is shown to lie in the principle of allegorical intendment. Yet one finds few traces of Hugo in Dante except through Hugo’s pupil, Richard, whose works he had read. That such apt forerunners should scarcely have affected him shows how he was taught and inspired, not by individuals, but by the entire Middle Ages.

One observes mediaeval characteristics in the Commedia raised to a higher power. The mediaeval period was marked by contrasts of quality and of conduct such as cannot be found in the antique or the modern age. And what other poem can vie with the Commedia in contrasts of the beautiful and the loathsome, the heavenly and the hellish, exquisite refinement of expression and lapses into the reverse,[683] love and hate, pity and cruelty, reverence and disdain? These contrasts not only are presented by the story; they evince themselves in the character of the author. Many scenes of the Inferno are loathsome:[684] Dante’s own words and conduct there may be cruel and hateful[685] or show tender pity; and every reader knows the poetic beauty which glorifies the Paradiso, renders lovely the Purgatorio, and ever and anon breaks through the gloom of Hell.

Another mediaeval quality, sublimated in Dante’s poem, is that of elaborate plan, intended symmetry of composition, the balance of one incident or subject against another.[686] And finally one observes the mediaeval inclusiveness which belongs to the scope and purpose of the Commedia as a Summa of salvation. Dante brings in everything that can illuminate and fill out his theme. Even as the Summa of St. Thomas, so the Commedia must present a whole doctrinal scheme of salvation, and leave no loopholes, loose ends, broken links of argument or explanation.

The substance of the Commedia, practically its whole content of thought, opinion, sentiment, had source in the mediaeval store of antique culture and the partly affiliated, if not partly derivative, Latin Christianity. The mediaeval appreciation of the Classics, and of the contents of ancient philosophy, is not to be so very sharply distinguished from the attitude of the fifteenth or sixteenth, nay, if one will, the eighteenth, century, when the Federalist in the young inchoately United States, and many an orator in the revolutionary assemblies of France, quoted Cicero and Plutarch as arbiters of civic expediency. Nevertheless, if we choose to recognize deference to ancient opinion, acceptance of antique myth and poetry as fact,[687] unbounded admiration for a shadowy and much distorted ancient world, as characterizing the mediaeval attitude toward whatever once belonged to Rome and Greece, then we must say that such also is Dante’s attitude, scholar as he was;[688] and that in his use of the Classics he differed from other mediaeval men only in so far as above them all he was a poet.

Lines of illustrative examples begin with the opening canto of the Inferno, where Dante addresses Virgil as famoso saggio, an appellative strictly corresponding with the current mediaeval view of the “Mantuan.” Mediaeval also is the grouping of the great poets who rise to meet Virgil, first Homer, then Orazio satiro, and Ovid and Lucan.[689] More narrowly mediaeval, that is, pertaining particularly to the thirteenth century, is Dante’s profound reverence for the authority of Aristotle, il maestro di color che sanno.[690] It may be that the poet’s sense of the enormous, elect, importance of Aeneas,[691] and his putting Rhipeus, most righteous of the Trojans, as the fifth regal spirit in the Eagle’s eye,[692] belonged more especially to Dante as the Ghibelline author of the De monarchia. But generically mediaeval was his acceptance of antique myth for fact, a most curious instance of which is his referring to the consuming of Meleager with the consuming of the brand, to illustrate a point of physiological psychology.[693] Antique heroes, even monsters, seem as real to him as the people of Scripture and history. It is not, however, his mediaevalism, but his own greatness that enables him to lift his treatment of them to the level of their presentation in the Classics. Noble as an antique demigod is the damned Jason, silent and tearless, among the scourged;[694] and Ulysses is as great in the tale he tells from out the lambent flame as he was in the palace of Alcinoos, telling the tale which Dante never read.[695]

The poet, especially in the Purgatorio, constantly balances moral examples alternately drawn from pagan and sacred story. This propensity was quite mediaeval; for throughout the Middle Ages the antique authority was used to fortify or parallel the Christian argument. Yet herein, as always, Dante is Dante as well as a mediaeval man; and his moral examples, for the aid of souls who are purging themselves for Heaven, are interesting and curious enough. On the pavement of the first ledge of Purgatory, Lucifer is figured falling from Heaven and Briareus transfixed by the bolt of Jove; then Nimrod, Niobe, Saul, Arachne, Rehoboam, Eriphyle and Sennacherib, the Assyrians routed after Holophernes’ death, and Troy in ashes.[696] On the third ledge, as instances of gentle forgivingness, he sees in vision the Virgin Mary, and then appear Peisistratus (tyrant of Athens) refusing to avenge himself, and Stephen asking pardon for his slayers.[697] But the most wonderful instance of this combining of the Christian and the antique, each at its height of feeling, occurs in the thirtieth canto of the Purgatorio, where angels herald the appearance of Beatrice with the chant, Benedictus qui venis, and, as they scatter flowers, sing Manibus o date lilia plenis. This unison of the hail to Christ upon His sacrificial entry into Jerusalem and the Virgilian heartbreak over the young Marcellus, shows how Dante rose in his combinings, and how potent an element of his imagination was the antique.[698]

Of course the plan of Hell reflects the sixth Book of the Aeneid, and throughout the whole Commedia the Virgilian phrase rises aptly to the poet’s lips. “Thou wouldst that I renew the desperate grief which presses my heart even before I put it into words,” says Ugolino, nearly as Aeneas speaks to Dido.[699] And in the Paradiso the power of the Dantesque reminiscence rouses the reader, spiritually as it were, to emulate the glorious ones who passed to Colchos.[700] A more desperate passage was the lot of those who must drop from Acheron’s bank into Charon’s boat;--the whole scene here is quite reminiscent of Virgil. The simile:

“Quam multa in silvis auctumni frigore primo Lapsa cadunt folia,”

is even beautified and made more pregnant with significance in Dante’s

“Come d’autunno si levan le foglie L’una appresso dell’altra....”[701]

On the other hand, the threefold attempt of Aeneas to embrace Anchises is stripped of its beautiful dream-simile in Dante’s use.[702] A lovelier bit of borrowing is that of the quick springing up again of the rush, the symbol of humility, l’umile pianta, with which the poet is girt before proceeding up the Mount of Purgatory.[703]

With Dante the pagan antique represented much that was philosophically true, if not veritably divine. In his mind, apparently, the heathen good stood for the Christian good, and the conflict of the heathen deities with Titan monsters symbolized, if indeed it did not continue to make part of, the Christian struggle against the power of sin.[704] We may be jarred by the apostrophe:

“... O sommo Giove, Che fosti in terra per noi crucifisso.”[705]

But this is a kind of Christian-antique phrase by no means unexampled in mediaeval poetry. And we feel the poetic breadth and beauty of the invocation in which Apollo symbolizes or represents, exactly what we will not presume to say, but at all events some veritable spiritual power, as Minerva does, apparently, in another passage.[706] In such instances the antique image which beautifies the poem is transfigured to a Christian symbol, if it does not present actual truth.

Yet however universally Dante’s mind was solicited by the antique matter and his poet’s nature charmed, he was profoundly and mediaevally Christian. The Commedia is a mediaeval Christian poem. Its fabric, springing from the life of earth, enfolds the threefold quasi-other world of damned, of purging, and of finally purified, spirits. It is dramatic and doctrinal. Its drama of action and suffering, like the narratives of Scripture, offers literal fact, moral teaching, and allegorical or spiritual significance. The doctrinal contents are held partly within the poem’s dramatic action and partly in expositions which are not fused in the drama. Thus whatever else it is, the poem is a Summa of saving doctrine, which is driven home by illustrations of the sovereign good and abysmal ill coming to man under the providence of God. One may perhaps discern a twofold purpose in it, since the poet works out his own salvation and gives precepts and examples to aid others and help truth and righteousness on earth. The subject is man as rewarded or punished eternally by God--says Dante in the letter to Can Grande. This subject could hardly be conceived as veritable, and still less could it be executed, by a poet who had no care for the effect of his poem upon men. Dante had such care. But whether he, who was first and always a poet, wrote the Commedia in order to lift others out of error to salvation, or even in order to work out his own salvation,--let him say who knows the mind of Dante. No divination, however, is required to trace the course of the saving teaching, which, whether dramatically exemplified or expounded in doctrinal statement, is embodied in the great poem; nor is it hard to note how Dante drew its substance from the mediaeval past.

The Inferno, which is the most dramatic and realistic, “Dantesque,” part of the Commedia, and replete with terrestrial interest, is doctrinally the least rich. Its doctrine chiefly lies in its scheme of punishment, or divine vengeance, for different sins. Herein Dante followed no set series like the seven deadly sins expiated in Purgatory. Neither the Church nor authoritative writers had laid out the plan of Hell. Dante had in mind Thomas Aquinas and Aristotle, also Cicero’s De officiis,[707] and, structurally, Virgil. His scheme also was affected by his own character, situation, and aversions, and assuredly by the movement of its own composition. At the mouth of Hell the worthless nameless ones and the neutral angels receive their due. Then after the sad calm of the place of the unbaptized and the great blameless heathen, the veritable Hell begins, and the series of tortures unfold, the lightest being such as punish incontinence, while the most awful are reserved for those fraudulent ones who have betrayed a trust. Dante’s power of presenting the humanly loathsome does not let the progress of hellish torment fail in climax even to the end, where Brutus, Cassius, and Judas are crunched in the dripping mouths of Lucifer at the bottom of the lowest pit of Hell.

The general idea of hell torments came to the poet from current beliefs and authoritative utterances, ranging from the “outer darkness” of the Gospel to the lurid oratory of St. Bernard. Dante’s thoughts were drawn generically from the stores of mediaeval convictions, approvals, and imaginings: they were given to him by his epoch. Of necessity--innocently, one may say--he made them into concrete realities because he was Dante. Terrifying phrases and crude ghastliness were raised through his dramatic power to living experiences. The reader goes through Hell, sees with his own eyes, hears with his own ears, and stifles in the choking air. Doubtless the narrative brought fear and contrition to the men of Dante’s time. But for us the disproportion of the vengeance to the crime, the outrage of everlasting torments for momentary, even impulsive sin, is shocking and preposterous.[708] The torments themselves present conditions which become unthinkable when we try to conceive them as enduring eternally. Human flesh, or implicated spirit could not last beneath them. And as for our impulses, there is many a tortured soul with whom we would keep company, for instance, with the excellent band of Sodomites--Priscian (!) Brunetto Latini, and those three Florentines whose “honoured names” the poet greets with reverence and affection.[709] One might even wish to make a third in the flame which enwraps Diomede and Ulysses. In fact, Dante’s dramatic genius has brought the mediaeval hell to a reductio ad absurdum, to our minds.

The poet is of it too. He can pity those who touch his pity. And how great he can be, how absolute. There is compacted in the story of Francesca all that can be thought or felt over unhappy love. Yet Dante never doubts the justice of the punishment he describes; sometimes he calmly or cruelly approves. Nel mio bel San Giovanni! How many thousands have quoted these detached words to show the poet’s love of his beautiful baptistery. But, in fact, he refers to the little cylindrical places where stood the baptizing priests, in order to bring home to the reader the size of the holes in the burning rock from which protruded the quivering feet of Simoniacs![710] It appears that the souls of all the damned will suffer more when they shall again be joined to their bodies after the resurrection.[711]

The Inferno fully exemplifies the doctrinal statement obscurely set over the gate which shut out hope: moved by justice, the Trinity, “divine power, supreme wisdom, primal love, created me (Hell) to endure eternally.” Dante follows this current authoritative opinion, stated by Aquinas. Here one may repeat that Dante is the child of the Middle Ages, rather than a disciple of any single teacher. If he follows Aquinas more than any other scholastic, he follows Bonaventura also with breadth and balance. These two, however, were themselves final results of lines of previous development. Both were rational and also mystically contemplative, though the former quality predominates in Thomas and the latter in Bonaventura. And in Dante’s poem, at the end of the Paradiso, Theology, the rational apprehension of divine truth, gives place to contemplation’s loftier insight. Dante is kin to both these men; but when he thinks, more frequently he thinks like Thomas, and the intellectual realization of life is dominant with him. This was evident in the Convito; and that the intellectual vision constitutes the substance of the Commedia, becomes luminously apparent in the Paradiso.[712] It is even suggested at the gate of Hell, within which the wretched people will be seen, who have lost the good of the Intellect,[713] by which is meant knowledge of God.

The Purgatorio presents more saving doctrine than the cantica of damnation. Its Mount with the earthly paradise at the top, may have been his own, but might have been taken from the Venerable Bede or Albertus Magnus.[714] The ante-purgatory appears as a creation of the poet, influenced by certain passages of the Aeneid and by ancient disciplinary practices which kept the penitents waiting outside the church.[715] The teaching of the whole cantica relates to the purgation of pride, envy, anger, accidia (sloth), avarice, gluttony, lust. These are the seven deadly sins whose provenance is early monasticism.[716] Through their purgation man is made pure and fit to mount to the stars.

We shall not follow Dante through the Purgatorio and Paradiso, or observe in detail the teachings set forth and the sources whence they were derived.[717] But a brief reference to the successive incidents and topics of instruction will show how the Commedia touches every key of saving doctrine. The soul entering Purgatory goes seeking liberty from sin,[718] and as a first lesson learns to detach itself from memories of the damned.[719] It receives some slight suggestion of the limits of human reason;[720] and is told that according to the correct teaching there is one soul in man with several faculties.[721] It learns the risk of repentance in the hour of death;[722] and the efficacy of the prayers of others to help souls through their purifying expiation; also, that, after death, souls can advance only by the aid of grace.[723] The symbolism of the gate of Purgatory teaches the need of contrition and confession. Upon the first ledge, the proud do penance, disciplined with examples of humility, and through the Lord’s Prayer are taught man’s entire dependence upon God. It is fitting that Pride should be the first sin expiated, since it lies at the base of all sins in the Christian scheme. Much doctrine is inculcated by the treatment of the different sins and the appositeness of the hymns sung by the penitents.[724]

Ascending the second ledge, Virgil, i.e. human reason, expounds the first principles of the doctrine of that love which is of the Good.[725] Next is set forth the theory of human free-will and the effect of the spheres in directing human inclination--all in strict accord with the teaching of Thomas;[726] and then, still in accord with Thomas, the fuller nature of love (or desire) is expounded, and the allotment of purgatorial pains in expiation of the various modes of evil desire or failure to love aright.[727] These fitting pains are as a solace to the soul yearning to accomplish its purgation.[728] Next, generation is explained, the creation of the soul, and the manner of its existence after separation from the body, according to dominant scholastic theories.[729] In the concluding cantos of the Purgatorio, much Church doctrine is symbolically set forth by the Mystic Procession and the rivers of the earthly paradise, Lethe and Eunoe--the latter representing sacramental grace through which good works, killed by later sins, are made to live again.[730] The earthly paradise symbolizes the perfect happiness of life in the flesh, and the state wherein man is fit to pass to the heavenly Paradise.

Besides doctrine directly bearing on Salvation, the Commedia contains explanations by the way, needed to understand Dante’s journey through the earth and heavens, and give it verisimilitude. Apparently these explanations were also intended to afford a sufficient knowledge of the structure of the universe. The Paradiso abounds in this kind of information, largely physical and astronomical. Its first canto offers a general statement, beautifully put, of the ordering of created things. In this instance, the instruction is not exclusively astronomical or physical,[731] but touches upon animated creatures, and follows Thomist teaching. Another interesting instance is the explanation in the second canto of the spots on the moon and then of the influence of the heavens. Here the astronomical matter runs on into elucidations touching human nature, even that human nature which is to be saved through saving doctrine. In this way the Christian-Thomist-Dantesque scheme of knowledge holds together. The Commedia is the pilgrimage of the soul after all wisdom, and includes, implicitly at least, the matter of the Convito.

The Paradiso contains the chief store of saving knowledge. It sets forth the ultimate problems of human life and divine salvation, with due emphasis laid upon the limitations of human understanding. Dante, conscious of the strenuousness of his high argument, warns off all but the chosen few.

A first point learned in the heavenly voyage is that no soul in Paradise desires aught save what it has; since such desire would contravene the will of God. Paradise is everywhere in Heaven, though the divine grace rains not upon all in one mode.[732] Beatified souls do not dwell in any particular star, though Plato seems to say so. Scripture condescends to figure the intelligible under the guise of sensible forms, as Plato may have done.[733] Broken vows and their reparation are now considered. Then the history of the Roman Eagle brings out the fact that Christ was crucified under Tiberius and His death avenged by Titus, which leads on to the explanation of the Fall and the Redemption, occupying the seventh canto. The next offers comment upon the divine goodness and the diversity of human lots; and shows how the bitter may rise from the sweet. With deep consistency the poet exclaims against the insensate toilsome reasonings through which mortals beat their wings downward, away from God.[734]

In canto thirteen the reader is enlightened regarding the wisdom of Adam, of Solomon, and of Christ; and then as to the existence of the beatified soul before and after it is clothed with the glorified body of the Resurrection.[735] Incidentally the justice of eternal punishment is adverted to.[736] The depth of the divine righteousness is next presented,[737] and its application to the heathen, with illustrations of God’s saving ways, in the instances of certain princes who loved righteousness, including Trajan and the Trojan Rhipeus.[738] The incomprehensibility of Predestination next receives attention.

Now intervenes the marvellous and illuminative beauty of canto twenty-three, preceding Dante’s declaration of his creed, upon interrogatories from the apostles, Peter, James, and John. In this way he states the dogmatic fundamentals of the Christian Faith, and the substantiating rôles of philosophic argument and authority.[739] After this, the vision of the hierarchies of angels leads on to discourse upon their creation and nature, the immediate fall of those who fell, the exaltation of the steadfast with added grace, and the mode and measure of their knowledge. Thomas is followed in this scholastic argument.

With the vision of the Rose, rational theology gives place to mystic contemplation;[740] and further visions of the divine ordering precede the prayer to the Virgin, with which the last canto opens--that prayer so beautiful and so expressive of mediaeval thought and feeling as to the most kind and blessed Lady of Heaven. This prayer or hymn is made of phrases which the mediaeval mind and heart had been recasting and perfecting for centuries. It is almost a great cento, like the Dies Irae. After the Lady’s answering benediction, there comes to Dante, in grace, the final mystic vision of the Trinity, enfolding all existence--substance, accidents and their modes, bound with love in one volume. Supreme dogmatic truth is set forth, and the furthest strainings of reason are stilled in supersensual and super-rational vision, which satisfies all intellectual desire. This vision, vouchsafed through the Virgin’s grace, assures the pilgrim soul: the goal is reached alike of knowledge and salvation.

One may say that the Commedia begins and ends with the Virgin. It was she who sent Beatrice into the gates of Hell to move Virgil--meaning human reason--to go to Dante’s aid. The prayer which obtains her benediction, and the vision following, close the Paradiso. So the teaching of the poem ends in mediaeval strains. For the Virgin was the mediaeval goddess, beloved and universally adored, helpful in every way, and the chief aid in bringing man to Heaven. But no more with Dante than with other mediaeval men is she the end of worship and devotion. Her eyes are turned on God. So are those of Beatrice, of Rachel, and of all the saints in Paradise. As for man on earth, he is viator, journeying on through discipline, in righteousness and beneficence, but above all in faith and hope and love of God, with his eyes of knowledge and desire set on God. God is the goal, even of the vita activa, which is also training and enlightenment. Loving his brother whom he hath seen, man may learn to love God--practising himself in love. Even Christ’s parable, “Inasmuch as ye did it unto one of the least of these,” rightly interpreted, implies that the end of human charity is God: the human charity is preparation, obedience, means of enlightenment. The brother for whom Christ died--that is he whom thou shalt love, and that is why thou shalt love him. In themselves human relationships are disciplinary, ancillary, as all the sciences are ancillary to Theology. Mediaeval religion is turned utterly toward God; the relationship of the soul to God is its whole matter. It is not humanitarian: not human, but divina scientia, fides, et amor, make mediaeval Christianity. Thus Dante’s doctrine is mediaeval. Toward God moves the desire of the viatores in Purgatory, though they still are incidentally mindful of earth’s memories. In Paradise the eyes of all the blessed are set on Him. Because of the divine love they may for a moment turn the eyes of their knowledge and desire to aid a fellow-creature; the occasion past, they fix them again on God: thus the Virgin, thus Bernard, thus Beatrice.

As a son of the Middle Ages, Dante was possessed with the spirit of symbolism. Allegory, with him, was not merely a way of expressing that which might transcend direct statement: it embodied a principle of truth. The universally accepted allegorical interpretation of Scripture justified the view that a deeper verity lay in allegorical significance than in literal meaning. This principle applied to other writings also. “Now since the literal sense [of the first canzone] is sufficiently explained, it is time to proceed to the allegorical and true interpretation.”[741]

In the Vita Nuova and somewhat more lifelessly in the Convito, Dante explains that it is his way to invest his poetry with a secondary or allegorical sense. He proposes in the latter work to carry out the formal notion of the four kinds of meaning contained in profound writings--literal, allegorical, moral, anagogical.[742] He never holds himself, however, to the lines of any such obsession, but is content in practice with the literal and the broadly allegorical sense.[743] Even then the great Florentine occasionally can be jejune enough. The conception of the ten heavens figuring the Seven Liberal Arts along with metaphysics, ethics, and theology, as a plan of composition for the Convito,[744] was on a level with the structural symbolism of the De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii of Capella. Yet the likening of Ethics to the primum mobile and Theology to the Empyrean has bearing on Dante’s, and the mediaeval, scheme of the sciences, among which Theology is chief.

Allegory moulds the structure and permeates the substance of the Commedia. For this Dante himself vouches in the famous dedicatory letter to Can Grande, where his thoughts may be heard creaking scholastically, as he describes the nature of his poem, and explains why he entitled it Commedia:

“Literally, the subject is the state of souls after death taken simply. If, however, the work be accepted allegorically, the subject is man, according as by merit or demerit through freedom of choice (arbitrii libertatem) he is subject to Justice, rewarding or punitive.”

This is the positive statement emanating, in all probability, from the poet. Perhaps it is as well that he did not live to inaugurate the series of Commentaries upon his poem, which began within a few years of his death and show no signs of ceasing.[745] So it has been left to others to determine the metes and bounds and special features of the Commedia’s allegorical intent. The task has proved hazardous, because Dante was such a great poet, so realistic in his visualizing and so masterful in forcing the different phases of his many-sided thoughts to combine in concrete creations. His drama is so living that one can hardly think it an allegory.

Evidently certain matters, like the Mystic Procession and its apocalyptic appurtenances in the last cantos of the Purgatorio, are sheer allegory. Such, while suited to suggest theological tenets, are formal and lifeless, a little like the hieratic allegorical mosaics of the fourth and fifth centuries, which were composed before Christian art had become imbued with Christian feeling.[746] Indeed, doffing for an instant one’s reverence for the great poet, one may say that from the point of view of art and life, Dante’s symbolism becomes jejune, or at least ceases to draw us, according as it becomes palpable allegory.[747]

Beyond such incidents one recognizes that the general course of the poem, its more pointed occurrences, together with its chief characters and the scenes amid which they move, have commonly both literal and allegorical meaning.[748] Usually it is wise not to press either side too rigorously. The poet’s mind worked in the clearly imagined setting and dramatic action of his poem, where fact and symbolism combined in that reality which is both art and life. Surely the Commedia was completed and rendered real and beautiful through many a touch and incident which had no allegorical intent. Even as in a French cathedral, the main sculptured and painted subjects have doctrinal, that is to say, allegorical, significance, besides their literal truth; but there is also much lovely carving of scroll and flowered ornament and beast and bird, which beautifies the building.

For Dante’s purpose, to set out the state of disembodied spirits after death, allegory might prove prejudicial, because of the intensity of his artist’s vision. Much of the poem’s symbolism, especially in the Paradiso, belongs to that unavoidable imagery to which every one is driven when attempting to describe spiritual facts. Such symbolism, however, when constructed with the plastic power of a Dante, may become itself so convincing or compelling as to reduce the intended spiritual signification to the terms of its concrete embodiment in the symbol. In view of the carnality of most sin, one is not surprised to find the place of punishment a converging cavity within the earth. With Dante, as with Hildegard, the sights and torments of Hell are realistically given quite as of course. Perhaps Dante’s Mount of Purgatory begins to give us pause, and its corniced mise en scène tends to enflesh the idea of spirit and materialize its purgation. But the limiting effect of symbolism is most keenly felt in the Paradiso, notwithstanding the beauty of that cantica; for its very concrete symbolism seems sometimes to ensphere the intended truths of spirit in a sort of crystalline translucency. It is all a marvellously imagined description of the state of blessed souls. Yet in the final pure and glorious image of a white rose (candida rosa) the company of the glorified spirits is so visualized as to become, surely not theatrical, but as if assembled upon the rounding tiers of seats occupied by an audience.[749] There are topics in which the sheer ratiocination of Thomas is more completely spiritual than the poetic vision of Dante.

Dante’s most admirable symbolic creation was also his dearest reality--Beatrice. And while this being in which he has immortalized his fame and hers, is eminently the creation of his genius, the elements were drawn from the many-chambered mediaeval past. Some issued out of the vast matter of chivalric love, with its high heart of service and sense of its own worth, its science, its foolish and most wise reasoning, its preciosity of temper--Dante and his literary friends were virtuosos in everything pertaining to its understanding.[750] This love was of the fine-reasoning mind. The first canzone of the Vita Nuova does not begin “Donne, che sentite amore,” but: “Donne, ch’ avete intelletto d’ amore.” Through that book love is what it never ceases to be with Dante, intelligenza:

“Intelligenza nuova, che l’ Amore Piangendo mette in lui....”

The piangendo, the tears, have likewise part; without them love is not had or even understood. The enormous sense of love’s supreme worth--that too is in Dante. It had all been with the Troubadours of Provence, with Chrétien de Troies, and with the great Minnesingers, and had been reasoned on, appreciated, felt and wept over, by ladies and knights who listened to their poems. From France and Provence love and its reasonings had come to Italy even before Dante’s eyes had opened to it and other matters.

This was one strain that entered the Beatrice of the Vita Nuova, of the Convito, of the Commedia. But Beatrice is something else: she is, or becomes, Theology, the God-given science of the divine and human. Long had Theologia (divina scientia) been a queen; and even before her, Philosophia, as with Boëthius, had been a queenly woman gowned with as full symbolical particularity as ever the Beatrice of Dante. Indeed from the time of the Psychomachia of Prudentius to the Roman de la Rose of De Lorris and De Meun, every human quality, and many an aspect of human circumstance, had been personified, for the most part under the forms of gracious or seductive women. Above all of these rose, sweet, gracious, and potent, the Virgin Queen of Heaven. It came as of course to Dante to symbolize his conception of divine wisdom in a woman’s form. The achievement of his genius was the transfusing combination of elements of courtly love, didactic allegory, and divina scientia, in a creature before whom the whole man Dante, heart and reason and religious faith, could stand and gaze and love and worship.

Beatrice was his and of him always; but with the visions and experience of that mature and grace-illuminated manhood, which expressed itself in the Commedia, she comes to be much that she had not been when she lived on earth or had just left it, and Dante was a maker of exquisite verses in Florence; and much too that she had scarce become while the poet was consoling himself with philosophy for his bereavement and the dulling of his early faith. Beatrice lives and moves and has her ever more uplifted being as the reality as well as symbol of Dante’s thoughts of life. With all first love’s idealism, he loved a girl; then she, having passed from earth, becomes the inspiration and object of address of the young maker of sonnets and canzoni, who with such intellectual preciosity was intent on building these verses of fine-spun sentiment. Thereafter, when he is in darker mood, she does not altogether leave him, whatever variant attitudes his thought and temper take. And at last the yearning self-fulfilments of his renewed life draw together in the Beatrice of the Commedia.

It is very beautiful, and the growth, as well as work, of genius; but it is not strange. For there is no bound to the idealizing of the love which first transfuses a youth’s nature with a mortal golden flame, and awakens it to new understanding. Out of whatever of experience of life and joy and sorrow may come to the man, this first love may still vivify itself anew--often in dreams--and become again living and beautiful, in tears, and will awaken new perceptions and disclose further vistas of the intelligenza nuova which love never ceases to impart to him who has loved.

Dante’s mind was always turning from the obvious sense-actuality of the fact to its symbolism; which held the truer reality. With such a man it is not strange that the beloved and adored woman, the love of whom was virtue and enlightenment, should, when dead to earth, become that divine wisdom which opens Heaven to the lover who would follow, for all eternity, whither his beloved has so surely gone. No, it was not strange, but only as wonderful as all the works of God, that she who while living had been the spring of virtue of all kinds and meanings in the poet’s breast, should after death become the emblem, even the reality, of that whereby man is taught how to win his heavenly salvation. Passage after passage in the Purgatorio and Paradiso show that Beatrice is this divina scientia, and yet has never ceased to be one whom the poet loves.[751]

Thus it is clear that mediaeval development converges at last in Dante. He, or his Commedia, might be the final Summa, were not he, or rather it, the final poem. Man and work include the emotions and the intellectual interests of the Middle Ages, embracing what had been known,--Physics, Astronomy, Politics, History, Pagan Mythology, Christian Theology,--all bent and moulded at last to the matter of the book. Not the contents of the Commedia is Dante’s own, but the poem itself--that is his creation.

Yet even the poem itself was a climax long led up to. The power of its feeling had been preparing in the conceptions, even in the reasonings, which through the centuries had been gaining ardour as they became part of the entire natures of men and women. Thus had mediaeval thought become emotionalized and plastic and living in poetry and art. Otherwise, even Dante’s genius could not have fused the contents of mediaeval thought into a poem. How many passages in the Commedia illustrate this--like the lovely picture of Lia moving in the flowering meadow, with her fair hands making her a garland. The twenty-third canto of the Paradiso, telling of the triumph of Christ and the Virgin, yields a larger illustration; and within it, as a very concrete lyric instance, floats that flower of angelic love, the song of Gabriel circling the Lady of Heaven with its melody, and giving quintessential utterance to the love and adoration which the Middle Ages had intoned to the Virgin. Yes, if it be Dante’s genius, it is also the gathering emotion of the centuries, which lifts the last cantos of the Paradiso from glory to glory, and makes this closing singing of the Commedia such supreme poetry. Nor is it the emotional element alone that reaches its final voice in Dante. Passage after passage of the Paradiso is the apotheosis of scholastic thought and ways of stating it, the very apotheosis, for example, of those harnessed phrases in which the line of great scholastics had endeavoured to put in words the universalities of substance and accident and the absolute qualities of God.

Yet one more feature of Dante’s typifying inclusiveness of the past. Its elements exist in him at first without conscious opposition and yet not subordinated one to another, the less worthy to those of eternal validity. Then conflict arises; the mediaeval Psychomachia awakes in Dante. Evidently he who wrote the Convito after the Vita Nuova, had not continued spiritually undisturbed. Had there come dullings of his early faith? Did his mind seek too exclusive satisfaction in knowledge? Had he possibly swerved a little from some high intention? The facts are veiled. Dante wears neither his mind nor his heart upon his sleeve. Yet a reconcilement was attained by him, though perhaps he had to fetch it out of Hell. He achieved it in his great poem, which in its long making made the poet into the likeness of itself. Fitness for salvation is the ultimate criterion with Dante respecting the elements of mortal life, as it had been through the Middle Ages. And the Commedia--truly the Divina Commedia--while it presents the scheme of salvation for universal man, is the achieved salvation of the poet.

INDEX

NOTE.--Of several references to the same matter the more important are shown by heavy type.

Abaelard, Peter, career of, ii. 342-5; at Paris, ii. 343, 344, 383; popularity there, ii. 119; love for Heloïse, ii. 4-=5=, 344; love-songs, ii. =13=, 207; Heloïse’s love for, i. 585; ii. =3=, =5=, 8, 9, =15-16=; early relations with Heloïse, ii. 4-5; suggestion of marriage opposed by her, ii. 6-9; marriage, ii. 9; suffers vengeance of Fulbert, ii. 9; becomes a monk at St. Denis, ii. 10; at the Paraclete, ii. 10, 344; at Breton monastery, ii. 10; St. Bernard’s denunciations of, i. 229, 401; ii. =344-5=, =355=; letters to, from Heloïse quoted, ii. 11-15, 17-20, 23, 24; letters from, to Heloïse quoted, ii. 16-17, 21-3, 24-5; closing years at Cluny, ii. 25, =26=, 345; death of, ii. =27=, 345; estimate of, ii. 4, 342; rationalizing temper, i. 229; ii. =298-9=; skill in dialectic, ii. 303, =345-6=, 353; not an Aristotelian, ii. 369; works on theology, ii. 352-5; De Unitate et Trinitate divina, ii. 10, =298-9=, 352 and n. 3; Theologia, ii. =303-4=, 395; Scito te ipsum, ii. 350-1; Sic et non, i. 17; ii. =304-6=, =352=, 357; Dialectica, ii. 346 and nn., 349-50; Dialogue between Philosopher, Jew, and Christian, ii. 350, =351=; Historia calamitatum, ii. =4-11=, 298-9, =343=; Carmen ad Astralabium filium, ii. 192; hymns, ii. 207-9; otherwise mentioned, ii. 134, 283 and n.

Abbo, Abbot, i. =294 and n.=, 324

Abbots: Armed forces, with, i. 473 Cistercian, position of, i. 362-3 and n. Investiture of, lay, i. 244 Social class of, i. 473

Accursius, Glossa ordinaria of, ii. 262, =263=

Adalberon, Abp. of Rheims, i. 240, =282-3=, 287

Adam of Marsh, ii. 389, 400, 487

Adam of St. Victor, editions of hymns of, ii. 87 n. 1; examples of the hymns, ii. 87 seqq.; Latin originals, ii. 206, 209-15

Adamnan cited, i. 134 n. 2, 137

Adelard of Bath, ii. 370

Aedh, i. 132

Agobard, Abp. of Lyons, i. 215, =232-3=; cited, ii. 247

Aidan, St., i. 174

Aimoin, Vita Abbonis by, i. 294 and n.

Aix, Synod of, i. 359

Aix-la-Chapelle: Chapel at, i. 212 n. School at, see Carolingian period--Palace school

Alans, i. 113, 116, 119

Alanus de Insulis, career of, ii. 92-4; estimate of, ii. 375-6; works of, ii. 48 n. 1, =94=, 375 n. 5, 376; Anticlaudianus, ii. =94-103=, 192, 377, 539; De planctu naturae, ii. =192-3 and n. 1=, 376

Alaric, i. 112

Alaric II., i. =117=; ii. 243

Alberic, Card., i. 252 n. 2

Alberic, Markgrave of Camerino, i. 242

Alberic, son of Marozia, i. 242-3

Albertus Magnus, career of, ii. 421; estimate of, ii. 298, 301, =421=; estimate of work of, ii. 393, 395; attitude toward Gilbert de la Porrée, ii. 372; compared with Bacon, ii. 422; with Aquinas, ii. 433, =438=; relations with Aquinas, ii. 434; on logic, ii. 314-15; method of, ii. 315 n.; edition of works, ii. 424 n. 1; De praedicabilibus, ii. 314 and n., 315, 424-5; work on the rest of Aristotle, ii. 420-1; analysis of this work, ii. 424 seqq.; attitude toward the original, ii. 422; Summa theologiae, ii. 430, 431; Summa de creaturis, ii. 430-1; De adhaerendo Deo, ii. 432; otherwise mentioned, i. 17; ii. 82 n. 2, 283, 312, 402, 541 n. 2

Albigenses, i. 49; persecution of, i. 366-7, 461, 481, 572; ii. 168

Alboin the Lombard, i. 115

Alchemy, ii. 496-7

Alcuin of York, career of, i. 214; works of, i. 216-21 and n. 2; extracts from letters of, ii. 159; stylelessness of, ii. =159=, 174; verses by, quoted, ii. 136-7; on urbanitas, ii. 136; otherwise mentioned, i. 212, 240, 343; ii. 112, 312, 332

Aldhelm, i. 185

Alemanni, i. 9, 121, 122, 145 n. 2, 174, 192

Alemannia, Boniface’s work in, i. 199

Alexander the Great, Pseudo-Callisthenes’ Life of, ii. 224, 225, =229-230=; Walter of Lille’s work on, ii. 230 n. 1

Alexander II., Pope, i. 262 n., 263 and n. 1

Alexander de Villa-Dei, Doctrinale of, ii. =125-7=, 163

Alexander of Hales--at Paris, i. 476; ii. =399=; Bacon’s attack on, ii. 494, 497; estimate of work of, ii. 393, 395, 399; Augustinianism of, ii. 403-4

Alfred, King of England, i. 144 and n. 2, =187-90=

Allegory (See also Symbolism): Dictionaries of, ii. 47-8 and n. 1, 49 Greek examples of, ii. 42, 364 Metaphor distinguished from, ii. 41 n. Politics, in, ii. 60-1, 275-=6=, =280= Roman de la rose as exemplifying, ii. 103 Scripture, see under Scriptures Two uses of, ii. 365

Almsgiving, i. 268

Alphanus, i. 253-4

Amadas, i. 565

Ambrose, St., Abp. of Milan, on miracles, i. 85-6; attitude toward secular studies, i. 300; ii. 288; Hexaëmeron of, i. 72-4; De officiis, i. 96; hymns, i. 347-8; otherwise mentioned, i. 70, 75, 76, 104, 186, 354; ii. 45 n., 272

Anacletus II., Pope, i. 394

Anchorites, see Hermits

Andrew the Chaplain, Flos amoris of, i. 575-6

Angels: Aquinas’ discussion of, ii. 324-5, 435, =457 seqq.=, =469=, =473-5= Dante’s views on, ii. 551 Emotionalizing of conception of, i. 348 n. 4 Hugo of St. Victor on, ii. 68, 69 Symbols, regarded as, ii. 457 Vincent’s Speculum as concerning, ii. 319 Writings regarding, summary of, ii. 457

Angilbert, i. 234-5

Angles, i. 140

Anglo-Saxons: Britain conquered by, i. 141 Characteristics of, i. 142, =196= Christian missions by, i. 196, 197 Christian missions to, i. 172, 174, =180 seqq.= Customs of, i. 141 Poetry of, i. 142-4 Roman influence slight on, i. 32

Aniane monastery, i. 358-9

Annals, i. 234 and n. 1

Anselm (at Laon), ii. 343-4

Anselm, St., Abp. of Canterbury, dream of, i. 269-70; early career, i. 270; at Bec, i. 271-2; relations with Rufus, i. 273, 275; journey to Italy, i. 275; estimate of, i. 274, =276-7=; ii. =303=, 330, =338=; style of, i. 276; ii. =166-7=; influence of, on Duns Scotus, ii. 511; works of, i. 275 seqq.; Cur Deus homo, i. 275, 277 n. 1, =279=; ii. 395; Monologion, i. 275-7; Proslogion, i. 276-8; ii. =166=, 395; Meditationes, i. 276, =279=; De grammatico, i. 277 n. 2; otherwise mentioned, i. 16, 19, 301-2; ii. 139, 283, 297, 340

Anselm of Besate, i. 259

Anthony, St., i. 365-6; Life of, by Athanasius, i. 47, =52 and n.=

Antique literature, see Greek thought and Latin classics

Antique stories, themes of, in vernacular poetry, ii. 223 seqq.

