The Life of the Rev. George Whitefield, Volume 1 (of 2) (part 4 of 4)

The Life of the Rev. George Whitefield, Volume 1 (of 2) (part 4 of 4)

Two days afterwards, Whitefield arrived at Northampton, where, a few years before, there had been a remarkable work of God. Northampton was founded about the year 1655, and its population now consisted of two hundred families. Its first minister was the Rev. Eleazar Mather, who was ordained in 1669. He was succeeded, in 1672, by the Rev. Mr. Stoddard, whose ministry was exercised at Northampton for the long period of fifty-seven years, during which he had what he called "five harvests," or revivals of religion. In 1729, Mr. Stoddard died, and his grandson, Jonathan Edwards, took his place. Mr. Edwards was not an orator, like Whitefield. He had no Boanergean voice to thunder in the ear, nor had he physical power to "dang to pieces" pulpits and Bibles. He was, says one who knew him, "a preacher of a low and moderate voice, a natural way of delivery, and without any agitation of body, or anything else in the manner, to excite attention, except his habitual and great solemnity, looking and speaking as in the presence of God, and with a weighty sense of the matter delivered."[394]

[394] Gillies' "Historical Collections," vol. ii., p. 169.

At the time when Mr. Edwards commenced his ministry, the Northampton Church was in a Laodicean state, and the town generally too much resembled Sodom and Gomorrah. "Licentiousness," writes Mr. Edwards, "prevailed among the youth of the town. Many of them were very much addicted to night-walking, and frequenting the taverns. Very often they got together, in conventions of both sexes, for mirth and jollity, which they called frolics; and they would often spend the greater part of the night in them." In 1735, a change took place. Mr. Edwards, in his "Narrative of late Surprising Conversions in New England," published in 1737, observes:--

"There was scarcely a single person in the town of Northampton, either old or young, that was left unconcerned about the things of the eternal world. Those, who were wont to be the vainest and loosest, were now generally subject to great awakenings. The town seemed to be full of the presence of God. It never was so full of love, nor so full of joy; and, yet, so full of distress, as it was then. There were remarkable tokens of God's presence in almost every house. Our public services were beautiful."

This remarkable movement spread to South Hadley, Suffield, Sunderland, Green River, Hatfied, West Springfield, Long Meadow, Enfield, Westfield, Northfield, Windsor, Coventry, Durham, Stratford, New Haven, Guildford, Mansfield, Preston, and other places. Edwards calculated that three hundred were converted in Northampton only; and the conversions in other towns were proportionately numerous. The whole region, now visited by Whitefield, had, five years before, been blessed with "showers of blessing." How was Whitefield welcomed? The following are extracts from his Journal:--

"Friday, October 17. We crossed the ferry to Northampton, where no less than three hundred souls were saved about five years ago. Their pastor's name is Edwards, successor and grandson to the great Stoddard, whose memory will be always precious in New England. Mr. Edwards is a solid, excellent Christian, but, at present, weak in body. When I came into his pulpit, I found my heart drawn out to talk of scarce anything besides the consolations and privileges of saints, and the plentiful effusion of the Spirit upon believers. When I came to remind them of their former experiences, and how zealous and lively they were at that time, both minister and people wept much.

"Saturday, October 18. At Mr. Edwards's request, I spoke to his little children, who were much affected. Preached at Hadfield, five miles from Northampton, but found myself not much strengthened. Preached in the afternoon to Mr. Edwards's congregation. God vouchsafed to give me an affecting prospect of the upper world, and, therefore, I was enabled to speak with some degree of pathos. Few eyes were dry, and it seemed as if a time of refreshing was come from the presence of the Lord.

"Sunday, October 19. Preached this morning, and good Mr. Edwards wept during the whole time of exercise. The people were equally affected; and, in the afternoon, the power increased yet more.

"Monday, October 20. Left Northampton in the evening, and rode eighteen miles to Westfield, where I preached next morning to a pretty large congregation. Hastened to Springfield, crossed a ferry, preached to a large auditory, and then returned and preached to those who could not get over the ferry, by reason of the wind. After I left Springfield, my horse, coming over a broken bridge, threw me over his head, directly upon my nose. I was stunned for awhile, my mouth was full of dust, and I bled a little; but, falling upon soft sand, I got not much damage.

"Tuesday, October 21. Preached at Suffield, to several thousands of people. A great impression was made. I insisted much, in my discourse, upon the doctrine of the new birth, and also upon the necessity of a minister being converted before he could preach Christ aright. The word came with great power, and a general impression was made upon the people in all parts of the assembly. Many ministers were present, and most of them thanked me for my plain dealing. One of them, however, was offended; and so would more of his stamp, if I were to continue longer in New England. Unconverted ministers are the bane of the Christian Church. I honour the memory of that great and good man, Mr. Stoddard; but I think he is much to be blamed for endeavouring to prove that unconverted men maybe admitted into the ministry. How he has handled the controversy I know not; but I believe no solid argument can be brought in defence of such a doctrine. The sermon lately published by Mr. Gilbert Tennent, entitled, 'The Danger of an Unconverted Ministry,' I think unanswerable."[395]

[395] Though all held it desirable that a minister should be converted, yet, many also entertained the pernicious theory of Stoddard. Whitefield again and again, fearlessly attacked the theory, and, thereby, gave great offence.

Thus ended Whitefield's first visit to Jonathan Edwards of Northampton. A young lady, née Miss Sarah Pierpont, but now the wife of Edwards, wrote as follows:--

"October 24, 1740.

"DEAR BROTHER JAMES,--I want to prepare you for a visit from the Rev. Mr. Whitefield, the famous preacher of England. He has been sojourning with us, and, after visiting a few of the neighbouring towns, is going to New Haven, and from thence to New York. He is truly a remarkable man, and, during his visit, has, I think, verified all that we have heard of him. He makes less of the doctrines than our American preachers generally do, and aims more at affecting the heart. He is a born orator. You have already heard of his deep-toned, yet clear and melodious, voice. It is perfect music. It is wonderful to see what a spell he casts over an audience by proclaiming the simplest truths of the Bible. I have seen upwards of a thousand people hang on his words with breathless silence, broken only by an occasional half-suppressed sob. He impresses the ignorant, and not less the educated and refined. It is reported that while the miners of England listened to him, the tears made white furrows down their smutty cheeks. So here, our mechanics shut up their shops, and the day-labourers throw down their tools, to go and hear him preach, and few return unaffected. A prejudiced person, I know, might say that this is all theatrical artifice and display; but not so will any one think who has seen and known him. He is a very devout and godly man, and his only aim seems to be to reach and influence men the best way. He speaks from a heart all aglow with love, and pours out a torrent of eloquence which is almost irresistible. I wish him success in his apostolic career; and, when he reaches New Haven, you will, I know, shew him warm hospitality.

"Yours, in faithful affection, "SARAH."[396]

[396] Wakeley's "Anecdotes of Whitefield," p. 278.

So much from Jonathan Edwards's wife. What said Edwards himself? He writes:--

"Mr. Whitefield came to Northampton about the middle of October, 1740, and preached four sermons in the meeting-house. The congregation was extraordinarily melted by every sermon; almost the whole assembly being in tears. His sermons were suitable to the circumstances of the town; containing just reproofs of our backslidings; and, in a most moving and affecting manner, making use of our great mercies as arguments with us to return to God, from whom we had departed. Immediately after this, the minds of the people in general appeared more engaged in religion. The revival at first was principally among professors, to whom Mr. Whitefield had chiefly addressed himself; but, in a short time, there was a deep concern among young persons. By the middle of December, a very considerable work of God appeared, and the revival continued to increase."

Thus, at Northampton, as in other places, Whitefield's visit was the precursor of a religious revival. In this instance, the work continued for the next two years. Very often the meeting-house was "full of outcries, faintings, and convulsions." A great number of children were converted. Congregations frequently remained, praying and singing, for hours after the public service was concluded. "The town seemed to be in a great and continual commotion, day and night."[397]

[397] Prince's Christian History, No. 46.

After parting with Jonathan Edwards, Whitefield proceeded to New York. At Hertford and Weathersfield, on October 22, he "preached to many thousands, with much freedom and power." The day after, he had a congregation of four thousand at Middletown; and then rode to New Haven, where, says he, "I was most affectionately received by Mr. Pierpont, brother to Mr. Edwards of Northampton." Here he spent three days; and, of course, here he preached. At one of his services, the governor, the Council, and the members of the Lower House of Assembly formed part of his congregation. He also dined with "the Rev. Mr. Clap,[398] Rector of New Haven College, about one-third part as big as that of Cambridge, and containing about a hundred students." Here he took the opportunity of "speaking to the students, and shewing the dreadful ill consequences of an unconverted ministry;" and, at his lodgings, he collected £35 for his orphans in Georgia. Leaving New Haven, he preached at Milford, Stratford, Fairfield, Newark, and Stanford. On these occasions, many ministers were present, some of whom confessed they were not converted. Before entering the province of New York, Whitefield wrote:--

"I have now had an opportunity of seeing the greatest and most populous part of New England. On many accounts, it certainly exceeds all other provinces in America; and, for the establishment of religion, perhaps all other parts of the world. The towns all through Connecticut, and eastward toward York, in the province of Massachusetts, near the river-side, are large and well peopled. Every five miles, or perhaps less, you have a meeting-house; and, I believe, there is no such thing as a pluralist or non-resident minister in both provinces. God has remarkably, at sundry times and in divers manners, poured out His Spirit in several parts; and it often refreshed my soul to hear of the faith of their good forefathers, who first settled in these parts. Notwithstanding they had their foibles, surely they were a set of righteous men. Many glorious men of God have come out of their colleges. The civil government of New England seems to be well regulated; and, I think, at the opening of all their courts, either the judge or a minister begins with a prayer. Family worship, I believe, is generally kept up; and the negroes are better used than in any other province I have seen. In short, I like New England exceeding well."

[398] The Rev. Thomas Clap, who died, at Scituate, in 1767, aged 63. By some means, he became one of Whitefield's opponents, and will be mentioned in subsequent pages.