Apollinaris Sidonius, ii. 107

Apollonius of Tyana, i. 44

Apollonius of Tyre, ii. 224 and n.

Aquinas, Thomas, family of, ii. 433-4; career, ii. 434-5; relations with Albertus Magnus, ii. 434; translations of Aristotle obtained by, ii. 391; Vita of, by Guilielmus de Thoco, ii. 435 n.; works of, ii. 435; estimate of, and of his work, i. 17, 18; ii. 301, =436-8=, 484; completeness of his philosophy, ii. 393-5; pivot of his attitude, ii. 440; present position of, ii. 501; style, ii. 180; mastery of dialectic, ii. 352; compared with Eriugena, i. 231 n. 1; with Albertus Magnus, ii. 433, =438=; with Bonaventura, ii. 437; with Duns, ii. 517; Dante compared with and influenced by, ii. 541 n. 2, =547=, 549, 551, 555; on monarchy, ii. 277; on faith, ii. 288; on difference between philosophy and theology, ii. 290; on logic, ii. 313; Summa theologiae, i. 17, 18; ii. =290 seqq.=; style of the work, ii. 180-1; Bacon’s charge against it, ii. 300; Peter Lombard’s work contrasted with it, ii. 307-10; its method, ii. 307; its classification scheme, ii. 324-9; analysis of the work, ii. 438 seqq., 447 seqq.; Summa philosophica contra Gentiles, ii. 290, 438, =445-6=; otherwise mentioned, i. 69 n. 2; ii. 283, 298, 300, 312, 402

Aquitaine, i. 29, 240, =573=

Arabian philosophy, ii. =389-90=, 400-1

Arabs, Spanish conquest by, i. 9, 118

Archimedes, i. 40

Architecture, Gothic: Evolution of, i. 305; ii. =539= Great period of, i. 346

Argenteuil convent, ii. 9, 10

Arianism: Teutonic acceptance of, i. =120=, 192, 194 Visigothic abandonment of, i. 118 nn.

Aristotle, estimate of, i. 37-8; works of, i. 37-8; unliterary character of writings of, ii. 118, 119; philosophy as classified by, ii. 312; attitude of, to discussions of final cause, ii. 336; the Organon, i. =37=, 71; progressive character of its treatises, ii. 333-4; Boëthius’ translation of the work, i. 71, =91-2=; advanced treatises “lost” till 12th cent., ii. 248 n., 334; Porphyry’s Introduction to the Categories, i. 45, 92, 102; ii. 312, =314 n.=, 333, =339=; Arabian translations of works, ii. 389-90; introduction of complete works, i. 17; Latin translations made in 13th cent., ii. 391; three stages in scholastic appropriation of the Natural Philosophy and Metaphysics, ii. 393; Paris University study of, ii. 391-2 and n.; Albertus Magnus’ work on, ii. 420-1, 424 seqq.; Aquinas’ mastery of, i. 17, 18; Dominican acceptance of system of, ii. 404; Dante’s reverence for, ii. 542

Arithmetic: Abacus, the, i. 299 Boëthius’ work on, i. 72, =90= Music in relation to, ii. 291 Patristic treatment of, i. 72 Scholastic classification of, ii. 313

Arnold of Brescia, i. 401; ii. 171

Arnulf, Abp. of Rheims, i. 283-4

Art, Christian (For particular arts, see their names): Demons as depicted in, ii. 540 n. 2 Early, i. 345 n. Emotionalizing of, i. 345-7 Evolution of, i. 19-20 Germany, in (11th cent.), i. 312 Symbolism the inspiration of, i. 21; ii. 82-6

Arthur, King, story of youth of, i. 568-569; relations with Lancelot and Guinevere, i. 584; with Parzival, i. 592, 599-600, 612

Arthurian romances: Comparison of, with Chansons de geste, i. 564-5 German culture influenced by, ii. 28 Origin and authorship of, question as to, i. 565-7 Universal vogue of, i. =565=, 573, 577 otherwise mentioned, i. 531, 538

Arts, the (See also Latin classics): Classifications of, ii. 312 seqq. Course of, shortening of, ii. =132=, 384 Dictamen, ii. =121=, =129=, 381 Grammar, see that heading Masters in, at Paris and Oxford, ii. 384-5; course for, ii. 388 Seven Liberal, see that heading

Asceticism: Christian: Carthusian, i. 384 Early growth of, i. 333-5 Manichean, i. 49 Women’s practice of, i. 444, 462-3 Neo-Platonic, i. 43, 44, 46, 50, =331=, 334

Astralabius, ii. 6, 9, 27; Abaelard’s poem to, ii. 191-2 and n. 1

Astrology, i. =44 and n.=; ii. 374: Bacon’s views on, ii. 499-500

Astronomy: Chartres study of, i. 299 Gerbert’s teaching of, i. 288-9 Patristic attitude toward, i. 72

Ataulf, i. 112, 116

Athanasius, St., estimate of work of, i. =54=, 68; Life of St. Anthony by, i. 47, =52 and n.=, 84; Orationes, i. 68

Atlantis, i. 36

Attila the Hun, i. 112-13; in legend, i. 145-7

Augustine, Abp. of Canterbury, i. 6, 171, =180-2=; Gregory’s letters to, cited, i. 102

Augustine, St., Bp. of Hippo, Platonism of, i. 55; personal affinity of, with Plotinus, i. 55-7; barbarization of, by Gregory the Great, i. 98, 102; compared with Gregory the Great, i. 98-9; with Anselm, i. 279; with Guigo, i. 385, 390; overwhelming influence of, in Middle Ages, ii. 403; on numbers, i. 72 and n. 2, 105; attitude toward physical science, i. 300; on love of God, i. 342, 344; allegorizing of Scripture by, ii. 44-5; modification by, of classical Latin, ii. 152; Confessions, i. =63=; ii. 531; De Trinitate, i. =64=, =68=, 74, 96; Civitas Dei, i. 64-65, 69 n. 2, =81-82=; De moribus Ecclesiae, i. 65, 67-8; De doctrina Christiana, i. 66-7; classification scheme based on the Doctrina, ii. 322; De spiritu et littera, i. 69; De cura pro mortuis, i. 86; De genesi ad litteram, ii. 324; Alcuin’s compends of works of, i. 220; otherwise mentioned, i. 5, 53, 71, 75, 82, 87, 89, 104, 186, 225, 340, 354, 366, 370; ii. 107, 269, 297, 312

Augustus, Emp., i. 26, 29

Aurillac monastery, i. 281

Ausonius, i. 126 n. 2; ii. 107

Austrasia: Church organization in, i. 199 Feudal disintegration of, i. 240 Irish monasteries founded in, i. 174 Rise of, under Pippin, i. 209

Authority v. reason, see Reason

Auxerre, i. 506-7

Averroes, ii. 390

Averroism, ii. 400-1

Averroists, ii. =284 n.=, 296 n. 1

Avicenna, ii. 390

Avitus, Bp. of Vienne, i. 126 n. 2

Azo, ii. 262-3

Bacon, Roger, career of, ii. 486-7 tragedy of career, ii. 486; relations with Franciscan Order, ii. 299, 486, =488=, 490-1; encouragement to, from Clement IV., ii. 489-90 and n. 1; estimate of, ii. 484-6; estimate of work of, ii. 402; style of, ii. 179-80; attitude toward the classics, ii. 120; predilection for physical science, ii. 289, 486-7; Albertus Magnus compared with, ii. 422; on four causes of ignorance, ii. 494-5; on seven errors in theological study, ii. 495-8; on experimental science, ii. 502-8; on logic, ii. 505; on faith, ii. 507; editions of works of, ii. 484 n.; Greek Grammar by, ii. =128= and n. 5, 484 n., 487, 498; Multiplicatio specierum, ii. 484 n., 500; Opus tertium, ii. =488=, 490 and nn., 491, 492, 498, 499; Opus majus, ii. 490-1, 492, =494-5=, 498, =499-500=, =506-8=; Optics, ii. 500; Opus minus, ii. 490-1, =495-8=; Vatican fragment, ii. 490 and n. 2, =505 n. 1=; Compendium studii philosophiae, ii. 491, 493-4, 507-8; Compendium theologiae, ii. 491; otherwise mentioned, ii. 284 n., 335 n., =389=, 531-2

Bartolomaeus, De proprietatibus rerum of, ii. 316 n. 2

Bartolus, ii. 264

Baudri, Abbot of Bourgueil, ii. 192 n. 1

Bavaria: Irish monasteries founded in, i. 174 Merovingian rule in, i. 121 Otto’s relations with, i. 241 Reorganization of Church in, 198-9

Bavarians, i. 145 n. 2, 209, 210

Beauty, love of, i. 340

Bec monastery, i. 262 n., 270-2

Bede, estimate of, i. 185-6; allegorizing of Scripture by, ii. 47 n. 1; Church History of the English People, i. 172, =186=, 234 n. 2; De arte metrica, i. 187, =298=; Liber de temporibus, 300; otherwise mentioned, i. 184, 212

Beghards of Liége, i. 365

Belgae, i. 126

Belgica, i. 29, 32

Benedict, Prior, i. 258

Benedict, St., of Nursia, i. =85 and n. 2=, 94, 100 n. 4; Regula of, see under Monasticism

Benedictus, Chronicon of, ii. 160-1

Benedictus Levita, Deacon, ii. 270

Benoit de St. More, Roman de Troie by, ii. 225, =227-9=

Beowulf, i. 141, =143-4= and n. 1

Berengar, King, i. 256

Berengar of Tours, i. 297, 299, =302-3=; ii. 137

Bernard, Bro., of Quintavalle, i. 502

Bernard, disciple of St. Francis, i. 425-6

Bernard of Chartres, ii. 130-2, 370

Bernard, St., Abbot of Clairvaux, at Citeaux, i. 360, 393; inspires Templars’ regula, i. 531; denounces and crushes Abaelard, i. 229, 401; ii. =344-5=, =355=; denounces Arnold of Brescia, i. 401; ii. 171; relations with Gilbert de la Porrée, ii. 372; Lives of, i. 392 n., 393 n. 1; appearance and characteristics of, i. 392-3; estimate of, i. 394; ii. 367-8; love and tenderness of, i. 344, 345, =394 seqq.=; ii. 365; severity of, i. 400-1; his love of Clairvaux, i. 401-2; of his brother, i. 402-4; Latin style of, ii. 169-71; on church corruption, i. 474; on faith, ii. 298; unconcerned with physics, ii. 356; St. Francis compared with, i. 415-16; extracts from letters of, i. 395 seqq.; ii. 170-1; Sermons on Canticles--cited, 337 n.; quoted, i. =409-13=; ii. =169=, 368-9; De consideratione, ii. 368; otherwise mentioned, i. 17, 20, 279, 302, 472, 501; ii. 34, 168

Bernard Morlanensis, De contemptu mundi by, ii. 199 n. 3

Bernard Silvestris, Commentum ... of, ii. 116-17 and n. 2; De mundi universitate, ii. 119, =371 and n.=

Bernardone, Peter, i. 419, 423-4

Bernward, Bp. of Hildesheim, i. 312 and n. 1

Bible, see Scriptures

Biscop, Benedict, i. 184

Bishops: Armed forces, with, i. 473 Francis of Assisi’s attitude toward, i. 430 Gallo-Roman and Frankish, position of, i. 191-2, 194 and nn., 198, =201 n.= Investiture of, lay, i. 244-5 and n. 4; ii. 140 Jurisdiction and privileges of, ii. 266 Papacy’s ascendancy over, i. 304 Reluctance to be consecrated, i. 472 Social class of, i. 473 Vestments of, symbolism of, ii. 77 n. 2

Blancandrin, i. 565

Bobbio monastery, i. 178, =282-3=

Boëthius, death of, i. =89=, 93; estimate of, i. 89, 92, =102=; Albertus Magnus compared with, ii. 420; works of, i. 90-3; Gerbert’s familiarity with works of, i. 289; works of, studied at Chartres, i. 298-9; their importance, i. 298; De arithmetica, i. 72, =90=; De geometria, i. 90; commentary on Porphyry’s Isagoge, i. =92=; ii. 312; translation of the Organon, i. 71, =91-2=; “loss” of advanced works, ii. 248 n., 334; De consolatione philosophiae, i. =89=, 188, =189-90=, 299; mediaeval study of the work, i. 89; ii. 135-6

Bologna: Clubs and guilds in, ii. 382 Fight of, against Parma, i. 497 Law school at, ii. =121=, 251, =259-62=, 378 Medical school at, ii. 121, 383 n. University, Law, inception and character of, ii. 121, =381-3=; affiliated universities, ii. 383 n.

Bonaventura, St. (John of Fidanza), career of, ii. 403; at Paris, ii. 399, 403; estimate of, ii. 301; style of, ii. 181-2; contrasted with Albertus, ii. 405; compared with Aquinas, ii. 405, 437; with Dante, ii. 547; on faith, ii. 298; on Minorites and Preachers, ii. 396; attitude toward Plato and Aristotle, ii. 404-5; toward Scriptures, ii. 405 seqq.; De reductione artium ad theologiam, ii. 406-8; Breviloquium, ii. 408-13; Itinerarium mentis in Deum, ii. 413-18; otherwise mentioned, ii. 283, 288

Boniface, see Winifried-Boniface

Boniface VIII., Pope, Sextus of, ii. 272; Unam sanctam bull of, ii. 509

Books of Sentences, method of, ii. 307 (See also under Lombard)

Botany, ii. 427-8

Bretons, i. 113

Breviarium, i. 117, 239, =243-4=

Britain: Anglo-Saxon conquest of, i. 141 Antique culture in relation to, before Middle Ages, i. 10-11 Celts in, i. 127 n. Christianity of, i. 171-2 Romanization of, i. 32

Brude (Bridius), King of Picts, i. 173

Brunhilde, i. 176, 178

Bruno, Abp. of Cologne, i. 309-10, 383-4; Ruotger’s Life of, i. 310; ii. 162 and n. 1

Burgundians: Christianizing of, i. 193 Church’s attitude toward, i. 120 Roman law code promulgated by (Papianus), ii. 239, =242= Roman subjects of, i. 121 otherwise mentioned, i. 9-10, 113, 145

Burgundy, i. =175=, 243 n. 1

Byzantine architecture, 212 n.

Byzantine Empire, see Eastern Empire

Cædmon, i. 183, 343

Caesar, C. Julius, cited, i. =27-9=, 138, 296

Caesar of Heisterbach, Life of Engelbert by, i. 482-6 and n.; Dialogi miraculorum, cited, i. 488 n., 491.

Canon law: Authority of, ii. 274 Basis of, ii. 267-9 Bulk of, ii. 269 Conciliar decrees, collections of, ii. =269= Decretals: Collections of, ii. 269, =271-2=, =275= =n.= False, ii. 270, 273 Gratian’s Decretum, ii. 268-9, =270-1=, 306 Jus naturale in, ii. 268-9 Lex romana canonice compta, ii. 252 Scope of, ii. 267 Sources of, ii. 269 Supremacy of, ii. 277

Canossa, i. 244

Cantafables, i. 157 n. 1

Canticles, i. 350; Origen’s interpretation of, 333; St. Bernard’s Sermons on, i. 337 n., =409-13=; ii. =169=, 368-9

Capella, Martianus, De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii of, i. =71 and n. 3=; ii. 553

Caritas, ii. 476-8; in relation to faith, ii. 479-81; to wisdom, ii. 481

Carloman, King of Austrasia, i. =199-200 and n.=, 209

Carloman (son of Pippin), i. 209-10

Carnuti, i. 296

Carolingian period: Breviarium epitomes current during, ii. 244, =249= Continuity of, with Merovingian, i. 210-12 Criticism of records non-existent in, i. 234 Definiteness of statement a characteristic of, i. 225, =227= Educational revival in, 218-19, 222, =236=; ii. 122, =158=; palace school, i. =214=, 218, 229, 235 First stage of mediaeval learning represented by, ii. 330, 332 History as compiled in, i. 234-5 King’s law in, ii. 247 Latin poetry of, ii. 188, 194, 197 Latin prose of, ii. 158 Originality in, circumstances evoking, i. 232-3 Restatement of antique and patristic matter in, i. =237=, 342-3

Carthaginians, i. 25

Carthusian Order, origin of, i. 383-4

Cassian’s Institutes and Conlocations, i. 335

Cassiodorus, life and works of, i. 93-7; Chronicon, i. 94; Variae epistolae, i. 94; De anima, 94-5; Institutiones divinarum et saecularium litterarum, i. =95-6=; ii. 357 n. 2; otherwise mentioned, i. 6, 88-9, 115; ii. 312

Cathari, i. 49; ii. 283 n.

Catullus, i. 25

Cavallini, i. 347

Celsus cited, ii. 235, 237

Celtic language, date of disuse of, i. 31 and n.

Celts: Gaul, in, i. =125 and n.=, =126-7=, 129 n. 1 Goidelic and Brythonic, i. 127 n. Ireland, in, see Irish Italy invaded by (3rd cent. B.C.), i. 24 Latinized, i. 124 Teutons compared with, i. 125

Champagne, i. 240, =573=

Chandos, Sir John, i. 554-5

Chanson de Roland, i. 12 n., 528 and n. 2, =559-62=

Chansons de geste, i. =558 seqq.=; ii. 222

Charlemagne, age of, see Carolingian period; estimate of, i. 213; relations of, with the Church, i. =201=, 239; ii. 273; relations with Angilbert, i. 234-5; educational revival by, i. =213-14=; ii. 110, 122, =158=, 332; book of Germanic poems compiled by order of, ii. 220; Capitularies of, ii. 110, =248=; open letters of, i. 213 n.; Einhard’s Life of, ii. 158-9; poetic fame of, i. 210; false Capitularies ascribed to, ii. 270; empire of, non-enduring, i. 238; otherwise mentioned, i. 9, 115, 153, 562; ii. 8

Charles Martel, i. 197, =198=, =209=; ii. 273

Charles II. (the Bald), King of France, i. 228, 235

Charles III. (the Simple), King of France, i. 239-40

Charles IV., King of France, i. 551

Chartres Cathedral, sculpture of, i. =20=, 297; ii. =82-5=

Chartres Schools: Classics the study of, i. 298; ii. 119 Fulbert’s work at, i. 296-7, 299 Grammar as studied at, ii. 129-30 Medicine studied at, ii. 372 Orleans the rival of, ii. 119 n. 2 Trivium and quadrivium at, i. =298-9=; ii. 163 mentioned, i. 287, 293

Chartreuse, La Grande, founding of, i. 384 (See also Carthusian)

Chaucer, ii. 95

Childeric, King, i. 119, 122

Chivalry: Literature of: Arthurian romances, see that heading Aube (alba) poetry, i. =571=; ii. 30 Chansons de geste, i. 558 seqq. Nature of, i. 20 Pastorelle, i. 571 Pietistic ideal recognized in, ii. 288, 533 Poems of various nations cited, i. 570 =n.= Religious phraseology in love poems, i. 350 n. 2 Romans d’aventure, i. =564-5=, 571 n. 2 Three branches of, i. 558 Nature of, i. 522, =570 n.= Order of, evolution of, i. 524 seqq. (See also Knighthood)

Chrétien de Troies, romances by, i. 566-=7=; Tristan, i. 567; Perceval, i. 567, =588-9=; Erec (Geraint), i. 567, 586; ii. 29 n.; Lancelot or Le Conte de la charrette, i. 567, 569-70, =582-5=; Cligés, i. 567, =586 n. 2=; Ivain, i. =571 n. 2=, 586 n. 3; ii. 29 n.; translation of Ovid’s Ars amatoria, i. 574

Christianity: Appropriation of, by mediaeval peoples, stages in, i. 17-18 Aquinas’ Summa as concerning, ii. 324 Art, in, see Art Atonement doctrine, Anselm’s views on, i. 279 Basis of, ii. 268 Britain, in, i. 171-2 Buddhism contrasted with, i. 390 Catholic Church, see Church Completeness of scheme of, ii. 394-5 Dualistic element in, i. 59 Eleventh century, position in, i. 16 Emotional elements in: Fear, i. 103, 339, 342, 383 Hate, i. 332, 339 Love, i. 331, =345= Synthetic treatment of, i. 333 Emotionalizing of, angels as regarded in, i. 348 n. 4 Eternal punishment doctrine of, i. =65=, =339=, 486 Faith of, see Faith Feudalism in relation to, i. 524, 527-=9 and n. 2=, =530= Fifth century, position in, i. 15 Gallo-Roman, i. 191-2 German language affected by, i. 202 Greek Fathers’ contribution to, i. 5 Greek philosophic admixture in, i. 33-4 Hell-fear in, i. 103, =339=, 342, =383= Hymns, see that heading Ideal v. actual, i. 354-5 Incarnation doctrine of, ii. 369 Irish missionaries of, see under Irish Latin as modified for expression of, ii. 152, =154=, 156, 164, 171 Marriage as regarded by, ii. 8, 529 Martyrs for, see Martyrs Mediaeval development in relation to, i. 11, 170 Mediation doctrine of, i. 54, 59-60 Militant character of, in early centuries, i. =69-70=, 75 Miracles, attitude toward, i. 50-1 Monasticism, see that heading Neo-Platonism compared with, i. 51 Pagan ethics inconsistent with, i. 66 Pessimism of, toward mortal life, i. 64 Saints, see that heading Salvation: Master motive, as, i. 59, =61=, 79, 89 Scholasticism’s main interest, as, ii. =296-7=, 300, 311 Standard of discrimination, as, ii. =530=, =533=, 559 Scriptures, see that heading Teutonic acceptance of, see under Teutons Trinity doctrine of: Abaelard’s works on, ii. 10, =298-9=, 352-3, 355 Aquinas on, ii. 449-50, 456 Bonaventura on, ii. 416-17 Dante’s vision, ii. 551 Peter Lombard’s Book on, ii. 323 Roscellin on, ii. 340 Vernacular presentation of, ii. 221 Visions, see that heading

Chronicles, mediaeval, ii. 175

Chrysostom, i. 53

Church, Roman Catholic: Authority of, Duns’ views on, ii. 516 Bishops, see that heading British Church’s divergencies from, 171-2 Canon Law, see that heading Charlemagne’s relations with, i. =201=, 239; ii. 273 Classical study as regarded by, i. 260; ii. =110 seqq.=, 396-7 Clergy, see that heading Confession doctrine of, i. 489 Constantine’s relations with, ii. 266 Creation of, i. 11, 68, =86-7= Decretals, etc., see under Canon Law Denunciations of, i. 474-5; ii. 34-5 Diocesan organization of, among Germans, i. 196 Doctrinal literature of, i. 68-70 Duns’ attitude towards, ii. 513 East and West, solidarity of development of, i. 55 Empire’s relations with, see under Papacy Eternal punishment doctrine of, i. =65=, =339=, 486; ii. 550 Eucharistic controversy, see that heading Fathers of the, see Greek thought, patristic; Latin Fathers; _and chiefly_ Patristic thought Feudalism as affected by, i. 524, 527-=9 and n. 2=, =530= Feudalism as affecting, i. 244, 473 Frankish, see under Franks Gallo-Roman, i. 191-2, 194 Hildegard’s visions regarding, i. 457 Intolerance of, see subheading Persecutions Investiture controversy, see under Bishops Irish Church’s relations with, i. 172-4 and =n. 1= Isidore’s treatise on liturgical practices of, i. 106 Knights’ vow of obedience to, i. 530 Mass, the: Alleluia chant and Sequence-hymn, ii. 196, =201 seqq.= Symbolism of, ii. 77-8 Nicene Creed, i. 69 Papacy, Popes, see those headings Paschal controversy, see Eucharistic Penance doctrine of, i. =101=, 195 Persecutions by, i. 339; of Albigenses, i. 366-7, 461, 481, 572; ii. 168; of Jews, i. 118, 332; of Montanists, i. 332 Popes, see that heading Predestination, attitude toward, i. 228 Property of, enactments regarding, ii. 266 Rationalists in, i. 305 Reforms in (11th cent.), i. 304 Roman law for, ii. 265 and n. 2 Sacraments: Definition of the word, ii. 72 and n. 1 Hugo of St. Victor on, ii. 64, 66, 68-9, 71, =72-4=, 90 n. 2 Origin of, Bonaventura on, ii. 411-13 Pagan analogy with, i. 53, 59-60 Secularization of dignities of, i. 472 Simony in, i. =244=, 475 Spain, in, see under Spain Standards set by, ii. 528-9 Suspects to, estimate of, ii. 532 Synod of Aix (817), i. 359 Theodosian Code as concerning, ii. 266-7 and n. 1 Transubstantiation doctrine of, i. 226-227 “Truce of God” promulgated by, i. 529 n. 2

Churches: Building of, symbolism in, ii. 78-82 Dedication of, sequence designed for, ii. 210-11

Cicero, i. 26 n. 3, 39, 78, =219=

Cino, ii. 264

Cistercian Order: Charta charitatis, i. 361-3 Clairvaux founded, i. 393 Cluniac controversies with, i. 360

Citeaux monastery: Bernard at, i. 360, 393 Foundation and rise of, i. 360-3

Cities and towns: Growth of, in 12th cent., i. 305; ii. =379-80= Italian, see under Italy

Cities (civitates) of Roman provinces, i. 29-30

Clairvaux (Clara Vallis): Founding of, i. 360, 393 Position of, i. 362 St. Bernard’s love of, i. 401-2

Classics, see Latin classics

Claudius, Bp. of Turin, i. 215, 231-2 and n. 1

Claudius, Emp., i. 30

Clement II., Pope, i. 243

Clement IV., Pope, ii. 489-91

Clement V., Pope, Decretales Clementinae of, ii. 272

Clement of Alexandria, ii. 64

Clergy: Accusations against, false, penalty for, ii. 266 Legal status of, ii. 382 Regular, see Monasticism Secular: Concubinage of, i. 244 Francis of Assisi’s attitude toward, i. 430, 440 Marriage of, i. 472 n. 1 Reforms of, i. 359 Standard of conduct for, i. 471; ii. 529 Term, scope of, i. 356

Clerval, Abbé, cited, i. 300 n. 1

Clopinel, Jean, see De Meun

Clovis (Chlodoweg), i. 114, 117, =119-21=, 122, 138, =193-4=; ii. 245

Cluny monastery: Abaelard at, ii. 25, =26=, 345 Characteristics of, i. 359-60 Monastic reforms accomplished by, i. =293=, 304

Cologne, i. 29, 31

Columba, St., of Iona, i. =133-7=, 173

Columbanus, St., of Luxeuil and Bobbio, i. 6, 133, =174-9=, 196; Life and works of, 174 n. 2

Combat, trial by, i. 232

Commentaries, mediaeval: Boëthius’, i. 93 Excerpts as characteristic of, i. 104 General addiction to, ii. 390, 553 n. 4 Originals supplanted by, ii. 390 Raban’s, i. 222-3

Compends: Fourteenth century use of, ii. 523 Mediaeval preference for, i. 94 Medical, in Italy, i. 251 Saints’ lives, of (Legenda aurea), ii. 184

Conrad, Duke of Franconia, i. 241

Conrad II., Emp., i. 243

Constantine, Emp., ii. 266; “Donation” of, ii. =35=, 265, 270

Constantinus Africanus, i. =251= and n.; ii. 372

Cordova, i. 25

Cornelius Nepos, i. 25

Cornificiani, ii. =132=, 373

Cosmogony: Aquinas’ theory of, ii. 456 Mediaeval allegorizing of, ii. 65 seqq. Patristic attitude toward, i. 72-4

Cosmology, Alan’s, in Anticlaudianus, ii. 377

Cremona, i. 24

Cross, Christian: Magic safeguard, as, i. 294-5 Mediaeval feeling for, ii. 197

Crusades: Constantinople, capture of, as affecting Western learning, ii. 391 First: Chansons concerning, i. 537-8 Character of, i. 535-7 Guibert’s account of, ii. 175 Hymn concerning, quoted, i. 349 and n. Italians little concerned in, ii. 189 Joinville’s account of, quoted, i. 546-9 Language of, i. 531 Results of, i. 305 Second, i. 394 Spirit of, i. 535-7

Cuchulain, i. 129 and nn. 2, 3

Cynewulf’s Christ, i. 183

Cyprian quoted, i. 337 n.

Cyril of Alexandria, i. 227

Cyril of Jerusalem, i. 53

Da Romano, Alberic, i. 515-16

Da Romano, Eccelino, i. =505-6=, 516

Dacia, Visigoths in, i. 112

Damiani, St. Peter, Card. Bp. of Ostia, career of, i. 262-4; attitude of, to the classics, i. 260; ii. 112, 165; on the hermit life, i. 369-70; on tears, i. 371 and n.; extract illustrating Latin style of, ii. 165 and n. 3; works of, i. 263 n. 1; writings quoted, i. 263-7; Liber Gomorrhianus, i. 265, 474; Vita Romualdi, i. 372 seqq.; biography of Dominicus Loricatus, i. 381-2; De parentelae gradibus, ii. 252; otherwise mentioned, i. 17, 19, 20, 260, 343, 345, 391; ii. 34

Damianus, i. 262, 265

Danes, i. 142, =153=

Dante, estimate of, ii. 534-5; scholarship of, ii. 541 n. 2; possessed by spirit of allegory, ii. 552-5; compared with Aquinas and influenced by him, ii. 541 n. 2, 547, 549, 551, 555; compared with Bonaventura, ii. 547; attitude to Beatrice, ii. 555-8; on love, ii. 555-6; on monarchy, ii. 278; De monarchia, ii. 535; De vulgari eloquentia, ii. 219, =536=; Vita nuova, ii. =556=, 559; Convito, ii. =537-8=, 553; Divina Commedia, i. 12 n.; ii. 86, 99 n. 1, =103=, 219; commentaries on this work, ii. 553-4; estimate of it, ii. 538, 540-1, 544, 553-4; Inferno cited, ii. 42, 541-3, =545-7=; Purgatorio cited, ii. 535, 542-3, =548-9=, 554, 558; Paradiso cited, i. 395; ii. 542-3, =549-51=, 558

Dares the Phrygian, ii. 116 and n. 3, 224-=5 and nn.=, 226-7

De bello et excidio urbis Comensis, ii. 189-90

De Boron, Robert, i. 567

De casu Diaboli, i. 279

De consolatione philosophiae, see under Boëthius

De Lorris, Guillaume, Roman de la rose by, i. =586-7=; ii. 103 and n. 1, 104

De Meun, Jean (Clopinel), Roman de la rose by, ii. 103 and n. 1, 104, =223=

Denis, St., i. 230

Dermot (Diarmaid, Diarmuid), High-King of Ireland, i. =132=-3, 135, =136=

Desiderius, Bp. of Vienne, i. 99

Desiderius, Pope, i. =253=, 263

Devil, the: Mediaeval beliefs and stories as to, i. 487 seqq. Romuald’s conflicts with, i. =374=, 379-80

Dialectic (See also Logic): Abaelard’s skill in, ii. 118, 119, =345-6=, 353; his subjection of dogma to, ii. 304; his Dialectica, ii. 346 and nn., 349-50 Chartres study of, i. 298 Duns Scotus’ mastery of, ii. 510, 514 Grammar penetrated by, ii. 127 seqq. Hugo of St. Victor on, ii. 67 Raban’s view of, i. 222 Thirteenth century study of, ii. 118-20

Diarmaid (Diarmuid), see Dermot

Dictamen, ii. =121=, =129=, 381

Dictys the Cretan, ii. 224, 225 and n. 1

Dies irae, i. 348

Dionysius the Areopagite, ii. 10, 102, =344=

Divina Commedia, see under Dante

Divination, ii. 374

Dominic, St., i. =366-7=, 497; ii. 396

Dominican Order: Aristotelianism of, ii. 404 Founding of, i. =366=; ii. 396 Growth of, i. 498; ii. =398= Object of, ii. 396 Oxford University, at, ii. 387 Papacy, relations with, ii. =398=, 509 Paris University, position in, ii. =386=, 399

Dominicus Loricatus, i. 263, =381-3=

Donatus, i. 71, 297; Ars minor and Barbarismus of, ii. 123-=4=

Donizo of Canossa, ii. 189 and n. 2

Druids: Gallic, i. =28=, 296 Irish, i. 133

Du Guesclin, Bertrand, Constable of France, i. 554-6, 557 n.

Duns Scotus, education of, ii. 511; career of, ii. 513; estimate of, ii. 513; intricacy of style of, ii. 510, 514, =516 n. 2=; on logic, ii. 504 n. 2; Occam’s attitude toward, ii. 518 seqq.; editions of works of, ii. 511 n. 1; estimate of his work, ii. 509-10, 514

Dunstan, St., Abp. of Canterbury, i. 323-4

Durandus, Guilelmus, Rationale divinorum officiorum of, ii. 76 seqq.

Eadmer, i. 269, 273, 277

Eastern Empire: Frankish relations with, i. 123 Huns’ relations with, i. 112-13 Norse mercenaries of, i. 153 Ostrogoths’ relations with, i. 114 Roman restoration by, i. 115

Ebroin, i. 209

Eckbert, Abbot of Schönau, i. 444

Ecstasy: Bernard’s views on, ii. 368 Examples of, i. 444, 446

Eddas, ii. 220

Education: Carolingian period, in, i. =213-14=, 218-19, 222, =236=; ii. 110, 122, =158=, 332 Chartres method of, ii. 130-1 Grammar a chief study in, ii. 122 seqq., 331-2 Italy, in, see under Italy Latin culture the means and method of, i. 12; ii. =109= Schools, clerical and monastic, i. =250 n. 2=, 293 Schools, lay, i. 249-51 Seven Liberal Arts, see that heading Shortening of academic course, advocates of, ii. =132=, 373

Edward II., King of England, i. 551

Edward III., King of England, i. 550-1

Edward the Black Prince, i. 554-6

Einhard the Frank, i. 234 n. 1; Life of Charlemagne by, i. 215; ii. 158-9

Ekkehart family, i. 309

Ekkehart of St. Gall, Waltarius (Waltharilied) by, ii. 188

El-Farabi, ii. 390

Eleventh century: Characteristics of, i. 301; in France, i. 301, 304, 328; in Germany, i. 307-9; in England, i. 324; in Italy, i. 327 Christianity in, position of, i. 16

Elias, Minister-General of the Minorites, i. 499

Elizabeth, St., of Hungary, i. 391, =465 n. 1=

Elizabeth, St., of Schönau, visions of, i. 444-6

Emotional development, secular, i. 349-50 and n. 2

Empire, the, see Holy Roman Empire

Encyclopaedias, mediaeval, ii. 316 n. 2; Vincent’s Speculum majus, ii. 315-22

Eneas, ii. 225, =226=

Engelbert, Abp. of Cologne, i. 481-6; estimate of, i. 482

England (See also Britain): Danish Viking invasion of, i. 153 Eleventh century conditions in, i. 324 Law in, principles of, i. 141-2; Roman law almost non-existent in Middle Ages, ii. 248 Norman conquest of, linguistic result of, i. 324

English language, character of, i. 324

Epicureanism, i. =41=, 70; ii. 296, 312

Eriugena, John Scotus, estimate of, i. 215, =228-9=, =231=; ii. 330; on reason v. authority, ii. 298, 302; works of, studied at Chartres, i. 299; De divisione naturae, i. =230-1=; ii. 302; otherwise mentioned, i. 16; ii. 282 n., 312

Essenes, i. 334

Ethelbert, King of Kent, i. 180-1

Etymologies of Isidore, i. 33, 105 and n. 1, =107-9=; ii. 318; law codes glossed from, ii. 250

Eucharistic (Paschal) controversy: Berengar’s contribution to, i. 302-3 Paschasius’ contribution to, i. 225-7

Eucherius, Bp. of Lyons, ii. 48 n. 1

Euclid, i. 40

Eudemus of Rhodes, i. 38

Eunapius, i. 47, 52

Euric, King of the Visigoths, i. 117 and n. 1

Eusebius, i. 81 n. 2

Evil or sin: Abaelard’s views concerning, ii. 350 Eriugena’s views concerning, i. 228 Original sin, realism in relation to, ii. 340 n. Peter Lombard and Aquinas contrasted as to, ii. 308-10

Experimental science, Bacon on, ii. 502-8

Fabliaux, i. =521 n. 2=; ii. 222

Facts, unlimited actuality of, i. 79-80

Faith: Abaelard’s definition of, ii. 354 Bacon’s views on, ii. 507 Bernard of Clairvaux’s attitude toward, ii. 355 Caritas in relation to, ii. 479-81 Cognition through, Aquinas’ views on, ii. 446 Occam’s views on, ii. 519 Proof of matters of, Aquinas on, ii. 450 Will as functioning in, ii. 479

False Decretals, i. 104 n., =118 n. 1=

Fathers of the Church (See also Patristic thought): Greek, see Greek thought, patristic Latin, see Latin Fathers

Faustus, ii. 44

Felix, St., i. 86

Feudalism (See also Knighthood): Anarchy of, modification of, i. 304 Austrasian disintegration by, i. 240 Chansons regarding, i. 559 seqq., 569 Christianity in relation to, i. 524, 527-=9 and n. 2=, =530= Church affected by, i. 244, 473 Italy not greatly under, i. 241 Marriage as affected by, i. 571, 586 Obligations of, i. 533-4 Origin of, 522-3 Principle and practice of, at variance, i. 522

Fibonacci, Leonardo, ii. 501

Finnian, i. 136

Flamenca, i. 565

Flore et Blanchefleur, i. 565

Florus, Deacon, of Lyons, i. 229 and n.

Fonte Avellana hermitage, i. =262-3=, 381

Forms, new, creation of, see Mediaeval thought--Restatement

Fortunatus, Hymns by, ii. 196-7

Fourteenth century: Academic decadence in, ii. 523 Papal position in, ii. 509-10

France (For particular districts, towns, etc., see their names): Antique, the, in relation to, before Middle Ages, i. 9-10 Arthurian romances developed in, i. 566 Cathedrals of, ii. 539, 554-5 Church in, secularization of, i. 472-3 Eleventh century conditions in, i. 301, 304, 328 History of, in 11th century, i. 300 Hundred Years’ War, i. 550 seqq. Jacquerie in (1358), i. 556 Language modifications in, ii. 155 Literary celebrities in (12th cent.), ii. 168 Monarchy of, advance of, i. 305 North and South, characteristics of, i. 328 Rise of, in 14th century, ii. 509 Town-dwellers of, i. =495=, 508

Francis, St., of Assisi, birth of, i. 415; parentage, i. 419; youth, i. 420-3; breach with his father, i. 423-4; monastic career, i. 427 seqq.; French songs sung by, i. =419 and n. 2=, 427, 432; Lives of, i. 415 n.; style of Thomas of Celano’s Life, ii. 182-3; Speculum perfectionis, i. 415 n., 416 n., =438 n. 3=; ii. =183=; literal acceptance of Scripture by, i. 365, 406-=7=; on Scripture interpretation, i. 427 n. 1; ii. 183; universality of outlook, i. 417; mediaevalism, i. 417; Christ-influence, i. 417, =418=, =432=-3; inspiration, i. =419 n. 1=, 441; gaiety of spirit, i. 421, 427-8, 431-2; poetic temperament, i. 422, 435; love of God, man, and nature, i. 366, 428, =432-3=, =435=-7; simplicity, i. 429; obedience and humility, i. 365 n., =429-30=; humanism, i. 495; St. Bernard compared with, i. 415-16; St. Dominic contrasted with, ii. 396; Fioretti, ii. 184; Canticle of Brother Sun, i. 433-4, =439-40=; last testament of, i. 440-1; otherwise mentioned, i. 20, 21, 279, 344, 345, 355-6; ii. 302

Franciscan Order: Attractiveness of, i. 498 Augustinianism of, ii. 404 Bacon’s relations with, ii. 486, =488=, 490-=1= Characteristics of, i. 366 Founding of, i. =427=; ii. 396 Grosseteste’s relations, ii. =487=, 511 Object of, ii. 396 Oxford University, at, ii. 387, 400 Papacy, relations with, ii. =398=, 509 Paris University, in, ii. 386, 399 Rise of, ii. 398

Franconia, i. 241

Franks (See also Germans): Christianity as accepted by, i. 193 Church among: Bishops, position of, i. =194 and nn.=, 198, 201 n. Charlemagne’s relations with, i. =201=, 239; ii. 273 Clovis, under, i. 194 Lands held by, i. 194, 199-200; immunities of, i. 201 and n. Organization of, i. 199 Reform of, by Boniface, i. =196=; ii. 273 Roman character of, i. 201 Division of the kingdom a custom of, i. 238-9 Gallo-Roman relations with, i. 123 Language of, i. 145 n. 2 Law of, ii. 245-6 Missi dominici, i. 211 Ripuarian, i. 119, 121; ii. 246 Romanizing of, partial, i. 9-10 Salian, i. 113, =119=; Code, ii. 245-6 Saracens defeated by, i. 209-10 n. 1 Trojan origin of, belief as to, ii. 225 and n. 1

Frederic, Count of Isenburg, i. 483-6

Frederick I. (Barbarossa), Emp., i. 448

Frederick II., Emp., under Innocent’s guardianship, ii. 32-3; crowned, ii. 33; estimate of, i. 497; otherwise mentioned, i. 250 n. 4, 417, 481, 505, 510, 517

Free, meaning of term, i. 526 n. 3

Free Companies, i. 556

Free will: Angelic, ii. 473 Duns Scotus on, ii. 515 Human, ii. 475 Richard of Middleton on, ii. 512

Freidank, i. 475; ii. =35=

Frescoes, i. 346-7

Friendship, chivalric, i. 561-2, 569-70, 583

Frisians, i. 169, 174; missionary work among, i. =197=, 200, 209

Froissart, Sir John, Chronicles of, i. 549 seqq.; estimate of the work, i. 557

Froumund of Tegernsee, i. =312-13=; ii. 110

Fulbert, Bp. of Chartres, i. 287, =296-7=, 299

Fulbert, Canon, ii. 4-6, 9

Fulco, Bp. of Toulouse, i. 461

Fulda monastery, i. =198=, 221 n. 2

Fulk of Anjou, ii. 138

Gaius, Institutes of, ii. 241, 243

Galahad, i. 569-70, 583, 584 and n. 2

Galen of Pergamos, i. =40=, 251

Gall, St., i. 6, 178, =196=

Gallo-Romans: Feudal system among, i. 523 Frankish rule over, i. 120, 123 Literature of, i. 126 n. 2

Gandersheim cloister, i. 311

Gaul (For particular districts, towns, etc., see their names): Celtic inhabitants of, i. =125 and n.=, =126=-7, 129 n. 1 Druidism in, i. =28=, 296 Ethnology of, i. 126 Heathenism in, late survival of, i. 191 n. 1 Latinization of, i. 9-10, =29-32= Visigothic kingdom in south of, i. 112, 116, 117, 121

Gauls, characteristics and customs of, i. 27-8

Geoffrey of Beaulieu, Life of St. Louis by, i. 539-42

Gepidae, i. 113, 115

Geraldus, St., i. 281

Gerard, brother of St. Bernard, i. 402-4

Gerbert of Aurillac, see Sylvester II.

German language: Christianity as affecting, i. 202 High and Low, separation of, i. 145 n. 2 Middle High German literature, ii. 168, 221 Old High German poetry, ii. =194=, 220

Germans (Saxons) (See also Franks): Characteristics of, i. 138-40, 147, 151-2 Language of, see German language Latin as studied by, i. =307-9=; ii. =123=, 155 Literature of, ii. 220-1 (See also subheading Poetry) Marriage as regarded by, ii. 30 Nationalism of, in 13th cent., ii. 28 Poetry of: Hildebrandslied, i. 145-7 Kudrun (Gudrun), i. 148, =149=-52; ii. 220 Nibelungenlied, i. 145-6, =148-9=, 152, 193, 203 n. 2; ii. 220 Waltarius, i. 147 and n., 148 otherwise mentioned, i. 113, 115, 119, 174, 209, 210

Germany: Antique, the, in relation to, before Middle Ages, i. 10-11 Art in (11th cent.), i. 312 Church in, secularization of, i. 472 Italy contrasted with, as to culture, i. 249-50 Merovingian supremacy in, i. 121 Papacy as regarded by, ii. 28, 33, =34-5= Sequence-composition in, ii. 215

Gertrude of Hackeborn, Abbess, i. 466

Gilbert de la Porrée, Bp. of Poictiers, ii. 132, =372=

Gilduin, Abbot of St. Victor, ii. =62= and n. 2

Giraldus Cambrensis, ii. 135 and n.

Girard, Bro., of Modena, i. 498

Glaber, Radulphus, Histories of, i. 488 n.

Glass-painting, ii. 82-6

Gnosticism, i. 51 n. 1

Gnostics, Eriugena compared with, i. 231 and n. 1

Godehard, Bp. of Hildesheim, i. 312

Godfrey of Bouillon, i. 535-8

Godfrey of Viterbo, ii. 190 and n. 4

Gondebaud, King of the Burgundians, ii. 242

Good and the true compared, ii. 441, 512

Goths (See also Visigoths): Christianity of, i. 192, 194 Roman Empire invaded by, i. 111 seqq.

Gottfried von Strassburg, i. 567; ii. 223; Tristan of, i. 577-82

Gottschalk, i. 215, 221 n. 2, 224-5, 227-=8=; verses by, ii. 197-9

Government: Church v. State controversy, ii. 276-7 (See also Papacy--Empire) Ecclesiastical, see Canon Law Monarchical, ii. 277-8 Natural law in relation to, ii. 278-=9= Representative assemblies, ii. 278

Grace, Aquinas’ definition of, ii. 478-9

Grail, the, i. 589, =596-7=, =607=, 608, 613

Grammar: Chartres studies in, i. =298=; ii. 129-30 Current usage followed by, ii. 163 and n. 1 Hugo of St. Victor on, ii. 67 Importance and predominance of, in Middle Ages, i. 109 and n., =292=; ii. =331-2= Italian study of, ii. =129=, 381 Language continuity preserved by, ii. =122-3=, 151, 155 Law studies in relation to, ii. 121 Logic in relation to, ii. 127 seqq., 333-4; in Abaelard’s work, ii. 346 Raban’s view of, i. 222 Scholastic classification of, ii. 313 Syntax, connotation of term, ii. 125 Works on--Donatus, Priscian, Alexander, ii. 123 =seqq.=

Grammarian, meaning of term, i. 250

Gratianus, Decretum of, ii. 268-9, =270-1=, 306, 380-2; dicta, ii. 271

Greek classics, see Greek thought, pagan

Greek language: Oxford studies in, ii. 120, 391, =487= Translations from, direct, in 13th cent., ii. 391

Greek legends, mediaeval allegorizing of, ii. 52, 56-9

Greek novels, ii. 224 and n.

Greek thought, pagan: Bacon’s attitude toward, ii. 492-3 Breadth of interest of, ii. 109 Christian standpoint contrasted with, i. 390; ii. 295-6 Church Fathers permeated by, i. 33-4 Completeness of schemes presented by, ii. 394 Limitless, the, abhorrent to, i. 353-4 Love as regarded by, i. 575 Metaphysics in, ii. 335-7 Scholasticism contrasted with, ii. 296 Summa moralium philosophorum, ii. 373 Symbolism in, ii. 42, =56= Transmutation of, through Latin medium, i. 4

Greek thought, patristic (See also Patristic thought): Comparison of, with Latin, i. 68 Pagan philosophic thought contrasted with, ii. 295-6 Symbolism in, ii. 43 Transmutation of, through Latin medium, i. 5, 34 and n.

Gregorianus, ii. =240=, 243

Gregory, Bp. of Tours, i. 121; Historia Francorum by, i. 234 n. 2; ii. 155

Gregory I. (the Great), Pope, family and education of, i. 97; Augustine of Hippo compared with, i. 98-9; Augustinianism barbarized by, i. 98, 102; sends mission to England, i. 6, 33, =180-1 and n. 1=; estimate of, i. =56=, 89, =102-3=, =342=; estimate of his writings, i. 354; on miracles, i. 100, 182; on secular studies, ii. 288; letter to Theoctista cited, i. 102 n. 1; editions of works of, i. 97 n.; works of, translated by King Alfred, i. 187; Dialogues on the Lives and Miracles of the Italian Saints, i. 85 and n. 2, 100; Moralia, i. =97=, 100; ii. 57; Odo’s epitome of this work, ii. 161; Commentary on Kings, i. 100 n. 1; Pastoral Rule, i. =102=, 187-8; otherwise mentioned, i. 16 and n. 4, 65, 87, 104, 116

Gregory II., Pope, i. 197-8; ii. 273

Gregory III., Pope, i. 198; ii. 273

Gregory VII., Pope (Hildebrand), claims of, i. =244-5=; ii. 274; relations with Damiani, i. 263; exile of, i. 244, 253; estimate of, i. 261; otherwise mentioned, i. 17, 174 n. 1, 243, 304

Gregory IX., Pope, codification by, of Canon law, ii. 272; efforts of, to improve education of the Church, ii. 398; mentioned, i. 476; ii. 33

Gregory of Nyssa, i. 53, 80, 87, 340

Grosseteste, Robert, Chancellor of Oxford University and Bp. of Lincoln, Greek studies promoted by, ii. =120=, =391=, 487; estimate of, ii. 511-12; Augustinianism of, ii. 403-4; attitude toward the classics, ii. 120, 389; relations with Franciscan Order, ii. =487=, 511; Bacon’s relations with, ii. 487

Gudrun (Kudrun), i. 148, =149=-52; ii. 220

Guigo, Prior, estimate of, i. 390-1; relations with St. Bernard, i. 405; Consuetudines Carthusiae by, i. 384; Meditationes of, i. 385-90

Guinevere, i. 569, =584= and n. 1, 585

Guiot de Provens, “Bible” of, i. 475-6 and n. 1

Guiscard, Robert, ii. 189 n. 2

Gumpoldus, Bp. of Mantua, Life of Wenceslaus by, ii. 162 n. 1

Gundissalinus, Archdeacon of Segovia, ii. 312 and n. 4, 313

Gunther, Ligurinus of, ii. 192 and n. 4

Gunzo of Novara, i. 257-8

Harding, Stephen, Abbot of Citeaux, i. =360=, =361=, 393

Harold Fairhair, i. 153

Hartmann von Aue, i. =348-9 and n.=, 567; ii. 29 n.

Harun al Raschid, Caliph, i. 210

Heinrich von Veldeke, i. 567; ii. 29 n.

Heliand, i. =203 and nn.=, 308

Helias, Count of Maine, ii. 138

Hell: Dante’s descriptions of, ii. 546-7 Fear of, i. 103, =339=, 342, =383= Visions of, i. 454-5, 456 n.

Heloïse, Abaelard’s love for, ii. 4-5, 344; his love-songs to, ii. =13=, 207; love of, for Abaelard, i. 585; ii. =3=, =5=, 8, 9, =15-16=; birth of Astralabius, ii. 6; opposes marriage with Abaelard, ii. 6-9; marriage, ii. 9; at Argenteuil, ii. 9, 10; takes the veil, ii. 10; at the Paraclete, ii. 10 seqq.; letters of, to Abaelard quoted, ii. 11-15, 17-20, 23, 24; Abaelard’s letters to, quoted, ii. 16-17, 21-3, 24-5; Peter the Venerable’s letter, ii. 25-7; letter of, to Peter the Venerable, ii. 27; death of, ii. 27; intellectual capacity of, ii. 3

Henry the Fowler, i. 241

Henry II., Emp., i. 243; dirge on death of, ii. 216

Henry IV., Emp., i. 244; ii. =167=

Henry VI., Emp., ii. 32, 190

Henry I., King of England, ii. 139, 146, 176-8

Henry II., King of England, ii. 133, 135, 372

Henry of Brabant, ii. 391

Henry of Ghent, ii. 512

Henry of Huntington cited, i. 525

Henry of Septimella, ii. 190 and n. 3

Heretics (For particular sects, see their names): Abaelard’s views on coercion of, ii. 350, 354 Insignificance of, in relation to mediaeval thought, ii. 283 and n. Theodosian enactments against, ii. 266 Twelfth century, in, i. 305

Herluin, Abbot of Bec, i. 271

Hermann, Landgraf of Thüringen, i. 589; ii. 29

Hermann Contractus, i. 314-15 and n. 1

Hermits: Irish, i. 133 Motives of, i. 335, 363 Temper of, i. 368 seqq.

Hermogenianus, ii. 240, 243

Herodotus, i. 77

Hesse, Boniface’s work in, i. 197-8

Hilarion, St., i. 86

Hilary, Bp. of Poictiers, i. =63=, 68, 70

Hildebert of Lavardin, Bp. of Le Mans and Abp. of Tours, career of, ii. 137-40; love of the classics, ii. =141-2=, =146=, 531; letters of, quoted, ii. 140, 143, 144-5, 146-7; Latin text of letter, ii. 172; Latin elegy by, ii. 191; otherwise mentioned, ii. 61, 134, 373 n. 2

Hildebrand, see Gregory VII.

Hildebrandslied, ii. 220

Hildegard, St., Abbess of Bingen, dedication of, i. 447; visions of, i. 267, =449-59=; affinity of, with Dante, ii. 539; correspondence of, i. 448; works of, i. 446 n.; Book of the Rewards of Life, i. 452-6; Scivias, i. 457-9; otherwise mentioned, i. 20, 345, 443; ii. 302, 365

Hildesheim, bishops of (11th cent.), i. 312

Hilduin, Abbot, i. 230

Hincmar, i. 215, 230, =233 n. 1=

Hipparchus, i. 40

Hippocrates, i. 40

History: Carolingian treatment of, i. 234-5 Classical attitude toward, i. 77-8 Eleventh century treatment of, i. 300 Historia tripartita of Cassiodorus, i. 96-7 Patristic attitude toward, i. 80-4 Seven Books of Histories adversum paganos by Orosius, i. 82-3

Holy Roman Empire: Burgundy added to, i. 243 n. 1 German character of, ii. 32 Papacy, relations with, see under Papacy Refounding of, by Otto, i. 243 Rise of, under Charlemagne, i. 212

Honorius II., Pope, i. 531

Honorius III., Pope, i. 366, 482, 497; ii. 33, 385 n., =398=

Honorius of Autun--on classical study, ii. 110, =112-13=; Speculum ecclesiae of, ii. 50 seqq.; Gemma animae, ii. 77 n. 1

Hosius, Bp. of Cordova, i. 118 n. 1

Hospitallers, i. 531

Hrotsvitha, i. 311 and n. 2, ii. 215 n. 2

Huesca (Osca), i. 25

Hugh, Abbot of Cluny, ii. 137

Hugh Capet, i. 239-=40= and n.

Hugh the Great, Count of Paris, i. 241

Hugh of Payns, i. 531

Hugo, Archdeacon of Halberstadt, ii. 62

Hugo, Bro., of Montpellier, i. 510-14

Hugo, King, i. 242

Hugo of St. Victor, estimate of, ii. =63=, =111=, 118, 301, =356=; allegorizing by, ii. 367; on classical study, ii. 110-11; on logic, ii. 333; pupils of, ii. 87; works of, ii. 61 n. 2; Didascalicon, ii. 48 n. 2, =63=, =111=, 312, =357 and nn. 2-5=; De sacramentis Christianae fidei, ii. 48 n. 2, =64 seqq.=, 365, =395=, 540; Expositio in regulam beati Augustini, ii. 62 n. 2; De arca Noë morali, ii. 75 n., =365-7=; De arca Noë mystica, ii. 367; De vanitate mundi, ii. 75 n., =111-12=; Summa sententiarum, ii. 356; Sermons on Ecclesiastes, ii. 358-9; otherwise mentioned, i. 17, 20, 457; ii. 404

Humanists, ii. 126

Humiliati of Lombardy, i. 365

Hungarians, i. 241-=2=

Huns, i. 112, 119, 193

Huon de Bordeaux, i. 564

Hy (Iona) Island, i. 136, =173=

Hymns, Christian: Abaelard, by, ii. 25, =207-9= Estimate of, i. 21 Evolution of, i. 347-9 and n.; ii. 196, =200 seqq.= Hildegard’s visions regarding, i. 459 Hugo of St. Victor, by, ii. 86 seqq. Sequences, development of, ii. 196, =201-6=; Adam of St. Victor’s, ii. 209-15

Iamblicus, i. 42, =47=, 51, 56-7; ii. 295

Iceland, Norse settlement in, i. 153

Icelanders, characteristics and customs of, i. 154

Icelandic Sagas, see Sagas

Ideal v. actual, i. 353 seqq.

Innocent II., Pope, i. =394=; ii. 10

Innocent III., Pope, i. 417, 481, 497; ii. =32=, =274=, 384, =398=

Innocent IV., Pope, i. 506

Intellectus agens, ii. 464, =507 n. 2=

Iona (Hy) Island, i. 136, =173=

Ireland: Celts in, see Irish Church of, missionary zeal of, i. 133, 136, 172 seqq. Danish settlements in, i. 153 Monasteries in, i. =153 n. 1=, 173 Norse invasion of, i. 134 Scholarship in, i. =180 n.=, 184-5

Irenaeus, Bp. of Lyons, i. 225

Irish: Art of, i. 128 n. 1 Characteristics of, i. =128=, 130, 133, 179 History of, i. 127 and n. Influence of, on mediaeval feeling, i. 179 and n. Literature of, i. =128 and n. 2=, =129 seqq.=, 134; poetry, ii. 194 Missionary labours of, i. 133, 136, 172 seqq.; defect of, i. 179, 196 Norse harryings of, i. 133-4; intercourse with, i. 152 n. 3 Oxford University, at, ii. 387

Irnerius, ii. 121, =260=, 380-1; Summa codicis of, ii. 255-9

Irrationality (See also Miracles): Neo-Platonic teaching as to, i. 42-4, 48, 52 Patristic doctrine as to, i. 51-3

Isabella, Queen, wife of Edward II., i. 550-1

Isidore, Abp. of Seville, estimate of, i. 89, 103, 118 n. 1; Bede compared with, i. 185-7; False Decretals attributed to, i. 118 n. 1; ii. =270=, 273; works of, i. 104-9; Etymologiae, see Etymologies of Isidore; Origines, i. 236, 300; otherwise mentioned, i. 6, 88; ii. 46, 312

Italian people in relation to the antique, i. 7-8

Italy (For particular districts, towns, etc., see their names): Celtic inroads into (3rd cent. B.C.), i. 24 Church in, secularization of, i. 472 Cities in: Continuity of, through dark ages, i. 248, =494-5=; ii. 381 Fighting amongst, i. 497-8 Importance of, i. 241, 326, =494-5= Continuity of culture and character in, i. =326=, 495; ii. =120-2= Dante as influenced by, ii. 534-5 Education in--lay, persistence of, i. 249-51; clerical and monastic, i. 250 n. 2 Eleventh-century conditions in, i. 327 Feudalism not widely fixed in, i. 241 Feuds in, i. 515-16 Grammar as studied in, i. 250 and n. 2; ii. 129 Irish monasteries founded in, i. 174 Literature of, mediaeval, lack of originality in, ii. 189; eleventh-century verse, i. 251 seqq.; ii. 165 n. 1, 186 Lombard kingdom of (6th cent.), i. 115-16 Medicine studied in, i. 250 and n. 4, =251=; ii. 121 Unification of, under Rome, i. 23

Jacobus à Voragine, Legenda aurea by, ii. 184

Jacques de Vitry, Bp. and Card. of Tusculum, i. 461 and n.; Exempla of, i. 488 n., 490

Jerome, St., estimate of, i. 344, 354; letter of, on asceticism, i. 335 and =n. 1=; love of the classics, ii. 107, 112, 531; modification by, of classical Latin, ii. 152, 171; two styles of, ii. 171 and n. 4; Life of Paulus by, i. 84, 86; Life of Hilarion, i. 86; Contra Vigilantium, i. 86; otherwise mentioned, i. 56, 75, 76, 104

Jerome of Ascoli (Pope Nicholas IV.), ii. 491

Jews: Agobard’s tracts against, i. 232-=3= Gregory the Great’s attitude toward, i. 102 Louis IX.’s attitude toward, i. 545 Persecution of, i. 118, 332

Joachim, Abbot of Flora, Evangelicum eternum of, 502 n., =510=, =512-13=, 517

John, Bro., of Vicenza, i. 503-4

John X., Pope, i. 242

John XI., Pope, i. 242

John XII., Pope, i. 243; ii. =160-1=

John XIII., Pope, i. 282

John XXII., Pope, Decretales extravaganes of, ii. 272

John of Damascus, ii. 439 n. 1

John of Fidanza, see Bonaventura

John of Parma, Minister-General of Franciscans, i. 507, 508, =510-11=

John of Salisbury, estimate of, ii. 118, 373-4; Chartres studies described by, ii. 130-2; attitude of, to the classics, ii. 114, 164, =173=, 531; Latin style of, ii. 173-4; Polycraticus, ii. 114-15, 174-5; Metalogicus, ii. 173-4; Entheticus, ii. 192; De septem septenis, ii. 375

John the Deacon, Chronicon Venetum by, i. 325-6

Joinville, Sire de, Histories of St. Louis by, i. 539, =542-9=

Jordanes, compend of Gothic history by, i. 94

Jordanes of Osnabrück cited, ii. 276 n. 2

Joseph of Exeter, ii. 225 n. 2

Jotsaldus, Life of Odilo by, i. 295-6

Judaism, emotional elements in, i. 331-2

Julianus, Epitome of, ii. 242, =249=, 254

Jumièges cloister, ii. 201

Jurisprudence (See also Roman law): Irnerius an exponent of, ii. 256, 259 Mediaeval renaissance of, ii. 265 Roman law, in, beginnings of, ii. 232

Justinian, Codex, Institutes, Novellae of, see under Roman law; Digest of, see Roman law--Pandects

Jutes, i. 140

Jutta, i. 447

Keating quoted, i. 136

Kilwardby, Richard, Abp. of Canterbury, De ortu et divisione philosophiae of, ii. 313

Kilwardby, Robert, ii. 128

Knighthood, order of: Admission to, persons eligible for, i. 527 Code of, i. 524 Hospitallers, i. 531 Investiture ceremony, i. 525-8 Love the service of, i. 568, =573= Templars, i. 531-5 Virtues and ideals of, i. 529-31, 567-8

Knowledge: Cogitation, meditation, contemplation (Hugo’s scheme), ii. 358 seqq. Forms and modes of, Aquinas on--divine, ii. 451-5; angelic, ii. 459-62; human, ii. 463 seqq. Grades of, Aquinas on, ii. 461, 467 Primacy of, over will maintained by Aquinas, ii. 440-1

La Ferté Monastery, i. 362

Lambert of Hersfeld, Annals of, i. 313; ii. 167

Lambertus Audomarensis, Liber Floridus of, ii. 316 n. 2

Lancelot of the Lake, i. 567, 569-70, =582-5=; Old French prose version of, i. 583 seqq.

Land tenure, feudal, i. 523-4

Lanfranc, Primate of England, i. 174 n. 1, =261 n.=, 273

Langue d’oc, ii. 222, 248

Langue d’oil, ii. 222, 248

Languedoc, chivalric society of (11th and 12th centuries), i. 572

Latin classics: Abaelard’s reference to, ii. 353 Alexandrian antecedents of the verse, ii. 152 n. 1 Artificial character of the prose, ii. 151 n. Breadth of interest of, ii. 109 Characteristics of, ii. 153 Chartres a home of, i. 298; ii. 119 Common elements in, ii. 149, 157 Dante’s attitude toward, ii. 541, 544; his quotations from, ii. 543 n. 1 Ecclesiastical attitude toward, i. 260; ii. 110 seqq., 396-7 Familiarity with, of Damiani, i. 260; ii. 165; Gerbert, i. 287-8; ii. 110; John of Salisbury, ii. 114, 164, =173=, 531; Bernard of Chartres, ii. 132-3; Peter of Blois, ii. 133-4; Hildebert, ii. =141-2=, =146=, 531 Knowledge-storehouses for the Middle Ages, as, ii. 108 Mastery of, complete, as affecting mediaeval writings, ii. 164 Reverential attitude of mediaevals toward, ii. 107-9 Scripture study as aided by study of, ii. 110, 112, 120 Suggestions of new ideas from, for Northern peoples, ii. 136 Themes of, in vernacular poetry, ii. 223 seqq. Twelfth-century study of, ii. 117-18

Latin Fathers (See also their names and Patristic thought): Comparison of, with Greek, i. 68 Style and diction of, ii. 150, 152 seqq. Symbolism in, ii. 43-6 Transmutation by, of Greek thought, i. 5, 34 and n.

Latin language: Britain, position in, i. 10, 32 Children’s letters in, ii. 123 n. Christianity as modifying, ii. 152, =154=, 156, 164, 171 Continuity of, preserved by universal study of grammar, ii. =122-3=, 151, 155 “Cornificiani” in regard to, ii. =132=, 373 Educational medium as, ii. 109 Genius of, susceptible of change, ii. 149 German acquisition of, i. 10, 32, =307-8=, =313=; ii. =123=, 155 Grammar of, see Grammar Mediaeval modifications in, ii. 125, 164 Patristic modifications of, ii. 150, 152 seqq.; Jerome’s, ii. 152, 171 Spelling of, mediaeval, i. 219 Sphere of, ii. 219-20 Supremacy of (during Roman conquest period), i. 4, =23-4 and n. 1=, 25, =30-1= Translations from, scanty nature of, ii. 331 n. 2 Translations into, difficulties of, ii. 498 Universality of, as language of scholars, ii. 219, 331 n. 2 Vernacular, developments of, ii. 151 Vitality of, in relation to vernacular tongues, ii. 219

Latin prose, mediaeval: Antecedents of, ii. 151 seqq. Best period of, ii. 167-8 Bulk of, ii. 157 n. Carolingian, ii. 158-60 Characteristics of, ii. 156 Estimation of, difficulties of, ii. 157 and n. Influences upon, summary of, ii. 156 Prolixity and inconsequence of, ii. 154 Range of, ii. 154 Simplicity of word-order in, ii. 163 n. 1 Stages of development of, ii. 157 seqq. Style in, beginnings of, ii. 164 Stylelessness of, in Carolingian period, ii. 158-60 Thirteenth-century styles, ii. 179 Value of, as expressing the mediaeval mind, ii. 156, 164

Latin verse, mediaeval: Accentual and rhyming compositions, ii. 194; two kinds of, ii. 196 Antecedents of, ii. 187 n. 1 Carmina Burana (Goliardic poetry), ii. 203, =217-19 and n.= Development of, stages in, ii. 187 Leonine hexameters, ii. 199 and n. 3 Metrical composition, ii. 187 seqq.; elegiac verse, ii. 190-2 and n. 1; hexameters, ii. 192; Sapphics, ii. 192-3 and n. 1 Modi, ii. 215-16 Rhyme, development of, ii. 195, =206=

Law: Barbarian, Latin codes of, ii. 244 seqq. Barbaric conception of, ii. 245, 248-9 Breviarium, see under Roman law Canon, see Canon law English, principles of, i. 141-2 Grammar in relation to, ii. 121 Lombard codes, i. =115=; ii. 242, =246=, 248, 253; Concordia, ii. 259 Natural: Gratian on, ii. 268-9 Jus gentium in relation to, ii. =234 and n.=, 268 Occam on, ii. 519 Sacraments of, ii. 74 and n. 1 Supremacy of, ii. 269, 279 Roman, see Roman law Salic, ii. 245-6 Territorial basis of, i. 123; ii. 247 Tribal basis of, i. 123; ii. =245-7= Visigothic codification of, in Spain, i. 118

Leander, Bp. of Seville, i. 118 n. 1

Légonais, Chrétien, ii. 230 and n. 2

Leo, Brother, Speculum perfectionis by, ii. 183-4

Leo I. (the Great), Pope, i. 113, 116

Leo IX., Pope, i. 243

Leon, Sir Guy de, i. 552-3

Leon, Sir Hervé de, i. 552-3

Leowigild, i. 117 n. 2, 118 n. 1

Lerins monastery, i. 195

Lewis, Lord, of Spain, i. 552-3

Liberal arts, see Seven Liberal Arts

Liutgard of Tongern, i. 463-5

Liutprand, Bp. of Cremona i. =256-7=; ii. 161 n. 1

Liutprand, King of Lombards, i. 115-16

Logic (See also Dialectic): Albertus Magnus on, ii. =313-15=, 504, 506 Aristotelian, mediaeval apprehension of, ii. 329 (See also Aristotle--Organon) Bacon’s attitude toward, ii. 505 Gerbert’s preoccupation with, i. 282, 289, =292= Grammar in relation to, ii. 127 seqq., 333-4; in Abaelard’s work, ii. 346 Importance of, in Middle Ages, i. 236; ii. 297 Nature of, ii. 333; schoolmen’s views on, ii. 313-15, 333 Occam’s views on, ii. 522 Patristic attitude toward, i. 71 Raban’s view of, i. 222 Scholastic classification of, ii. 313 seqq. Scholastic decay in relation to, ii. 523 Second stage of mediaeval development represented by, ii. 332-4 Specialisation of, in 12th cent., ii. 119 Theology in relation to, ii. =340 n.=, 346 Twofold interpretation of, ii. 333 Universals, problem of, ii. 339 seqq.; Abaelard’s treatment of, ii. 342, =348=

Lombard, Peter, estimate of, ii. 370; Gratian compared with, ii. 270; Bacon’s attitude toward, ii. 497; Books of Sentences by, i. 17, 18; ii. 134, 370; method of the work, ii. 306; Aquinas’ Summa contrasted with it, ii. 307-10; its classification scheme, ii. 322-4; Bonaventura’s commentary on it, ii. 408

Lombards: Italian kingdom of (6th cent.), i. 115-16 Italian influence on, i. 7, 249 Law codes of, see under Law

Louis of Bavaria, Emp., ii. 518

Louis I. (the Pious), King of France, i. 233, 239, =359=; false capitularies ascribed to, ii. 270

Louis VI. (the Fat), King of France, i. 304-5, 394, 400; ii. 62; Hildebert’s letter on encroachments of, ii. 140, 172

Louis IX. (the Saint), King of France, Geoffrey’s Vita of, i. 539-42; Joinville’s Histoire of, i. 542-9; Testament of, i. 540 n. 1; otherwise mentioned, i. 476, 507-=9=, 515

Love, Aquinas on distinguishing definitions of, ii. 475-6

Love, chivalric: Antique conception of love contrasted with, i. 575 Chansons de geste as concerned with, i. 564 Code of, by Andrew the Chaplain, i. 575-6 Dante’s exposition of, ii. 555-6 Estimate of, mediaeval, i. 568, 570 Literature of, see Chivalry--Literature Marriage in relation to, i. 571 and n. 2 Minnelieder as depicting, ii. 30 Nature of, i. 572-5, 582-7 Stories exemplifying--Tristan, i. 577 seqq.; Lancelot, 582 seqq.

Love, spiritual: Aquinas’ discussion of, ii. 472-3, 476 Bernard of Clairvaux as exemplifying, i. 394 seqq.

Lupus, Servatus, Abbot of Ferrières, i. 215; ii. 113

Luxeuil, i. 175-7

Lyons: Diet of the “Three Gauls” at, i. 30 Law studies at, ii. 250

Macrobius, Saturnalia of, ii. 116 and n. 4

Magic, i. =46-8=; ii. 500 and n. 1

Majolus, Abbot of Cluny, i. 359

Manichaeism, i. =49=; ii. =44=, 283

Manny, Sir Walter, i. 552-4

Mapes (Map), Walter, i. =475=, 567; ii. 219 n.