Whitefield arrived at New York on Thursday, October 30, and was again the guest of Mr. Noble. Here he spent four days. He writes:--

"Friday, October 31. Preached in good Mr. Pemberton's meeting-house. Two or three cried out. Mr. Noble could scarce restrain himself; and, look where I would, many seemed deeply wounded.

"Saturday, November 1. Preached twice, as yesterday, to very crowded auditories, and neither time without success.

"Sunday, November 2. Preached in the morning with some freedom. In the evening, the whole congregation was alarmed. Crying, weeping, and wailing were to be heard in every corner, and many were to be seen falling into the arms of their friends.

"Monday, November 3. Preached both morning and afternoon, and perceived the congregations still increase. There was a great and gracious melting among the people both times. Near £110 currency was collected for the orphans; and, in the evening, at seven, we took boat, and reached Staten Island about ten."

For many months, Whitefield had been living and working in close connection with Presbyterian ministers. Most of them were ardent admirers of the young evangelist; but some were critical and distrustful. Hence the publication of a tract of thirty-two pages, with the following Presbyterian title: "The Querists; or, an extract of sundry passages taken out of Mr. Whitefield's printed Sermons, Journals, and Letters; together with some Scruples proposed in proper Queries raised on each remark. By some Church Members of the Presbyterian Persuasion."[399] The "Querists," in their preface, say, they "are at a loss what to make of some of Whitefield's expressions; if they have any meaning at all, we fear it is a bad one." The tract is calmly, but very keenly written; being, however, purely doctrinal, it is scarcely necessary to furnish an outline of its contents. Suffice it to say that Whitefield is treated fairly, though with great fidelity.

[399] This small pamphlet, first published in Philadelphia, was reprinted in London, in 1741, with two letters appended, written by the Rev. Charles Tennent and a minister in Boston; and also Whitefield's "Answer to the Querists." (8vo. 52 pp.) Tennent's letter is dated Philadelphia, October 16, 1740; and, after admitting that Whitefield had used unguarded expressions, says: "I believe Mr. Whitefield to be sound in the faith, and a most eminent servant of Jesus Christ."

While at New York, Whitefield wrote an answer to the Querists, which was shortly published.[400] It is dated "November 1, 1740." A great part of this production is too minute to be interesting to the general reader. Whitefield, however, ingenuously confesses there are passages in his printed sermons that he regrets. He writes:--

"I think it no dishonour to retract some expressions that dropped from my pen before God was pleased to give me a more clear knowledge of the doctrines of grace. St. Augustine, I think, did so before me. The Lord's dealing with me was somewhat out of the common way. I received the Spirit of adoption before I had conversed with one man, or read a single book, on the doctrine of 'free justification by the imputed righteousness of Jesus Christ.' No wonder, then, that I was not so clear in some points at my first setting out in the ministry. Our Lord was pleased to enlighten me by degrees; and I desire your prayers, that His grace may shine more and more in my heart, till it breaks forth into perfect day."

[400] The following is the title of an American edition: "A Letter from the Rev. Mr. Whitefield to some Church Members of the Presbyterian Persuasion; in answer to certain Scruples and Queries relating to some passages in his printed Sermons and other Writings. To which is added two Letters from Nathaniel Lovetruth to the Rev. Mr. Whitefield, containing some exceptions to his aforesaid Letter. Third edition. Philadelphia: printed, South Carolina, Charleston. Reprinted by Peter Timothy, 1741." (16mo. 8 pp.) There is nothing in Lovetruth's letters that is worthy of being quoted.

Whitefield then proceeds to notice all the passages in his sermons to which the "Querists" objected, and adds:--

"And now, to convince you that I am not ashamed to own my faults, I can inform you of other passages as justly exceptionable. In my sermon on justification, I seem to assert universal redemption, which I now absolutely deny. In my 'Almost Christian,' I talk of works procuring us so high a crown. In my sermon on 'the Marks of the New Birth,' I say, 'We shall endure to the end, if we continue so.' These, and perhaps some other passages, though capable of a candid interpretation, I now dislike; and, in the next edition of my sermons, I propose to alter them. In the meanwhile, I shall be thankful to any that will point out my errors; and I promise, by Divine assistance, they shall have no reason to say that I am one who hates to be reformed."

In 1739, there was published "An Abstract of the Life and Death of Mr. Thomas Halyburton;" with a "Recommendatory Epistle" by Whitefield, and a "Preface" of six pages by Wesley. In the "Preface," Wesley introduced his doctrine of Christian perfection; and, because Whitefield's "Recommendatory Epistle" stood in close connection with Wesley's "Preface," the "Querists" suspected him of holding Wesley's doctrine. In reference to this, Whitefield writes:--

"As for your insinuating that I countenance Mr. Wesley in his errors, I do no such thing. I prefaced Halyburton's memoirs before I saw what Mr. Wesley had written; and, since I have seen it, have more than once said, 'If I had known what Mr. Wesley had written, I would not have prefaced Halyburton at all.' I have torn off that part of his preface from several of those books which I have given away lately, and, by sundry letters, have acquainted him in what, I think, in this particular, he errs."

Whitefield then proceeds to deny the accusation that he was an Antinomian, and refers to the objections of the "Querists" concerning his favourable opinion of certain Quakers to whom he had been introduced; after which he continues:--

"I am no friend to casting lots; but I believe, on extraordinary occasions, when things can be determined no other way, God, if appealed to, and waited on by prayer and fasting, will answer by lot now, as well as formerly.

"Do not condemn me for preaching extempore, and for saying I am helped immediately in that exercise; when thousands can prove, as well as myself, that it has been so. Neither should you censure me as one that would lay aside reading. I am of Bishop Sanderson's mind, 'Study without prayer, is atheism; prayer without study, presumption.' Blame not me for the warmth of some of my adherents, as you call them. One of your ministers knows how sharply I rebuked one of them, for his warmth, at Fagg's Manor. I am for loving as brethren, and wish all would imitate the lowly Jesus; but I cannot discommend those, who, in the spirit of meekness, exclaim against dry, sapless, unconverted ministers. Such surely are the bane of the Christian Church.

"Some of the latter part of your queries, for your own, and not for my sake, I shall not mention. I hope I can say with more sincerity than Hazael, 'Is your servant a dog, that he should do what you suggest.' But I pray to God to forgive you. He knows my heart. My one design is to bring poor souls to Jesus Christ. I desire to avoid extremes, so as not to be a bigot on the one hand, or confound order and decency on the other. And I could heartily wish that the reverend Presbytery, when they advised you to publish your queries, had also cautioned you against dipping your pen in so much gall."

Whitefield's answer to the "Querists" might easily be criticised; but, except as it reveals his principles and character, we are inclined to let it pass.

When he left New York on November 3, he proceeded to Philadelphia, which he reached five days afterwards. On the way, he preached at Staten Island, Newark, Baskinridge, New Brunswick, and Trenton. At the first-mentioned place, his pulpit was a waggon; and, in his congregation, a young man, in the greatest distress, begged him to pray for his conversion; and a grey-headed one told him, that, by his ministry, he had been brought out of darkness into light. Here also he was met by Gilbert Tennent, and by Mr. Cross, the minister of Baskinridge. Tennent told him of his glorious success in West Jersey and in Maryland; and Cross rejoiced his soul by relating "the great and wonderful things" he had recently witnessed in his congregations at Baskinridge. At Newark, after he had preached, the house, in which he lodged, was filled with young men, all weeping for their sins. At Baskinridge, he had a crowd of three thousand people. He writes:--

"In every part of the congregation, some one or other began to cry out, and almost all were melted into tears. A little boy, about eight years of age, wept as though his heart would break. Mr. Cross took him up into the waggon, which so affected me, that I broke from my discourse, and told the people that, since old professors were not concerned, God, out of an infant's mouth, was perfecting praise; and the little boy should preach to them. After sermon, Mr. ---- gave notice of an evening lecture in his barn. Mr. Gilbert Tennent preached first; and I then began to pray, and gave an exhortation. In about six minutes, one cried out, 'He is come, He is come!' and could scarce sustain the manifestation of Jesus to his soul. The eager crying of others, for the like favour, obliged me to stop; and I prayed over them, as I saw their agonies and distress increase. Most of the people spent the remainder of the night in prayer and praises."

At New Brunswick, Whitefield received encouraging letters from Savannah, and wrote: "I resolved to give up the Savannah living. A parish and the Orphan House, which I must travel to provide for, as well as to preach, are too much for me." Here, also, he and Gilbert and William Tennent had prayer together, and arranged that Gilbert should go and help to carry on the work of God at Boston. "We parted in tears," says Whitefield; "but with a full assurance that we should see and hear great things before we met again."

Before proceeding farther, extracts from Whitefield's letters must be introduced. They were all written within two days after his arrival at Philadelphia.

The following was addressed to the Honourable Jonathan Belcher, Governor of New England, and refers to Gilbert Tennent's mission, just mentioned:--

"I snatch a few moments to send your excellency my acknowledgments for all the honours received at Boston; they are much upon my heart. Great things hath the glorious Emmanuel done for me and His people on the way here. The word has been attended with much power. Surely our Lord intends to set America in a flame. This week, Mr. Gilbert Tennent purposes to set out for Boston, in order to blow up the fire lately kindled there. I recommend him to your excellency as a solid, judicious, and zealous minister of the Lord Jesus Christ. He will be ready to preach daily. I suppose his brethren" (the Presbyterians) "will readily open their doors. May the Lord, at the same time, open the people's hearts, that they may diligently attend to the things that shall be spoken!

"Dear sir, the welfare of your own soul lies upon me night and day. I remember your tears; I remember your excellency's words, 'Mr. Whitefield, pray that I may hunger and thirst after righteousness.' O how did these words rejoice me! May God give you to see and follow the simplicity of the blessed Jesus! Whilst you are in the world, may you not be of it! May you be dead to magnificence, and alive to nothing but what leads you directly to your God! Honoured sir, I make no apology for this freedom. Your excellency bid me not spare rulers; no, not the chief of them. Indeed, I long after your salvation. O that I could do anything to promote it!"