Marie, Countess, de Champagne, i. 566, 573, =576=

Marie de France, i. =566=, 567, 573; Eliduc by, i. 571 n. 2

Marinus (hermit), i. 373

Marozia, i. 242

Marriage: Christian attitude toward, ii. 8; ecclesiastical view, ii. 529 Feudalism as affecting, i. 571, 586 German view of, ii. 30

Marsilius of Padua, ii. 277 n. 2

Martin, St., of Tours, i. 334; Life of, i. 52 and n., 84, 85 n. 2, =86=

Martyrs: Mediaeval view of, i. 483 Patristic attitude toward, i. 86

Mary, St., of Ognies, i. =462-3=; nature of visions of, i. 459

Massilia, i. 26

Mathematics: Bacon’s views on, ii. 499-500 Gerbert’s proficiency in, i. 282, =288=

Mathew Paris cited, ii. 487

Matthew of Vendome, Ars versificatoria by, ii. 190 and n. 5

Maurus, Rabanus, see Rabanus

Mayors of the palace, i. 240

Mechthild of Magdeburg, i. 20, 345; ii. 365; Book of, i. 465 and n. 2-70

Mediaeval thought: Abstractions, genius for, ii. 280 Characteristics of, i. 13 Commentaries characteristic of, ii. 390, 553 n. 4 Conflict inherent in, i. 22; ii. =293-4= Deference of, toward the past, i. 13; ii. 534 Emotionalizing by, of patristic Christianity, i. 345 Metalogics rather than metaphysics the final stage of, ii. 337 Moulding forces of, i. 3, 5, 12; ii. =293-4= Orthodox character of, ii. 283 and n. Political theorizing, ii. 275 seqq. Problems of, origins of, ii. 294-5 Restatement and rearrangement of antique matter the work of, i. 13-15, =224=, 237, =292=, 342; ii. 297, 329, 341: Culmination of third stage in, ii. 394 Emotional transformations of the antique, i. 18 seqq. Intellectual transformations of the antique, i. 14 seqq. Salvation the main interest of, i. =58-9=, 334; ii. =296-7=, 300 Scholasticism, see that heading Superstitions accepted by, i. 487 Symbolism the great influence in, ii. 43, 102, 365 Three stages of, ii. 329 seqq. Ultimate intellectual interests of, ii. 287 seqq.

Medicine: Relics used in, i. 299 Smattering of, included in Arts course, ii. 250 Study of--in Italy, i. 250 and n. 4, =251=; ii. 383 n. at Chartres, i. 299; ii. 372

Mendicant Orders, see Dominican and Franciscan

Merovingian Kingdom: Character of, i. 208 Church under, i. 194 Extent of, i. 210 n. 3 German conquests of, i. 121, 138

Merovingian period: Barbarism of, i. 9 Continuity of, with Carolingian, i. 210-12 King’s law in, ii. 247

Merovingians, estimate of, i. 195

Metaphor distinguished from allegory, ii. 41 n. (See also Symbolism)

Metaphysics: Final stage of mediaeval development represented by, ii. 335-7 Logic, mediaeval, in relation to, ii. 334 Theology dissociated from, by Duns, ii. 510, 516, =517=

Michelangelo quoted, ii. 113

Middle Ages (See also Mediaeval thought): Beginning of, i. 6 Extremes characteristic of, i. 355

Milan, lawyers in, ii. 251 n. 2

Miles, signification of word, i. 525-6 and n. 2

Minnelieder, ii. 28-31

Minorites, i. 430 (See also Franciscan Order)

Miracles (See also Irrationality): Devil, concerned with, i. 488 seqq. Nostre Dame, Miracles de, i. 491-2 Patristic attitude toward, i. =85-6=, =100=, 182 Roman Empire aided by, belief as to, ii. 536 Salimbene’s instance of, i. 516 Universal acceptance of, i. =74=, 182 Vitae sanctorum in regard to, i. 85 and n. 2

Mithraism, i. 49

Modena (Mutina), i. 24

Modi, ii. 215-16

Monasteries: Immunities granted to, i. 523 and n. Regula of, meaning of, ii. 62

Monasticism (_For particular Monasteries, Orders, etc., see their names_): Abuses of, i. 357-8; Rigaud’s Register quoted, i. 477-481 Benedictine rule: Adoption of--in England, i. 184; among the Franks, i. 199, 201; generally, i. 358 Papal approval of, i. 335 Cassiodorus a pioneer in literary functions of, i. 94 General mediaeval view regarding, i. =472=; ii. 529 Ideal v. actual, i. 355 Ireland, in, i. 135 n. 1 Lament over deprivations of, ii. 218-19 Modifications of, by St. Francis, i. 366 Motives of, i. 357 Nature of, i. 336-7 Nuns, see Women--monastic life Origin of, i. 335 Pagan literature condemned by, i. 260 Popularity of, in 5th and 6th centuries, i. 195-6 Poverty--of monks, i. 365; of Orders, i. 366, =425=, =430= Reforms of, i. 358 seqq. Schools, monastic, in Italy, i. 250 n. 2 Sex-relations as regarded by, i. 338 Studies of, in 6th cent., i. 94, 95 Subordinate monasteries, supervision of, i. 361 Uncloistered, see Dominican and Franciscan Vita activa accepted by, i. 363-6 Vita contemplativa, see that title Women vilified by devotees of, i. =354 n.=, 521 n. 2, 532, =533=; ii. 58

Montanists, 332

Monte Cassino, i. 250 n. 2, 252-3

Montfort, Countess of, i. 552-4

Moorish conquest of Spain, i. 9, 118

Morimond monastery, i. 362

Mosaics, i. 345-7

Music: Arithmetic in relation to, ii. 291 Chartres studies in, i. 299 Poetry and, interaction of, ii. 195-=6=, =201-2= Scholastic classification of, ii. 313

Mysticism: Hugo’s strain of, ii. 361-3 Nature of, i. 443 n. 1; ii. =363 and n. 4= Symbolism as expressing, see Symbolism

Narbo, i. 26

Narbonensis, see Provincia

Narbonne, law studies at, ii. 250

Natural history and science, see Physical science

Nemorarius, Jordanus, ii. 501

Neo-Platonism: Arabian versions of Aristotle touched with, ii. 389 Augustinian, i. =55=; ii. 403 Christianity compared with, i. 51; Patristic habit of mind compared, ii. 295 Ecstasy as regarded by, i. 331 Metaphysics so named by, ii. 336 Pseudo-Dionysian, i. 54 and n. 1 Tenets and nature of, i. 41-9; a mediatorial system, i. 50, 54, 57-8, 70 Trinity of, ii. 355

Neustria, i. 200, =209=, 239

Nibelungenlied, i. 145-6, =148-9=, 152, 193, 203 n. 2; ii. 220

Nicholas II., Pope, i. 243 n. 2

Nicholas III., Pope, i. 504

Nicholas IV., Pope (Jerome of Ascoli), ii. 491

Nicholas, St., sequence for festival of, ii. 213-15

Nicolas of Damascus, ii. 427

Nilus, St., Abbot of Crypta-Ferrata, i. 374 n.

Nithard, Count, i. 234-5

Nominalism, i. 303

Norbert, ii. 344

Normandy, Norse occupation of, i. 153

Norsemen (Scandinavians, Vikings): Characteristics of, i. 138, =154-5= Continental and insular holdings of, i. 153 Eddic poems of, i. 154-5 and n. 3 Irish harassed by, i. 133-4; later relations, i. 152 n. 3 Jumièges cloister sacked by, ii. 201 Metal-working among, i. 152 n. 3 Ravages by, in 8th and 9th centuries, i. 152-3 Sagas of, i. 155 seqq. Settling down of, i. 240

Notker, i. 308-9 and n. 1; sequences of, ii. 201-2

Numbers, symbolic phantasies regarding, i. 72 and nn. 1, 2; ii. 49 n. 3

Oberon, fairy king, i. 564 and n.

Occam, William of, career of, ii. 518; estimate of his work, ii. 522-3; attitude toward Duns, ii. 518 seqq.; on faith and reason, ii. 519; on Universals, ii. 520-1

Odilo, Abbot of Cluny, i. =294-5=, 359; Jotsaldus’ biography of, quoted, i. 295-6

Odo, Abbot of Cluny, i. 343 and n. 3, 359; Epitome by, of Gregory’s Moralia, i. 16 n. 4; ii. 161 and n. 2; Latin style of Collationes, ii. 161-2

Odo of Tournai, ii. 340 n.

Odoacer, i. =114=, 145

Olaf, St., i. 156, =160-1=

Olaf Tryggvason, King, i. 156, =161-2=

Old French: Formation of, ii. 155 Latin as studied by speakers of, ii. 123 Poetry, ii. 222, =225 seqq.=

Ontology, see Metaphysics

Ordeal, trial by, i. 232-3 and n. 1

Ordericus Vitalis, i. 525; Historia ecclesiastica by, ii. 176-8

Organon, see under Aristotle

Origen, estimate of, i. 51, 62-3; on Canticles, i. =333=; ii. 369; De principiis, i. 68; otherwise mentioned, i. 53, 76, 80, 87, 104, 411; ii. 64

Orleans School: Classical studies at, ii. 119 n. 2, 127 Law studies at, ii. 250 Rivalry of, with Chartres, ii. 119 n. 2

Orosius, i. =82= and n. 1, 188

Ostrogoths, i. 7, 113, =114-15=, 120

Otfrid the Frank, i. =203-4=, 308

Other world: Irish beliefs as to, i. 131 and n. 2 Voyages to, mediaeval narratives of, i. 444 n. 1

Othloh, i. 315; visions of, i. 443; Book concerning the Temptations of a certain Monk, i. 316-23

Otric, i. 289-91

Otto I. (the Great), Emp., i. =241-3=, 256-7, 309

Otto II., Emp., i. 243, =282-3=, =289=

Otto III., Emp., i. =243=, 283, 284; Modus Ottinc in honour of, ii. 215-216

Otto IV. (of Brunswick), Emp., i. 417; ii. =32-3=

Otwin, Bp. of Hildesheim, i. 312

Ovid, Ars amatoria of, i. 574-5; mediaeval allegorizing of, and of Metamorphoses, ii. 230

Oxford University: Characteristics of, ii. 388-9 Curriculum at, ii. 387-8 Foundation of, ii. 380, =386-7= Franciscan fame at, ii. 400 Greek studies at, ii. 120, 391, 487

Palladius, Bp., i. 172

Pandects, see under Roman law

Papacy (See also Church and Popes): Ascendancy of, over prelacy, i. 304 Character of, ii. 32 Denunciations against, i. 475; ii. 34-5, 218 Empire’s relations with: Concordat of Worms, i. 245 n. 4 Conflict (11th cent.), i. 244; (12th cent.), i. 245 n. 4; ii. 273; (13th cent.), ii. 33, =34-5=; (14th cent.), ii. 518; allegory as a weapon in, ii. 60 Recognition of ecclesiastical authority, ii. 265-7, 272-3 Reforms by Otto I., i. 243 Gregory VII.’s claims for, i. 245; ii. 274 Mendicant Orders’ relations with, ii. =398=, 509 Nepotism of, i. =504-5=, 511 Schisms of popes and anti-popes, i. 264 Temporal power of, rise of, i. 116; claims advanced, i. 245; realized, ii. 274, 276-7

Papinian cited, ii. 235

Paraclete oratory: Abaelard at, ii. 10, 344 Heloïse at, ii. 10 seqq.

Paradise: Dante’s Paradiso, see under Dante Hildegard’s visions of, i. 455-6

Paris: Schools: Growth of, ii. 380 Notre Dame and St. Geneviève, ii. 383 St. Victor, ii. =61-3=, 143, 383 University: Aristotle prohibited at, ii. 391-2 Authorities on, ii. 381 n. Bacon at, ii. 488 Bonaventura at, ii. 403 Curriculum at, ii. 387-8 Dominicans and Franciscans at, ii. 399 Prominence of, in philosophy and theology, ii. 283, =378-9= Rise, constitution, and struggles of, ii. 119-20, 383-6 Viking sieges of, i. 153

Parma, i. 497, 505-6

Parsival: Chrétien’s version of, i. 567, =588-9= Wolfram’s version of, i. 12 n., 571 n. 2, =589-613=; ii. =29=

Paschal controversy, see Eucharistic

Paschasius, Radbertus, Abbot of Corbie i. 215, =225-7=

Patrick, St., i. 172-3

Patristic thought and doctrine (See also Greek thought, patristic, and Latin Fathers): Abaelard’s attitude toward, ii. 305 Achievement of exponents of, i. 86-7 Bacon’s attitude toward, ii. 492 Completeness of schemes presented by, ii. 394 Emotion as synthesized by, i. 340-2 Intellectual rather than emotional, i. 343-4; emotionalizing of, by mediaeval thinkers, i. 345 Latin medium of, i. 5 Logic as regarded by, i. 71 Mediaeval attitude toward, i. 16 Miracle accepted by, i. 51-3, =85-6= Natural knowledge as treated by, i. =61 seqq.=, =72-3=, =76-7=, 99; ii. 393 Pagan philosophy permeating exponents of, i. =33-4=, =58=, 61 Philosophy as classified by, ii. 312 Rearrangement of, undertaken in Carolingian period, i. =224=, 237 Symbolism of, see under Symbolism

Paulinus of Aquileia, i. 215

Paulinus, St., of Nola, i. =86=, 126 n. 2

Paulus--on jus, ii. 237: Sententiae of, ii. 243

Paulus, St., i. 84, 86

Paulus Diaconus, i. 214-15, 252

Pavia, law school at, ii. 251, =259=

Pedro, Don, of Castille, i. 554-5

Pelagians, i. 225

Pelagius, i. 172 n.

Peripatetic School, i. 38-9 (See also Aristotle)

Peter, Bro., of Apulia, i. 512-14

Peter, disciple of St. Francis, i. 426

Peter Damiani, see Damiani

Peter of Blois, ii. 133-4

Peter of Ebulo, ii. 190

Peter of Maharncuria, ii. 502-4

Peter of Pisa, i. 214

Peter the Venerable, Abbot of Cluny, i. 360; letter of, to Heloïse, ii. 25-7

Petrarch, ii. 188, =219=

Petrus Riga, Aurora of, ii. 127

Philip VI., King of France, i. 551

Philip Augustus, King of France, ii. 33

Philip Hohenstauffen, Duke of Suabia, i. 481; ii. =32=, 33

Philo, i. 37, =231=; allegorizing of, ii. =42=, 364

Philosophy: Division of, schemes of, ii. 312 seqq. End of: Abaelard’s and Hugo’s views on, ii. 352, 361 John of Salisbury on, ii. 375

Philosophy, antique: Divine source of, Bacon’s view as to, ii. 507 n. 2 “First” (Aristotelian), ii. 335 Position of, in Roman Empire (3rd-6th cent.), i. 34 (See also Greek thought)

Philosophy, Arabian, ii. =389-90=, 400-1

Philosophy, scholastic: Completeness of, in Aquinas, ii. 395 Divisions of, ii. 312 seqq. Importance of, as intellectual interest, ii. 287-8 Physical sciences included in, see Physical science Theology as the end of (Abaelard’s and Hugo’s view), ii. 352, 361 Theology distinguished from, ii. 284, 288; by Aquinas, ii. =290=, 311; by Bonaventura, ii. 410 and n.; considered as superior to, by Aquinas, ii. 289-=90=, =292=; dominated by (Bacon’s contention), ii. 496; dissociated from, by Duns and Occam, ii. 510, =517=, 519

Physical science: Albertus Magnus’ attitude toward, ii. 423; his works on, ii. 425-9 Bacon’s predilection for, ii. 486-7 Classifications of, ii. 312 seqq. Experimental science or method, ii. 502-8 Mediaeval attitude toward, i. 300 Oxford school of, ii. 389 Patristic attitude toward, i. 63, 66-7, =72-3=, =76-7=, 99; ii. 393 Theology as subserved by, ii. =67=, 111, =289=, =486=, =492=, =496=, 500, 530; denial of the theory--by Duns, ii. 510; by Occam, ii. 519-20

Physiologus, i. =76-7 and n.=, 300; ii. 83

Pippin of Heristal, i. =208-9=; ii. 197

Pippin of Neustria, i. 115, =200=, =209=, 210 and n. 1; ii. 273

Pippin, son of Charlemagne, ii. 197

Placentia (Piacenza), i. 24

Placentinus, ii. 261-2

Plato, supra-rationalism of, i. 42; allegorizing by, i. 36; ii. 364; doctrine of ideas, i. =35=; ii. 339-340; Aquinas on this doctrine, ii. 455, 465; Augustine of Hippo as influenced by, ii. 403; “salvation” suggestion in, ii. 296 n. 2; Republic, i. 36; Timaeus, i. =35-6=, 291; ii. 64, 69, =118=, 348, 370, 372, =377=

Platonism: Alanus’ Anticlaudianus, in, ii. 100 n. 2 Augustinian, i. 55 Nature of, i. =35-6=, 57, 59 Philosophy as classified by, ii. 312

Pliny the Elder, Historia naturalis by, i. 39-40, 75

Plotinus, estimate of, i. 43, 45; personal affinity of Augustine with, i. 55-7; philosophic system of, i. =42=-6, 50, 51; Enneads of, i. 55; otherwise mentioned, i. 50, 51; ii. 64

Plutarch, i. 44

Poetry, mediaeval: Carmina Burana (Goliardic poetry), ii. 203, =217-19 and n.= Chivalric, see Chivalry--Literature Hymns, see that heading Italian, of 11th cent., i. =251 seqq.=; ii. 186 Latin, see Latin verse Modi, ii. 215-16 Music and, interaction of, ii. 195-=6=, =201-2= Old High German, ii. 194 Popular verse, see sub-headings Carmina and Modi; also Vernacular Prosody, Alexander de Villa-Dei on, ii. 126 Vernacular: Germanic, Norse, and Anglo-Saxon, ii. 220-1 Romance, ii. 221-3, 225 seqq.

Pontigny monastery, i. 362

Poor of Lyons (Waldenses), i. 364, =365 n.=; ii. 34

Popes (See also Papacy; and for particular popes see their names): Avignon, at, ii. 510 Decretals of, see under Canon law Degradation of (10th cent.), i. 242 Election of, freed from lay control, i. 243 n. 2

Popular rights, growth of, in 12th cent., i. 305

Porphyry, i. 42, =44-7=, 50, 51, 56; ii. 295; Isagoge (Introduction to the Categories of Aristotle), i. 45, 92, 102; ii. 312, =314 n.=, 333, =339=

Preaching Friars, see Dominican Order

Predestination, Gottschalk’s controversy as to, i. 224-5, 227-=8=

Priscianus, i. 71; ii. 119 n. 2; Institutiones grammaticae of (Priscianus major and minor), ii. 124-5

Prosper of Aquitaine, i. 106 n. 1

Provençal literature, i. 571; ii. 168; Alba (aube) poetry, i. 20, =571=; ii. 30

Provincia (Narbonensis): Antique, the, in relation to, before Middle Ages, i. 9 Latinization of, i. 26-7 and n. 1 Ligurian inhabitants of, i. 126 Teutonic invasion of, i. 125

Prudentius, ii. 63; Psychomachia of, ii. 102-4

Pseudo-Callisthenes, Life and Deeds of Alexander by, ii. 224, 225, =229-230=

Pseudo-Dionysius, ii. 302; Celestial Hierarchy by, i. 54 and n. 1

Pseudo-Turpin, ii. 319

Ptolemy of Alexandria, i. 40

Purgatory: Dante’s Purgatorio, see under Dante Hildegard’s visions as to, i. 456 n. Popular belief as to, i. 486

Quadrivium, see under Seven Liberal Arts

Rabanus Maurus, Abp. of Mainz, allegorizing of Scripture by, ii. 46-7; interest in the vernacular, i. 308; works of, i. 222-41; De universo, i. 300; ii. 316 n. 2; Allegoriae in universam sacram scripturam, ii. 48-9; De laudibus sanctae crucis, ii. 49 n. 3; otherwise mentioned, i. 16, 100, 215; ii. 302-303, 312, 332

Race, tests for determining, i. 124 n.

Radbertus, see Paschasius

Raoul de Cambrai, i. 563-4

Ratherius, i. 309 and =n. 2=

Ratramnus of Corbie, i. 215, 227; ii. 199

Ravenna: Gerbert’s disputation in, i. 289-91 Grammar and rhetoric studies at, ii. 121 Law studies at, ii. 251, 252 S. Apollinaris in Classe, i. 373, 377

Raymond of Agiles quoted, i. 536

Realism, Duns’ exposition of, ii. 514 and n.

Reason v. authority controversy: Berengar’s position in, i. 302-3 Eriugena’s contribution to, i. 229-=30=

Reccared, i. 118 nn.

Reinhard, Bp. of Halberstadt, ii. 62

Relics of saints and martyrs: Arms enshrining, i. 528 Curative use of, i. 299 Patristic attitude toward, i. 86, 101 n.

Renaissance, misleading nature of term, i. 211 n.

Renaud de Montaubon, i. 564

Rheims cathedral school, i. 293

Rhetoric: Chartres study of, i. 298 Hugo of St. Victor on, ii. 67 Predominance of, i. 109 and n.

Richard, Abbot of Jumièges, i. 480-1

Richard of Middleton, ii. 512

Richard of St. Victor, ii. 80, =87= and n. 2, =367 n. 2=, 540

Richer, Abbot of Monte Cassino, i. 252, 300 n. 2; history of Gerbert by, quoted, i. 287-91

Ricimer, Count, i. 113

Riddles, didactic, i. 218-19 and n. 1

Rigaud, Eude (Oddo Rigaldus), Abp. of Rouen, i. =476=, =508=, 509; Register of, quoted, i. 476-81

Robert, cousin of St. Bernard, i. 395-7

Robert of Normandy, ii. 139

Rollo, Duke, of Normandy, i. 153, 239-40

Roman de la rose, i. =586-7=; ii. 103 and nn., 104, 223

Roman de Thebes, ii. 227, =229 n.=

Roman Empire: Barbarization of, i. 5, 7, =111 seqq.= Billeting of soldiers, custom as to, i. 114 n., 117 Christianity accepted by, i. 345 Church, relations with, ii. 265-7, 272-3 Cities enjoying citizenship of--in Spain, i. 26 and n. 2; in Gaul, i. 30 City life of, i. 27, 326 Clientage system under, i. 117 n. 2 Dante’s views on, ii. 536 Decadence of, i. =84=, 97, =111= Eastern, see Eastern Empire Enduring nature of, conditions of, i. 238 n. Greek thought diffused by, i. 4 Italian people under, i. 7 Jurisconsults of, authority and capacity of, ii. 232-3 and n., 236 Latinization of Western Europe due to, i. 23 seqq., 110 Mediaeval attitude toward, i. 11 Scandinavians under influence of, i. 152 n. 3

Roman law: Auditory, Imperial or Praetorian, ii. 233 n., 235 n. 1 Bologna famed for study of, ii. =121=, 251, =259-62=, 378 Brachylogus, ii. 254-5 Breviarium and its Interpretatio, i. =117=; ii. 243-4; Epitomes of, ii. 244, =249-50=; Brachylogus influenced by, ii. 254 Burgundian tolerance of, i. 121; code (Papianus), ii. 239, =242= Church under, ii. 265 and n. 2 Codes of: Barbaric, nature of, ii. 244 (See also sub-headings Breviarium and Burgundian) Gregorianus’, ii. 240, 243 Hermogenianus’, ii. 240, 243 Nature of, ii. 239-40 Theodosian, ii. 240 and n. 2, 241 n. 2, 242-3, =249=, =266-7 and n. 1= Codex of Justinian, ii. =240=, =242=, 253: Azo’s and Accursius’ work on, ii. 263-4 Glosses to, ii. 249-50 Placentinus’ Summa of, ii. 262 Summa Perusina an epitome of, ii. =249=, 252 Constitutiones and rescripta principum, ii. =235 and n. 1=, 239, =240= Custom recognized by, ii. 236 Digest of, by Justinian, see subheading Pandects Elementary education including smattering of, ii. 250 Epitomes of, various, ii. 249-50; Epitome of Julianus, ii. 242, =249=, 254 Glosses: Accursius’ Glossa ordinaria, ii. 263-4 Irnerius’, ii. 261 and n. 1 Justinian’s Codex, to, ii. 249-50 Gothic adoption of, i. 114 Institutes of Gaius, ii. 241, 243 Institutes of Justinian, ii. =241=, 243, =254=: Azo’s Summa of, ii. 263 Placentinus’ Summa of, ii. 262 Jurisprudential element in early stages of, ii. 232 Jus identified with aequitas, ii. 235 Jus civile, ii. 237, 257 Jus gentium: Jus naturale in relation to, ii. 234 and n. Origin of, ii. 233-4 Popular rights as regarded by, ii. 278 Jus praetorium, ii. 235 Lex romana canonice compta, ii. 252 Lombard attitude toward, i. 115 Novellae of Justinian, ii. 240, =242= Pandects (Justinian’s Digest), ii. 235 and n. 2, =236-8=, =241=-2, 248, 253, 255: Accursius’ Glossa on, ii. 264 Glossators’ interpretation of, ii. 265 Permanence of, ii. 236 Petrus (Petri exceptiones), ii. 252-4 Placentinus’ work in, ii. 261-2 Principles of, examples of, ii. 237-8; possession and its rights, ii. 256-8 Principles of interpretation of, ii. 256 Provincia, in, i. 27 n. 1 Responsa or auctoritas jurisprudentium, ii. 235-6 Sources of, multifarious, ii. 235 Sphere of, ii. 248 Study of, centres for--in France, ii. 250; in Italy, ii. =121=, 251 and n. 2, =259-62=, 378 Summa codicis Irnerii, ii. 255 Theodosian Code, see under subheading Codes Treatises on, mediaeval, ii. 252 seqq. Twelve Tables, ii. 232, 236 Visigothic code of, see subheading Breviarium

Romance, spirit of, i. 418

Romance languages (See also Old French): Characteristics of, ii. 152 Dante’s attitude toward, ii. 537 Latin as modified by, ii. 155 Literature of, ii. 221-3 (See also Provençal literature) Strength of, i. 9

Romance nations, mediatorial rôle of, i. =110-11=, 124

Romans d’aventure, i. =564-5=, 571 n. 2

Rome: Bishops of, see Popes Factions in (10th cent.), i. 242 Law School in, ii. 251, 255 Mosaics in, i. 347 Verses to, i. 348; ii. =200=

Romualdus, St., youth of, i. 373; austerities of, i. 374, =379=, 381; relations with his father, i. 374-5; harshness and egotism of, i. 375-7; at Vallis de Castro, i. 376-7, 380; at Sytrio, i. 378-9; death of, i. 372 n. 3, =380=; Commentary of, on the Psalter, i. 379

Romulus Augustulus, Emp., i. 114

Roncesvalles, battle of, i. 559 n. 2-62

Roscellinus, i. 303-4; ii. 339-=40=

Rothari, King of Lombards, i. 115; ii. 251

Ruadhan, St., i. 132-3

Ruotger, Life of Abp. Bruno by, i. 310; ii. 162 and n. 1

Sacra doctrina, see Theology

Sacraments, see under Church

Sagas, Norse: Character of, i. 12 n., 155 seqq. Egil, i. 162-4 Gisli, i. 158 Heimskringla, i. 160-2 and n. 2 Njala, i. 157 and =n.=, =159=, =164-7= Oral tradition of, ii. 220

St. Denis monastery, ii. 10, =344=

St. Emmeram convent (Ratisbon), i. 315, =316=

St. Gall monastery, i. 257-8; Notker’s work at, ii. 201-2

St. Victor monastery and school, ii. =61-3=, 143, 383

Saints: Austerities of, i. 374 and n., 375 Interventions of, mediaeval beliefs as to, i. 487-8, 490 Irish clergy so called, i. 135 n. 2 Lives of: Compend. of (Legenda Aurea), ii. 184 Conventionalized descriptions in, i. 393 n. 1 Defects of, i. 494 Estimate of, i. =84-5 and nn.= otherwise mentioned, i. 298, 300 Relics of, see Relics Visions of, i. 444-5 Worship of, i. 101

Salerno medical school, i. =250 n. 4=, =251=; ii. 121

Salian Franks, see under Franks

Salimbene, i. 496-7, 499-500; Chronica of, quoted and cited, i. 498 seqq.; editions and translations of the work, i. 496 n.

Salvation, see under Christianity

Salvian, De gubernatione Dei by, i. 84

Saracens: Crusades against, see Crusades Frankish victories against, i. 209-10 n. 1 Wars with, necessitating mounted warriors, i. 525 otherwise mentioned, i. 239, 252, 274, 332

Saxons, see Anglo-Saxons and Germans

Scandinavians, see Norsemen

Scholasticism: Arab analogy with, ii. 390 and n. 2 Aristotle’s advanced works, stages of appropriation of, ii. 393-5 Bacon’s attack on, ii. 484, =493-4=, =496=, 509 Classification of topics by: Schemes of, various, ii. 312 seqq. Twofold principle of, ii. 311 Conceptualism, ii. 520-1 Content of, i. 301 Deference to authority a characteristic of, ii. 297, 300 Disintegration of--through Duns, ii. 510, 516; through Occam, ii. 522-3 Elementary nature of discussions of, ii. 347 Evil, problem of, see Evil Exponents of, ii. 283 and n. Final exposition of, by Aquinas, ii. 484 Greek thought contrasted with, ii. 296 Humour non-existent in, ii. 459 Method of, ii. =302=, =306-7=, 315 n.; prototype of, i. 95 Nominalism, ii. 340 Philosophy of, see Philosophy, scholastic Phraseology of, untranslatable, ii. 348, 483 Praedicables, ii. 314 n. Present interest of, ii. 285 Realism, ii. 340; Pantheism in relation to, ii. 370 Salvation a main interest of, ii. =296-7=, 300, 311 Scriptural authority, position of, ii. 289, =291-2= Secular studies as regarded by, ii. 349, 357 Stages of development of, ii. 333 seqq. Sympathetic study of, the key to contradictions, ii. 371 Theology of, see Theology Universals, problem of: Aquinas’ treatment of, ii. 462 Duns’ treatment of, ii. 515 Occam’s contribution toward, ii. 520-1 Roscellin’s views on, i. 303-4

Sciences, classifications of, ii. 312 seqq. (See also Physical science)

Scotland, Christianizing of, i. 173

Scriptures, Christian: Allegorizing of: Examples of: David and Bathsheba episode, ii. 44-6 Exodus, Book of, ii. 47 Good Samaritan parable, ii. =53-6=, 84, 90 Hannah, story of, ii. 47 n. 1 Pharisee and Publican parable, ii. 51-2 Hugo of St. Victor’s view of, ii. 65 n. Writers exemplifying--Philo, ii. 42-43; the Fathers, ii. =43 seqq.=, 68-9 and n. 2; Rabanus, ii. 46-50; Bede, ii. 47 n. 1; Honorius of Autun, ii. 51 seqq.; Hugo of St. Victor, ii. 67 seqq. Anglo-Saxon version of, i. =142 n. 2=, 183 Authority of--in patristic doctrine, ii. 295; acknowledged by Eriugena, i. 231; by Berengar, i. 303; in scholasticism, ii. 280, 291-2 Bacon’s attitude toward, ii. =491-2=, 497 Bonaventura’s attitude toward, and writings on, ii. 405 seqq. Canon law based on, ii. 267-9 Classical studies in relation to, see subheading Secular Classification of topics based on, ii. 317, 324 Commentaries on--Alcuin’s, i. 220-1; Raban’s, i. 222-3 Duns’ attitude toward, ii. 516 Francis of Assisi’s literal acceptance of, i. 365, 426-=7=; his realization of spirit of, i. 427 n. 1; ii. 183 Gothic version of, i. 143 n. Heliand, i. =203 and nn.=, 308 Hymns based on, ii. 88 seqq. Interpretation of--by the Fathers, i. =43 seqq.=, 68-9 and n. 2; by Eriugena, i. 231; by Berengar, i. 303 Isidore’s writings on, i. 104-5 Love, human, as treated in Old Testament, i. 332-3 Scenes from, in Gothic art, ii. 82 seqq. Secular knowledge in relation to, i. 63, =66=; ii. =110=, =112=, 120, 499 Song of Songs, see Canticles Study of, by monks, i. 94; Cassiodorus’ Institutiones, i. 95-6 Theology identified with, ii. 406, 408 Vulgate, the: Corruption in Paris copy of, ii. 497 Language of, ii. 171

Sculpture, Gothic: Cathedrals, evolution of, ii. 538-=9= Symbolism of, i. 457 n. 2; ii. =82-6=

Sedulius Scotus, i. 215

Seneca, i. 26, 41

Sentences, Books of: Isidore’s, i. 106 and n. 1 Paulus’ Sententiae, ii. 243 Peter Lombard’s, see under Lombard Prosper’s, i. 106 n. 1

Sequence-hymns, development of, ii. 196, =201-6=; Adam of St. Victor’s, ii. 209-215

Serenus, Bp. of Marseilles, i. 102

Sermons, allegorizing: Bernard of Clairvaux, by, i. 337 n., =409-13=; ii. =169=, 368-9 Honorius of Autun, by, ii. 50 seqq.

Seven Liberal Arts (See also separate headings Grammar, Logic, etc.): Alanus de Insulis on functions of, ii. 98 n. 1 Carolingian study of, i. 236 Clerical education in, i. 221-2 Compend of, by Cassiodorus, i. 96 De nuptiis as concerned with, i. 71 n. 3 Hugo of St. Victor on function of, ii. 67, 111 Latin the medium for, ii. 109 Law smattering included with, ii. 250 Quadrivium: Boëthius on, i. 90 and n. 2 Chartres, at, i. 299 Thierry’s encyclopaedia of, ii. 130 Trivium: Chartres, at, i. =298-9=; ii. 163 Courses of, as representing stages of mediaeval development, ii. 331 seqq. otherwise mentioned, i. 217; ii. 553

Severinus, St., i. 192

Severus, Sulpicius, i. 126 n. 2; Life of St. Martin by, i. 52, 84, 85 n. 2, =86=

Sidonius, Apollinaris, i. 126 n. 2; cited, i. 117 n. 1, 140

Siger de Brabant, ii. 401 and n.

Sippe, i. 122

Smaragdus, Abbot, i. 215

Socrates, i. 34-5; ii. 7

Songs, see Poetry

Sophists, Greek, i. 35

Sorbon, Robert de, i. 544-5

Sorcery, i. 46

Spain: Antique, the, in relation to, before Middle Ages, i. 9 Arabian philosophy in, ii. 390 Church in, i. 9, 103, =118 and n.= Latinization of, i. 25-6 and n. 2 Moorish conquest of, i. 9, 118 Visigoths in, i. 113, 116-=17 and n. 2=, 118

Stabat Mater, i. 348

Statius, ii. 229 n.

Statius Caecilius, i. 25

Stephen IX., Pope, i. 263

Stephen, St., sequence for festival of, ii. 211-13

Stephen of Bourbon quoted, i. 365 n.

Stilicho, i. 112

Stoicism: Emotion as regarded by, i. 330 Nature of, i. =41=, 57, 59 Neo-Platonism contrasted with, ii. 296 Philosophy as classified by, ii. 312 Roman law as affected by, ii. 232 otherwise mentioned, i. 40, 70

Strabo, Walafrid, see Walafrid

Suevi, i. 116-17 and n. 2, =139=

Summae, method of, ii. 306-7 (See also under Theology)

Summum bonum, Aquinas’ discussion of, ii. 438 seqq., 456

Switzerland, Irish monasteries founded in, i. 174

Sylvester II., Pope (Gerbert of Aurillac), career of, i. 281-4; disputation with Otric, i. 289-91; estimate of, i. 281, =285-7=; love of the classics, i. =287-8=; ii. 110; Latin style of, ii. 160; logical studies of, ii. 332, 338, 339, 345; letters of, quoted, i. 283-7; estimated, i. 284-5; editions of works of, i. 280 n.; Libellus de rationali et ratione uti, i. =292 n.=, 299; otherwise mentioned, i. 249; ii. 35

Symbolism: Alanus’ Anticlaudianus as exemplifying, ii. 94-103 Angels as symbols, ii. 457 Art, mediaeval, inspired by, i. 21 Augustine and Gregory compared as to, i. 56-7 Carolingian, nature and examples of, ii. 46-50 Church edifices, of, ii. 78-82 Dante permeated with, ii. 534, =552-5= Greek, nature of, ii. 56-7 Hildegard’s visions, in, i. 456 seqq. Marriage relationship, in, i. 413-14 Mass, of the, ii. 77-8 Mediaeval thought deeply impressed by, ii. =43=, 50 n. 1, =102=, =365= Mysticism in relation to, ii. 364 Neo-Platonic, i. 52 Ovid’s works interpreted by, ii. 230 Patristic, i. =37=, =43-6=, 52, 53, 58, =80= Platonic, i. 36 Raban’s addiction to, i. 223 and n. 2 Signum et res classification, ii. 322-3 Twelfth century--in Honorius of Autun, ii. 51 seqq.; in Hugo of St. Victor, ii. 64 seqq. Universal in mental processes, ii. 41, 552 n. Universe explained by, ii. 64, 66 seqq. otherwise mentioned, i. 15, 22

Sytrio, Romualdus at, i. 378-9

Tacitus, i. 78; ii. 134

Tears, grace of, i. 370-1 and n., 462, 463

Templars, i. 531-5

Tenth century, see Carolingian period

Tertullian, i. 5, 58, 87, 99, 171, 332, 344, 354 n.; ii 152; paradox of, i. 51; ii. 297; Adversus Marcionem, i. 68

Teutons (See also Anglo-Saxons, Danes, Germans, Norsemen): Celts compared with, i. 125 Characteristics of, i. 138 Christianizing of: Manner of, i. =181-3=, =196-7=, 193; results of, i. 5, =170=-1 Motives of converts, i. 193 Customs of, i. 122, 139, 141, 523 Law of, early, tribal nature of, ii. 245-7 Rôle of, in mediaeval evolution, i. 125 Roman Empire permeated by, i. 111 seqq.