To another friend, Whitefield wrote:--

"I arrived at this place" (Philadelphia) "last Saturday evening, having preached at Staten Island, Newark, Baskinridge, New Brunswick, and Trenton, in my way hither from New York. A wonderful presence of God was observable at New York, Baskinridge, and Newark. I preached here twice yesterday, and also to-day, in a large house built by the people since I was here last. The Lord highly favours me. I am more sick, of myself, and more in love with Christ daily. He is a dear, dear Master. O that all would love Him with all their hearts!"

Writing to Howell Harris, Whitefield exultingly remarks:--

"My soul is knit to you. We both speak and think the same things. Jesus manifests His glory daily in these parts. His word is like fire. Last week I saw many struck down. Our Lord is working upon little children. America, ere long, will be famous for Christians. Surely the candlestick will shortly be removed from England. Little did I think, when Mr. E---- J---- wrote, that I should preach in all the chief places of America; but that is now done. Glory be to rich, free, sovereign grace! Perhaps, about spring, I may embark for my native country. O Wales, thou art dear to my soul! Expect another journal shortly; but wait till we come to glory, fully to see and hear what God has done for your affectionate brother,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

It was a mournful thing that almost the only one to whom Whitefield wrote complaining letters was his old friend Wesley. The following, though published elsewhere, is too interesting to be omitted. It was written on Sunday, the day after Whitefield's arrival at Philadelphia.

"November 9, 1740.

"DEAR AND HONOURED SIR,--I received yours, dated March 11, this afternoon. O that we were of one mind! for I am yet persuaded you greatly err. You have set a mark you will never arrive at, till you come to glory. I think few enjoy such continued manifestations of God's presence as I do, and have done for some years; but I dare not pretend to say I shall be absolutely perfect.[401] Oh, dear sir, many of God's children are grieved at your principles. O that God may give you a sight of His free, sovereign, electing love!

[401] Whitefield evidently misunderstood Wesley's doctrine of Christian perfection. Wesley never contended for absolute perfection.

"But no more of this. Why will you compel me to write thus? Why will you dispute? I am willing to go with you to prison and to death; but I am not willing to oppose you. My heart is now much affected. Indeed, I love and honour you. Dear, dear sir, study the covenant of grace, that you may be consistent with yourself. I fancy I shall embark for England about spring; but am not yet determined. God shews me His goodness plenteously every day. I dwell in Christ, and Christ dwells in me. Glory be to sovereign grace! I seem to have a new body, and the Lord Jesus greatly enriches my soul. Oh! I am a poor sinner; but our Lord frequently manifests Himself in such a manner, that it throws me into an agony which my body is almost too weak to bear. Honoured sir, adieu! Oh, build up, but do not lead into error, the souls once committed to the charge of your affectionate, unworthy brother and servant in the loving Jesus,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

We return to Whitefield's Journals. The young evangelist spent a successful and happy week among his friends in Philadelphia. He writes:--

"Sunday, November 9. Preached in the morning, to several thousands, in a house built since my last departure from Philadelphia. It is a hundred feet long, and seventy feet broad. It was never preached in before. The roof is not yet up; but the people raised a convenient pulpit, and boarded the bottom."[402]

[402] This is the house mentioned by Franklin. (See p. 377.) In the 1756 edition of his Journals, Whitefield says, "The house is now, by consent, become an academy as well as preaching place; and, when I was last at Philadelphia, I heard several youths speak in it so oratorically as would have delighted even a Cicero or a Demosthenes" (p. 428).

During the ensuing week, he preached in this roofless building twice every day, except one morning, when there was so much snow within the walls, that he was obliged to avail himself of a Presbyterian meeting-house. On Sunday, November 16, after his morning and evening sermons, he collected £150 sterling for his orphans; and, in the afternoon, baptized, in the unconsecrated edifice, five adult women. During his sojourn, he met Mr. Brockden, Recorder of Deeds, an infidel, upwards of sixty years old, who had been converted by his preaching, and who told him that now, "such were his communications from God, he thought he could die a martyr for the truth." Another of Whitefield's converts was a Captain H----l, formerly, says Whitefield, "almost a scandal and reproach to human nature. He used to swear to ease his stomach, and used to go on board the transport ships, and offer a guinea for every new oath" that the sailors had invented. "Now," writes Whitefield, "he is zealous for the truth, and shews forth his faith by his works."

There cannot be a doubt that Whitefield's preaching in Philadelphia was not only immensely popular, but also greatly blessed. He tells us, that, almost every day many were convinced of sin; and that several Societies had been formed, "not only of men and women, but of little boys and little girls."

On Monday, November 17, he bid adieu to his Philadelphian friends, and started for Savannah. On the way, he preached, as usual, to assembled thousands, at Gloucester, Greenwich, Piles Grove, Cohansie, Salem, Newcastle, Whiteclay Creek, Fagg's Manor, Nottingham, Bohemia, St. George's, Reedy Island, and Charleston. He arrived at Savannah on Saturday, December 13. He had been absent from his parishioners eighteen weeks, had travelled about a thousand miles, preached nearly two hundred times, and collected, in goods and money, upwards of £700 sterling for his Orphanage.

The following extracts from his letters will, it is hoped, interest the reader.

One of the places at which he preached, on his way to Georgia, was the Moravian settlement, called Salem; and here he seems to have met Peter Bohler. Hence the following to James Hutton, the distinguished Moravian in London:--

"BOHEMIA, MARYLAND, November 24, 1740.

"MY VERY DEAR BROTHER,--I rejoice to hear that you are married.[403] I salute your wife and my sister in Christ. May you love one another as Christ and His Church!

[403] In this same year 1740, Hutton went to Germany, where the Brethren considered it necessary that he should marry, in order that there might be a sister in London to attend to the work of God among the females. Hutton bowed to this decision: proposed to Louise Brandt, a native of French Switzerland; and was married by Count Zinzendorf, at Marienborn, on July 3, 1740. ("Memoirs of James Hutton," p. 56.)

"I have lately conversed closely with Peter Bohler. Alas! we differ widely in many respects; therefore, to avoid disputations and jealousies on both sides, it is best to carry on the work of God apart. The divisions among the Brethren[404] sometimes grieve, but do not surprise me. How can it be otherwise, when teachers do not think and speak the same things? O how do I long for heaven! Surely, there will be no divisions, no strife there, except who shall sing with most affection to the Lamb that sitteth upon the throne. Dear James, there I hope to meet thee; for the dear Jesus, I believe, has locked thee fast in His almighty arms. Lean thou on His sacred bosom night and day. Keep close to Him, and be, what I long to be, a little child. My dear brother, I should be glad to wash any of the Brethren's feet. Indeed, I am now willing to be the servant of all. The more the Lord honours me, the more I feel my unworthiness. Help me, dear James, to praise my Saviour. A glorious church is rising in America. The Lord mightily reveals His arm. It would please you to see His stately steps in the great congregation. I only want fellow-labourers.

[404] The allusion here is doubtless to the contentions at that time existing among the Moravians in London.

"I desire you to print nothing against your conscience; only do not immediately censure everything that may not seem clear to you. Our Lord may guide me into things which as yet you may not see into. The day of judgment will discover all. Adieu!

"Ever, ever yours in our blessed Emmanuel, "GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Whitefield made himself one with all who loved his Master--Episcopalians, Presbyterians, Moravians, Baptists, Independents, and even Quakers. "Give none offence," wrote the great Apostle, "neither to the Jews, nor to the Gentiles, nor to the Church of God. Even as I please all men in all things, not seeking my own profit, but the profit of many, that they may be saved" (1 Cor. x. 32, 33).

The last paragraph in Whitefield's letter refers to the fact that Hutton had been Whitefield's publisher. Whitefield now, however, had become such a decided Calvinist, that Hutton's conscience began to trouble him for printing and circulating doctrines which he disbelieved; and when Whitefield returned to England, a few months afterwards, one of the distresses awaiting him was Hutton's absolute refusal to publish any of his writings. He was losing the services of James Hutton on the ground of a difference in religious opinion; but, at the same time, he was securing the services of Benjamin Franklin, the printer and publisher at Philadelphia, to whom religious opinions were of no great consequence. The following was addressed to Franklin two days after the letter sent to Hutton:--

"REEDY ISLAND, November 26, 1740.

"DEAR MR. FRANKLIN,--I thank you for your letter. You may print my life,[405] as you desire. God willing, I shall correct my two volumes of Sermons,[406] and send them the very first opportunity. Pray write to me by every ship that goes shortly to Charleston.

[405] Doubtless the "Short Account of God's Dealings with the Rev. Mr. George Whitefield, from his Infancy to the Time of his Entering into Holy Orders," first published by James Hutton, in 1740.

[406] "Sermons on Various Subjects, in two volumes, by George Whitefield. Printed for James Hutton, London, 1739."

"I shall embark for England, God willing, about February. I desire I may hear from you there also, as often as possible. I have prefaced 'Jenks' and 'Presumptuous Sinners Detected.' Mr. Bradford has the latter, because he said he was to print it. You may have it of him. The 'Ornaments of the Daughter of Sion'[407] you may have hereafter.

[407] All these were tracts by other writers.

"Dear sir, adieu! I do not despair of your seeing the reasonableness of Christianity. Apply to God; be willing to do the Divine will, and you shall know it. Oh! the love of God to your unworthy friend,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Whitefield's tour through the British provinces of America had been a triumphal progress; but, after all, his happiness was not unmixed. He had come under the animadversion of certain ministers and members of the Presbyterian Church. He was full of anxiety concerning the "stillness" and contentions of the London Moravians. And, of course, the doctrinal differences between him and his old friend Wesley occasioned great disquietude. The following is another of the letters that passed between them:--

"BOHEMIA, MARYLAND, November 24, 1740.

"DEAR AND HONOURED SIR,--O that there may be harmony, and very intimate union between us! Yet it cannot be, since you hold universal redemption. But no more of this. Perhaps, in the spring, we may see each other face to face. This evening, I propose to embark for Georgia. Wonderful things our Lord brings to pass, in these parts, every day. Here is a close opposition from some of the Presbyterian clergy. The seed of the serpent is the same in all, of whatever communion. I expect much more opposition every hour. The devil rages in London. He begins now to triumph indeed. The children of God are disunited among themselves. The King of the Church shall yet over-rule all things for good. My dear brother, for Christ's sake, avoid all disputation. Do not oblige me to preach against you; I had rather die. Be gentle towards the" (Moravians?) "They will get great advantage over you if they discover any irregular warmth in your temper. I cannot for my soul unite with them.

"Honoured sir, adieu. "Yours eternally in Christ Jesus, "GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Wesley shrunk from disputation as much as Whitefield did. It is true, he had published his sermon entitled "Free Grace;" but it contained no mention of the name of his friend Whitefield. Wesley was ready to wage war with error, but not with his brother "George." The last letter which Whitefield had received from Wesley was the following:--

"LONDON, August 9, 1740.

"MY DEAR BROTHER,--I thank you for yours, May the 24th.[408] The case is quite plain. There are bigots both for predestination and against it. God is sending a message to those on either side. But neither will receive it, unless from one of his own opinion. Therefore, for a time, you are suffered to be of one opinion, and I of another. But when His time is come, God will do what man cannot--namely, make us both of one mind. Then persecution will flame out, and it will be seen whether we count our lives dear unto ourselves, so that we may finish our course with joy.

"I am, my dearest brother, ever yours, "JOHN WESLEY."

[408] See p. 389.

Whitefield's reply to this was dated "Bethesda in Georgia, December 24, 1740;" but more of this anon.

On his arrival in Georgia, Whitefield found his family removed, from his "hired house" in Savannah, to his newly erected Orphanage at Bethesda. He writes:--

"At my return, I found my orphan household removed from Savannah to Bethesda, and great improvements made during the time of my absence. The great house will be finished, God willing, in about two months. It would have been finished by this time, if the Spaniards had not taken a schooner laden with bricks and other provisions to a considerable value; but God, about the same time, stirred up the heart of a planter in South Carolina, lately converted at the Orphan House, to send my family some rice and bread. At other times, when they have wanted food, the Indians have brought plenty of venison. My family now consists of above eighty persons. Next year my expenses will be much contracted; but at present I am in debt about £500 sterling. However, I know in whom I have believed--One who is able to pay it. My public accounts will be published as soon as I arrive in London, with a prospect of the Orphan House and other little houses and gardens annexed unto it."

Whitefield's "public accounts" were printed with the following title: "An Account of the Money received and disbursed for the Orphan House in Georgia. By George Whitefield, A.B., late of Pembroke College, Oxford. London, 1741." (8vo. 45 pp.) The following is taken from his own published narrative:--

"When I left England, I proposed to take in only twenty children; but, when I arrived in Georgia, I found, besides the orphans, so many objects of charity among the poor people's children, that I resolved in this, as well as in all other respects, to imitate Professor Francke, and make a provision for their maintenance also.

"Two of the boys were put out apprentices just before I left Savannah, one to a bricklayer, another to a carpenter; a third is to be bound to the surgeon belonging to the Orphan House; one weaves in a loom at home; two I put to a tailor, whom I brought over; and the rest are now fitting themselves to be useful to the commonwealth. Whoever among them appear to be sanctified, and have a good natural capacity, I intend, under God, for the ministry.

"None of the girls are put out as yet, but are taught such things as may make them serviceable whenever they go abroad. Two or three of them spin very well. Some of them knit, wash, and clean the house, and get up the linen, and are taught housewifery. All capable are taught to sew; and the little girls, as well as the boys, are employed in picking cotton. I think I have no less than three hundred and eighty-two yards of cloth already in the house, and as much yarn spun as will make the same quantity.

"I have now forty-nine children under my care; twenty-three English, ten Scots, four Dutch, five French, and seven Americans. Twenty-two of these are fatherless and motherless, sixteen boys and six girls. Of the others, some are fatherless, and some without mothers; all objects of charity, except three, whose friends recompense the Orphan House for their maintenance. One of the orphans is an infant. I pay four shillings a week for nursing it. Since December last, we have had eighteen more children who have been maintained occasionally, to assist their parents, and been dismissed when they were wanted at home.

"Though the children are taught to labour for the meat that perisheth, yet they are continually reminded, to seek first the kingdom of God and His righteousness, and then to depend upon God's blessing on their honest endeavours for having food and raiment added unto them. I intend, when the house is finished, to have this precept of our Lord written over the entrance at the great door.

"As my design in founding the Orphan House was to build up souls for God, I endeavour to preach most of all to the children's hearts. But that they may be able to give a reason of the hope that is in them, I constantly instruct them out of the Church of England's Articles, which I turn into catechetical questions. I am often pleased to hear how judiciously some will answer the questions put to them. The power of God has been frequently visible among them. Many of the girls seem to be tender-hearted. Several of the boys have been under strong convictions.

"We are now all removed to Bethesda. We live in the out-houses at present; but, in less than two months, the great house will be finished so as to receive the whole family. It is now weather-boarded and shingled; and a piazza of ten feet wide is built all around it, which will be wonderfully convenient in the heat of summer. One part of the house would have been entirely finished, had not the Spaniards lately taken from us a schooner laden with ten thousand bricks, and a great deal of provision, with one of our family. But, notwithstanding this and many other hindrances, the work has been carried on with great success and speed. There are no less than four framed houses, and a large stable and cart-house, besides the great house. In that, there will be sixteen commodious rooms, besides a large cellar of sixty feet long and forty wide. Near twenty acres of land are cleared round about it, and a large road made from Savannah to the Orphan House, twelve miles in length--a thing not before done since the province has been settled.

"None but those on the spot can tell the expense, as well as inconveniency, that attends building in Georgia. Most of our bricks cost forty shillings sterling per thousand, when landed at the plantation. Common labourers, besides their provisions, have twenty-five shillings sterling a month. We have often been in difficulties; but the Lord has relieved us out of them. When the schooner was lost, a person, lately converted, sent us eleven barrels of rice, and five barrels of beef. And, in my absence, when my family had little or no provisions, the Indians brought in plenty of deer, till they were supplied with food some other way. The contributions in Charleston, New England, New York, and Pennsylvania have been extraordinary.

The Infirmary, which has likewise been supported by this institution, has been of great service. The surgeon informs me, that, if every one had been obliged to pay for their nursing and medicine, it would have cost them £200 sterling. I have now three or four sick. I keep a woman to attend them constantly.

"God has blessed our family with health. Only two have died since my arrival; and those were two who came with me from England,--the tailor, and one of the women.

"I have left behind me, as my assistants (who have no other gratuity than food and raiment), two schoolmasters, and their wives, who are schoolmistresses; one young man, as superintendent and chief manager of the outward things; the surgeon, and his wife; a shoemaker, and a spinster; besides labourers and monthly-hired servants: I think, in all, I have upwards of eighty. The Lord, I am persuaded, is able and willing to provide for them.

"I think we have near two hundred hogs, and a hundred head of cattle. I give a man £40 sterling per annum, to take care of them. As yet, we have had no advantage from our stock, it being a very dry season last summer; so that our cattle of all kinds have scarce food to eat. But, in a year or two, we hope to have a considerable quantity of fresh provisions for our family.

"As for manuring more land than the hired servants and great boys can manage, I think it is impracticable without a few negroes. It will in no wise answer the expense.

"I am now several hundreds of pounds in debt, on the Orphan-house account. Some particular friends have been pleased to assist me; and I doubt not but our Lord will enable me to pay them, and also will raise up fresh subscriptions for the maintenance of my large family.

"Great calumnies have been spread abroad concerning our management of the children. People shoot out their bitter arrows in America, as well as in England. One poor man was filled with such resentment at the reports he had heard of our cruelty to the children, that he came one day, out of South Carolina, to take away two of his boys, which, out of compassion, I had taken into the Orphan House; but when he came, and saw the manner in which they were educated, he was so far from taking his children away, that he desired to come and live at the Orphan House himself. I speak not this by way of boasting, or to wipe off reproach; for I know, let me do what I will, I shall never please natural men.

"God only knows the concern that lies upon me on account of this family, not only in respect to their bodily, but their spiritual provision. I hope all who wish well to Zion will help me with their prayers, as well as with their alms, that the establishment may be rightly styled Pietas Georgiensis, and that, like the Pietas Hallensis, it may become the joy of the whole earth. Even so, Lord Jesus, Amen, and Amen.

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD. "Bethesda, December 23, 1740."

On a small scale, comparatively, Whitefield was endeavouring to imitate one of the most surprising institutions in Europe, the orphanage of Professor Francke, at Halle, in Germany. The "plan of elevation" of his "great house," as he calls it, is before us. The building, with a high roof, and belfry at the top, and also a colonnade all round about, consisted, first, of the large cellar already mentioned, and also "Mr. Whitefield's kitchen." On the ground floor, the entrance hall was a chapel; on the left was the library, and behind it the "orphan's dining-room;" on the right, "Mr. Whitefield's two parlours," with the staircase between them. On the second and third floors were "Mr. Whitefield's study" and "Mr. Whitefield's chamber;" the "manager's room;" two "bed-chambers" for the boys; the same for the girls; and five other chambers for general use. Behind the house was "Salt Water Creek," and at the front were the "peach orchard" and the gardens. Extending right and left, was the Orphan House estate, measuring five hundred acres, a large portion of it covered with oaks, pines, and hickory trees; a considerable portion consisting of swamps and marshes; and the remainder marked "good rice land." Considering the scarcity of labour, and the unfitness of Europeans for outdoor work in such a climate, it is hardly surprising that Whitefield began to see it would be "impracticable" to cultivate his land without the services of "a few negroes."