Theodora, i. 242

Theodore, Abp. of Canterbury, i. 184

Theodoric of Freiburg, ii. 501 n.

Theodoric the Ostrogoth, i. 89, 91 n. 2, 93, =114-15=, 120-1, 138, 249; in legend, i. 145-6; Edict of, ii. 244 n.

Theodosius the Great, Emp., i. 112; ii. 272; Code of, ii. 240 and n. 2, 241 n. 2, 242, =249=, =266-7 and n. 1=

Theodulphus, Bp. of Orleans, i. =9=, 215; Latin diction of, ii. 160

Theology, scholastic: Abaelard’s treatises on, see under Abaelard Aquinas’ Summa of, see under Aquinas Argumentative nature of, ii. 292-3 Augustinian character of, ii. 403 Course of study in, ii. 388 Importance of, as intellectual interest, ii. 287-8 Logic in relation to, ii. =340 n.=, 346 Mysticism of, ii. 363-4 Natural sciences, etc., as handmaids to, ii. =67=, 111, 289, =486=, =492=, =496=, 500, 530; denial of the theory--by Duns, ii. 510; by Occam, ii. 519-520 (See also Physical science--Patristic attitude toward) Paris the centre for, ii. 283, =379= Philosophy in relation to, see under Philosophy Practical, not speculative, regarded as, ii. 512, =515=, 519 Scientific nature of, as regarded by Albertus, ii. 291, 430 Scripture identified with, ii. 406, 408 Summae of--by Alexander of Hales, ii. 399; by Bonaventura, ii. 408; by Albertus Magnus, ii. 430-1; by Aquinas, see under Aquinas Thirteenth-century study of, ii. 118-=120=

Theophrastus, i. 38

Theresa, St., i. 443 n. 1

Theurgic practice, i. 46-8

Thierry, Chancellor of Chartres, ii. 119, =370-1=; Eptateuchon of, ii. 130 and n.

Thirteenth century: Intellectual interests of, ultimate, ii. 287 Latin prose styles of, ii. 179 Papal position in, ii. 509 Personalities of writers emergent in, ii. 436 Theology and dialectic the chief studies of, ii. 118-=20= Three phenomena marking, ii. 378

Thomas à Kempis, De imitatione Christi by, ii. 185

Thomas Aquinas, see Aquinas

Thomas of Brittany, Tristan fragment by, i. 582

Thomas of Cantimpré, ii. 428-9

Thomas of Celano, Life of St. Francis by, quoted, i. 435, 436-8; style of the work, ii. 182-3

Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War by, i. 77-8

Thuringia: Boniface’s work in, i. 197-8 Merovingian rule in, i. 121

Thuringians, language of, i. 145 n. 2

Torriti, i. 347

Trance, see Ecstasy

Trèves, i. =30=, 31, 192

Tristan: Chrétien’s version of, i. 567 Gottfried von Strassburg’s version of, i. 577-82

Trivium, see under Seven Liberal Arts

Troubadours (trouvères), i. 572-3 and nn.

Troy, tales of, in mediaeval literature, ii. 200, =224-5 and n. 2=, =227-9=

True and the good compared, ii. 441, 512

Truth, Guigo’s Meditationes as concerning, i. 385-6

Twelfth century: Classical studies at zenith in, ii. 117-118 Growth in, various, i. 305-6 Intellectual interests of, ultimate, ii. 287 Literary zenith in, ii. 168, 205-6 Mobility increased during, ii. 379

Ulfilas, i. 192; ii. 221

Ulpian--on jus naturale and jus gentium, ii. 234 and n.; on justitia, jus and jurisprudentia, ii. 237

Ulster Cycle, Sagas of, i. 128 and n. 2, 129 seqq.

Universals, see under Scholasticism

Universities, mediaeval (For particular universities see their names): Increase in (14th cent.), ii. 523 Rise of, ii. 379, 381 seqq. Studies at, ii. 388 and n.

Urban II., Pope, ii. 175

Urban IV., Pope, ii. 391-2, 434

Utrecht, bishopric of, i. 197

Vallombrosa, i. 377

Vandals, i. 112, =113=, 120

Varro, Terentius, i. 39, 71, 78

Vercingetorix, i. 28

Vernacular poetry, see under Poetry

Verse, see Poetry

Vikings, see Danes and Norsemen

Vilgard, i. 259-60

Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum majus of, ii. 82 and n. 2, 315-22

Virgil, Bernard Silvestris’ Commentum on, ii. 116-17 and n. 2; Dante in relation to, ii. 535, 536, 539, 543

Virgin Mary: Dante’s Paradiso as concerning, ii. 551 Hymns to, by Hugo of St. Victor, ii. 86-7, 92 Interventions of, against the devil, i. 487, =490-2= Mediaeval attitude toward, i. 53, 54 and =n. 2=; ii. =431=, =551=, 558

Virtues: Aquinas’ classification of, ii. 326-8 Odilo’s Cardinales disciplinae, i. 295

Virtues and vices, poetic treatment of--by Alanus, ii. 102 n.; by De Lorris and De Meun, ii. 103

Visigoths: Arianism of, i. 120 Dacian settlement of, i. 112 Gaul, Southern, kingdom in, i. 7, 112, =116=; Clovis’ conquest of, i. 121 Roman law code promulgated by, see Roman law--Breviarium Spain, in, i. 9, 113, 116-=17 and n. 2=, 118

Visions: Examples of, i. 444-6, 451, 452-9 Monastic atmosphere in, i. 184 and n. 2 Nature of, i. 443, 449 and n. 3, =450=, 451 and n.

Vita contemplativa: Aquinas’ views on, ii. 443, =481-2= Hildebert on, ii. 144-5

Vitae sanctorum, see Saints--Lives of

Walafrid Strabo, i. 100, =215=; ii. =332=; Glossa ordinaria of, i. 16, =221 n. 2=; ii. =46=; De cultura hortorum, ii. 188 n. 2

Waldenses, i. =365 n.=; ii. 34

Walter of Lille (of Chatillon), Alexandreis of, ii. 192 and n. 3, 230 n. 1

Walther von der Vogelweide, political views of, ii. 33; attitude of, toward Papacy, ii. 34-6; piety and crusading zeal of, ii. 36; melancholy, ii. 36-7; Minnelieder of, ii. 29-31; Sprüche, ii. 29, =32=, 36; Tagelied, ii. 30; Unter der Linde, ii. 30; otherwise mentioned, i. 475, =482=, 589; ii. 223

Wergeld, i. =122=, 139; ii. =246=

Will, primacy of, over intellect, ii. 512, 515

William, Abbot of Hirschau, i. 315

William II. (Rufus), King of England, i. 273, 275; ii. =138-9=

William of Apulia, ii. 189 and n. 3

William of Champeaux--worsted by Abaelard, ii. 342-3; founds St. Victor, ii. 61, 143; Hildebert’s letter to, quoted, ii. 143

William of Conches, ii. 132; studies and works of, ii. 372-3; Summa moralium philosophorum, ii. 134-5, 373 and n. 2

William of Malmsbury cited, i. 525

William of Moerbeke, ii. 391

William of Occam, see Occam

William of St. Thierry, ii. 300, 344

Willibrord, St., i. 197

Winifried-Boniface, St., i. 6, =197-200=, 308; ii. 273

Wisdom, Aquinas on, ii. 481

Witelo, Perspectiva by, ii. 501 n.

Witiza of Aquitaine, i. 358-9

Wolfram von Eschenbach, ii. 223; Parzival by, i. 12 n., 149 n. 1, 152, 567, 571 n. 2, =589-613=; ii. =36=; estimate of the work, i. 588; ii. 29

Women: Emotion regarding, i. 349-50 Emotional Christ-love experienced by, i. 442, =459 seqq.= Fabliaux’ tone toward, i. 521 n. 2 German prae-mediaeval attitude toward, i. 139, 150; mediaeval, ii. 31 Monastic life, in: Abuses among, i. 491-2; Rigaud’s Register as concerning, i. 479-480 Consecration of, i. 337 and n. Gandersheim nuns, i. 311 Visions of, i. 442 seqq., 463 seqq. Monkish vilification of, i. =354 n.=, 521 n. 2, 532, =533=; ii. 58 Romantic literature as concerned with, i. 564 Romantic poems for audiences of, i. 565 Walther von der Vogelweide on, ii. 31

Worms, Concordat of (1122), i. 245 n. 4

Xenophon’s Cyropaedia, i. 78

Year-books (Annales), i. 234 and =n. 1=

Yves, Bp. of Chartres, i. 262 n.; ii. =139=

Zacharias, Pope, i. 199

Zoology: Albertus Magnus’ works on, ii. 429 Aristotle’s work in, i. 38 Physiologus, i. =76-7 and n.=, 300; ii. 83

THE END

Printed by R. & R. CLARK, LIMITED, Edinburgh.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] See post, Chapter XXXVI., I.

[2] Lev. xxi. 20; Deut. xxiii. 1.

[3] Lucan, Pharsalia, viii. 94.

[4] Heloïse here in mediaeval fashion cites a number of examples from Scripture showing the ills and troubles brought by women to men.

[5] Again she quotes to prove this, from Job and St. Gregory and Ambrose.

[6] Heloïse’s last problema did not relate to Scripture, and may have been suggested by her own life. “We ask whether one can sin in doing what is permitted or commanded by the Lord?” Abaelard answers with a discussion of what is permissible between man and wife.

[7] This letter of Heloïse is not extant.

[8] The Tristan of Gottfried von Strassburg and the Parzival of Wolfram von Eschenbach have been given. One may also refer to works of older contemporaries, e.g. to the Aeneid of Heinrich von Veldeke, translated (1184) from a French rendering of Virgil; and the two courtly narrative poems, the Erec and Ivain (Knight of the Lion) taken from Chrétien of Troies by Hartmann von Aue, who flourished as the twelfth century was passing into the thirteenth.

[9] On Walther von der Vogelweide, see Wilmann, Leben und Dichtung Walthers, etc. (Bonn, 1882); Schönbach, Walther von der Vogelweide (2nd ed., Berlin, 1895). The citations from his poems in this chapter follow the Pfeiffer-Bartsch edition.

[10] No. 3 in the Pfeiffer-Bartsch edition.

[11] 184.

[12] 33.

[13] 22.

[14] 14, 16, 69.

[15] 18.

[16] 39.

[17] See Lieder, 46, 51, 56, 59, 61, 62, 71, 72, 75, 76, 77.

[18] A lucid account of this struggle is given in Luchaire, Innocent III., vol. iii. (“La Papauté et l’Empire”), Paris, 1906.

[19] 81.

[20] From “Freidank in Auswahl,” in Hildebrand’s Didaktik aus der Zeit der Kreuzzüge, p. 336 (Deutsche Nat. Lit.).

[21] 85, cf. 164.

[22] 110.

[23] 113, cf. 111, 112.

[24] 115, 116.

[25] 133. My statement of the opposition to the papacy might be much more analytical, and contain further apt distinctions. But this would remove it too far from the anti-papal feeling of the common man; and the period, moreover, is not yet that of Occam and Marsilius of Padua--as to whom see Gierke, Political Theories of the Middle Age, trans. by Maitland (Cambridge, 1900).

[26] 88, 137.

[27] 158. Walter shared the crusading spirit. The inference that he was himself a Crusader is unsafe; but he wrote stirring crusading poems, one opening with a line that in sudden power may be compared with Milton’s

“Avenge, O Lord, Thy slaughtered saints.”

“Rich, hêrre, dich und dine muoter, megede kint.” 167. See also 78, 79.

[28] 87.

[29] Parzival, i. 824.

[30] 186.

[31] 188.

[32] While an allegory is a statement having another consciously intended meaning, metaphor is the carrying over or deflection of a meaning from its primary application. According to good usage, which has kept these terms distinct, allegory implies a definite and usually a sustained intention, and suggests the spiritual; while metaphor suggests figures of speech and linguistic changes often unconscious. Language develops through the metaphorical (not allegorical) extension or modification of the meanings of words. The original meaning sometimes is obscured (e.g. in profane or depend), and sometimes continues to exist with the new one. In a vast number of languages, such words as straight, oblique, crooked, seem always to have had both a direct and a metaphorical meaning. Moral and intellectual conceptions necessarily are expressed in phrases primarily applicable to physical phenomena.

[33] Cf. Taylor, Classical Heritage, p. 97 sqq.

[34] Ante, Chapters IV., V.

[35] Contra Faustum, xxii. 1-5.

[36] Contra Faustum, xxii. 66-68.

[37] Augustine’s method in this twenty-second Book is first to consider the actual sinfulness or justification of these deeds, and afterwards to take up in succession their typological significance. So, for example, he discusses the blamefulness of Judah’s conduct with Tamar in par. 61-64 and its typology in 83-86.

[38] Contra Faustum, xxii. 87. St. Ambrose, in his Apologia Prophetae David, cap. iii. (Migne 14, col. 857), written some years before Augustine’s treatise against Faustus, finds Bathsheba to signify the “congregatio nationum quae non erat Christo legitimo quodam fidei copulata connubio.”

[39] Quaestiones in Vet. Testam. in Regum II. (Migne 83, col. 411). Isidore died A.D. 636 (ante, Chapter V.)

[40] Comment. in Libros IV. Regum, in lib. ii. cap. xi.; Migne, _Pat. Lat._ 109, col. 98 (written in 834). On Rabanus and Walafrid see ante, Chapter X.

[41] Glossa ordinaria, Lib. Regum, ii. cap. xi. (Migne 113, col. 571, 572).

[42] Comment. in Matthaeum (Migne 107, col. 734).

[43] Migne 114, col. 67.

[44] It was the way of Bede in his commentaries to speak briefly of the literal or historic meaning of the text, and then give the usual symbolical interpretations, paying special attention to the significance of the Old Testament narratives as types of the career of Christ (see e.g. the beginning of the Commentary on Exodus, Migne 92, col. 285 sqq.; and Prologue to the allegorical Commentary on Samuel, Migne 92, col. 501, 502). For example, in the opening of the First Book of Samuel, Elkanah is a type of Christ, and his two wives Peninnah and Hannah represent the Synagogue and the Church. When Samuel is born to Hannah he also is a type of Christ; and Bede says it need not astonish one that Hannah’s spouse and Hannah’s son should both be types of Christ, since the Mediator between God and man is at once the spouse and son of Holy Church: He is her spouse as He aids her with His confidence and hope and love, and her son when by grace He enters the hearts of those who believe and hope and love. In Samuelam, cap. iii. (Migne 91, col. 508). Bede’s monastic mind balked at the literal statement that Elkanah had two wives (see the Prologue, Migne 91, col. 499).

[45] Com. in Exodum, Praefatio (Migne 108, col. 9).

[46] Migne 112, col. 849-1088. A number of these dictionaries were compiled, the earliest being the De formulis spiritalis intellegentiae of Eucherius, Bishop of Lyons, who died in 450, ed. by Pauly 1884. In the later Middle Ages Alanus de Insulis (post, Chapter XXIX.) compiled one.

[47] These distinctions, not commonly observed, are frequently reiterated. Says Hugo of St. Victor (see post, Chapter XXVIII.) in the Prologue to his De sacramentis: “Divine Scripture, with threefold meaning, considers its matter historically, allegorically, and tropologically. History is the narrative of facts, and follows the primary meaning of words; we have allegory when the fact which is told signifies some other fact in the past, present, or future; and tropology when the narrated fact signifies that something should be done.” Cf. Hugo’s Didascalicon, v. cap. 2, where Hugo illustrates his meaning, and points out that this threefold significance is not to be found in every passage of Scripture. In ibid. v. cap. 4, he gives seven curious rules of interpretation (Migne 176, col. 789-793). In his De Scripturis, etc., praenotatiunculae, cap. 3 (Migne 175, col. 11 sqq.), Hugo speaks of the anagogical significance in the place of the tropological.

[48] Raban’s Latin is “Ligabit earn ancillis suis”--the verse in Job xl. 24 reads “Ligabis earn ancillis tuis?” In the English version the verse is Job xli. 5, “Wilt thou bind him for thy maidens?”

[49] “Per fidem me cognoverunt”; I surmise a non is omitted.

[50] The Scriptural citations are omitted. Rabanus wrote an allegorical De laudibus sanctae crucis (Migne 107, col. 133-294), composed in metre with prose explanations, which explain very little. The metrical portion is a puzzle consisting of twenty-eight “figures,” or lineal delineations interwoven in hexameter verses; the words and letters contained within each figure “make sense” when read by themselves, and form verses in metres other than hexameters. The whole is as incomprehensible in meaning as it is indescribable in form. Angels, cherubim and seraphim, tetragons, the virtues, months, winds, elements, signs of the Zodiac, and other twelvefold mysteries, the days of the year, the number seven, the five books of Moses, the four evangelists, the seven gifts of the Holy Spirit, the eight beatitudes, the mystery of the number forty, the sacrament shown by the number fifty,--all these and much besides contribute to the glory of the Cross, and are delineated and arranged in cruciform manner, so as to be included within the scope of the cross’s symbolical significance.

[51] Since allegory and the spirit of symbolism pervaded all mediaeval thought, the present and two following chapters aim only at setting forth the elements (with pertinent examples) of this quite limitless subject.

[52] See prefatory epistle to Speculum ecclesiae, Migne 172, col. 813. Compare the prefatory epistle to the Gemma animae, ibid. col. 541, and the Preface to the Elucidarium, ibid. col. 1109. Probably Honorius died about 1130.

[53] We have these sermons only in Latin. Presumably a preacher using them, gave them in that language or rendered them in the vernacular as he thought fit.

[54] “Ommia legalia Christus nobis convertit in sacramenta spiritualia” is Honorius’s apt phrase (which may be borrowed!), Migne 172, col. 842. His special reference is to circumcision.

[55] Ps. xxxi. Vulgate; Ps. xxxii. 2, Authorized Version.

[56] Speculum ecclesiae, “Dominica XI.” (Migne 172, col. 1053 sqq.).

[57] Yet, curiously enough, near the time when I was making the following translation, I heard an elderly country clergyman preach substantially this sermon of Honorius--wherever he may have culled it, perhaps from some useful “Homiletical” Commentary.

[58] Speculum ecclesiae, “Dominica XIII.” (Migne 172, col. 1059-1061).

[59] Speculum ecclesiae, “Dominica in Septuagesima” (Migne 172, col. 855-857). Honorius may have forgotten the weariness of his supposed audience; for his sermon goes on with further admonition as to how the victory is to be won.

The allegorical interpretation of Scripture is exemplified in the whole limitless mass of mediaeval sermons. Illustrations from St. Bernard’s sermons on Canticles are given in Chapter XVII., also post, in Chapter XXXVI., II.

[60] For the Eucharist in the Carolingian period see ante, Chapter X. Berengar of Tours is spoken of in Chapter XII., IV.

[61] Many members in one body, one body in Christ (Rom. xii. 4, 5).

[62] Cf. post, Chapter XXXIII., V.

[63] The works of Hugo of Saint-Victor are contained in Migne’s Patrologia Latina, 175-177 (Paris, 1854; the reprint of 1882 is full of misprints). The Prolegomena (in French) of Mgr. Hugonin are elaborate and valuable. Mignon, Les Origines de la scholastique et Hugues de Saint-Victor (2 vols., Paris, 1895), follows Hugonin’s writing and adds little of value. An exposition of Hugo’s philosophy is to be found in Stöckl, Geschichte der Philosophie des Mittelalters, Band I. pp. 305-355 (Mainz, 1864). On the authenticity of the writings ascribed to him see Hauréau, Les Œuvres de Hugues de Saint-Victor (2nd ed., Paris, 1886). For Hugo’s position in the history of scholasticism and mysticism see post, Chapter XXXVI., II.

[64] Post, Chapter XXXI., I.

[65] Hildebert’s letter is given post, Chapter XXX., III.

[66] On the neighbouring schools of Notre-Dame and St. Genevieve see post, Chapter XXXVII.

[67] At the opening of his Expositio in regulam beati Augustini, Migne 176, col. 881, Hugo explains that the precepts under which a monastic community lives are called the regula, and what we call a regula is called a canon by the Greeks; and those are called canonici or regulares, who “juxta regularia praecepta sanctorum Patrum canonice atque apostolice vivunt.” Thus the “regular canons” of St. Augustine were monks who lived according to the rule ascribed to that saint. In the case of the Victorines the rule was drawn up chiefly by Abbot Gilduin. See Prolegomena to the works of Hugo, Migne 175, col. xxiv. sqq.

[68] See the Prolegomena to the works of Hugo de Saint-Victor, by Hugonin, Migne 175, col. xl. sqq.

[69] Didascalicon, vi. 3 (Migne 176, col. 799). Other contents of this work are given post, Chapter XXXVI., I.

[70] His death is touchingly described in a letter of Osbert, the canon in charge of the infirmary. See Migne 175, col. xlvii and clxi.

[71] Hugo, De arrha animae, Migne 176, col. 954. Yet Hugo sometimes was stung with an irrelevant pang for the German fatherland, which he had left: “I have been an exile since my boyhood, and I know how the mind grieves to forsake some poor hut’s narrow hearth, and how easily it may then despise the marble hall and fretted roof” (Didascalicon, iii. 20; Migne 176, col. 778). Compare the single letter of Hugo that has a personal note, Ep. i. (Migne 176, col. 1011).

[72] The De sacramentis Christianae fidei is printed in Migne 176, col. 174-618. It is thus a lengthy work.

[73] Hugo evidently refers to his De Scripturis et scriptoribus sacris praenotatiunculae, and his various Adnotationes elucidatoriae, which will be found printed in vol. 175 of Migne’s Patrologia Latina. In chap. v. of the work first mentioned (Migne 175, col. 13) he speaks sensibly of the folly of those who profess not to care for the literal historical meaning of the sacred text, but, in ignorance, spring at once to very inept allegorical interpretations.

[74] De sacramentis, Prologus (Migne 176, col. 183-185). A more elementary statement may be found in De Scripturis, etc., cap. xiii. (Migne 175, col. 20).

[75] God is perfect and utterly good. His beatitude cannot be increased or diminished, but it can be imparted. Therefore the primal cause for creating rational creatures was God’s wish that there should be partakers of His beatitude. This reasoning may be Christian; but it is also close to the doctrine of Plato’s Timaeus, which Hugo had read.

[76] Hugo also takes a wider view of the “place” of mankind’s restoration, and finds that it includes (1) heaven, where the good are confirmed and made perfect; (2) hell, where the bad receive their deserts; (3) the fire of purgatory, where there is correction and perfecting; (4) paradise the place of good beginnings; and (5) the world, the place of pilgrimage for those who need restoring.

[77] “Sacramentum est corporale vel materiale elementum foris sensibiliter propositum ex similitudine repraesentans, et ex institutione significans, et ex sanctificatione continens aliquam invisibilem et spiritalem gratiam” (pars ix. 2; Migne 176, col. 317). In spite of Hugo the old definition held its ground, being adopted by Peter Lombard and others after him.

[78] Here we see clearly that the works of the Creation have the sacramental quality of similitude and, in a way, the quality of institution, since their similitude to spiritual things was intended by the Creator for the instruction of man. They lack, however, the third quality of sanctification, which enables the material signum to convey its spiritual res.

[79] e.g. the material of the sacrament, which may consist in things, as in bread and wine, or in actions (as in making the sign of the cross), or in words, as in the invocation of the Trinity. He also shows how faith itself may be regarded as a sacrament, inasmuch as it is that whereby we now see in a glass darkly and behold but an image. But we shall hereafter see clearly through contemplation. Faith then is the image, i.e. the sacrament, of the future contemplation which is the sacrament’s real verity, the res.

[80] De sacr. lib. i. pars xi. cap. 1. The sacraments of the natural law included tithes, oblations, and sacrifices. Hugo also considers the good works which the natural law prescribed. This period ceases with the written law given implicitly through Abraham and explicitly through Moses. See De sacr. lib. i. pars xii. cap. i. Hugo appears to me to vary his point of view regarding the natural law and its time, for sometimes he regards it as the law prevailing till the time of Abraham or Moses, and again as the law under which pagan peoples lived, who did not know the Mosaic law.

[81] De sacr. lib. i. pars xi. cap. 6 (Migne 176, col. 346).

[82] Whoever should wish for further illustration of Hugo’s allegorical methods may examine his treatises entitled De arca Noë morali and De arca Noë mystica (Migne 176, col. 618-702), where every detail of the Ark, which signifies the Church, is allegorically applied to the Christian scheme of life and salvation. With these treatises, Hugo’s De vanitate mundi (Migne 176, col. 703-740) is connected. They will be referred to when considering Hugo’s position in mediaeval philosophy, post, Chapter XXXVI., II.

[83] See Duchesne, Origines du culte chrétien.

[84] See the epitaph from his tomb in S. Maria sopra Minerva in Rome, given by Savigny, Geschichte des Römischen Rechts, v. 571 sqq., who also gives a sketch of his life. With the work of Durandus, the Gemma animae of Honorius of Autun (Books I. II. III.; Migne 172, col. 541 sqq.) should be compared, as marking a somewhat earlier stage in the interpretation of the Liturgy. It also gives the symbolism of the church and its parts, its ministers, and services.

[85] Every article worn or borne by the bishop (or celebrating priest) has symbolic significance.

[86] All this (which is taken from Book IV. of the Rationale) is but the first part of the Mass. The maze of symbolism increases in vastness and intricacy as the office proceeds.

[87] Neh. iv.

[88] Matt. xix. 17.

[89] Many parts of the church have more than one significance. The windows were said before to represent hospitality and pity.

[90] Post, Chapter XXXV., I.

[91] The application of Vincent’s work to the sculpture and painting of a Gothic cathedral is due to Didron, Iconographie chrétienne, histoire de Dieu, Introduction (1843). Other writers have followed him, like Émile Male in his L’Art religieux du XIII{e} siècle en France (2nd ed., Paris, 1902), to which the present writer is much indebted. It goes without saying, that the sources from which Vincent drew (e.g. the works of Albertus Magnus) likewise form a commentary upon the subjects of Gothic glass and sculpture, and may even have suggested the manner of their presentation.

[92] The opening verses of John’s Gospel account for this. Christ, or God in the person of Christ, is shown in Old Testament scenes as early as the fourth century upon sarcophagi in the Lateran at Rome.

[93] These subjects illustrated the series of events celebrated in the calendar of church services.

[94] Post, pp. 86 sqq.

[95] Ante, Chapter XXVII.

[96] So the composition and the arrangement of topics in the cathedral sculpture and glass have scarcely the excellence of natural grouping. The arrangement is intended to illustrate the series of successive acts making up God’s own artist-composition, itself symbolical of His purpose in the creation and redemption of man.

[97] Adam’s hymns are edited with notes and an introductory essay by L. Gautier, Œuvres poétiques d’Adam de S.-Victor (3rd ed., Paris, 1894). A number of his hymns will be found in Migne 196, col. 1422 sqq.; and also in Clement’s Carmina e poetis christianis excerpta. On Adam’s verse see post, Chapter XXXII., III.

[98] Dante draws much from Richard of St. Victor.

[99] See post, Chapter XXXII., III.

[100] Gautier, o.c. p. 46 (Migne 196, col. 1437).

[101] The Hebrews in bondage to the Egyptians are the symbol of all men in the bonds of sin.

[102] As Christ expires the cherubim at the gate of Eden lower the flaming sword, so that the men bathed with His blood may pass in.

[103] Isaac was always a type of Christ; his name was interpreted laughter (risus) from Gen. xxi. 6: “And Sarah said, God hath made me to laugh, so that all that hear will laugh with me.”

[104] Joseph another type of Christ.

[105] This serpent, i.e. Christ the rod of Aaron, safe from the devil’s spite, consumes the false idols.

[106] The Brazen Serpent, a type of Christ. Cf. John iii. 14.

[107] Cf. Job xli. 1. The hook (hamus) is Christ’s divinity, whereby He pierces the devil’s jaw.

[108] Cf. Isa. xi. 8. The guiltless child is Christ, and the cockatrice is the devil.

[109] The children who mocked Elisha represent the Jews mocking Christ as He ascended Calvary; the bear is Vespasian and Titus who destroy Jerusalem.

[110] These again are types of Christ: David feigning madness among the Philistines, 1 Sam. xxi. 12-15; the goat cast forth for the people’s sins, Lev. xvi. 21, 22; and the sparrow in the rite of cleansing from leprosy, Lev. xiv. 2-7.

[111] Samson a type of Christ, will not wed a woman of his tribe (Judges xiv. 1-3) as Christ chooses the Gentiles; Samson bursts open Gaza’s gates as Christ the gates of death and hell.

[112] The allusion here is to the statement of mediaeval Bestiaries that the lion cub, when born, lies lifeless for three days, till awakened by his father’s roar. The supernal mother is the Church triumphant.

[113] The body of Christ, i.e. the Church.

[114] A topic everywhere represented in church windows and cathedral sculpture.

[115] Printed at the end of his Paedagogus; see Taylor, Classical Heritage of the Middle Ages, pp. 253-255, where it is translated.

[116] Although the dogmas of Christianity were formulated by reason, they were cradled in love and hate. Nowadays, in a time when dogmas are apt to be thought useless clogs to the spirit, it is well for the historically-minded to remember the power of emotional devotion which they have inspired in other times.

[117] Gautier, Œuvres d’Adam (1st ed., vol. i. p. 11); Gautier (3rd ed., p. 269) doubts whether this hymn is Adam’s. But for the purpose of illustrating the symbolism of the twelfth-century hymn, the question of authorship is not important.

[118] Ante, Chapter XXVII.

[119] In these closing lines the “salubre sacramentum” is in apposition to “Ille de Samaria”--i.e. the “sacramentum” is the Saviour, who is also typified by the Good Samaritan. In another hymn for Christmas, Adam speaks of the concurrence in one persona of Word, flesh, and spirit, and then uses the phrase “Tantae rei sacramentum” (Gautier, o.c. p. 5). Here the sacramentum designates the visible human person of Christ, which was the life-giving signum or symbol of so great a marvel (tantae rei) as the Incarnation. Adam has Hugo’s teaching in mind, and the full significance of his phrase will appear by taking it in connection with Hugo’s definition of the Sacrament, ante, Chapter XXVIII.

[120] Gautier, o.c. p. 10.

[121] The reference is to Aaron’s rod in Numbers xvii.

[122] The reference is to Gideon’s fleece, Judges vi. 37, which is a type of the Virgin Mary.

[123] Gautier, o.c. 1st ed., i. 155 (Migne 196, col. 1464). In his third edition, Gautier is doubtful of Adam’s authorship of this hymn because of its irregular rhyme.

[124] Cf. Gautier’s notes to this hymn, Gautier, o.c. 1st ed., i. 159-167.

[125] Gautier, o.c. i. 168.

[126] Gautier, o.c. ii. 127.

[127] Gautier, 3rd ed., p. 186. This is in Migne 196, col. 1502.

[128] A charlatan in Salimbene’s Chronicle, ante, Chapter XXI., uses a like phrase.

[129] For the data as to Alanus see the Prolegomena to Migne, Pat. Lat. 210, which volume contains his works. See also Hauréau, Mém. de l’acad. des inscriptions et des belles lettres, tome 32 (1886), p. 1, etc.; also Hist. lit. de France, tome 16, p. 396, etc. On Alanus and his place in scholastic philosophy, see post, Chapter XXXVI., III.

[130] Migne 210, col. 686-1012.

[131] Migne 210, col. 431-481. See post, Chapter XXXII., I.

[132] The significance of the title is not quite clear. The poem is written in hexametre, and is not far from 4700 lines in length. It is printed in Migne 210, col. 486-576; also edited by Thos. Wright, Master of the Rolls Series, vol. 59, ii. (1872).

[133] The poem is highly imaginative in the delineation of its allegorical figures.

[134] These curious lines are as follows:

“O nova picturae miracula, transit ad esse Quod nihil esse potest! picturaque simia veri, Arte nova ludens, in res umbracula rerum Vertit, et in verum mendacia singula mutat.” Anticlaudianus, i. cap. iv. (Migne 196, col. 491.)

[135] The allusion here is to the fate of Hippolytus, whose chariot-horses, maddened by the wiles of Venus, dashed the chariot to pieces and caused their lord’s death.

[136] i. cap. vi. Her garb and attributes are elaborately told. In the latter part of the poem she is usually called Phronesis.

[137] A favourite commonplace; Heloïse uses it.

[138] The functions of these virgins, the Seven Liberal Arts, are poetically told. The Anticlaudianus is no text-book. But the poet apparently is following the De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii of Martianus Capella, ante, Chapter IV.

[139] Compare the succession of Heavens in Dante’s Paradiso.

[140] One may recall Raphael’s painting of Theology on the ceiling of the Stanza del Segnatura in the Vatican. It is impossible not to compare the rôles of Alan’s Reason and Theology with those of Virgil and Beatrice in the Commedia.

[141] Here we are back in the Celestial Hierarchy of Dionysius the Areopagite.

[142] As in Dante’s Paradiso.

[143] Most of these epithets of the Virgin come from allegorical interpretations of the text of the Vulgate.

[144] Compare the final vision of Dante in Paradiso, xxxiii.

[145] The reader will notice the Platonism and Neo-Platonism of all this.

[146] Notice that the Arts are here equipping and perfecting the man for his fight against sin;--which corresponds with the common mediaeval view of the function of education.

[147] The poem gives a full description of Fortune and her house, and unstable splendid gifts.

[148] But the different names of Alanus’s Virtues and Vices, and their novel antagonisms, indicate an original view of morality with him. On the Psychomachia see Taylor, Classical Heritage, pp. 278 sqq. and 379. Allegorical combats and débats (both in Latin and in the vernacular tongues) are frequent in mediaeval literature. Cf. e.g. post, Chapter XXX. Again, in certain parabolae ascribed to St. Bernard (Migne 183, col. 757 sqq.) the various virtues, Prudentia, Fortitude, Discretio, Temperantia, Spes, Timor, Sapientia, are so naturally made to act and speak, that one feels they had become personalities proper for poetry and art. Compare Hildegard’s characterizations of the Vices, ante, Chapter XIX.

[149] The English reader will derive much pleasure from F. S. Ellis’s admirable verse translation: The Romance of the Rose (Dent and Co., London, 1900). Each of the three little volumes of this translation has a convenient synopsis of the contents. Those who would know what is known of the tale and its authors should read Langlois’s chapter on it, in Histoire de la langue et de la littérature française, edited by Petit de Julleville. It may be said here, for those whose memories need refreshing, that William de Lorris wrote the first part, some forty-two hundred lines, about the year 1237, and died leaving it unfinished; John de Meun took up the poem some thirty years afterwards, and added his sequel of more than eighteen thousand lines.

[150] The names are Englished after Ellis’s translation.

[151] See ante, Chapter XXIII.; De Meun took much from the De planctu naturae of Alanus.

[152] Post, Chapter XXXIII.

[153] Ante, Vol. I. p. 213.

[154] Migne, Pat. Lat. 172, col. 1056.

[155] Ante, Chapter XII., I.

[156] Ante, Chapter XIII., I.

[157] Ante, Chapter XXVIII.

[158] Didascalicon, iii. 4 (Migne 176, col. 768-769).

[159] De vanitate mundi, i. (Migne 176, col. 709, 710).

[160] Ep. 169 (Migne, Pat. Lat. 100, col. 441).

[161] Opusc. xiii.; De perfectione monachi, cap. xi. (Migne 144, col. 306). See ante, Chapter XVI.

[162] Speculum ecclesiae (Migne 172, col. 1085).

[163] Sonnet 56.

[164] Ep. i. (Migne 119, col. 433).

[165] John approved of reading the auctores, for educational purposes, and not confining the pupil to the artes. See Metalogicus, i. 23, 24 (Migne, Pat. Lat. 199, col. 453). On John, cf. post, Chapter XXXI. and XXXVI., III.

[166] Polycraticus, Prologus (Migne, Pat. Lat. 199, col. 385).

[167] Post, Chapter XXXVI., III.

[168] I draw upon the extracts given in the thesis of M. Demimuid, De Bernardo Carnotensi grammatico professore et interprete Virgilii (Paris, 1873), who, as appears by his title, confuses the two Bernards.

[169] The author of a bastard epitome on the Trojan War, see post, Chapter XXXII., IV.

[170] The above, in substance, is taken from Macrobius.

[171] Post, Chapter XXXVII.

[172] Ante, Chapter XXIX., II., and post, Chapter XXXVI., III.

[173] Post, Chapter XXXVI., I.

[174] For a successor or friendly rival to Chartres, in the interest taken in grammar and classical literature, one should properly look to Orleans, where apparently those studies continued to flourish. Cf. L. Delisle, “Les Écoles d’Orléans au douzième siècle,” Annuaire-Bulletin de la Societé de l’Histoire de France, t. vii. (1869), p. 139 sqq. In a Bataille des septs arts, by Henri d’Andeli, of the first half of the thirteenth century, Logic, from its stronghold of Paris, vanquishes Grammar, whose stronghold is Orleans. In the conflict, with much symbolic truth, Aristotle overthrows Priscian, Histoire littéraire de la France, t. xxiii. p. 225.

[175] Post, Chapter XXXVII.

[176] See post, Chapter XLI. and XLII. for the work of Grosseteste.

[177] Cf. post, Chapter XXXIII. and XXXVII.