Whitefield's "great house" was, in reality, an orphanage, an infirmary, and a poor house all in one. Up to the present, it had cost him £3,358 7s. 5-1/4d. Towards this amount, he had received, in England and America, £2,530 2s. 9d.;[409] to which must be added a large number of valuable gifts in kind, embracing horses, hogs, sheep, geese, turkeys, and a cow; furniture, books, linen, crockery, glass, bricks, nails, pewter spoons, and a cannon; rice, butter, cheese, hams, sugar-loaves, coffee, tea, chocolate, pickles, candles, beef, treacle, pease, and flour; and "a large folio Turkey-leather Bible."

[409] See p. 349.

How did the young preacher regulate his large family? Fortunately, this is a question which can be answered. From a pamphlet, entitled "The Manner of the Children's spending their Time at the Orphan House in Georgia," it appears, that the children had to rise every morning at five o'clock, and that their first employment was to spend a quarter of an hour in private prayer. At six, all the family assembled in the chapel where a psalm was sung, and the second lesson for the morning expounded by Whitefield; or, if he were absent, in lieu of the exposition, the manager read Burkitt's or Matthew Henry's notes. At seven, Ken's morning hymn was sung, and extempore prayer offered. Between seven and eight, the children had their breakfast; and, at intervals, sang hymns. From eight to ten, they were employed at carding, spinning, picking cotton or wool, sewing, and knitting. Some had to clean the house, others to fetch water, and others to cut wool. Certain of the boys were "placed under tailors, shoemakers, carpenters," etc. At ten, all went to school, some to reading, and some to writing. At noon, all of them dined in the same room together; "and between that and two o'clock, every one was employed in something useful, but no time was allowed for idleness or play, which are Satan's darling hours to tempt children to all manner of wickedness, as lying, cursing, swearing, and uncleanness; so that," continues the writer, "though we are about seventy in family, we hear no more noise than if it was a private house." From two to four, the children were again at school; and from four to six, at work. At six, they had supper, and singing. At seven, all the family assembled in the chapel, where a service was held similar to that at six in the morning. At eight, Whitefield catechised the children. At nine, they had some slight refreshment, and prepared for bed, each child, in private, again praying for a quarter of an hour. On Sundays, there were four public services, and "all the family dined on cold meat." There was "but one purse in the house, none having any other wages than food and raiment convenient for them."

The Orphan House now really became Whitefield's parish. To watch over it, and to provide for its necessities, furnished him with as much work as he felt at liberty to undertake. He writes:--

"1740. Monday, December 29. Enjoyed a very comfortable Christmas at Bethesda. One woman, I trust, received Christ in a glorious manner; and several others were brought under strong convictions. Having appointed Mr. Barber,[410] who came with me from Rhode Island, to take care of the spiritual, and Mr. Habersham to superintend the outward affairs of the Orphan House, and settled all things to my satisfaction; and being called by Providence, on various accounts, to return to England, I, last night, took a sorrowful and affectionate leave of my family, and this day went to Savannah to take leave there. In the evening, I preached at Savannah, and took my final leave of the people, it being inconsistent with my other affairs to act as their pastor any longer. Another minister is not yet come, but is expected daily. I gave the trustees notice, in January last, of my design to give up the parsonage. Blessed be God! I am now more free to go whithersoever the Lord shall be pleased to call me. I yet hope well of Georgia, though, at present, it is in a very declining and piteous state. It will flourish, I believe, when settled upon a religious foundation. Glory be to God! I leave behind me some who love the Lord Jesus in sincerity."[411]

[410] The following account of Mr. Barber is extracted from a pious, but unfriendly, writer, and must be taken cum grano salis:--When Whitefield came to America, Barber "esteemed him a wonderfully holy man," and believed he would "be an eminent promoter of a glorious revival of vital religion through the whole land." Barber, at once, set to work, "and spent about a week in going from house to house through all the parish of Oyster-Ponds, solemnly warning the people, and exhorting them to repent, for the kingdom of heaven was at hand. And this he did as one extraordinarily instructed and commissioned for that purpose." He then went through all the parishes of Southold, where Mr. Davenport was pastor; and, "as he counted his mission somewhat like that of our Lord's disciples, who were sent before Him into every city, whither He Himself would come, he took no money with him, neither change of apparel, nor shoes, but was shod with boots; and, as he passed along, he publicly declared that he "had laid aside all study and forethought of what he should deliver in his public speeches to the people, and depended wholly on the immediate direction of the Holy Ghost." He next proceeded to Oldmans, where "he abode some months, and led an inactive and idle life, till he was grown very fat and ragged, alleging, in his justification, that he had received no direction from the Spirit to remove thence, and must remain there so long as the cloud abode upon the tabernacle." At length, "he went to Rhode Island to see Mr. Whitefield, and joined himself to him." ("Seasonable Thoughts on the State of Religion in New England." By Charles Chauncy, D.D., 1743, pp. 183-189.)

[411] Immediately after Whitefield's death, in 1770, a "Short Sketch" of his character was published by an old friend, still resident in Savannah, to the following effect: "Until within a few years past, Mr. Whitefield has been constantly loaded with debt on account of his Orphan House, although he was at the same time traduced as a cheat, who, under the specious pretence of promoting a charitable institution, was amassing great wealth to himself. When he was the stated minister of this parish, the then inhabitants of Savannah, and Highgate, and Hampstead, together with the Saltzburghers of Ebenezer, and the people of Darien and Frederica, all partook of his bounty to a very large amount, while he almost denied himself the necessaries of life. He constantly performed Divine service publicly very early every morning, and at the close of the day every evening, when he always expounded part of the first or second lesson. Every Sunday, he administered the holy communion, and had public service four times during the day. His congregations were very numerous; for, though there were many Dissenters in the parish, there were few absenters. He also made it his daily practice to visit in rotation from house to house, without any regard to religious denominations or party distinctions." (Gospel Magazine, 1771, pp. 77-80.) There is nothing new in this, and yet it is valuable as the testimony of a gentleman who was one of Whitefield's parishioners at Savannah, and who says he was well acquainted with Whitefield's proceedings.

No doubt, Georgia was in a "piteous state." The Spaniards of Florida were harassing the province; and Oglethorpe was doing his utmost to resist and punish them. To some extent, he had succeeded, but certain malcontents, in Savannah, were as busy as the Spaniards in endeavouring to ruin the colony. These men, under the leadership of a Doctor Tailfer, formed themselves into a club, which met at the house of one Jenkins, where they concocted the vilest machinations against Oglethorpe. Their object was to reduce the colony into such weakness and insignificance as to compel the trustees to gratify their desires for slaves and spirituous liquors, so that they might indulge to the extent of their wishes in idleness and dissipation. Tailfer and Williamson--the successful rival of John Wesley--hoped, by their agitation, to obtain a monopoly of the trade in negroes; and, because they were disappointed in their expectation, resorted to the most malicious and revengeful acts. To disturb the quiet of Savannah, they instituted races within the town, from the gate of the Public Garden to the middle of Johnson's Square. They hired the most miserable hacks, and, by drink, obtained riders to contribute to their mischievous diversion;--the members of Tailfer's club being the principal betting men. Besides this, they published scurrilous pamphlets, one of which was sarcastically dedicated "To his Excellency James Oglethorpe." The writer, in his address to Oglethorpe, sneeringly remarks:--

"You have protected us from ourselves, by keeping all earthly comforts from us. You have afforded us the opportunity of arriving at the integrity of primitive times, by entailing a more than primitive poverty upon us. The valuable virtue of humanity is secured to us by your care to prevent our procuring, or so much as seeing, any negroes (the only creatures proper to improve the soil), lest our simplicity might mistake the poor Africans for greater slaves than ourselves. And, that we might fully receive the benefit of those wholesome austerities, you have denied us the use of spirituous liquors, which might at least divert our minds from the contemplation of our happy circumstances."

From an early period, Tailfer had been turbulent, and his daily employment had been to misrepresent the public measures, disperse scandal, and incite discontent. At length, a short time before Whitefield left, Tailfer's club was dissolved; and the doctor and his crew migrated to Charleston.[412] "The fear of the Spaniards," says Stephens, "was what drove them away."

[412] "Memoir of General James Oglethorpe, pp. 265-276."

This account conveys an unfavourable idea of the state of Whitefield's parish--a parish, however, to which he had devoted but little service. Three years had elapsed since Whitefield had first embarked for Savannah. Ever since, he had been the nominal incumbent; and yet, during this whole period, he had spent only twenty-nine weeks and two days in the province of Georgia; Savannah, Frederica, Bethesda, and other places all included. Perhaps, if the parson had been more with his people, the demagogues, Tailfer, Williamson, and their gang, might have been less mischievous than they were. At all events, the tie between Whitefield and Savannah had been so slender, that there could be no great wrench when the young incumbent relinquished his living.

Whitefield left Savannah on New Year's Day, 1741; and arrived at Charleston on Sunday, January 4. Here he spent nearly the next fortnight. He preached twice every day, besides expounding in the evenings; and, as usual when at Charleston, he got into trouble. A Mr. Hugh Bryan[413] had written a letter, "in which it was hinted that the clergy break their canons." At the writer's request, Whitefield revised the letter for the press. The letter was published. Immediately Mr. Bryan was arrested; and, on being questioned, confessed that Whitefield corrected the letter, and made alterations in it. Upon this, on Saturday, January 11, a constable came to Whitefield with a warrant addressed "To all and singular the Constables of Charleston," to the following effect:--

"Whereas I have received information upon oath, that George Whitefield, clerk, hath made and composed a false, malicious, scandalous, and infamous libel against the clergy of this province, in contempt of His Majesty and his laws, and against the King's peace;

"These are, therefore, in His Majesty's name, to charge and command you and each of you forthwith to apprehend the said George Whitefield, and to bring him before me to answer the premisses. Hereof fail not, at your peril. And for your so doing, this shall be your and each of your sufficient warrant.

"Given under my hand and seal this 10th day of January, in the fourteenth year of his Majesty's reign, Anno Domini, 1741.

"B---- W----."