[178] Cf. Specht, Geschichte des Unterrichtswesens in Deutschland, etc. (Stuttgard, 1885), p. 75 and passim.

Yet how soon and with what childish prattle youths might begin to speak and write Latin is touchingly shown by a boy’s letter, written from a monastic school, to his parents. It just asks for various little things, and its superscription is: “Parentibus suis A. agnus ablactatus pium balatum”: which seems to mean: “To his parents, A, a weaned lamb, sends a loving bah.” This and other curious little letters are ascribed to one Robertus Metensis (cir. A.D. 900) (Migne 132, col. 533).

[179] See Thurot, Histoire des doctrines grammaticales au moyen âge; Notices et extraits des MSS. vol. 22, part 2, p. 85. For what is said in the preceding and following pages the writer’s obligations are deep to this well-known work of Thurot, and to Reichling’s edition of the Doctrinale of Alexander de Villa-Dei (Mon. Germ. paedagogica, XII., Berlin, 1893). Paetow’s Arts Course at Medieval Universities (University of Illinois, 1910) treats learnedly of these matters.

[180] See Thurot, o.c. p. 204 sqq.

[181] Regere, a mediaeval term not used in this sense by Priscian.

[182] See the Einleitung to Reichling’s edition of the Doctrinale already referred to; also Thurot, De Alexandri de Villa-Dei doctrinali (Paris, 1850). The chief mediaeval rival of the Doctrinale was the Graecismus of Eberhard of Bethune, written a little later. See Paetow, o.c. p. 38.

[183] Doctrinale, line 1561 sqq.

[184] Doctrinale, 1603 sqq.

[185] Doctrinale, 2330-2331.

[186] See passage in Reichling’s Einleitung, p. xxvii.

[187] See e.g. Une Grammaire latine inédite du XIII{e} siècle, par Ch. Fierville (Paris, 1886).

[188] See Reichling, o.c. Einleitung, p. xix; Thurot, Not. et extr. xxii. 2, p. 112 sqq.

[189] See e.g. Thurot, o.c. p. 176 sqq.; p. 216 sqq.

[190] Thurot, o.c. pp. 126-127.

[191] Thurot, o.c. p. 127.

[192] The Greek Grammar of Roger Bacon, ed. by Nolan and Hirsch (Cambridge, 1902).

[193] Bacon defines idioma “as the determined peculiarity (proprietas) of language, which one gens uses after its custom; and another gens uses another idioma of the same language” (Greek Grammar, p. 26). Dialect is the modern term.

[194] Greek Grammar, p. 27. Bacon appears to have followed Priscian chiefly. As to whether he used Byzantine models, or other sources, see the Introduction to Nolan and Hirsch’s edition of the Greek Grammar. These thoughts inspiring Bacon’s Grammar became a veritable metaphysics in the Grammatica speculativa ascribed to Duns Scotus, see post, Chapter XLII.

[195] Cf. L. Rockinger, “Die Ars Dictandi in Italien,” Sitzungsber. bayerisch. Akad., 1861, pp. 98-151. For examples of these dictamina, see L. Delisle, “Dictamina Magistri Berardi de Neapoli” (a papal notary equally versed in law and rhetoric), Notices et extraits des MSS., etc., vol. 27, part 2, p. 87 sqq.; Ch. V. Langlois, “Formulaires de lettres,” etc., Not. et ext. vol. 32 (2), p. 1 sqq.; ibid. vol. 34 (1), p. 1 sqq. and p. 305 sqq. and vol. 35 (2), p. 409 sqq.

[196] For the history of this school in the eleventh century, see ante, Chapter XII. III.

[197] The Eptateuchon exists in manuscript. I have taken the above from Clerval, Les Écoles de Chartres au moyen âge (Chartres, 1895), p. 221 sqq. Thierry appears to have written a commentary on Cicero’s Rhetoric. See Mélanges Graux, pp. 41-46.

[198] Metalogicus, i. cap. xxiv. (Migne, Pat. Lat. 199, col. 853-856).

[199] Polycraticus, vii. 13 (Migne 199, col. 666).

[200] Metalogicus, i. 24 (Migne 199, col. 856).

[201] Cf. Clerval, o.c. p. 211 sqq. and p. 227 sqq.

[202] Metalogicus, iii. 4 (Migne 199, col. 900).

[203] Petrus Blesensis, Epist. 101 (Migne 207, col. 312).

[204] Epist. 92 (Migne 207, col. 289). These letters are cited by Clerval.

[205] See post, Chapter XXXVI. I.

[206] Migne, Pat. Lat. 171, col. 1007-1056.

[207] Metalogicus, i. 5.

[208] See post, Chapter XXXV. I.

[209] The works of Giraldus Cambrensis are published in Master of Rolls Series, 21, in eight volumes. The last contains the De instructione principum. Giraldus lived from about 1147 to 1220.

[210] Ante, Chapter VIII.

[211] Alcuin, Ep. 80 (Migne 100, col. 260).

[212] Alcuin, Ep. 113, ad Paulinum patriarcham (Migne 100, col. 341).

[213] Traube, Poëtae Lat. Aevi Carolini (Mon. Germ.), 1, p. 243. Cf. “Versus in laude Larii laci,” by Paulus Diaconus, ibid. p. 42.

[214] Ante, Chapter XII.

[215] Post, Chapter XXXVI. III.

[216] Ep. ii. 33 (Migne 171, col. 256). For the Latin text of this letter see post, Chapter XXXI.

[217] For the entire poem, which is of interest throughout, see post, Chapter XXXII. I.

[218] For the poem see Hauréau, Mélanges poétiques d’Hildebert de Lavardin, p. 64 (Paris, 1882).

[219] Hauréau, o.c. p. 56.

[220] Ibid. p. 82.

[221] Ibid. p. 144.

[222] Migne, Pat. Lat. 171, col. 1428. This volume of Migne also contains the poems criticized and (some of them) edited by Hauréau in the book already referred to.

[223] Hildebert, Epis. i. 1 (Migne 171, col. 141).

[224] Hildebert, Ep. i. 22 (Migne 171, col. 197).

[225] A technical illustration from Roman law.

[226] Hildeberti, Ep. ii. 12 (Migne 171, col. 172-177). Compare Ep. i. 17, consoling a friend on loss of place and dignities. Hildebert’s works are in vol. 171 of Migne’s Pat. Lat. A number of his poems are more carefully edited by Hauréau in Notices et extraits des MSS., etc., vol. 28, ii. p. 289 sqq.; and some of them in vol. 29, ii. p. 231 sqq. of the same series. The matter is more conveniently given by Hauréau in his Mélanges poétiques d’Hildebert de Lavardin. On the man and his writings see De servillers, Hildebert et son temps (Paris, 1876); Hebert Duperron, De Venerabilis Hildeberti vita et scriptis (Bajocis, 1855); also vol. xi. of Hist. lit. de la France; and (best of all) Dieudonné, Hildebert de Lavardin, sa vie, ses lettres, etc. (Paris, 1898).

[227] It is well known that the great Latin prose, in spite of variances of stylistic intent and faculty among the individual writers, was an artistic, not to say artificial creation, formed under the influence of Greek models. Cicero is the supreme example of this, and he is also the greatest of all Latin prose writers. After his time some great writers (e.g. Tacitus, Quintilian) preserved a like tradition; others (e.g. Seneca) paid less attention to it. And likewise on through the patristic period, and the Middle Ages too, some men endeavoured to preserve a classic style, while others wrote more naturally.

[228] Even as it is necessary, in order to appreciate some of the methods of the Latin classical poetry, to realize that their immediate antecedents lay in Greek Alexandrian literature rather than in the older Greek Classics.

[229] See Taylor, Classical Heritage, chapter viii.

[230] A palpable difficulty in judging mediaeval Latin literature is its bulk. The extant Latin classics could be tucked away in a small corner of it. Every well-equipped student of the Classics has probably read them all. One mortal life would hardly suffice to read a moderate part of mediaeval Latin. And, finally, while there are histories of the classic literature in every modern tongue, there exists no general work upon mediaeval Latin writings regarded as literature. Ebert’s indispensable Allgemeine Geschichte der Literatur des Mittelalters ends with the tenth century. The author died. Within the scope of its purpose Dr. Sandys’ History of Classical Scholarship is compact and good.

[231] Ante, Chapter X.

[232] Post, Chapter XXXII., I.

[233] See Sandys, History of Classical Scholarship, i. 463-464.

[234] There was no attempt at classicism in the narrative in which he recounted the Translation of the relics of the martyrs Marcellinus and Peter from Rome to his own new monastery at Seligenstadt (Migne 104, col. 537-594). It was an entertaining story of a pious theft, and one may be sure that he wrote it more easily, and in a style more natural to himself than that shown in his consciously imitative masterpiece.

[235] Ep. vi. (Migne 100, col. 146).

[236] Ep. xxxii. (Migne 100, col. 187).

[237] Ep. xxxiii. (Migne 100, col. 187).

[238] Capitula ad Presbyteros (Migne 105, col. 202).

[239] See ante, Chapter XII.

[240] Chronicon, cap. 35 (Migne 139, col. 46). The sense is easy to follow, but the impossible constructions render an exact translation quite impossible. It is doubtful whether this Benedictus was an Italian. The Italian writing of this period, like that of Liutprand, is easier than among more painful students north of the Alps. But otherwise its qualities are rarely more pronounced. Ease is shown, however, in the Chronicon Venetum of John the Deacon (d. cir. 1008). See ante, Chapter XIII., III.

[241] Migne 133. This work fills four hundred columns in Migne. On Odo see ante, Chapter XII., II.

[242] Odo of Cluny, Collationes, lib. i. cap. i. (Migne 133, col. 519 and 520).

“Therefore God, Creator and Judge of mankind, although He have justly driven our race from that felicity of Paradise, yet mindful of His goodness, lest man all guilt should incur what he deserves, softens the sorrows of this pilgrimage with many benefits.... Indeed the purpose of that same Scripture is to press us from the depravities of this life. For to that end with its dreadful utterances, as with so many goads, it pricks our heart, that man struck by fear may shudder, and may recall to memory the divine judgments which he is wont so easily to forget, cut off by lust of the flesh and the solicitudes of earth.”

[243] Ruotgerus, Vita Brunonis, cap. 4 and 6; Pertz, Mon. Germ. Script. iv. p. 254, and Migne 134, col. 944 and 946. A translation of this passage is given ante, Vol. I., p. 310. See ibid., p. 314, for the scholarship and writings of Hermannus Contractus, an eleventh-century German. Ruotger’s clumsy Latin is outdone by the linguistic involutions of the Life of Wenceslaus, the martyr duke of Bohemia, written toward the close of the tenth century by Gumpoldus, Bishop of Mantua, who seems to have cultivated classical rhetoric most disastrously (Pertz, Mon. Germ. Script. iv. p. 211, and in Migne 135, col. 923 sqq.).

[244] From Thurot, Notices et extraits, etc., 22 (2), p. 87, and p. 341 sqq., one may see that the principles of construction stated by mediaeval grammarians followed the usage of mediaeval writers in adopting a simpler or more natural order than that of classical prose. An extract, for example, from an eleventh-century MSS. indicates the simple order which this grammarian author approved: e.g. “Johannes hodie venit de civitate; Petrus, quem Arnulfus genuit et nutrivit, intellexit multa” (Thurot, p. 87).

[245] Ante, Chapter XXX., II.

[246] So likewise in regard to verse, the perfected two-syllable rhyme came first in Italy, and more slowly in the North, although the North was to produce better Latin poetry.

[247] Ante, Chapters XI., IV., and XVI.

[248] Opusc. xiv., De ordine erimitarum (Migne 145, col. 329).

“We may see upon a tree a leaf ready to succumb beneath the wintry frosts, and, with the sap of autumnal clemency consumed, even now about to fall, so that it barely cleaves to the twig it hangs from, but displays most evident signs of (its) light ruin. The blasts are quivering, wild winds strike it from all sides, the mid-winter horror of heavy air congeals with cold; and that you may marvel the more, the ground is strewn with the rest of the leaves everywhere flowing down, and, with its locks laid low, the tree is stripped of its grace; yet that alone, none other remaining, endures, and, as the survivor of co-heirs, succeeds to the rights of the brotherhood’s possession. What then is left to be understood from consideration of this thing, save that a leaf of a tree cannot fall unless it receive beforehand the divine command?”

This description is rhetorically elaborated; but Damiani commonly wrote more directly, as in this sentence from a letter to a nobleman, in which Damiani urges him not to fail in his duty to his mother through affection for his wife: “Sed forte dices: mater mea me frequenter exasperat, duris verbis meum et uxoris meae corda perturbat; non possumus tot injuriarum probra perferre, non valemus austeritatis ejus et severae correptionis molestias tolerare” (Ep. vii. 3; Migne 144, col. 466). This needs no translation.

[249] Ante, Chapter XI., IV.

[250] Proslogion, cap. 24 (Migne 158, col. 239).

“Awaken now, my soul, and rouse all thy mind, and consider, as thou art able, of what nature and how great is that Good (God). For if single goods are objects of delight, consider intently how delightful is that good which contains the joy of all goods; and not such as in things created we have tried, but differing as greatly as differs the Creator from the creature. For if life created is good, how good is the life creatrix! If joyful is the salvation wrought, how joyful is the salvation which wrought all salvation! If lovely is wisdom in the knowledge of things created, how lovely is the wisdom which created all from nothing. In fine, if there are many and great delectations in things delightful, of what quality and greatness is delectation (i.e. the delectation that we take) in Him who made the delights themselves!”

The reader may observe that the word-order of Anselm’s Latin is preserved almost unchanged in the translation.

[251] “Meditatio II.” (Migne 158, col. 722).

“My soul is offended with my life. I blush to live; I fear to die. What then remains for thee, O sinner, save that all thy life thou weepest over all thy life, that it all may lament its whole self. But in this also is my soul miserably wonderful and wonderfully miserable, since it does not grieve as much as it knows itself (i.e. to the full extent of its self-knowledge) but secure, is listless as if it knew not what it may be suffering. O barren soul, what art thou doing? why art thou drowsing, sinner soul? The Day of Judgment is coming, near is the great day of the Lord, near and too swift the day of wrath, (that day!) day of tribulation and distress, day of calamity and misery, day of shades and darkness, day of cloud and whirlwind, day of the trump and the roar! O voice of the day of the Lord--harsh! Why sleepest thou, soul lukewarm and fit to be spewed out?”

[252] Perhaps it may seem questionable to treat Anselm as an Italian, since he left Lombardy when a young man. Undoubtedly his theological interests were affected by his northern environment. But his temperament and language, his diction, his style, seem to me more closely connected with native temperament.

[253] Annals for the year 1077 (Migne 146, col. 1234 sqq.); also in Mon. Germ. Script. iii.

[254] Sermo xvi. (Migne 183, col. 851). The power of this passage keeps it from being hysterical. But the monkish hysteria, without the power, may be found in the writings of St. Bernard’s jackal, William of St. Thierry, printed in Migne, Pat. Lat. 180. Notice his Meditationes, for example; also his De contemplando Deo, printed among St. Bernard’s works (Migne 184, col. 365 sqq.).

[255] Sermo xv. (Migne 183, col. 847). Translated ante, Vol. I., p. 411.

[256] Ep. xii., ad Guigonem (Migne 182, col. 116).

[257] Bernard, Ep. 112, ad Gaufridum (Migne 182, col. 255). For translation see ante, Vol. I., p. 398.

[258] E.g. Ep. i. and 144 (Migne 182, col. 70 and 300).

[259] Ep. 196, ad Guidonem (Migne 182, col. 363). Translated ante, Vol. I., p. 401. See also the preceding letter, 195.

[260] As to Jerome’s two styles see Goelzer, La Latinité de St. Jerome, Introduction.

[261] Ep. ii. 33 (Migne 171, col. 256). Translation ante, Chapter XXX., III.

[262] See ante, Chapter XXX., I.

[263] “Against that signal gift of parent nature and grace, a shameless wrangler has stirred up an old calumny, condemned by the judgment of our ancestors; and, seeking everywhere comfort for his ignorance, he hopes to advance himself toward glory, if he shall see many like himself, see them ignorant, that is to say. For he has this special tumour of arrogance, that he would be making himself the equal of others, exalting his own good qualities (if they exist), and depreciating those of others. And he deems his neighbour’s defect to be his own advancement.

“Now it is indubitable to all truly wise, that Nature, kindest parent of all, and best-ordering directress, among the other living beings which she brought forth, distinguished man with the prerogative of reason and ennobled him with the exercise of eloquence (or ‘with the use of speech’): executing this with unremitting zeal and best-ordering decree, in order that man who was pressed and dragged to the lowest by the heaviness of a clodlike nature and the slowness of corporeal bulk, borne aloft as it were by these wings might ascend to the heights, and by obtaining the crown of true blessedness excel all others in happy reward. While Grace thus fecundates Nature, Reason watches over the matters to be inspected and considered; Nature’s bosom gives forth, metes out the fruits and faculty of individuals; and the inborn love of good, stimulating itself by its natural appetite, follows this (i.e. the good) either solely or before all else, since it seems best adapted to the bliss descried” (Metal. i. 1; Migne 199, col. 825). These translations are kept close to the original, in order to show the construction of the sentences.

[264] “There is another class of philosophers called the Ionic, and it took its origin from the more remote Greeks. The chief of these was Thales the Milesian, one of those seven who were called ‘wise.’ He, when he had searched out the nature of things, shone among his fellows, and especially stood forth as admirable because, comprehending the laws of astrology, he predicted eclipses of the sun and moon. To him succeeded his hearer, Anaximander, who (in turn) left Anaximenes as disciple and successor. Diogenes, likewise his hearer, arose and Anaxagoras who taught that the divine mind was the author of all things that we see. To him succeeded his pupil Archelaus, whose disciple is said to have been Socrates, the master of Plato, who, according to Apuleius, was first called Aristotle, but then Plato from his breadth of chest, and was borne aloft to such height of philosophy, by vigour of genius, by assiduity of study, by graciousness in all his ways, and by sweetness and force of eloquence, that, as if seated on the throne of wisdom, he has seemed to command by a certain ordained authority the philosophers before and after him. And indeed Socrates is said to have been the first to have turned universal philosophy to the improvement and ordering of manners; since before him all had devoted themselves chiefly to physics, that is to examining the things of nature” (Polycraticus, vii. 5; Migne 199, col. 643).

[265] “The most excellent man concluded his oration, and by the power of the blessed Peter absolved all who had taken the vow to go, and by the same apostolic authority confirmed it; and he instituted a suitable sign of this so honourable vow; and as a badge of soldiering (or knighthood), or rather, of being about to soldier, for God, he took the mark of the Lord’s Passion, the figure of a cross, made from material of any kind of cloth, and ordered it to be sewed upon the tunics and cloaks of those about to go. But if any one, after receiving this sign, or after making open promise, should draw back from that good intent, by base repenting or through affection for his kin, he ordained that he should be held an outlaw utterly and perpetually, unless he turn and set himself again to the neglected performance of his pledge.

“Furthermore, with terrible anathema he damned all who within the term of three years should dare to do ill to the wives, children, or property of those setting forth on this journey of God. And finally he committed to a certain and praiseworthy man (a bishop of some city on the Po, whose name I am sorry never to have found or heard) the care and regulation of the expedition, and conferred his own authority upon him over the tribute (?) of Christian people wherever they should come. Whereupon giving his benediction, in the apostolic manner, he placed his hands upon him. How sagaciously that one executed the behest, is shown by the marvellous outcome of so great an undertaking” (Guibert of Nogent, Gesta Dei per Francos, ii. 2; Migne 156, col. 702).

[266] Hist. ecclesiastica, pars iii. lib. xii. cap. 14 (Migne 188, col. 889-892). “Thomas, son of Stephen, approached the king, and offering him a mark of gold, said: ‘Stephen, son of Airard, was my sire, and all his life he served thy father (William the Conqueror) on the sea. For him, borne on his ship, he conveyed to England, when he proceeded to England in order to make war on Harold. In this manner of service serving him until death he gave him satisfaction, and honoured with many rewards from him, he flourished grandly among his people. This privilege, lord king, I claim of thee, and the vessel which is called White Ship I have ready, fitted out in the best manner for royal needs.’ To whom the king said: ‘I grant your petition. For myself indeed I have selected a proper ship, which I shall not change; but my sons, William and Richard, whom I cherish as myself, with much nobility of my realm, I commend now to thee.’

“Hearing these words the sailors were merry, and bowing down before the king’s son, asked of him wine to drink. He ordered three measures of wine to be given them. Receiving these they drank and pledged their comrades’ health abundantly, and with deep potations became drunk. At the king’s order many barons with their sons went aboard the ship, and there were about three hundred, as I opine, in that fatal bark. Then two monks of Tiron, and Count Stephen with two knights, also William of Rolmar, and Rabellus the chamberlain, and Edward of Salisbury, and a number of others, went out from it, because they saw such a crowd of wanton showy youth aboard. And fifty tried rowers were there and insolent marines, who having seized seats in the ship were brazening it, forgetting themselves through drunkenness, and showed respect for scarcely any one. Alas! how many of them had minds void of pious devotion toward God!--‘Who tempers the exceeding rages of the sea and air.’ And so the priests, who had gone up there to bless them, and the other ministrants who bore the holy water, they drove away with derision and loud guffaws; but soon after they paid the penalty of their mocking.

“Only men, with the king’s treasure and the vessels holding the wine, filled the keel of Thomas; and they pressed him eagerly to follow the royal fleet which was already cutting the waves. And he himself, because he was silly from drink, trusted in his skill and that of his satellites, and rashly promised to outstrip all who were now ahead of him. Then he gave the word to put to sea. At once the sailors snatched their oars, and glad for another reason because they did not know what hung before their eyes, they adjusted their tackle, and made the ship start over the sea with a great bound. Now while the drunken rowers were putting forth all their strength, and the wretched pilot was paying slack attention to steering his course over the gulf, upon a great rock which daily is uncovered by the ebbing wave and again is covered when the sea is at flood, the left side of White Ship struck violently, and with two timbers smashed, all unexpectedly the ship, alas! was capsized. All cried out together in such a catastrophe; but the water quickly filling their mouths, they perished alike. Two only cast their hands upon the boom from which hung the sail, and clinging to it a great part of the night, waited for some aid. One was a butcher of Rouen named Berold, and the other a well-born lad named Geoffrey, son of Gislebert of Aquila.

“The moon was then at its nineteenth in the sign of the Bull, and lighted the earth for nearly nine hours with its beams, making the sea bright for navigators. Captain Thomas after his first submersion regained his strength, and bethinking himself, pushed his head above the waves, and seeing the heads of those clinging to some piece of wood, asked, ‘What has become of the king’s son?’ When the shipwrecked answered that he had perished with all his companions, ‘Miserable,’ said he, ‘is my life henceforth.’ Saying this, and evilly despairing, he chose to sink there, rather than meet the fury of the king enraged for the destruction of his child, or undergo long punishment in chains.”

[267] Post, Chapter XLI.

[268] Opus majus, pars i. cap. 6.

[269] Op. maj. ii. cap. 14.

[270] Op. maj. iii. 1.

[271] Op. maj. ii. 14.

[272] For translation see post, Chapter XXXIV.

[273] Post, Chapter XXXVIII.

[274] Itinerarium mentis in Deum, Prologus, 2.

[275] Ibid. cap. vii. 6. For translations see post, Chapter XXXVIII.

[276] Vita prima, cap. xi. Translated ante, Vol. I., p. 427, note 1.

[277] Spec. perfectionis, ed. Sabatier, cap. 53. Translated ante, Vol. I., p. 427.

[278] Ibid. cap. 93. Translated ante, Vol. I., p. 432.

[279] Cap. li., ed. Graesse.

“Annunciation Sunday (Advent) is so called, because on that day by an angel the advent of the Son of God in the flesh was announced, for it was fitting that the angelical annunciation should precede the incarnation, for a threefold reason. For the first reason, of betokening the order, that to wit the order of reparation should answer to the order of transgression. Accordingly as the devil tempted the woman, that he should draw her to doubt and through doubt to consent and through consent to fall, so the angel announced to the Virgin, that by announcing he should arouse her to faith and through faith to consent and through consent to conceiving God’s son. For the second reason, of the angelic ministry, because since the angel is God’s minister and servant, and the blessed Virgin was chosen in order that she might be God’s mother, and it is fitting that the minister should serve the mistress, so it was proper that the annunciation to the blessed Virgin should take place through an angel. For the third reason, of repairing the angelical fall. Because since the incarnation was made not only for the reparation of the human fall, but also for the reparation of the angelical catastrophe, therefore the angels ought not to be excluded. Accordingly as the sex of the woman does not exclude her from knowledge of the mystery of the incarnation and resurrection, so also neither the angelical messenger. Behold, God twice announces to a woman by a mediating angel, to wit the incarnation to the Virgin Mary and the resurrection to the Magdalene.” The order of the Latin words is scarcely changed in the translation.

[280] In order that no reader may be surprised by the absence of discussion of the antique antecedents of the more particular genres of mediaeval poetry (Latin and Vernacular), I would emphasize the impossibility of entering upon such exhaustless topics. Probably the very general assumption will be correct in most cases, that genres of mediaeval poetry (e.g. the Conflicts or Débats in Latin and Old French) revert to antecedents sufficiently marked for identification, in the antique Latin (or Greek) poetry, or in the (extant or lost) productions of the “low” Latin period from the third century downward. An idea of the difficulty and range of such matters may be gained from Jeanroy, Les Origines de la poésie lyrique en France au moyen âge (Paris, 1889), and the admirable review of this work by Gaston Paris in the Journal des savants for 1891 and 1892 (four articles). Cf. also Batiouchkof in Romania, xx. (1891), pages 1 sqq. and 513 sqq.

[281] Cf. Taylor, Classical Heritage of the Middle Ages, chap. ix.

[282] There is much verse from noted men, Alcuin, Paulus Diaconus, Walafrid Strabo, Rabanus Maurus, Theodulphus. It is all to be found in the collection of Dümmler and Traube, Poetae Latini aevi Carolini (Mon. Germ. 1880-1896).

[283] It is amusing to find a poem by Walafrid Strabo turning up as a favourite among sixteenth-century humanists. The poem referred to, “De cultura hortorum” (Poet. Lat. aev. Car. ii. 335-350), is a poetic treatment of gardening, reminiscent of the Georgics, but not imitating their structure. It has many allusions to pagan mythology.

[284] Post, p. 193 sqq.

[285] Ante, Vol. I., p. 147.

[286] Ante, Chapter XI., III.

[287] The following leonine hexameters are attributed to Donizo:

“Chrysopolis dudum Graecorum dicitur usu, Aurea sub lingua sonat haec Urbs esse Latina, Scilicet Urbs Parma, quia grammatica manet alta, Artes ac septem studiose sunt ibi lectae.” Muratori, Antiquitates, iii. p. 912.

[288] William was a few years older than Donizo, and died about the year 1100. His hero is Robert Guiscard, and his poem closes with this bid for the favour of his son, Roger:

“Nostra, Rogere, tibi cognoscis carmina scribi, Mente tibi laeta studuit parere Poeta: Semper et auctores hilares meruere datores; Tu duce Romano Dux dignior Octaviano, Sis mihi, quaeso, boni spes, ut fuit ille Maroni.” Muratori, Scriptores, v. 247-248.

[289] Muratori, Script. v. 407-457.

[290] Muratori, Script. vi. 110-161; also in Migne.

[291] Written at the close of the twelfth century. On these people see Ronca, Cultura medioevale e poesia Latina d’ Italia (Rome, 1892).

[292] Muratori, vii. pp. 349-482; Waitz, Mon. Germ. xxii. 1-338. Godfrey lived from about 1120 to the close of the century. The Pantheon was completed in 1185. Cf. L. Delisle, Instructions du comité des travaux historiques, etc.; Littérature latine, p. 41 (Paris, 1890).

[293] Matthaei Vindocinensis ars versificatoria, L. Bourgain (Paris, 1879).

[294] Ante, Chapter XXX., III.

[295] Text from Hauréau, Les Mélanges poetiques d’Hildebert de Lavardin, p. 60: also in Notices des manuscrits de la bib. nat. t. 28, 2nd part (1878), p. 331.

[296] Hauréau gives a critical text of the Carmen ad Astralabium filium, in Notices et extraits, etc., 34, part ii., p. 153 sqq. Other not unpleasing instances of elegiac verse are afforded by the poems of Baudri, Abbot of Bourgueil (d. 1130). They are occasional and fugitive pieces--nugae, if we will. See L. Delisle, Romania, i. 22-50.

[297] The substance of this poem has been given ante, Chapter XXIX. On Alanus see also post, Chapter XXXVI., III.

[298] It is printed in Migne 209. Cf. post, p. 230, note 1.

[299] The Ligurinus is printed in tome 212 of Migne’s Patrol. Lat. On its author see Pannenborg, Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte, Band ii. pp. 161-301, and Band xiii. pp. 225-331 (Göttingen, 1871 and 1873).

[300] Alanus de Insulis, De planctu naturae (Migne 210, col. 447). A translation of the work has been made by D. M. Moffat (New York, 1908). For other examples of Sapphic and Alcaic verses see Hauréau in Notices et extraits, etc., 31 (2), p. 165 sqq.

[301] Wilhelm Meyer, a leading authority upon mediaeval Latin verse-structure, derives the principle of a like number of syllables in every line from eastern Semitic influence upon the early Christians. See Fragmenta Burana (Berlin, 1901), pp. 151, 166. That may have had its effect; but I do not see the need of any cause from afar to account for the syllabic regularity of Latin accentual verse.

[302] Again Wilhelm Meyer’s view: see l.c. and the same author’s “Anfänge der latein. und griech. rhythmischen Dichtung,” Abhand. der Bairish. Akad. Philos., philol. Klasse, 1886.

[303] Poet. Lat. aev. Car. i. 116. Cf. Ebert, Gesch. etc. ii. 86. For similar verses see those on the battle at Fontanetum (A.D. 841), Poet. Lat. aev. Car. ii. 138, and the carmen against the town of Aquilegia, ibid. p. 150.

[304] Cf. ante, Vol. I., pp. 227, 228.

[305] Traube, Poetae Lat. aevi Car. iii. p. 731. Cf. Ebert, Gesch. etc. ii. 169 and 325.

[306] Poet. Lat. aev. Car. iii. 733.

[307] Du Meril, Poésies populaires latines, i. 400.

Perhaps the most successful attempt to write hexameters containing rhymes or assonances is the twelfth-century poem of Bernard Morlanensis, a monk of Cluny, beginning with the famous lines:

“Hora novissima, tempora pessima sunt, vigilemus. Ecce minaciter imminet arbiter ille supremus.”

Bernardi Morlanensis, De contemptu mundi, ed. by Thos. Wright, Master of the Rolls Series, vol. 59 (ii.), 1872. Bernard says in his Preface, as to his measures: “Id genus metri, tum dactylum continuum exceptis finalibus, tum etiam sonoritatem leonicam servans....”

[308] “Carmina Mutinensia,” Poet. Lat. aev. Car. iii. 703. The poem has forty-two lines, of which the above are the first four. The usual date assigned is 924, but Traube in Poet. aev. Car. has put it back to 892.

[309] See further text and discussion in Traube, “O Roma nobilis,” Abhand. Bairish. Akad. Philos., philol. Klasse, 1891.

[310] The verbal Sequence or prosa was thus a species of trope. Tropes were interpolations or additions to the older text of the Liturgy. The Sequences were the tropes appended to the last Alleluia of the Gradual, the psalm chanted in the celebration of the Mass, between the reading of the Epistle and the Gospel. Cf. Leon Gautier, Poésie liturgique au moyen âge, chap. iii. (Paris, 1886); ibid. Œuvres poétiques d’Adam de Saint-Victor, p. 281 sqq. (3rd ed., Paris, 1894).

[311] On the Sequence see Leon Gautier, Poésie liturgique au moyen âge (Paris, 1886), passim, and especially the comprehensive summary in the notes from p. 154 to p. 159. Also see Schubiger, Die Sängerschule St. Gallus (1858), in which many of Notker’s Sequences are given with the music; also v. Winterfeld, “Die Dichterschule St. Gallus und Reichenau,” Neue Jahrbücher f. d. klassisch. Altertum, Bd. v. (1900), p. 341 sqq.

The present writer has found Wilhelm Meyer’s Fragmenta Burana (Berlin, 1901) most suggestive; and in all matters pertaining to mediaeval Latin verse-forms, use has been made of the same writer’s exhaustive study: “Ludus de Antichristo und über lat. Rythmen,” Sitzungsber. Bairisch. Akad. Philos., philol. Klasse, 1882. See also Ch. Thurot, “Notices, etc., de divers MSS. latins pour servir à l’histoire des doctrines grammaticales au moyen âge,” in vol. xxii. (2) of Notices et extraits des MSS. pp. 417-457.

[312] “May our trumpet be guided mightily by God’s right hand, and may He hear our prayers with gentle and tranquil ear: for our praise will be accepted if what we sing with the voice a pure conscience sings likewise. And that we may be able, let us all beseech divine aid to be always present with us.... O good King, kind, just, and pitying, who art the way and the door, unlock the gates of the kingdom for us, we beg, and pardon our offences, that we may praise thy name now and through all the ages.”

[313] G. M. Dreves, “Die Prosen der Abtei St. Martial zu Limoges,” p. 59 (vol. vii. of Dreves’s Analecta hymnica medii aevi; Leipzig, 1889). “Let every band sing with fount renewed and the Spirit’s grace with joyful praise and clear mind. Now is made good the tenth part (i.e. the fallen angels), undone by fault; and thus that celestial casting out is made good in divine praise. Lo! the bright day of the Lord gleams through the broad spaces of the world: in which all the redeemed people exult because everlasting death is destroyed.”

[314] Published by Boucherie, “Mélanges Latins, etc.,” Revue des langues romanes, t. vii. (1875), p. 35.

“Alleluia! O flock, proclaim joy; with melodious praise utter deeds divine now fixed by revealed doctrine. Through the great sacrifice of Christ thou art liberated from death; the gates of hell destroyed, opened are heaven’s doors. Now He rules all things celestial and terrestrial by eternal power; wherein by the Father’s authority He gives judgment always just.”

[315] See Gautier, Poésie liturgique, p. 147 sqq. It came somewhat earlier in Italy. See Ronca, Cultura medioevale, etc., p. 348 sqq. (Rome, 1892).

[316] While Sequences may be called hymns, all hymns are not Sequences. For the hymn is the general term designating a verbal composition sung in praise of God or His saints. A Sequence then would be a hymn having a peculiar history and a certain place in the Liturgy.

[317] Contained in Migne 178, col. 1771 sqq. They have not been properly edited or even fully published.

[318] Reference should also be made to the six laments (planctus) composed by Abaelard (Migne 178, col. 1817-1823). They are powerful elegies, and exhibit a richness and variety of poetic measures. It may be mentioned that the pure two-syllable rhyme is found in hymns ascribed to Saint Bernard.

[319] Leon Gautier, the editor of the Œuvres poétiques d’Adam de Saint-Victor, in his third edition of 1894, has thrown out from among Adam’s poems our first and third examples. On Adam see ante, Chapter XXIX., II.

[320] Gautier, Œuvres poétiques d’Adam de Saint-Victor, i. 174.

[321] Gautier, o.c. 3rd edition, p. 87.

[322] Gautier, o.c. 1st edition, i. 201.

[323] Did the Sequence exert an influence upon Hrotsvitha, the tiresome but unquestionably immortal nun of Gandersheim, who flourished in the middle and latter part of the tenth century? She wrote narrative poems, like the Gesta Ottonis (Otto I.) in leonine hexameters. Her pentameter lines also commonly have a word in the middle rhyming with the last syllable of the line. But it is in those famous pious plays of hers, formed after the models of Terence, that we may look for a kind of writing corresponding to that which was to progress to clearer form in the Sequence. Without discussing to what extent the Latin of these plays may be called rhythmical, one or two things are clear. It is filled with assonances and rude rhymes, usually of one syllable. It has no clear verse-structure, and the utterances of the dramatis personae apparently observe no regularity in the number of syllables, such as lines of verse require.

[324] For these and other songs, written after the manner of Sequences, see Du Meril, Poésies pop. lat. i. p. 273 sqq. They are also printed by Piper in Nachträge zur älteren deutschen Lit. (Deutsche Nat. Lit.) p. 206 sqq. and p. 234 sqq. See also W. Meyer, Fragmenta Burana, p. 174 sqq. and Ebert, Allgemeine Gesch. etc. ii. 343 sqq.

[325] Du Meril, ibid. i. p. 285.

[326] Wil. Meyer, Fragmenta Burana, p. 180.

[327] The best text of the “Phillidis et Florae altercatio” is Hauréau’s in Notices et extraits, 32 (1), p. 259 sqq. The same article has some other disputes or causae, e.g. causa pauperis scholaris cum presbytero, p. 289.

[328] Du Meril, Poésies pop. lat. ii. p. 108 sqq. The piece is a cento, and its tone changes and becomes brutal further on. The poems, from which are taken the preceding citations, are to be found in Wright’s Latin Poems commonly attributed to Walter Mapes (London, 1841, Camden Society); Carmina Burana, ed. J. A. Schmeller; “Gedichte auf K. Friedrich I. (archipoeta),” in vol. iii. of Grimm’s Kleinere Schriften. Cf. also Hubatsch, Die lateinischen Vagantenlieder (Gorlitz, 1870). The best texts of many of these and other “Carmina Burana,” and such like poems, are to be found in the contributions of Hauréau to the Notices et extraits, etc.; especially in tome 29 (2), pp. 231-368; tome 31 (1), p. 51 sqq.

[329] Ante, Vol. I., p. 145.

[330] Ante, Chapter IX., II. and III.

[331] For generous samples of it, see Geistliche Lit. des Mittelalters, ed. P. Piper (Deutsche National Literatur).

[332] For this novel, a Greek original is usually assumed; but the Middle Ages had it only in a sixth-century Latin version. It was copied in Jourdain de Blaie, a chanson de geste. See Hagen, Der Roman von König Apollonius in seinen verschiedenen Bearbeitungen (Berlin, 1878). The other Greek novels doubtless would have been as popular had the Middle Ages known them. In fact, the Ethiopica of Heliodorus, and others of these novels, did become popular enough through translations in the sixteenth century.

[333] Hugo of St. Victor says in the twelfth century: “Apud gentiles primus Darhes Phrygius Trojanam historiam edidit, quam in foliis palmarum ab eo scriptam esse ferunt” (Erud. didas. iii. cap. 3; Migne 176, col. 767).

On the Trojan origin of the Franks, Britons, and other peoples, see Joly in his “Benoit de St. More et le Roman de Troie,” pp. 606-635 (Mem. de la Soc. des Antiquaires de Normandie, vol. vii. 3{me} ser., 1869); also Graf, Roma nella memoria, etc., del medio aevo. The Trojan origin of the Franks was a commonplace in the early Middle Ages, see e.g. Aimoinus of Fleury in beginning of his Historia Francorum, Migne 139, col. 637.

On Dares the Phrygian and Dictys the Cretan see “Dares and Dictys,” N. E. Griffin (Johns Hopkins Studies, Baltimore, 1907); Taylor, Classical Heritage, pp. 40 and 360 (authorities); also, generally, L. Constans, “L’Épopée antique,” in Petit de Julleville’s Histoire de la langue et de la littérature française, vol. i. (Paris, 1896).

[334] Joseph of Exeter or de Iscano, as he is called, at the close of the twelfth century composed a Latin poem in six books of hexameters entitled De bello Trojano. It is one of the best mediaeval productions in that metre. The author followed Dares, but his diction shows a study of Virgil, Ovid, Statius, and Claudian. See J. J. Jusserand, De Josepho Exoniensi vel Iscano (Paris, 1877); A. Sarradin, De Josepho Iscano, Belli Trojani, etc. (Versailles, 1878).

[335] Eneas, ed. by Salverda de Grave (Halle, 1891), lines 7857-9262.

[336] Roman de Troie, 5257-5270, ed. Joly; “Benoit de St. More et le Roman de Troie, etc.,” Mem. de la Soc. des Antiquaires de Normandie, vol. vii. 3{me} ser., 1869. On its sources see also L. Constans, in Petit de Julleville’s Hist. de la langue et de la litt. française, vol. i. pp. 188-220.

[337] Roman de Troie, 13235 sqq.

[338] The Roman de Thebes, the third of these large poems, is temperate in the adaptation and extension of its theme. Its ten thousand or more lines of eight-syllable rhyming verse are no longer than the Thebaid of Statius, and as a narrative make quite as interesting reading. Statius, who lived under Domitian, was a poet of considerable skill, but with no genius for the construction of an epic. His work reads well in patches, but does not move. Several books are taken up with getting the Argive army in motion, and when the reader and Jove himself are wearied, it moves on--to the next halt. And so forth through the whole twelve books. See Nisard, Études sur les poètes latins de la décadence, vol. i. p. 261 sqq. (2nd ed., Paris, 1849); Pichon, Hist. de la litt. lat. p. 606 (2nd ed., Paris, 1898). The Roman de Thebes was not drawn directly from the work of Statius, but through the channels, apparently, of intervening prose compendia. It also evidently drew from other works, as it contains matters not found in Statius’s Thebaid. It is easy, if not inspiring reading. The style is clear, and the narrative moves. Of course it presents a general mediaevalizing of the manners of Statius’s somewhat fustian antique heroes; it introduces courtly love (e.g. the love between Parthonopeus and Antigone, lines 3793 sqq.), mediaeval commonplaces, and feudal customs. It drops the antique conception of accursed fate as a fundamental motive of the plot, substituting in its place the varied play of romantic and chivalric sentiment.

Leopold Constans has made the Roman de Thebes his own. Having followed the story of Oedipus through the Middle Ages in his Légende d’Œdipe, etc. (Paris, 1881) he has corrected some of his views in his critical edition of the poem, “Le Roman de Thèbes,” 2 vols., 1890 (Soc. des anciens textes français), and has treated the same matters more popularly in Petit de Julleville’s Hist. de la langue et de la litt. française, vol. i. pp. 170-188. These works fully discuss the sources, date, and language of the poem, and the later redactions in prose and verse through Europe.

[339] On Pseudo-Callisthenes see Paul Meyer, Alexandre le Grand dans la littérature française du moyen âge (Paris, 1886); Taylor, Classical Heritage, etc., pp. 38 and 360. In the last quarter of the twelfth century Walter of Lille, called also Walter of Chatillon, wrote his Alexandreis in ten books of easy-flowing hexameters. It is printed in Migne, Pat. Lat. 209, col. 463-572. Cf. ante, page 192. His work shows that a mediaeval scholar-poet could reproduce a historical theme quite soberly. His poem was read by other bookmen; but the Alexander of the Middle Ages remained the Alexander of the fabulous vernacular versions.

[340] See Gaston Paris, “Chrétien Légouais et autres imitateurs d’Ovide,” Hist. litt. de la France, t. xxix., pp. 455-525.

[341] The words “nexum mancipiumque” are more formal and special than the English given above.

[342] The early law had as yet devised no execution against the debtor’s property.

[343] The jurisconsults whose opinions were authoritative flourished in the second and third centuries. The great five were Gaius, Julian, Papinian, Ulpian, Paulus. Inasmuch as these jurisconsults of the Empire were members of the Imperial (or, later, Praetorian) Auditory, they were judges in a court of last resort, and their “responsa” were decisions of actual cases. They subsequently “digested” them in their books. See Munroe Smith, “Problems of Roman Legal History,” Columbia Law Review, 1904, p. 538.

[344] Dig. i. 1 (“De Just. et jure”) 1. See Savigny, System des heutigen römischen Rechts, i. p. 109 sqq. Apparently some of the jurists (e.g. Gaius, Ins. i. 1) draw no substantial distinctions between the jus naturale and the jus gentium. Others seem to distinguish. With the latter, jus naturale might represent natural or instinctive principles of justice common to all men, and jus gentium, the laws and customs which experience had led men to adopt. For instance, libertas is jure naturali, while dominatio or servitus is introduced ex gentium jure (Dig. i. 5, 4; Dig. xii. 6, 64). Jus gentium represented common expediency, but its institutions (e.g. servitus) might or might not accord with natural justice. For manumissio as well as servitus was ex jure gentium (Dig. i. 1, 4), and so were common modes and principles of contract. Ulpian’s notion of the jus naturale as pertaining to all animals, and jus gentium as belonging to men alone, was but a catching classification, and did not represent any commonly followed distinction.

[345] Constitutio is the more general term, embracing whatever the emperor announces in writing as a law. The term rescript properly applies to the emperor’s written answers to questions addressed to him by magistrates, and to the decisions of his Auditory rendered in his name.

[346] For this whole matter, see vol. i. of Savigny’s System des heutigen römischen Rechts; Gaius, Institutes, the opening paragraphs; and the first two chapters of the first Book of Justinian’s Digest.

[347] Dig. i. 3, 32.

[348] Dig. i. 3, 10, and 12.

[349] Dig. i. 3, 14.

[350] Ibid. 39.

[351] Dig. l. 17, 30.

[352] Dig. l. 17, 31.

[353] Ibid. 54.

[354] Ibid. 202.

[355] Dig. l. 16, 24; Ibid. 17, 62.

[356] Cod. Theod. (ed. by Mommsen and Meyer) i. 1, 5.

[357] With the Theodosian Code the word lex, leges, begins to be used for the constitutiones or other decrees of a sovereign.

[358] From the constitution directing the compilation of the Digest, usually cited as Deo auctore.

[359] The original plan of Theodosius embraced the project of a Codex of the jurisprudential law. See his constitution of the year 429 in Theod. C. i. 1, 5. Had this been carried out, as it was not, Justinian’s Digest would have had a forerunner.

[360] Juliani epitome Latina Novellarum Justiniani, ed. by G. Haenel (Leipzig, 1873).

[361] Conrat, Ges. der Quellen und Lit. des röm. Rechts, pp. 48-59, and 161 sqq.; Mommsen, Zeitschrift für Rechtsges. 21 (1900), Roman. Abteilung, pp. 150-155.

[362] Ed. by Bluhme, Mon. Germ. leges, iii. 579-630. Cf. Tardif, Sources du droit français, 124-128. A code of Burgundian law had already been made.

[363] Edited by Haenel, with the epitomes of it in parallel columns, under the name of Lex Romana Visigothorum (Leipzig, 1849). See Tardif, o.c. 129-143.

[364] Cod. Theod. i. 4, 3; Brev. i. 4, 1.

[365] On these epitomes and glosses see Conrat, Ges. der Quellen, etc., pp. 222-252. Mention should be made of the Edict of Theodoric the Ostrogoth, a piece of legislation contemporary with the Breviarium and the Papianus. In pursuance of Theodoric’s policy of amalgamating Goths and Romans, the Edict was made for both (Barbari Romanique). Its sources were substantially the same as those of the Breviarium, except that Gaius was not used. The sources are not given verbatim, but their contents are restated, often quite bunglingly. Naturally a Teutonic influence runs through this short and incomplete code, which contains more criminal than private law. No further reference need be made to it because its influence practically ceased with the reconquest of Italy by Justinian. It is edited by Bluhme, in Mon. Ger. leges, v. 145-169. See as to it, Savigny, Geschichte des röm. Rechts, ii. 172-181; Salvioli, Storia del diritto italiano, 3rd ed., pp. 45-47.

[366] Cf. Brunner, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, i. p. 109 sqq.

[367] For the characteristics and elements of early Teutonic law see Brunner, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, Bd. i.

[368] See Brunner, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, i. p. 254 sqq., and 338-340.

[369] “Adversus Gundobadi legem,” c. 4 (Mon. Germ. leges, iii. 504). As to Agobard see ante, Vol. I. p. 232.

[370] The matter is suggested here only in its general aspects. The details present every kind of complication (for some purposes to-day a court will apply the law of the litigant’s domicile). The professio (professus sum or professa sum), by which a man or woman formally declares by what law he or she lives, remained common in Italy for five centuries after Pippin’s conquest, and indicates the legal situation there, especially of the Teutonic newcomers.

[371] One sees an analogy in the fortunes of the Boëthian translations of the more advanced treatises of Aristotle’s Organon. They fell into disuse (or never came into use) and so were “lost” until they came to light, i.e. into use, in the last part of the twelfth century.

[372] See Conrat, Ges. der Quellen, pp. 182-187.

[373] See Conrat, Ges. der Quellen, etc., pp. 162-166, 168-182, 192-202, 240-252.

[374] See Salvioli, Storia di diritto italiano, 3rd ed., 1899, pp. 84-90; ibid. L’ Istruzione pubblica in Italia nei secoli VIII. IX. X.; Tardif, Hist. des sources du droit français, p. 281 sqq.; Savigny, Geschichte, etc., iv. pp. 1-9; Fitting, “Zur Geschichte der Rechtswissenschaft im Mittelalter,” Zeitschrift für Rges. Sav. Stift., Roman. Abteil., Bd. vi., 1885, pp. 94-186; ibid. Juristische Schriften des früheren Mittelalters, 108 sqq. (Halle, 1876).

[375] A contemporary notice speaks of the enormous number of judges, lawyers, and notaries in Milan about the year 1000. Salvioli, L’ Istruzione pubblica, etc., p. 78. It is hard to imagine that no legal instruction could be had there.

[376] The evidence is gathered in different parts of Savigny’s Geschichte.

[377] De parentelae gradibus, see Savigny, Geschichte, Bd. iv. p. 1 sqq.

[378] See Savigny, Geschichte, Bd. ii. pp. 134-163 (the text is published in an Appendix to that volume, pp. 321-428); Conrat, Ges. der Quellen, etc., pp. 420-549; Tardif, Hist. des sources du droit français, pp. 213-246.

[379] This follows the so-called Tübingen MSS., the largest immediate source of the Petrus. As well-nigh the entire substance of the Petrus is drawn from the immediately prior compilations (which are still unpublished) its characteristics are really theirs.

[380] Apparently the chief magistrate of Valence: “Valentinae civitatis magistro magnifico.”

[381] Petri exceptiones, iii. 69.

[382] Petrus, i. 66.

[383] See Conrat, Ges. der Quellen, etc., 550-582; Tardif, Hist. des sources, etc., pp. 207-213; Fitting, Zeitschrift für Rges. Bd. vi. p. 141. It is edited by Bocking (Berlin, 1829) under the title of Corpus legum sive Brachylogus juris civilis.

[384] For instance, Brach. ii. 12, “De juris et facti ignorantia,” is short and clear. It follows mainly Digest xxii. 6.

[385] Summa Codicis des Irnerius, ed. by Fitting (Berlin, 1894). See Introduction, and also Fitting in Zeitschrift für Rechtsgeschichte, Bd. xvii. (1896), Romanische Abteilung, pp. 1-96.

[386] Cf. Summa Codicis Irnerii, vii. 23, and vii. 31. 1.

[387] Summa Codicis Irnerii, i. 14. The corresponding passages in Justinian’s Codification are Dig. i. 3, lex 12 and 38, and Codex vii. 45, lex 13.

[388] Summa Codicis Irnerii, vii. 22 and 23. The chief Justinianean sources are Dig. xli. 2, and Cod. xii. 32.

[389] See Salvioli, Manuale, etc., pp. 65-68; ibid. L’ Istruzione pubblica in Italia, pp. 72-75; Brunner, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, i. p. 387 sqq.

[390] Post, Chapter XXXV., I.

[391] The Bologna school is commonly called the school of the glossators. Their work was to expound the law of Justinian; and their glosses, or explanatory notes, were the part of their writings which had the most permanent influence. The glosses were originally written between the lines or on the margins of the codices of the Digest, Codex, Novels, and Institutes.

[392] Savigny gives examples of Irnerius’s glosses in an appendix to the fourth volume of his Geschichte. Pescatore (Die Glossen des Irnerius, Greifswald, 1888) maintains that Savigny overstates the difference between the interlinear and the marginal glosses of Irnerius.

[393] On Placentinus see Savigny, Geschichte, iv. pp. 244-285.

[394] Proemium to De var. actionum, given by Savigny, iv. p. 540.

[395] This is from the proemium attached to one old edition, and is given in Sav. Ges. iv. p. 245. In an appendix, p. 542, Savigny gives an even more florid proemium to the Summa Codicis from a manuscript.

[396] On Azo, see Savigny, Ges. v. pp. 1-44.

[397] Quoted by Savigny. On Accursius see Sav. Ges. v. pp. 262-305.

[398] On Bartolus see Savigny, Ges. etc. vi. pp. 137-184.

[399] Cf. Savigny, Ges. v. pp. 222-261.

[400] “Ecclesia vivit lege Romana,” Lex Ribuaria, 58. This was universally recognized, although the individual clericus might remain amenable to the law of his birth.

[401] For these matters see primarily the sixteenth book of the Theodosian Code, and book i. chap. 27. Also the suspected Constitutiones Sirmondianae attached to that Code. Justinian’s Codex and Novellae add much. Zorn, in his Kirchenrecht, p. 29 sqq., gives a convenient synopsis of the matter.

[402] One observes that the opening chapter of Justinian’s Digest speaks of jurisprudentia as knowledge of divine as well as human matters.

[403] Decretum, i. dist. viii. c. i.

[404] Decretum, i. dist. ix. c. xi.; see ibid. dist. xiii., opening.

[405] Tardif, Sources du droit canonique, p. 175 sqq., has been chiefly followed here.

[406] On the above matters see (with the authorities and bibliographies therein given) Maasen, Geschichte der Quellen, etc., der canonischen Rechts (Bd. i., to the middle of the ninth century); Tardif, Sources du droit canonique (Paris, 1887); Zorn, Lehrbuch des Kirchenrechts (Stuttgart, 1888); Gerlach, Lehrbuch des catholischen Kirchenrechts (5th edition, Paderborn, 1890); Hinschius, Decretales pseudo-Isidorianae (Leipzig, 1863); Corpus juris canonici, ed. by Friedberg (Leipzig, 1879-1881).

[407] Jurisdiction of the ecclesiastical courts embraced marriage and divorce, wills and inheritance, and, by virtue of their surveillance of usury and vows and oaths, practically the whole relationship between debtor and creditor.

[408] Volume ii. of R. W. and A. J. Carlyle’s History of Mediaeval Political Theory in the West (1909) maintains that the statements of papal pretensions which were incorporated in the recognized collections of Decretals were less extreme than those emanating from the papacy under stress of controversy.

[409] See Gierke, Political Theories of the Middle Ages, trans. by Maitland (Cambridge, 1900), p. 22 sqq. and notes. I would express my indebtedness to this book for these pages on mediaeval political theories. Dunning’s History of Political Theories is a convenient outline; Carlyle’s History of Mediaeval Political Theory gives the sources carefully.

[410] Occasionally studium (knowledge, study, or science) is introduced as a third part or element of the human community or of human life. Thus in the famous statement of Jordanes of Osnabrück--the Romans received the Sacerdotium, the Germans the Imperium, the French the Studium. See Gierke, Political Theories, p. 104, note 8.

[411] Cf. Gierke, o.c. p. 109, note 16. But compare Carlyle, o.c. vol. ii. part ii. chaps. vii.-xi.

[412] Even toward the close of the Middle Ages Marsilius of Padua was almost alone in positing the absolute supremacy of the State, says Gierke.

[413] See Gierke, o.c. p. 144, note 131, and compare notes 132, 133, and 183 for attacks upon the plenary power of the pope.

[414] Gierke, o.c. pp. 31-32, and p. 139, notes 107 and 108.

[415] Dig. i. 4, 1; Gierke, o.c. p. 39 and pp. 146, 147.

[416] Gierke, o.c. p. 64.

[417] Gierke, o.c. p. 172, note 256. Cf. ante, p. 268.

[418] See Gierke, o.c. pp. 73-86, and corresponding notes.

[419] Little will be said in these pages of palpable crass heretics like the Cathari, for example. The philosophic ideas of such seem gathered from the flotsam and jetsam of the later antique world; their stock was not of the best, and bore little interesting fruit for later times. Such mediaeval heresies present no continuous evolution like that of the proper scholasticism. Progress in philosophy and theology came through academic personages, who at all events laid claim to orthodoxy. All lines of advance leading on to later phases of philosophic, scientific, and religious thought, lay within the labours of such, some of whom, however, were suspected or even condemned by the Church, like Eriugena, Abaelard, or Roger Bacon. But these men did not stand apart from orthodox academic circles, and were never cast out by the Church. Thought and learning in the Middle Ages were domiciled in monastic, episcopal, or university circles; and these were at least conventionally orthodox.

It has been said, to be sure, that the heresy of one generation becomes the orthodoxy of another; but this is true only of tendencies like those of Abaelard, which represent the gradual expansion and clearing up of scholastic processes. For the time they may be condemned, perhaps because of the vain and contentious character of the suspected thinker; but in the end they are recognized as admissible.

The Averroists constitute an apparent exception. Yet they were a philosophic and academic sect, whose heresy consisted in an implicit following of Aristotle as interpreted by Averroes. Moreover, they sought to save their orthodoxy by their doctrine of the two kinds of truth, philosophic and theological or dogmatic. It is not clear that much fruitful thought came from their school. The positions of Siger de Brabant, a prominent Averroist and contemporary of Aquinas, are referred to post, Chapter XXXVII. The best account of Averroism is Mandonnet’s Siger de Brabant et l’averroisme latin au XIII{e} siècle (a second edition, Louvain, is in preparation). See also De Wulf, Hist. of Medieval Philosophy (3rd. ed., Longmans, 1909) p. 379 sqq. with authorities cited.

[420] Called also his Summa philosophica, to distinguish it from his Summa theologiae.

[421] Summa theologiae, i. i., quaestio i. art. 1-8.

[422] Post, Chapter XXXVI., I.

[423] Even the Averroists were more mediaeval than Greek, inasmuch as they professed to follow Aristotle implicitly. Cf. post, Chapter XXXVII., at the end.

[424] A touch of “salvation,” or salvation’s need, is on Plato when his “philosophy” becomes a consideration of death (μελέτη θανάτου) and a process of growing as like to God (ὁμοίωσις θεῷ) as man can. Phaedo, 80 E, and Theaetetus, 176 A.

[425] Historia calamitatum, cap. 9 and 10. Cf. post, p. 303.

[426] Post, Chapter XLI.

[427] Ante, p. 298. I cannot avoid referring to Abaelard several times before considering the man and his work more specifically, and in the proper place; post, Chapter XXXVI. I.

[428] Introductio ad theologiam, lib. ii. (Migne 178, col. 1039).

[429] See Denifle, “Die Sentenzen Abaelard’s und die Bearbeitungen seiner Theologia,” Archiv für Literatur und Kirchengeschichte, i. p. 402 sqq. and p. 584 sqq. Also Picavet, “Abélard et Alexander de Hales, créateurs de la méthode scholastique,” Bib. de l’école des hautes études, sciences religieuses, t. vii. p. 221 sqq.

[430] Two extracts, one from the Sentences and one from the Summa, touching the same matter, will illustrate the stage in the scholastic process reached by Peter Lombard, about the year 1150, and that attained by Thomas Aquinas a hundred years later.

The Lombard’s Four Books of Sentences are divided into Distinctiones, with sub-titles to the latter. Distinctio xlvi. of the first Book bears the general title: “The opinion (sententia) declaring that the will of God which is himself, cannot be frustrated, seems to be opposed by some opinions.” The first subdivision of the text begins: “Here the question rises. For it is said by the authorities above adduced [the preceding Distinctio had discussed “The will of God which is His essence, one and eternal”] that the will of God, which is himself, and is called His good pleasure (beneplacitum) cannot be frustrated, because by that will fecit quaecumque voluit in caelo et in terra, which--witness the Apostle--nihil resistit. [I leave the Scriptural quotations in Latin, so as to mark them.] It is queried, therefore, how one should understand what the Apostle says concerning the Lord, 1 Tim. 2: Qui vult omnes homines salvos fieri. For since all are not saved, but many are damned, that which God wills to take place, seems not to take place (become, fieri), the human will obstructing the will of God. The Lord also in the Gospel reproaching the wicked city, Matt, xxiii., says: Quoties volui congregare filios tuos, sicut gallina congregat pullos suos sub alis, et noluisti. Thus it might seem from these, that the will of God may be overcome by the will of men, and, resisted by the unwillingness of the weakest, the Most Strong may prove unable to do what He willed. Where then is that omnipotence by which in coelo et terra, according to the Prophet, omnia quaecumque voluit fecit? And how does nothing withstand His will, if He wished to gather the children of Jerusalem, and did not? For these sayings seem indeed to oppose what has been stated.”

The second paragraph proceeds: “But let us see the solution, and first hear how what the Lord said should be understood. For it was not intended to mean (as Augustine says, Enchiridion, c. 97, solving this question) that the Lord wished to gather the children of Jerusalem, and did not do what He willed because she would not; but rather she did not wish her children to be gathered by Him, yet in spite of her unwillingness (qua tamen nolente) He gathered all He willed of her children.... And the sense is: As many as I have gathered by my will, always effective, I have gathered, thou being unwilling. Hence it is evident that these words of the Lord are not opposed to the authorities referred to.”

(Paragraph 3) “Now it remains to see how the aforesaid words do not contradict what the Apostle said of the Lord: Vult omnes homines salvos fieri. Because of these words many have wandered from the truth, saying that God willed many things which did not come to pass. But the saying is not thus to be understood, as if God willed any to be saved, and they were not. For who can be so impiously foolish as to say that God cannot change the evil wills of men to good when and where He will? Surely what is said in Psalm 113, Quaecumque voluit fecit, is not true, if He willed anything and did not accomplish it. Or,--(and this is still more shameful) for that reason He did not do it, because what the Omnipotent willed to come to pass, the will of man obstructed. Hence when we read in Holy Scripture velit omnes homines salvos fieri, we should not detract from the will of omnipotent God, but understand the text to mean that no man is saved except whom He wills to be saved: not that there is no man whom He does not will to be saved, but that no man may be saved except whom He wills should be saved.... Thus also is to be understood the text from John i.: Illuminat omnem hominem venientem in hunc mundum; not as if there is no man who is not lighted, but that none is lighted save from Him....”

The next and fourth paragraph takes up the problem whether evil, that is sin, takes place by the will of God, or He unwilling (eo nolente). “As to this, divers men thinking diversely have been found in contradiction. For some say that God wills evils to be or become (esse vel fieri) yet does not will evils. But others say that He neither wills evils to be nor to become. Yet these and those agree in declaring that God does not will evils. Yet each with arguments as well as authorities strives to make good his assertion.” We will not follow the Lombard through this thorny problem. He cuts his way with passages from his chief patristic authority, Augustine, and in the end concludes: “Leaving this and other like foolish opinions, and favouring the sounder view, which is more fully sanctioned by the testimonies of the Saints, we may say that God neither wills evils to become, nor wills that they should not become, nor yet is He unwilling (nolle) that they should become. All that He wills to become, becomes, and all that He wills not to become does not become. Yet many things become which He does not will to become, as every evil.”

Thus the Lombard. Now let us see how Thomas, in his Summa theologiae, Pars Prima, Quaestio xix. Articulus ix. expounds the point: utrum voluntas Dei sit malorum.

“As to the ninth articulus thus one proceeds. (1) It seems [Videtur, formula for stating the initial argument which will not be approved] that the will of God is [the cause] of evils. For God wills every good that becomes (i.e. comes into existence). But it is good that evils should come; for Augustine says in the Enchiridion: ‘Although those things which are evils, in so far as they are evils, are not goods; yet it is good (bonum) that there should be not only goods (bona) but evils.’ Therefore God wills evils.”

“(2) Moreover [Praeterea, Thomas’s regular formula for introducing the succeeding arguments, which he will not approve] Dionysius says, iv. cap. de divinis nominibus: ‘There will be evil making for the perfection of the whole.’ And Augustine says in the Enchiridion: ‘Out of all (things) the admirable beauty of the universe arises; wherein even that which is called evil, well ordered and set in its place, commends the good more highly; since the good pleases more, and is the more praiseworthy, when compared with evil.’ But God wills everything that pertains to the perfection and grace of the universe; since this is what God chiefly wills in His creation. Therefore God wills evils.”

“(3) Moreover, the occurrence and non-occurrence of evils (mala fieri, et non fieri) are contradictory opposites. But God does not will evils not to occur; because since some evils do occur, the will of God would not be fulfilled. Therefore God wills evils to occur.”

“Sed contra est [Thomas’s formula for stating the opinion which he will approve] what Augustine says in his book of Eighty-three Questions: ‘No wise man is the author of man’s deterioration; yet God is more excellent than any wise man; much less then, is God the author of any one’s deterioration. But He is said to be the author when He is spoken of as willing anything. Therefore man becomes worse, God not willing it. But with every evil, something becomes worse. Therefore God does not will evils.’”

“Respondeo dicendum quod [Thomas’s formula for commencing his elucidation] since the reason (or ground or cause, ratio) of the good is likewise the reason of the desirable (as discussed previously), evil is opposed to good: it is impossible that any evil, as evil, should be desired, either by the natural appetite or the animal, or the intellectual, which is will. But some evil may be desired per accidens, in so far as it conduces to some good. And this is apparent in any appetite. For the natural impulse (agens naturale) does not aim at privation or destruction (corruptio); but at form, to which the privation of another form may be joined (i.e. needed, conjungitur); and at the generation of one, which is the destruction of another. Thus a lion, killing a stag, aims at food, to which is joined the killing of an animal. Likewise the fornicator aims at enjoyment, to which is joined the deformity of guilt.

“Thus evil which is joined to some good, is privation of another good. Never, therefore, is evil desired, not even per accidens, unless the good to which the evil is joined appears greater than the good which is annulled through the evil. But God wills no good more than His goodness; yet He wills some one good more than some other good. Hence the evil of guilt, which destroys relationship to divine good (quod privat ordinem ad bonum divinum), God in no way wills. But the evil of natural defect, or the evil of penalty, He wills in willing some good to which such evil is joined; as, in willing righteousness He wills penalty; and in willing that the order of nature be preserved, He wills certain natural corruptions.

“Ad primum ergo dicendum [Thomas’s formula for commencing his reply to the first false argument] that certain ones have said that although God does not will evils, He wills evils to be or become: because, although evils are not goods, yet it is good that evils should be or become. They said this for the reason that those things which are evil in themselves, are ordained for some good; and they deemed this ordainment involved in saying mala esse vel fieri. But that is not said rightly. Because evil is not ordained for good per se but per accidens. For it is beyond the sinner’s intent, that good should come of it; just as it was beyond the intent of the tyrants that from their persecutions the patience of the martyrs should shine forth. And therefore it cannot be said that such ordainment for good is involved in saying that it is good for evil to be or become: because nothing is adjudged according to what pertains to it per accidens but according to what pertains to it per se.”

“Ad secundum dicendum that evil is not wrought for the perfection or beauty of the whole except per accidens, as has been shown. Hence this which Dionysius says that evil makes for the perfection of the whole may lead to an illogical conclusion.”

“Ad tertium dicendum that although the occurrence and non-occurrence of evils are opposed as contradictories; yet to will the occurrence and to will the non-occurrence of evils, are not opposed as contradictories, since both one and the other may be affirmative. God therefore neither wills the occurrence nor the non-occurrence of evils; but wills to permit their occurrence. And this is good.”

[431] Ante, Chapter XII.

[432] Ante, pp. 289 sqq.

[433] The Speculum majus of Vincent of Beauvais will afford the principal example of the resulting hybrid arrangement.

[434] Ludwig Baur, Dominicus Gundissalinus, De divisione philosophiae (Baeumker’s Beiträge, Münster, 1903), p. 193 sqq., to which I am indebted for what I have to say in the next few pages.

[435] Migne, Pat. Lat. 64, col. 10 sqq.

[436] These works were written near the middle of the twelfth century. Gundissalinus was Archdeacon of Segovia and drew upon Arab writings.

[437] See L. Baur, Gundissalinus, etc., p. 376 sqq.

[438] The treatise is not printed. Its captions are given by L. Baur in his Gundissalinus, pp. 368-375, from which I have borrowed what I give of them.

[439] Liber de praedicabilibus (tome 1 of Albertus’s works), which in scholastic logic means the five “universals,” genus, species, difference, property, accident, (also called the quinque voces) discussed in Porphyry’s Introduction to the Categories. The Categories themselves are called praedicamenta.

[440] The above gives the arguments of chapters i. and ii. of the work. One notices that Albertus in this exposition of the subject of Porphyry’s treatise, is using the method which Thomas brings to syllogistic perfection in his Summa.

[441] It was printed, more than once, in the late fifteenth century; the most readable edition is that printed at Douai in 1624, in four huge folios.

[442] Boundless as the work appears, neither in mental powers, nor learning, nor in massiveness of achievement, is its author to be compared with Albertus Magnus. The De universo of Rabanus Maurus, Migne 111, col. 9-612, is in its arrangement and method a forerunner of Vincent’s Speculum. Later predecessors were the English Franciscan Bartolomaeus, whose encyclopaedic De proprietatibus rerum was written a little before the middle of the twelfth century (see Felder, Studien in Franciscanerorder, etc., pp. 251-253); and Lambertus Audomarensis (St. Omer) with his Liber floridus, a general digest of knowledge, historical, ecclesiastical, and natural, taken from many writers, an account of which is given in Migne 163, col. 1004 sqq.

[443] Here, of course, we have the hands of Esau, but the voice of Augustine and Orosius!

[444] The above is from cap. 9 of liber i. of the Speculum doctrinale.

[445] Migne, Pat. Lat. 34, col. 246-485.

[446] Ante, p. 290.

[447] The three theological virtues are fides, spes, and caritas. They are called thus because Deum habent pro objecto; and because they are poured (infunduntur) into us by God alone. They are distinguished from the moral and intellectual virtues because their object surpasses our reason, while the object of the moral and intellectual virtues can be comprehended by human reason (Summa, Pars prima secundae, Quaestio lxii., Art. 1-4).

[448] ἕξις μετὰ λόγου ἀληθοῦς ποιητική, Arist. Nich. Ethics, vi. 4.

[449] One notes that these two, like many other of the vices enumerated, are vices in that they are extremes, in the Aristotelian sense.

[450] We are at Quaestio clxxi. of Secunda secundae.

[451] The order which Thomas would have followed in the unfinished conclusion of his Summa theologiae, may be inferred from the order of the last half of Book IV. of his Contra Gentiles, or indeed from the last part of the fourth Book of the Lombard’s Sentences.

[452] Ante, Chapter XII.

[453] There were, of course, attempts at translation, notably those of Notker the German (see ante, Vol. I., p. 308) and Alfred’s translation of Boëthius’s De consolatione. But such were made only of the popular parts of Scripture (e.g. the Psalms) or of very elementary profane treatises. To what extent Notker’s translations were used, is hard to say. But at all events any one really seeking learning, studied and worked and thought in the medium of Latin; for the bulk of the patristic writings never were translated; and when the works of Aristotle had at last reached the Middle Ages in the Latin tongue, they were studied in that tongue. Because of the crudeness of the vernacular tongues, the Latin classics were even more untranslatable in the tenth or eleventh century than now.

One may add, that it was fortunate for the progress of mediaeval learning that Latin was the one language used by all scholars in all countries. This facilitated the diffusion of knowledge. How slow and painful would have been that diffusion if the different vernacular tongues had been used in their respective countries, for serious writing.

[454] Ante, Chapter XII., I.

[455] Eruditio didascalica, i. cap. 12 (Migne, Pat. Lat. 176, col. 750).

[456] Cf. Abelson, The Seven Liberal Arts (New York, 1906).

[457] I am speaking generally, that is to say, omitting for the present the aberrant or special or intrusive tendencies found in a man like Roger Bacon, for example. They were of importance for what was to come thereafter; but are not broadly representative of the Middle Ages.

[458] St. Anselm, Epist. lib. iii. 41, ad Fulconem (Migne, Pat. Lat. 158, col. 1192). So Roscellin showed in his own case how problems primarily logical could pass over to metaphysics or theology. Likewise, although on the other side of the controversy, one, Odo of Tournai, a good contemporary realist, found realism an efficient aid in explaining the transmission of original sin; since for him all men formed but one substance, which was infected once for all by the sin of the first parents. Cf. Hauréau, Hist. de la philosophie scholastique, i. pp. 297-308; De Wulf, Hist. of Medieval Philosophy, p. 156, 3rd ed.

[459] Abaelard, Hist. calamitatum, chap. 2.

[460] Ante, Chapter XXV.

[461] Ante, Chapter XII., I.

[462] Abaelard’s Dialectica was published by Cousin, Ouvrages inédits d’Abélard (Paris, 1836). For a thorough exposition of Abaelard’s logic see Prantl, Ges. der Logik, ii. p. 160 sqq.

[463] I.e. as positive, comparative, and superlative.

[464] Cousin, Ouvr. inédits, p. 175. Cf. Aristotle’s Categories, ii. v. 20. The opening of Pars tertia of Abaelard’s Dialectica (in Cousin’s edition, p. 324 sqq.) affords an interesting example of this logical analysis and reconstruction of statement, which seems to originate in sheer grammar, and then advance beyond it.

[465] Cousin, o.c. pp. 190, 192.

[466] Cousin, o.c. p. 331.

[467] Prantl’s Geschichte der Logik, vol. ii., contains an exhaustive discussion of the various phases of this controversy: its language is little less difficult than that of the twelfth-century word-twisters.

[468] Cousin, o.c. pp. 434, 435.

[469] Theologia Christiana, iv. (Migne 178, col. 1284).

[470] Migne, Pat. Lat. 178, col. 1641.

[471] Ante, p. 292.

[472] Scito te ipsum, cap. 13 (Migne 178, col. 653).

[473] Scito te ipsum, cap. 19 (Migne 178, col. 664).

[474] Migne 178, col. 1615.

[475] Ante, pp. 304 sqq.

[476] This has been published by Stölzle: Abaelards 1121 zu Soissons verurteilter Tractatus de Unitate et Trinitate divina (1891).

[477] Migne 178, col. 1123-1330; Cousin and Jourdain, P. Abaelardi opera, ii. pp. 357-566 (1859).

[478] Migne 178, col. 979-1114; Cousin and Jourdain, o.c. pp. 1-149.

[479] Ante, Chapter XXXV., I.

[480] Bernard, Ep. 338 (Migne 182, col. 542).