[413] Not long after this, Hugh Bryan imagined himself to be a prophet, and sent twenty closely written sheets, filled with his predictions, to the Speaker of the South Carolina House of Assembly. It was, also, rumoured that he was encamped in the wilderness, and was gathering together all sorts of people--especially negroes; and that he had procured firearms, for some secret and dangerous purpose. Warrants were issued for his apprehension; but, before they could be served, he discovered his delusion, confessed his errors, and begged for pardon. The man was not traitorous, but mad. In order to ascertain whether the "invisible spirit," with whom he imagined he had held converse, was an angel or the devil, he nearly drowned himself. A long account of the whole affair was ordered to be printed by the House of Assembly, on March 3, 1742; and was published in the Boston Postboy, of May 3, 1742.

On receiving such a formidably-worded document, Whitefield appeared before the magisterial magnates, confessed that he had corrected Mr. Bryan's letter for the press, and gave security to appear, by his attorney, at the next general quarter sessions, "under the penalty of £100 proclamation money."

This was on Saturday; and, as shewing that much of Whitefield's pulpit eloquence was impromptu, it may be added, that, next morning, he preached "upon Herod's sending the wise men to find out Christ, under a pretence that he intended to come and worship Him, when in reality he intended to kill Him." From this, Whitefield "endeavoured to shew how dreadful it was to persecute under a pretence of religion."

In the afternoon, the young preacher's text was more pointed still: "They proclaimed a fast; and set Naboth on high among the people, and there came in two men, children of Belial, and sat before him; and the men of Belial witnessed against him, even against Naboth, in the presence of the people, saying, Naboth did blaspheme God and the king. Then they carried him forth out of the city, and stoned him with stones, that he died" (1 Kings xxi. 12, 13). "My hearers," writes Whitefield, "as well as myself, made the application. It was pretty close. I especially directed my discourse to men of authority, and shewed them the heinous sin of abusing the power which God hath put into their hands."

Whitefield was as much beloved by the populace of Charleston as he was hated by its "authorities and powers." He writes:--

"January 16, Friday. Preached twice every day this week, and expounded in the evening as usual. Congregations much increased since Saturday night last; and I never received such generous tokens of love from any people as from some in Charleston. They so loaded me with sea-stores, that I sent many of them to Savannah. Having now all things finished according to my mind, I preached my farewell sermon last night, and spoke at the burial of a Quaker woman, at the desire of her surviving friends. I this day went on board the Minerva, Captain Meredith, in which I took passage for myself and some others to England."

Whitefield arrived in England on the 11th of March following; but, before attending him in his voyage, some other matters must be noticed.

Nearly a year and a half had elapsed since his embarkation for America. His time had been occupied to the utmost; and marvellous had been the results of his evangelistic labours. The same may be said of his friends, John and Charles Wesley. Charles had been in Whitefield's native county, preaching, in the fields, to assembled thousands. In Bristol and Kingswood, enormous crowds had attended his ministry, and great numbers had been converted. Often did he meet with persons who had been convinced of sin by Whitefield's preaching; and sincerely he rejoiced on account of his friend's success. He had visited the native place of William Seward, and had been treated by some of the Seward family with the greatest incivility. In London he had preached, not only in the Foundery, but, on Kennington Common, and in other places where Whitefield had been wont to lift up his trumpet voice. He had had to fight the Moravians, or rather their errors; and had been honestly assisted by Benjamin Ingham and Howell Harris; but of "Rabbi Hutton," as he calls Whitefield's publisher, he says: "Poor James was all tergiversation. O how unlike himself! The honest, plain, undesigning Jacob is now turned a subtle, close, ambiguous Loyola."

John Wesley had converted the old Foundery, in London, into a Methodist meeting-house. He and Philip Henry Molther had had a passage at arms. Many of the Moravians considered him an apostate; but others followed him from Fetter Lane to the now ecclesiastical Foundery, where, on July 23, 1740, he formed them into the first Methodist Society in London. In Bristol and Kingswood, he had witnessed strange things, amply narrated in his "Journals," and in his "Life and Times." The interval which had elapsed since Whitefield embarked for America, had been a time of warfare and of trial; but it had also been a time of triumph. Wesley had laid the foundation of the great Methodist communities now existing; but what of Whitefield?

"It is a remarkable fact, that, considering the sparseness of the American population, the crowds attending Whitefield's preaching were, perhaps, unparalleled in the history of the Church of Christ. There is also another important fact which it would be obstinacy to call in question, namely, that among the Presbyterians, Independents, and Baptists of America, Whitefield's ministry had been immensely useful; and, further, that, from the outside multitudes, he had gathered not a few into the fold of Christ. But, notwithstanding his marvellous popularity and success, Whitefield formed no societies of his own in America. He was not there, as the founder of a sect. God seems to have sent him, not to plant new churches; but, by preaching the gospel, to revive old ones. For the former, he had no tact; for the latter, his qualifications were extraordinary. He formed no churches of his own; and yet his Herculean labours were far from being lost. The labours of no one man, save those of Wesley alone, (and even those only indirectly,) have exerted so mighty an influence upon the religious interests and destiny of America, as those of George Whitefield."

Dr. Abel Stevens, whose knowledge of American Church history is, perhaps, unequalled, observes:--

"The Congregational Churches of New England, the Presbyterians and Baptists of the Middle States, and the mixed colonies of the South, owe their later religious life and energy mostly to the impulse given by Whitefield's powerful ministrations. The 'great awakening' under Edwards had not only subsided before Whitefield's arrival, but had reacted. Whitefield restored it; and the New England Churches received under his labours an inspiration of zeal and energy which has never died out. He extended the revival from the Congregational Churches of the Eastern to the Presbyterian Churches of the Middle States. In Pennsylvania and New Jersey, where Frelinghuysen, Blair, Rowland, and the two Tennents had been labouring with evangelical zeal, he was received as a prophet from God; and it was then that the Presbyterian Church took that attitude of evangelical power and aggression which has ever since characterised it. Whitefield's preaching, and especially the reading of his printed sermons in Virginia, led to the founding of the Presbyterian Church in that State, whence it has extended to the South and South-west. The stock, from which the Baptists of Virginia and those in all the south and south-west have sprung, was also Whitefieldian. And, though Whitefield did not organise the results of his labours, he prepared the way for Wesley's itinerants. When he descended into his American grave, they were already on his track. They came not only to labour, but to organise their labours; to reproduce, amid the peculiar moral necessities of the new world, both the spirit and method of the great movement as it had been organised by Wesley in the old."[414]

[414] "History of Methodist Episcopal Church."

Excepting the legal proceedings taken against him at Charleston, Mr. Garden's letters, and the not ill-tempered animadversions of the "Querists" in Philadelphia, Whitefield had encountered no opposition in America worth mentioning; but, in England, he was still "an astonishment, a proverb, and a byword," to his enemies. Among the numerous pamphlets and other publications, in which he was more or less criticised and abused, the following may be mentioned. His unwise letter against Archbishop Tillotson gave birth to "The Sentiments of Archbishops Tillotson and Sharp on Regeneration; and of Bishop Moor, etc., on Justification by Faith only. Recommended to the perusal of the more serious and considerate Followers of Mr. Whitefield. With a Preface, wherein is represented the evil tendencies of his Principles and Conduct, both to Civil Society and the Christian Religion. By a Friend of True Religion." (8vo. 47 pp.)

The sting of this pamphlet is in its preface, of fourteen pages; which begins by stating, that, the social duties of man cannot "be reconciled with such daily fasting, praying, frequent preaching, and strict austerities of life as our modern religious, the sanctified Mr. Whitefield and his proselytes, seem to practise themselves and recommend to others. As God thought proper to appoint but one day in seven to be dedicated to His own more immediate service, how presumptuous is it for any one to alter the rule and order of God, by taking from their labour the industrious two or three hours in a day (perhaps more) to attend on prayer and preaching! It would be well if this modern religious, this person of great sanctity and more peculiar holiness, would seriously consider how much his diurnal aerial preaching, and new method of recommending practical religion, tend to injure public society and private families; to destroy trade and commerce; to occasion riot and drunkenness, lewdness and extravagance, by interrupting the hand of the diligent and industrious; and, instead of promoting true religion, sincere and unaffected piety, by recommending severe austerities, scrupulous niceties, and erroneous notions, to drive some to despair, and to deter others from embracing the religion of our blessed Saviour."

After quoting from Whitefield's autobiography, the writer proceeds to say, "What a mixture is here of enthusiasm and presumptuous self-arrogance! What strange doctrine does this babbler teach! What an encouragement does he give to Deists to persevere in their infidelity, and to reject that gospel of Christ, which this wonderfully illuminated, this would-be-thought divinely inspired teacher, pretends to recommend! His arrogancy and monstrous presumption appear in aspersing the memory of our immortal Tillotson; but Tillotson's name will be venerable to all, for piety, good sense, and learning, and will remain so to the latest posterity, when this upstart will be buried in oblivion, or will be only remembered as a vain and arrogant person." The author concludes with choice aspersions like the following:--"Pragmatical teacher;" "puerile declaimer, intoxicated with spiritual pride;" "ostentatious and vain-glorious;" and "so full of his own sagacity as to be past conviction."

Whitefield's letter against Archbishop Tillotson was only one of his imprudent productions. His "Letter to a Friend in London, shewing the fundamental Error of a Book, entitled 'The Whole Duty of Man,'" occasioned the publication of the following:--"A modest and serious Defence of the Author of 'The Whole Duty of Man,' from the False Charges and gross Misrepresentations of Mr. Whitefield and the Methodists his Adherents. By a Presbyter of the Church of England. London, 1740." (8vo. 44 pp.)

Want of space renders it impossible to enter into the theological discussion. Suffice it to say, that "Presbyter" writes with great ability; but occasionally there is a passage which is uncharitable and unjust. The following is the concluding paragraph:--

"Our Saviour tells us, that every tree is known by its fruit; and what are the fruits of the Spirit? Not vain and confident boasting; not rash, uncharitable censures, damning all that do not feel what they feel; not gathering tumultuous assemblies, to the disturbance of the public peace, or the prejudice of families; not denying man the use of God's creatures, which He hath appointed to be received with thanksgiving; not setting at nought all rule and authority, nor intruding into other men's labours; not encouraging abstinence, prayer, or any other religious exercises, to the neglect of the duties of our station. Not these, nor any such disorderly doings, however coloured with a specious show of piety, are the fruits of the Spirit; but love, peace, long-suffering, gentleness, goodness, meekness. God is not the author of confusion, but of peace and of a sound mind; and, whenever you observe contrary effects in those who pretend to more than common gifts, you may be very certain, that, whatever spirit else they are led by, they are not led by the Spirit of God."