[481] Whose sacramental theory of the Creation has already been given at length, ante, Chapter XXVIII. For the incidents of Hugo’s life see the same chapter. Bibliography, note to page 61. See also Ostler, “Die Psychologie des Hugo von St. Viktor” (Baeumker’s Beiträge, Münster, 1906).

[482] De script. cap. 2 (Migne 175, col. 11).

[483] De script. cap. 2 (Migne 175, col. 10).

[484] Summa sententiarum (Migne 176, col. 42-174); also under title of Tractatus theologicus, wrongly ascribed to Hildebert of Lavardin, in Migne 171, col. 1067-1150.

[485] Migne 176, col. 740-838.

[486] I think of no previous work so closely resembling the Erud. didas. as the Institutiones divinarum et saecularum lectionum of Cassiodorus.

[487] Erud. did. i. 2.

[488] Here one sees the source of much that we quoted from Vincent de Beauvais, ante, Chapter XXXV., 1.

[489] Lib. iii. cap. 13 sqq.

[490] Erud. did. iii. cap. 20. Cf. ante, p. 63.

[491] Ante, Chapter XXVIII.

[492] Migne, Pat. Lat. 175, col. 115 sqq.

[493] Migne, Pat. Lat. 175, col. 923 sqq.

[494] The following consideration of the mysticism of Christian theologians is not intended to include other forms of “mysticism” (Pantheistic, poetical, pathological, neurotic, intellectual, and sensuous) within or without the Christian pale.

[495] Ante, p. 42 sqq.

[496] Ante, Chapter XXVIII.

[497] Migne, Pat. Lat. 176, col. 617-680.

[498] De arca Noe morali, i. cap. 2 (Migne 176, col. 621).

[499] Migne 176, col. 681-703. With Hugo’s pupil, Richard of St. Victor, this constant allegory, especially the constant allegorical use of Scripture names, becomes pedantic, precieux, impossible. See e.g. his Benjamin major in Migne 196, col. 64-202.

[500] De arrha animae, Migne 176, col. 951-970.

[501] Migne 182, col. 727-808. A translation is announced by George Lewis in the Oxford Library of Translations.

[502] De consid. lib. ii. cap. 2.

[503] Migne 183, col. 789 sqq. Chapter XVII., ante, is devoted to Bernard, and his letters and sermons.

[504] Ed. by Willner (Baeumker’s Beiträge, Münster, 1903).

[505] See ante, Chapter XXX., 1.

[506] Bernardus Silvestris, De mundi universitate, i. 2 (ed. by Barach and Wrobel; Innsbrück, 1876). As to Bernard Silvestris, see Clerval, Écoles de Chartres au moyen âge, p. 259 sqq. and passim; also Hauréau (who confuses him with Bernard of Chartres), Hist. de la phil. scholastique, ii. 407 sqq.

[507] See Hauréau, Hist. etc. ii. 447-472; R. L. Poole, Illustrations of Mediaeval Thought, chap. vi. His Liber de sex principiis is printed in Migne 188, col. 1257-1270.

[508] Werner, “Die Kosmologie und Naturlehre des scholastischen Mittelalters, mit specialler Beziehung auf Wilhelm von Conches,” Sitzungsb. K. Akad., philos. Klasse, 1873, Bd. lxxv.; Hauréau, Hist. etc. i. 431-446; ibid. Singularités littéraires, etc.

[509] Ante, Vol. I., p. 251.

[510] Ante, Chapter XXX., I.

[511] Under another title, Moralis philosophia de honesto et utile, it has been ascribed to Hildebert of Lavardin, Migne 171, col. 1007-1056.

[512] For examples of John’s Latin, see ante, p. 173.

[513] See e.g. his treatment of logic in Lib. III. and IV. of the Metalogicus (Migne 199).

[514] Polycraticus, ii. 19-21 sqq. There is now a critical edition of this work by C. C. J. Webb (Joannis Saresberiensis Policratici libri VIII.; Clarendon Press, 1910).

[515] Polycraticus, lib. vii., is devoted to a history of antique philosophy.

[516] Polycraticus, vii. cap. 10.

[517] Polycrat. vii. cap. 11.

[518] Migne 199, col. 955.

[519] Ante, Chapter XXIX., 11. and XXXII., 1.

[520] The works of Alanus are collected in Migne, Pat. Lat. 210. What follows in the text is much indebted to M. Baumgartner, “Die Philosophie des Alanus de Insulis” (Baeumker’s Beiträge, Münster, 1896).

[521] All this is thoroughly done by Baumgartner, o.c.

[522] See Baumgartner, p. 76 sqq. and citations.

[523] What I have felt obliged to say upon the organization of mediaeval Universities, I have largely drawn from Rashdall’s Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages (Oxford, 1895). The subject is too large and complex for independent investigation, except of the most lengthy and thorough character. Extracts from illustrative mediaeval documents, with considerable information touching mediaeval Universities, are brought together by Arthur O. Norton in his Mediaeval Universities (Readings in the History of Education, Harvard University, 1909). For the Paris University, the most important source is the Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis, ed. by Denifle and Chatelain (1889-1891). See also Ch. Thurot, L’Organisation de l’enseignement dans l’Université de Paris (Paris, 1850), and Denifle, Die Universitäten des Mittelalters (Berlin, 1885).

[524] What has been said applies to the Bologna Law University. That had been preceded by a school of Arts, and later there grew up a flourishing school of Medicine, where surgery was also taught. These schools became affiliated Universities, but never equalled the Law University in importance.

[525] The Masters who taught were called Regentes.

[526] Both civil and canon law were studied till 1219, when a Bull of Honorius III. forbade the study of the former at Paris.

[527] See post, p. 399.

[528] Mr. Rashdall’s.

[529] Rashdall, o.c. ii. p. 341.

[530] Oxford lay in the diocese of Lincoln.

[531] For the course of medicine and the list of books studied or lectured on, especially at Montpellier, from which we have the most complete list, see Rashdall, ii. p. 118 sqq. and ibid. p. 780. In Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, vol. xx., 1909, C. H. Haskins publishes An unpublished List of Text-books, belonging to the close of the twelfth century, when classical studies had not as yet been overshadowed by Dialectic. See also, generally, Paetow, The Arts Course at Medieval Universities (Univ. of Illinois, 1910).

[532] See generally, Carra de Vaux, Avicenne (Paris, 1900); also Gazali, by the same author.

[533] Whoever will read the two monographs of the Baron Carra de Vaux, Avicenne and Gazali, will be struck by the closely analogous courses of Moslem and Christian thought; each showing the parallel phases of scholastic rationalism (reliant upon reason and rational authority) and scholastic theological piety, or mysticism (reliant upon the authority of Revelation and sceptical as to the validity of human reason).

[534] See for this matter Mandonnet, O.P., Aristote et la mouvement intellectuel du moyen âge, contained in his Siger de Brabant, and printed separately; De Wulf, History of Medieval Philosophy, 3rd ed., pp. 243-253 and authorities; C. Marchesi, L’ Etica Nicomachea nella tradizione medievale (Messina, 1904).

[535] Ante, Chapter V.

[536] Constitutiones des Prediger-Ordens vom Jahre 1228, Prologus; H. Denifle, Archiv für Litt. und Kirchenges. des Mittelalters, Bd i. (1885), p. 194.

[537] See Felder, Wissenschaftlichen Studien im Franciskanerorden, p. 24 (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1904); a valuable work.

[538] See Felder, o.c. p. 29.

[539] Constitutiones, etc., cap. 28-31.

[540] Cf. Felder, o.c. p. 107 sqq.

[541] Cf. Felder, o.c. p. 177 sqq.

[542] From Denifle, Universitäten des Mittelalters, i. 99, note 192.

[543] See generally, Mandonnet, Siger de Brabant et l’averroisme latin au moyen âge (Fribourg, Switzerland, 1899); Baeumker (Beiträge, 1898), Die Impossibilia des Siger von Brabant; De Wulf, Hist. of Medieval Philosophy, 3rd ed., p. 379 sqq. (Longmans, 1909).

[544] Albert was born probably in 1193, and died in 1280; Bacon was born some twenty years later, and died about 1292. Bonaventura was born in 1221, and Thomas in 1225 or 1227; they both died in 1274.

[545] So Raphael represents them in his “School of Athens.”

[546] Bonaventura, Sermo IV., Quaracchi edition, tome v. p. 572 (cited by De Wulf, Hist. etc. p. 304, note). With all their Augustinian-Platonism, the Franciscans made a good second to the Dominicans in the study of Aristotle, as is proved by the great number of commentaries upon his works by members of the former Order. See Felder, o.c. p. 479.

[547] Epist. de tribus quaestionibus, § 12.

[548] Tome v. (Quaracchi ed.) pp. 319-325.

[549] This is from § 26, the last in the work. Bonaventura has already said (§ 7): “Omnes istae cognitiones ad cognitionem Sacrae Scripturae ordinantur, in ea clauduntur et in illa perficiuntur, et mediante illa ad aeternam illuminationem ordinantur.” (“All kinds of knowledge are ordained for the knowledge of Holy Scripture, are in it enclosed and thereby are perfected; and through its mediation are ordered for eternal illumination.”)

[550] It is contained in tomes i.-iv. of the Quaracchi edition.

[551] T. v. pp. 201-291.

[552] Breviloquium, Prologus.

[553] One feels the reality of Bonaventura’s distinctions here between theology and philosophy. They are enunciations of his religious sense, and possess a stronger validity than any elaborate attempt to distinguish by argument between the two. Thomas distinguishes them with excellent reasoning. It lacks convincingness perhaps from the fact that Thomas’s theology is so largely philosophy, as Roger Bacon said.

[554] As this chapter opens a pars, it begins with a recapitulation of what has preceded and a summary of what is to come. The specific topic of the chapter commences here.

[555] I.e. the desiderative, rational, and irascible elements in man.

[556] Bonaventura closely follows Hugo of St. Victor’s De sacramentis, see ante, Chap. XXVIII., especially p. 72.

[557] Opera, t. v. pp. 295-313.

[558] Vir desideriorum, Dan. ix. 23 (Vulgate).

[559] The Breviloquium and Itinerarium are conveniently edited by Hefele in a little volume (Tübingen, 1861).

[560] Albertus, Metaphysicorum libri XIII., lib. i. tract. 1, cap. 4.

[561] Physic. lib. viii. tract. 1, cap. 14.

[562] Poster. Analyt. lib. i. tract. 1, cap. 1. This and the previous citation are from Mandonnet’s Siger de Brabant.

[563] Ethic. lib. vi. tract. 2, cap. 25.

[564] Carus, Ges. der Zoologie, p. 231.

[565] Ernst Meyer, Ges. der Botanik, Bd. iv. p. 77.

[566] The works of Albertus were edited by the Dominican Jammy in twenty-one volumes (Lyons, 1651); they are reprinted by Borgnet (Paris, 1890 et seq.). My references to volumes follow Jammy’s edition.

[567] See ante, pp. 314 sqq.

[568] Prantl, Ges. der Logik, iii. 89 sqq., calls him an “unklarer Kopf,” incapable of consistent thinking.

[569] This is the view of A. Schneider, Die Psychologie Alberts des Grossen (Baeumker’s Beiträge, Münster, 1903). The author presents analytically the disparate elements--Aristotelian, Neo-Platonic, and theological-Augustinian, which are found in Albert’s writings.

[570] See Endriss, Albertus Magnus als Interpret der Aristotelischen Metaphysik (Munich, 1886).

[571] The above is mainly drawn from E. Meyer’s Ges. der Botanik, Bd. iv. pp. 38-78.

[572] Ante, Volume I. p. 76.

[573] See Carus, Geschichte der Zoologie, pp. 211-239.

[574] Sum. theol. pars prima, tract. I, quaest. ii.

[575] Ante, Chapter XXXV., I.

[576] Tome xx. p. 41_a_.

[577] The Vita of Thomas by Guilielmus de Thoco, Acta sanctorum, Martius, tome i. folio 657 sqq. (March 7), is wretchedly confused.

[578] Vita, cap. iii. § 15.

[579] One may see the truth of this by comparing the treatment of a matter in Albert’s Summa theologiae with the corresponding sections in Thomas. For example, compare Albert’s Summa theol. prima, Tract. vii. Quaest. xxx.-xxxiii., on generatio, processio, missio of the divine persons, with Thomas, Sum. theol. prima, Quaest. xxvii. and xliii.

[580] John of Damascus, an important Greek theologian of the eighth century, often cited by Thomas.

[581] Quaestiones are the larger divisions of the argument.

[582] Pars prima, Qu. xvi. Art. 3.

[583] Pars prima, Qu. lxxxii. Art. 3.

[584] Prima sec. Qu. iv. Art. 2.

[585] Prima sec. Qu. iv. Art. 3.

[586] Sum. Phil. contra Gentiles, iii. 37.

[587] One cannot avoid applying the masculine pronouns to God, and to the angels also. But, of course, this is a mere convenience of speech. Thomas ascribes no sex either to God or the angels.

[588] It will, of course, be borne in mind, that Thomas’s use of videre and visio to express man’s perception of God’s essential nature, does not mean a physical but an intellectual seeing.

[589] Given ante, pp. 290 sqq.

[590] Secundum quod est in actu, i.e. in realized actuality as distinguished from potentiality (Aristotelian conceptions).

[591] The foregoing is taken from the thirteen articuli into which Quaestio xii. is divided.

[592] Pars prima, Quaestio xxxii. Art. 1.

[593] Quaestiones disputatae: De Veritate, x. 6. Citing Rom. i. 20.

[594] Prooemium to Qu. xiv. Pars prima.

[595] Qu. xiv. Art. 2--a point which Thomas reasons out in interesting scholastic Aristotelian fashion, but in language too technical to translate.

[596] Pars prima, Qu. xiv. Art. 11.

[597] Pars prima, Qu. xv. Art. 1-3.

[598] Pars prima, Qu. xxvi. Art. 2.

[599] Pars prima, Qu. xliv. Art. 3.

[600] Pars prima, Qu. xlv. Art. 1.

[601] Summa theol. pars prima, Qu. l. As heretofore, I follow the exposition of the Summa theologiae. But Thomas began a large and almost historical treatment of angels in his unfinished Tract. de substantiis separatis, seu de Angelorum natura (unfinished, in Opuscula theol.). He has another and important tractatus, De cognitione Angelorum, Quaestiones disput. de veritate, viii.

[602] Pars prima, Qu. l. Art. 1. Thomas goes on to contradict Aristotle, in holding quod nullum ens esset nisi corpus.

[603] All that has been given concerning the knowledge of angels relates to what they know through their own natures as created. Further enlightenment (as with men) comes through grace as soon as they become beati through turning to good. Pars prima, Qu. lxii. Art. 1 sqq.

[604] Ante, Chapter XXXV., 1.

[605] A burning controversy between the Averroists and the orthodox schoolmen.

[606] This is the substance of Qu. lxxxix. Art. 1.

[607] Pars prima, Qu. xix. Art. 1.

[608] Pars prima, Qu. lxxxii. and lxxxiii.

[609] Pars prima, Qu. xx. 1.

[610] Summa theol., Pars secunda secundae, Qu. xvii. Art 8.

[611] Pars secunda secundae, Qu. xxiv. Art. 8.

[612] Pars secunda secundae, Qu. xxvi. Art. 4 and 5.

[613] Pars prima secundae, Qu. cix. sqq.

[614] Another reading is delectatio, i.e. enjoyment.

[615] Bacon’s Opus majus was edited in incomplete form by Jebb in 1733, and reprinted in 1750 at Venice. This edition is superseded by that of Bridges, in two volumes, published with the Moralis philosophia and Multiplicatio specierum by the Clarendon Press in 1897. The text of this edition had many errors, which have been corrected by a third volume published in 1900 by Williams and Norgate, who are now the publishers of the three volumes. In 1859 Brewer edited the Opus tertium, the Opus minus, and Compendium philosophiae for the Master of the Rolls Series.

“An unpublished Fragment of a work by Roger Bacon” was discovered by F. A. Gasquet in the Vatican Library, and published in the English Historical Review for July 1897. It appears to be a letter to Clement IV., written in 1267.

In 1861 appeared the excellent monograph by Émile Charles, entitled Roger Bacon, sa vie, ses ouvrages, ses doctrines. To this one still must turn for extracts from the Compendium theologiae, and the Communia naturalium. The last-named work, with the Compendium philosophiae and the Multiplicatio specierum (which appears not to be an intrinsic part of the Opus majus), may have been composed as parts of what was to be the writer’s Opus principale. Bacon’s Greek Grammar has been edited by Nolan and Hirsch (Cambridge, 1902).

[616] Opus tertium, chap. xxv. p. 91 (Brewer’s text).

[617] Opus tertium, chap. xvii. (pp. 58-59, Brewer’s ed.).

[618] Brewer, R. Bacon, Opera inedita, p. 1.

[619] Opus tertium, pp. 7 and 8.

[620] In Opus tertium, chap. iii. (Brewer, p. 15), Bacon plainly tells the pope the difficulties in which he had been placed by this injunction of secrecy: “The first cause of delay came through those who are over me. Since you have written nothing to them in my excuse, and I could not reveal to them your secret, they insisted with unspeakable violence that I should obey their will; but I refused, because of the bond of your mandate, which bound me to your work, notwithstanding any order from my prelates. And, of a surety, as I was not excused by you, I met with obstacles too great and many to enumerate.... And another obstacle, enough to defeat the whole business, was the lack of funds.”

[621] These are, of course, the Opus majus, the Opus minus, and the Opus tertium; also the Vatican Fragment, the position of which is not quite clear; but it is part of the writings of this year, and constitutes apparently the introductory letter to Clement.

[622] The authority for this is the Chronica XXIV., Generalium Ordinis Minorum; see Bridges, vol. iii. p. 158.

[623] See Op. tertium, p. 26 sqq. (Brewer).

[624] Opus majus, pars ii. end of chap. v. and beginning of chap. vi. (Bridges, iii. p. 49); see Op. tertium (Brewer), p. 81.

[625] Op. maj. pars ii. chap. xv. (Bridges, iii. p. 71).

[626] Op. tertium, p. 39.

[627] Op. maj. pars ii. (Bridges, iii. pp. 69-70). Cf. ante, p. 180.

[628] The reference seems to be to the Ethics and Politics.

[629] Compendium studii, p. 424 (Brewer).

[630] Op. tertium, p. 14.

[631] Op. tertium, p. 30.

[632] Compendium studii phil., p. 429 (Brewer).

[633] Ibid. p. 398--written in 1271.

[634] I follow the paging of Bridges, vol. iii. These four causes of error are also given in Opus tertium, p. 69, Compendium studii, p. 414 (Brewer), and the Gasquet Fragment, p. 504.

[635] Op. maj. pp. 2 and 3.

[636] P. 322 sqq. (Brewer).

[637] Opus tertium, p. 102.

[638] Ante, p. 128.

[639] As, e.g. where he says that it would have been better for the Latins “that the wisdom of Aristotle should not have been translated, than to have been translated with such perverseness and obscurity.” Compend. studii, p. 469, (Brewer).

[640] See Opus majus, pars iii.

[641] Opus majus, Bridges, vol. i. p. 106.

[642] Commonly called “mathematica.”

[643] Opus majus (Bridges, i. p. 253). Bacon goes into this matter elaborately.

[644] Cf. S. Vogl, Die Physik Roger Bacos (Erlangen, 1906). Gives Bacon’s sources.

[645] Opus minus, pp. 367-371.

[646] Opus majus, pars v. dist. iii. (Bridges, ii. p. 159 sqq.).

[647] A contemporary of Bacon named Witelo composed a Perspectiva about 1270, following an Arab source; and a few years later a Dominican, Theodoric of Freiburg, was devoted to optics, and wrote on light, colour, and the rainbow. Baeumker, “Witelo, ein Philosoph und Naturforscher des XIII. Jahrh.” (Beiträge, etc., Münster, 1908); Krebs, “Meister Dietrich, sein Leben, etc.” (Baeumker’s Beiträge, 1906).

[648] With Bacon, experientia does not always mean observation; and may mean either experience or experiment.

[649] See Charles, Roger Bacon, pp. 17-18.

[650] Ante, pp. 313-315. Duns Scotus puts clearly the double aspect of logic, which Albertus Magnus approached: “It should be understood that logic is to be considered in two ways. First, in so far as it is docens (instructs, holds its own school): and from its own necessary and proper principles proceeds to necessary conclusions, and is therefore a science. Secondly, in so far as we use it, by applying it to those matters in which it is used: and then it is not a science” (Super universalia Porphyrii, Quaestrio i., Duns Scotus, Opera, t. i. p. 51).

[651] The two aspects of the experimental science appear in the following statement from the Gasquet Fragment: “The antepenultima science is called experimental; and is the mistress of those which precede it; for it excels the others in three chief prerogatives. One is that all the sciences except this either use arguments alone to prove their conclusions, like the purely speculative sciences, or possess general and imperfect experiences. But only the perfect experience (experientia perfecta, i.e. the scientific experiment or observation), sets the mind at rest in the light of truth; which is certain and is proved in that part [of my work]. Wherefore it was necessary that there should be one science which should certify for us, all the magnificent truths of the other sciences, through the truth of experience, and this is that whereof I say that it is called scientia experimentalis of its own right from the truth of experience (per autonomasiam ab experienciae veritate); and I show by the illustration of the rainbow and other things, how this prerogative is reserved to that science.

“The second prerogative is the dignity which relates to those chief truths which, although they are to be formulated (nominandae) in the terms (vocabulis) of the other sciences, yet the other sciences cannot furnish (procurare) them; and of this character are the prolongation of life through remedies to counteract the lack of a hygienic regimen from infancy, or constitutional debility inherited from parents who have not followed such a regimen. I shall show how it is possible thus to prolong life to the term set by God. But men, through neglecting the rules of health, pass quickly to old age, and die before reaching that term. The art of medicine is not able to furnish (dare) these remedies, nor does it; but it says they are possible (sed fatetur ea possibilia), and so experimental science has devised remedies known to the wisest men alone, by which the ills of old age are delayed, or are mitigated when they arrive.

“The third prerogative of this science belongs to it secundum se et absolute; for here it leaves the two ways already touched on, and addresses itself to all things which do not concern the other sciences, save that often it requires the service of the others. As a mistress it commands the others as servants ... and orders them to do its work, and furnish the wise instruments which it uses; as navigation directs the art of carpentry, to make a ship for it; and the military art directs the forger’s art to make it a breastplate and other arms. In like manner, this science [the experimental], as a mistress, directs geometry to make it a burning-glass, which shall set on fire things near or far, one of the most sublime wonders that can come to pass through geometry. So it commands the other sciences in all the wonderful and hidden things of nature and art” (pp. 510-511).

[652] Opus tertium, chap. xxviii.

[653] Opus majus, pars vi. 1 (Bridges, ii. p. 169).

[654] Ibid. p. 171. Doubtless the meaning of the above is connected with Bacon’s view of the Aristotelian intellectus agens, which he takes to signify the direct illumination of the mind of man by God. “All the wisdom of philosophy is revealed by God and given to the philosophers, and it is Himself that illuminates the minds of men in all wisdom. That which illuminates our minds is now called by the theologians intellectus agens. But my position is that this intellectus agens is God principaliter, and secondarily, the angels, who illuminate us” (Opus tertium, p. 74; cf. Op. majus, pars i. chap. v.).

[655] Compendium studii (Brewer), p. 397.

[656] De secretis operibus artis et naturae, et de nullitate magiae, p. 533 (Brewer). Cf. Charles, Roger Bacon, p. 296 sqq.

[657] The most convenient edition of the works of Joannes Duns Scotus is that published by Vives, at Paris (1891 sqq.) in twenty-six volumes. It is little more than a reprint of Wadding’s Edition.

[658] See Seeberg, Die Theologie des Johannes Duns Scotus (Leipzig, 1900), p. 8 sqq., a work to which the following pages owe much.

[659] Grosseteste’s philosophical or theological works are still unpublished or very difficult of access; and there is no sufficient exposition of his doctrines.

[660] Seeberg, o.c. p. 16 sqq.

[661] See De Wulf, History of Medieval Philosophy, p. 363 sqq.

[662] See Seeberg, o.c. p. 34 sqq.

[663] The kernel of Duns’s proof is contained in the following passage, which is rather simple in its Scotian Latin: “Dicendum, quod Universale est ens, quia sub ratione non entis, nihil intelligitur: quia intelligibile movet intellectum. Cum enim intellectus sit virtus passiva (per Aristotelem 3, de Anima, cont. 5 et inde saepe), non operatur, nisi moveatur ab objecto; non ens non potest movere aliquid ut objectum; quia movere est entis in actu; ergo nihil intelligitur sub ratione non entis. Quidquid autem intelligitur, intelligitur sub ratione Universalis: ergo illa ratio non est omnino non ens” (Super universalia Porphyrii, Quaestio iv.).

[664] Cf. the far from clear exposition in Seeberg, o.c. p. 86 sqq. and 660 sqq.

[665] Miscell. quaest. 6, 18, cited by Seeberg, o.c. p. 114.

[666] The last two or three pages have been drawn mainly from Seeberg, o.c. p. 113 sqq. In discussing Duns Scotus, I have given less from his writings than has been my wont with other philosophers. And for two reasons. The first, as I frankly avow, is that I have read less of him than I have of his predecessors. With the exception of such a curious treatise as the (doubtful) Grammatica speculativa (tome i. of the Paris edition); and the elementary, and comparatively lucid, De rerum principio (tome iv. of the Paris edition)--with these exceptions Duns is to me unreadable. My second reason for omitting excerpts from his writings, is that I wished neither to misrepresent their quality, nor to cause my reader to lay down my book, which is heavy enough anyhow! If I selected lucid and simple extracts, they would give no idea of the intricacy and prolixity of Duns. His commentary on the Sentences fills thirteen tomes of the Paris edition! No short and simple extract will illustrate that! On the other hand, I could not bring myself by lengthy or impossible quotations to vilify Duns. It is unjust to expose a man’s worst features, nakedly and alone, to those who do not know his better side and the conditions which partly explain the rest of him.

[667] Quodlibetalia, i. Qu. 14, cited by De Wulf, o.c. p. 422.

[668] Expos. aurea, cited by De Wulf, o.c. p. 423, whose exposition of Occam’s theory I have followed here.

[669] On Occam, see Seeberg’s article in Hauck’s Encyclopaedia; Siebeck, “Occams Erkenntnislehre, etc.,” in Archiv für Ges. der Philosophie, Bd. x., Neue Folge (1897).

[670] Quoted by Seeberg.

[671] De Wulf, o.c. p. 425.

[672] In view of the enormous literature upon Dante, popular as well as learned, it would be absurd to give any bibliographical, biographical or historical information as to his works, himself, or his Italian circumstances.

[673] De mon. ii. 3.

[674] De mon. ii. chaps. 4, 10, 12.

[675] De mon. iii. 4 sqq.

[676] All this seems supported by Conv. i. 1, and ii. 13, the main explanatory chapters of the work.

[677] Conv. iii. 12.

[678] e.g. “benigna volontade,” Par. xv. 1.

[679] Cf. A. d’Ancona, I Precursori di Dante (Florence, 1874); M. Dods, Forerunners of Dante (Edinburgh, 1903); A. J. Butler, Forerunners of Dante (Oxford, 1910); Hettinger, Göttliche Komödie, p. 79 (2nd ed., Freiburg im Breisgau, 1889). Mussafia, “Monumenti antichi di dialetti italiani,” Sitzungsber. philos. hist. Classe (Vienna Academy), vol. 45, 1864, p. 136 sqq., gives two old Italian descriptions, one of the heavenly Jerusalem, the other of the infernal Babylon.

[680] 2 Cor. xii. 2; Paradiso, i. 73-75.

[681] Ante, Chapter XIX.

[682] Ante, pp. 98-100.

[683] The coarseness of Inf. xxi. 137-139 is of a piece with the way of mediaeval art in making demons horrible through a grotesquely indecent rendering of their persons.

[684] e.g. Inf. xviii. 100 sqq.; and Inf. xxviii. and xxix.

[685] Inf. viii. 37 sqq.; xxxii. 97 sqq.; xxxiii. 116 and 149.

[686] Cf. Moore, Dante Studies, vol. ii. pp. 266-267.

[687] Any one who looks through the first volume of Tiraboschi’s great Storia della letteratura italiana, written in the early part of the nineteenth century, will find a generous acceptance of myth as fact; just as he would find the same in the Histoire ancienne of the good Rollin, written a century or more before.

[688] Dante has frequently been spoken of as the “first scholar” of his time. I do not myself know enough regarding the scholarship of every scholar in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries to confirm or deny this. Personally, I do not regard him as a Titanic scholar, like Albertus Magnus for example. He studied all the classic Latin authors available. Doubtless he had a memory corresponding to his other extraordinary powers. His also was the intellectual point of view, and the intellectual interest in knowledge and its deductions. His view of life was as intellectual as that of Aquinas. But as Dante’s powers of plastic visualization were unequalled, so also, it seems to me, were his faculties of using as a poet what he had acquired as a scholar. Regarding the extent of Dante’s use and reading of the Classics, nothing could be added to Dr. Moore’s Studies in Dante, First Series; though I think what Dr. Moore has to say of “Dante and Aristotle” would have cast a more direct light upon the matter, had he cited as far as possible from the Latin translation probably used by Dante, instead of from the original Greek.

[689] Inf. iv. 88. Cf. Moore, Studies in Dante, i. p. 6. The application of the term satirist to Horace is peculiarly mediaeval.

[690] Inf. iv. 131.

[691] Inf. ii. 20.

[692] Par. xx. 68.

[693] Purg. xxv. 22.

[694] Inf. xviii. 83 sqq.

[695] Inf. xxvi. 88 sqq.

[696] Purg. xii.

[697] Purg. xv.

[698] According to Dr. Moore, Dante quotes or refers to the “Vulgate more than 500 times, to Aristotle more than 300, Virgil about 200, Ovid about 100, Cicero and Lucan about 50 each, Statius and Boëthius between 30 and 40 each, Horace, Livy, and Orosius between 10 and 20 each,”--and other scattering references.

[699] Inf. xxxiii. 4; Aen. ii. 3.

[700] Par. ii. 16.

[701] Aen. vi. 309; Inf. iii. 112.

[702] Aen. vi. 700; Purg. ii. 80.

[703] Purg. i. 135; cf. Aen. vi. 143 “Primo avulso non deficit alter, etc.”

[704] See Inf. xxxi.; Purg. xii. 25 sqq.

[705] Purg. vi. 118: “O highest Jove that wast on earth crucified for us.”

[706] Par. i. 13 sqq.; Par. ii. 8.

[707] The provenance, etc., of Dante’s classification of sins in the Inferno, like everything else in Dante, has been interminably discussed. The reference to the De officiis of Cicero is due to Dr. Moore. See “Classification of Sins in the Inferno and Purgatorio,” Studies in Dante, 2nd Series. Also cf. Hettinger, Die göttliche Kömödie, pp. 159-162, and notes 6 and 23 on p. 204 and 207 (2nd ed., Freiburg in Breisgau, 1889). Dante’s main statement is in Inf. xi.

[708] In whom does not the awful anguish of the suicides (Inf. xiii.) arouse grief and horror?

[709] Inf. xvi. 59. They are more respectable than the blessed denizens of the Heaven of Venus, Par. ix.

[710] Inf. xix.

[711] Inf. vi. 103 sqq.

[712] The intellectual temperament finds voice in many great expressions, which are very Dante and also very Thomas, as Par. xxviii. 106-114; xxix. 17; xxx. 40-42.

[713] Inf. iii. 18.

[714] Hettinger, o.c. p. 254.

[715] Aeneid vi. 327 sqq.; Hettinger, o.c. p. 226.

[716] See Taylor, Classical Heritage, p. 162.

[717] These are pointed out in the Commentaries (e.g. Scartazzini’s) and in many monographs. Hettinger’s Göttliche Kömödie is serviceable: also Moore’s Studies in Dante and Toynbee’s Dante Studies.

[718] Purg. i. 71; John viii. 36.

[719] Purg. i. 89.

[720] Purg. iii. 34 sqq.

[721] Purg. iv. 4 sqq.

[722] Purg. v. 105 sqq.

[723] Purg. vii. 54; iv. 133-135.

[724] Cf. e.g. Purg. xii. 109.

[725] Purg. xv. 40 sqq.

[726] Purg. xvi. 64 sqq.

[727] Purg. xvii. 85 sqq., and xviii.; Hettinger, o.c. p. 235 sqq., and pp. 261-264.

[728] Purg. xxiii. 72; xxvi. 14.

[729] Purg. xxv. The notes in Hettinger, o.c., are quite full in citations of passages from Thomas and other scholastics.

[730] Thomas, Summa, iii. Qu. 89, Art. 5.

[731] As it is rather in Par. xxvii. 76 sqq.

[732] Par. iii. 52, 64, 89.

[733] Par. iv.

[734] Par. xi. 1 sqq.

[735] Par. xiv.

[736] Par. xv. 10.

[737] Par. xix. 40 sqq.

[738] Par. xx.

[739] Par. xxiv.-xxvi.

[740] Typified in St. Bernard, Par. xxxi. and following. Suitable reasons for this choice may be suggested by the extracts from Bernard’s De deligendo Deo and Sermons on Canticles, ante, Chapter XVII.

[741] Conv. ii. 13. The symbolism inherent in all human mental processes seems indicated by the argument of Aquinas (ante, p. 466) that the mind knows “the particular through sense and imagination; ... it must turn itself to images in order to behold the universal nature existing in the particular.” This is a necessity of our half material nature.

[742] Convito ii. 1. Letter to Can Grande, par. 7.

[743] In the Can Grande letter, having stated this fourfold significance, Dante does not proceed to exemplify it in the interpretation which follows of the opening lines of the Paradiso. Possibly those lines did not admit of the fourfold interpretation; yet, in general, Dante does not try to carry it out in practice, any more than other mediaeval writers commonly.

[744] Convito ii. ch. 14 and 15.

[745] Doubtless the commentator habit is fixed in the nature of man; but it was pre-eminently mediaeval. We have seen enough elsewhere of the multiplication of Commentaries on the Sentences of the Lombard and other scholastic works. Dante’s friend, Guido Cavalcanti, wrote a little poem beginning Donna mi priego, upon which we have eight Commentaries, the first from Egidio Colonna in 1316.

[746] Yet, however obvious the meaning, tying the pole of the Chariot to the Tree of Life was a great stroke (Purg. xxxii. 49).

[747] There is a piece of allegory in the Paradiso which almost gets on one’s nerves, i.e. the ceaseless whirling of the blessed spirits, usually in wheel formations: e.g. Par. xii. 3; xxi. 81; xxiv. 10 sqq.: cf. x. 145; xiii. 20.

[748] One notes that all the symbolizing personages of the poem--Virgil, Statius, Matilda, Lia, Beatrice--have literal reality, however subtle or far-reaching may be the allegorical intendment with which the poet has invested them.

[749] See e.g. Par. xxxi. 67.

[750] Cf. De Sanctis, Storia della letteratura italiana, i. p. 46 sqq.

[751] Compare Purg. xxvii. 34 sqq.; xxx.; xxxi.; Par. xviii. 13 sqq.; xxiii.; xxx.; xxxi.; xxxii. 8.

WORKS ON PHILOSOPHY

THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE MORAL IDEAS. By EDWARD WESTERMARCK, Ph.D. Two vols. 8vo. 14s. net each.

A SHORT HISTORY OF ETHICS. By REGINALD A. P. ROGERS, Fellow and Tutor of Trinity College, Dublin. Crown 8vo. [Spring, 1911.

THE PHILOSOPHY OF GASSENDI. By G. S. BRETT. 8vo. 10s. net.

HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY. With Especial Reference to the Formation and Development of its Problems and Conceptions. By Dr. W. WINDELBAND. Translated by J. H. TUFTS. 8vo. 17s. net.

HISTORY OF THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY. By PAUL JANET and GABRIEL SÉAILLES. Translated by ADA MONAHAN, and Edited by HENRY JONES, LL.D. Two vols. 8vo. 10s. net. each.

IDOLA THEATRI: A Criticism of Oxford Thought and Thinkers from the Standpoint of Personal Idealism. By HENRY STURT. 8vo. 10s. net.

PERSONAL IDEALISM. Philosophical Essays. Edited by HENRY STURT. 8vo. 10s. net.

HUMANISM. Philosophical Essays. By F. C. S. SCHILLER, M.A., D.Sc. 8vo. 8s. 6d. net.

STUDIES IN HUMANISM. By F. C. S. SCHILLER, M.A., D.Sc. 8vo. 10s. net.

PHILOSOPHICAL REMAINS OF R. L. NETTLESHIP. Edited, with Biographical Sketch, by Prof. A. C. BRADLEY. Second Edition. Extra Crown 8vo. 8s. 6d. net.

LECTURES ON THE REPUBLIC OF PLATO. By R. L. NETTLESHIP. Edited by G. R. BENSON. Extra Crown 8vo. 8s. 6d. net.

A HANDBOOK OF MORAL PHILOSOPHY. By Rev. HENRY CALDERWOOD, LL.D. Third Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s.

MACMILLAN AND CO., LTD., LONDON.

Transcriber’s Notes:

Passages in bold are indicated by =bold=.

Superscripted characters are indicated by {superscript}.

Spotted a typo or a problem in this chapter? Tell us