Whitefield's Letters against Tillotson and "The Whole Duty of Man" called forth another pamphlet, of sixteen pages, entitled, "A curious Letter, from a Gentleman to Mr. Whitefield, wherein he proves that Mr. Whitefield knows much less of Christianity than either Archbishop Tillotson or the Author of 'The Whole Duty of Man:' With Remarks by Aquila Smyth, Layman of the Church of England."

Mr. Smyth is too abusive to be respected. He says Whitefield had written and published his two letters, "in the gall of bitterness, in the spirit of pride, malice, and envy; and had depreciated the most valuable works of other men on purpose to aggrandise himself, and gain credit and reputation to his own weak, nay, impudent, nay, wicked performances."

The following is the last sentence of Mr. Smyth's pamphlet:--

"Who but a set of mad and frantic minds, would ever have deserted a Church, where all the necessaries to salvation are so constantly preached and practised, for the sake of following some fiery zealots, who have withdrawn themselves from the communion of the Church of England, more for want of her preferments, than her want of the principles and practices of Christianity?"

One of the most virulent pamphlets, published against Whitefield in 1740, bore the following title: "The true Spirit of the Methodists, and their Allies fully laid open." (8vo. 98 pp.) The pamphlet is an over-heated defence of Dr. Trapp, but the writer also takes the opportunity of abusing the Methodists in general, and Whitefield in particular. A few of the sentences and passages in which Whitefield is personally attacked are as follows:--

"In a confused huddle of stuff, he (Whitefield) abuses Dr. Trapp." "What he says about the beast with seven heads coming out of the sea, and Solomon's seven abominations in the heart, is perfect Quakerism, enthusiastic madness and malice." "This is some of Whitefield's nonsensical and malicious jargon." "What can one say more to this notorious slanderer, and liar, who says just what he pleases to abuse the clergy with all the malice of hell, without alleging the least appearance of one single proof?" "Whitefield's cant and nonsense again!" "He concludes with his ungodly jumble of railing and praying." "He is both impious and ignorant; and his labours tend not to the salvation, but to the damnation of souls." "All the world knows the pride, impudence, and insolence of Whitefield." "Whitefield has, within these three years, gathered more money than one of the generality of the clergy receives, from his preferment, in twenty."

Another publication must be noticed, "The Trial of Mr. Whitefield's Spirit. In some Remarks upon his Fourth Journal. London, 1740." (8vo. 55 pp.) This is a cleverly written pamphlet; and, from the author's standpoint, not particularly unfair. No doubt, it is scathing; but that, perhaps, arises from the faultiness of Whitefield's published Journals. The writer declares, that, he has never seen Whitefield, and has no ill-will towards him. Indeed, he had been "rather prejudiced in his favour; and, at his first appearance, he had thought, his diligence in his ministry was truly commendable." By reading his Journals, however, his now anonymous censor had become "convinced that he was actuated by a high degree of enthusiasm, which had prompted him to say many things inconsiderate, uncharitable, and even blasphemous."

A few extracts from this able pamphlet must suffice.

"Mr. Whitefield is more positive, more contemptuous, and fierce in his expressions [in his fourth Journal] than heretofore: More assuming and bold in applying to himself what can never belong to any one but the Son of God: And his censures of persons, civil and sacred, who do not confess and own him, as he daringly expresses it, are opprobrious and unchristian in a higher degree than in the former Journals."

"Such affected expressions as these sufficiently mark out the disposition of this man's heart--a solicitude about what the crowd thinks or says of his preaching, a self-satisfaction and complacence in his own performances, with an impotence of mind unable to conceal its pleasure, when at any time it fancies it has performed beyond the common degree of its abilities."

"The conduct of this gentleman, in publishing the daily occurrences of his life, is without example, and unjustified by any precedent among the saints of God. As the Holy Spirit Himself, in recording even the life of the blessed Jesus, has comprised it in a very short and compendious narrative, and observed a surprising modesty and reserve (if we may so express it) in giving us the account of His deeds and doctrines; it must infallibly follow that Mr. Whitefield's pompous history of his ministry, and of the smallest circumstances relating to his affairs, can never proceed from the same Spirit, which has recorded with so sparing a hand the memorials of the Author and Finisher of our salvation."

"The Holy Spirit has nowhere in Scripture been pleased to be so particular as these modern casuists in marking out precisely what exercise, amusement, or diversion is criminal. It is only Mr. Whitefield and his brotherhood, who denounce damnation to men on their appearing at a horse-race, a ball, or an assembly; whither persons, who live in a habit of virtue, and keep their passions under due subjection, may no doubt as safely go, as to any other places of public resort. And even these gentlemen may possibly be conscious to themselves, that their unrestrained resort to their women-societies may subject them to the same sorts of hazards and trials, that are supposed to beset people at balls and assemblies."

In addition to these publications, another must be noticed, the vilest of the vile, and, in many places, so polluted, that it would be a crime to quote it, "The Expounder Expounded; or, Annotations upon that incomparable piece, entitled, A Short Account of God's Dealings with the Rev. Mr. G----e W----f----d. By R----ph J----ps----n, of the Inner Temple, Esq. London, 1740." (8vo. 85 pp.) For the sake of decency, the mere mentioning of this filthy, obscenely jocular, and blasphemous publication must suffice.

To all these must be added the Weekly Miscellany, which continued to entertain its readers with leading articles, denouncing Whitefield, and full of Mr. Hooker's characteristic banter.

To be pelted with such paper pellets was far from pleasant; but it was inevitable. No man can attain to Whitefield's notoriety without being criticised, by both friends and foes. It is a tax which man must pay for being popular. Besides, it cannot be denied, that, some of Whitefield's castigations were not altogether unmerited.

In the midst of all this abuse, however, an encomium was published, which, as an extremely rare curiosity, may fitly close the present chapter. This was a curious, but not ill-executed engraving, with the title, "The Parallel Reformers; or, the Renowned Wickliff and the Reverend Mr. Whitefield compared; shewing, by many parallel instances, the great resemblance between the pious Divines in respect of Christian zeal and fortitude. Improved from some curious observations lately published at Boston, in New England, and reprinted at London: Whereunto are added their Effigies curiously engraved."

Nothing need be said respecting the "effigies," except that, under Whitefield's, there is the following:

"Champion of God, thy Lord proclaim, Jesus alone resolve to know; Tread down thy foes in Jesu's name: Go--conqu'ring and to conquer go.

"CHARLES WESLEY."

Mr. Lewis's outline of Wickliff's history need not be given; but the following (especially Mr. Nixon's prophecy) is too curious to be omitted:--

"There has scarce anything appeared, says our New England author, in these last ages of the Church, more remarkable than the conduct and character of this wonderful young minister, Mr. Whitefield. Were he to escape persecution, he would want one evidence of his Divine mission, one badge of a disciple of Christ. Our author leaves it to others to determine whether what Mr. Fox says of Wickliff can with equal justice be said of Mr. Whitefield, namely, 'That even as the morning star in the midst of a cloud, and as the moon at the full, and as the bright beams of the sun, so doth this man shine and glitter in the temple and church of God.' But this he is sure of, that there is a vast resemblance between the men. For, both were born in the same country; both educated in the same university; both ministers in the same Church of England; both champions for the same faith, even that faith that was at first delivered to the saints. Wickliff and his followers, (as Bishop Burnet affirms,) in those early days, like Mr. Whitefield and his followers in our own time, preached not only in churches, but also in the open fields, churchyards, and markets, without license from the Ordinary, etc.; the one a glorious reformer of the Church from Popery, the other an illustrious restorer of the doctrines of the Reformation; the one labouring to reduce the Church to that purity which she attained 200 years after him, the other endeavouring to revive those truths which she universally embraced almost 200 years before him: both men of like zeal, both treated in the same manner. Mr. Whitefield preaches against, and laments the degeneracy of, our modern divines, with respect to the doctrines of original sin, free-will, justification of man, of good works, of the new birth or regeneration, of works before justification, of predestination, and election, etc. He militates against moral preachers and their doctrines, as well as against the immorality of men's lives. Mr. Wickliff, on the other hand, opposed the absurd doctrines, visions, lives, and insolent behaviour of the clergy. He, like his great Master, inculcated the morality of the gospel, and the study of the Holy Scriptures, instead of preaching for doctrines the commandments of men. Some of his peculiar doctrines are said to be these; viz., He not only denied the Pope's supremacy, but was against any persons assuming the title and authority of being the Head of the Church, asserting that it is blasphemy to call any one Head of the Church save Christ alone. He condemned Episcopacy, as being a creature of princes' setting up; for he asserted that, in the time of the apostles, there were only two orders, viz., priests and deacons, and that a bishop doth not differ from a priest. He was for having ministers maintained by the voluntary contributions of the people, and not by tythes settled on them by law, saying that tythes are pure alms, and that pastors are not to exact them by ecclesiastical censures. He was not for giving the Church a power to decree Rites and Ceremonies, and to determine Controversies of Faith. For, it is said, that, he slighted the authority of General Councils, and affirmed that wise men leave that as impertinent, which is not plainly expressed in Scripture. He was also against prescribed Forms of Prayer, but especially against imposing of them. Nay, further, it is affirmed to be a doctrine of Mr. Wickliff, that baptism doth not confer, but only signify, grace, which was given before. And he calls those fools and presumptuous, who affirm such infants cannot be saved who die without baptism.

"There are not a few who think the following prophecy of Nixon (being as yet, it is supposed, unfulfilled) has a respect to the Rev. Mr. Whitefield and his followers, and that it will have its accomplishment in the Christian people called Methodists:--

"A young new set of men, of virtuous manners, shall come, who shall prosper, and make a flourishing Church for two hundred years."

Among the countless Methodist broad-sheets, issued in the days of Whitefield and the Wesleys, there are none more curious than this of J. Lewis, of Bartholomew Close, London.

WHITEFIELD'S RETURN TO ENGLAND IN 1741.

MARCH TO JULY, 1741.

Whitefield embarked at Charleston on the 16th of January, 1741, and landed at Falmouth on March 11. His time on board was principally occupied in composing sermons, and in writing letters, chiefly to the friends whom he had left behind him. A few extracts will be useful.

To the Rev. Mr. Cooper, at Boston, he wrote:--

"Last Saturday" (January 10) "I was taken up, for being concerned in correcting the enclosed printed letter, written by Mr. Hugh Bryan.[415] I am bound over to appear next sessions, as well as Mr. Bryan: he, I believe, for libelling the king, and I for libelling the clergy, in saying they break the canons daily. These are earnests of what I must expect to meet in my native country; but our Lord will be our refuge in every storm. I expect my family will be like the burning bush. I find, I am in debt for them upwards of £600; but the Lord will provide. I wish to sink exceeding low, and cry out, 'Grace! grace! O the love of God! the sovereignty of Christ! the unchangeable loving-kindness of our heavenly Father!' Excuse me, dear Mr. Cooper; my heart is full. I want all men to love the Lord Jesus. It greatly rejoices me, to hear so many are coming to Him. I cannot but think that He will let His Word run, and be abundantly glorified in America. Boston people are much upon my heart. The memory of their forefathers is precious to me. May you live to see the spirit of scriptural Puritanism universally prevail! I hope you will write every opportunity. If I am in prison, to hear that Boston people are alive to Christ will make me arise at midnight to sing praises to God."

[415] Whitefield speaks of Mr. Bryan as "a wealthy, moral, civilised planter, of South Carolina."

To another friend, he wrote as follows:--

"February 8, 1741.

"I expect to suffer great things. The Lord, however, is able to deliver me out of all. I have just now had His Divine assistance in composing a sermon. This is the sixth which I have finished since I have been on board. O my dear brother, love a precious Christ, and shew it by adorning His gospel in all things. He has highly favoured you. If you and I think anything too much to be done for Him, we are of all men the most ungrateful. O the love of Christ! I feel it--I feel it. Write to me. If in prison, my friends will bring the letter to me there. God will hear me for you, even in a dungeon."

To a minister at Charleston, he wrote:--

"February 17, 1741.

"I have been enabled to prepare nine discourses for the press. My body waxes stronger; and, last night, the great God, in a glorious manner, filled and overshadowed my soul. I am panting for the complete holiness of Jesus my Lord. At the receipt of this, turn your prayers into praises, and then turn your praises into prayers, in behalf of your affectionate brother,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

The following was addressed to Mr. Jonathan Barber, whom he had left at Bethesda, to officiate as a sort of chaplain, during his absence:--

"February 17, 1741.

"We have hitherto had scarce any contrary winds, and are now near the Western Isles. We had one storm the first week, but almost ever since have been favoured with weather, as well as wind. O that you would call the family together, and praise the Lord for the mercies conferred on us, the unworthiest of the sons of men! I long to hear what the Lord has done for your souls. Do you live in love? Do you strive together with me in your prayers? Does Bethesda answer its name? Is it, indeed, a house of mercy? I hope to have these questions answered in the affirmative."

Strangely enough, though Whitefield was in debt, and was constantly speaking as though he was about to be sent to prison, he was, at the same time, contemplating marriage. Hence the following to a friend at Charleston:--

"February 17, 1741.

"My soul is in a heavenly frame, swallowed up in God. It is almost too big to speak. I will give it vent by writing to you. Our Master has shewn me several tokens for good, which I desired of Him in secret prayer. Last night, I think I received as full satisfaction as I could desire, in respect to my marriage. I believe what I have done is of God; though I know not when my heart was more disengaged from earthly thoughts than now. I only desire that Jesus may be glorified in me, whether it be by life or by death."

To Mr. James Habersham, Whitefield's overseer at Bethesda, he wrote as follows:--

"February 18, 1741.

"Yesterday we humbled ourselves[416] before God, and, by prayer and fasting, sought for a blessing, and direction in all our affairs. I wish I had kept family fasts at Savannah. Suppose you had one monthly at Bethesda? I shall make all possible haste back, and remit money to you as often as I can. I am persuaded, God will not let you want. I would not have anything left undone, that is necessary for the family's comfortable subsistence. The Lord is our shepherd; therefore, we shall not want. My dear friend, let us study to be holy, even as Christ is holy. Let these be your daily questions, 'Am I more like Christ? Am I more meek and patient? Does my practice correspond with my knowledge? and am I a light to enlighten and inflame all that are around me?'"

[416] Whitefield had companions in his voyage to England.

The Rev. Ralph Erskine and his friends occupied a position in Scotland, similar to that occupied by the Wesleys and by Whitefield in England. Up to the present, Whitefield and Erskine had never met; but they had exchanged letters. Some of these have been already given. The following is another:--

"ON BOARD THE 'MINERVA,' February 16, 1741.

"REVEREND AND VERY DEAR SIR,--You and your brethren are dearer to me than ever. Your 'Sonnets and Sermons' have been blessed to me and many. The former are reprinted in America. I want all your own and your brother's works. Since I have been on board, I have been much helped by reading the 'Marrow of Modern Divinity.' I have just perused 'Boston on the Covenant;' and, this morning, have been solacing myself with your 'Paraphrase upon Solomon's Song.' Blessed be our Lord, for helping you in that composition!

"Thanks be to rich and sovereign grace! I have experienced much of the Spirit's influences in making nine sermons, which I intend to print by subscription towards carrying on a Negro School, I am going to settle in Pennsylvania. The price of them bound will be four shillings. If you or your friends would take a few, it might be for the glory of God. My Journal, which I bring over, will acquaint you how the work of God goes on abroad.[417] Indeed, it is wonderful. The Orphan House has succeeded far beyond expectation. I will send you the particulars as soon as I print my 'Account.'

[417] This was published soon after his return to England. The title was, "A Continuation of the Rev. Mr. Whitefield's Journal, from a few days after his Return to Georgia, to his Arrival at Falmouth, on the 11th of March, 1741: Containing an Account of the Work of God in Georgia, Rhode Island, New England, New York, Pennsylvania, and South Carolina. The Seventh Journal. London: printed for W. Strahan, 1741." (8vo. 85 pp.)

"I am now going to England, expecting to suffer great things. I hear, there are sad divisions and errors sprung up among the brethren. In the spirit of meekness I have answered dear Mr. Wesley's sermon, entitled 'Free Grace;' and trust God will enable me to bear a full and explicit testimony to all His eternal truths.

"I believe it is my duty to marry. You will help me with your prayers in this, as in all other respects. You see, dear sir, how freely I open my heart to you, though I have never seen you face to face. If it be the will of God, I shall be glad to come into your parts before I leave England; but I fear my speedy return to America will not permit me. I purpose to embark again in the latter end of July or the beginning of August.

"I hope my love will find acceptance with your dear brother, and all the Associate Presbytery. My prayers always attend them. I should be glad to sit at their feet, and be taught the way of God more perfectly. Excuse this long letter. You are very dear to your unworthy friend, brother, and servant in the blessed Jesus,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."[418]

[418] Life and diary of Rev. Ralph Erskine, p. 320.

Every chapter of Church history amply illustrates the Divine utterance, "My thoughts are not your thoughts, neither are your ways my ways, saith the Lord." Whitefield intended to re-embark for America in four months; but forty months elapsed before he again set sail. Great events occurred during this large section of his life; and, of these, not the least important was his visit to Ralph and Ebenezer Erskine. But more of this anon.

In the foregoing letter, Whitefield mentions his having written an answer to Wesley's sermon on "Free Grace." The two loving friends were now at variance. This painful episode in the lives of Whitefield and Wesley must be briefly noticed.

Soon after Whitefield embarked for America, in August, 1739, Wesley published the following:--"Free Grace: a Sermon preached at Bristol. By John Wesley, M.A., Fellow of Lincoln College, Oxford. Bristol: printed by S. and F. Farley, 1739." (pp. 35.) "Wesley's sermon on 'Free Grace,'" says the late Rev. Thomas Jackson, "is the most powerful and impassioned of all his compositions." The Calvinistic doctrine of election, involving, as Wesley contends, the doctrine of reprobation, is condemned in the strongest terms. Wesley, with his accustomed conciseness, puts the matter thus: "Call it by whatever name you please, 'election, preterition, predestination, or reprobation,' it comes in the end to the same thing. The sense of all is plainly this,--by virtue of an eternal, unchangeable, irresistible decree of God, one part of mankind are infallibly saved, and the rest infallibly damned; it being impossible that any of the former should be damned, or that any of the latter should be saved." Wesley states his objections to such a doctrine; and, it is not too much to say, that his objections are unanswerable. His publication of this famous sermon was not an act of wantonness. In a brief address to the reader, he says, "Nothing but the strongest conviction, not only of what is here advanced as 'the truth as it is in Jesus,' but also that I am indispensably obliged to declare this truth to all the world, could have induced me openly to oppose the sentiments of those whom I esteem for their works' sake; at whose feet, may I be found in the day of the Lord Jesus!"

This was written and published in 1739. Dr. Whitehead says, Wesley sent a copy of his sermon "to Commissary Garden, at Charleston, where Mr. Whitefield met with it; and though the subject of predestination was treated in that sermon, in a general way, without naming or pointing at any individual, yet Mr. Whitefield found himself hurt, that Mr. Wesley should publicly oppose an opinion which he believed to be agreeable to the word of God."[419]

[419] Whitehead's "Life of Wesley," vol. ii., p. 133.

This, however, was not the only thing which gave offence. In 1740, appeared the following: "Hymns and Sacred Poems. Published by John Wesley, M.A., Fellow of Lincoln College, Oxford, and Charles Wesley, M.A., Student of Christ Church, Oxford. London: printed by W. Strahan; and sold by James Hutton, 1740." (12mo, 207 pp.) To these "Hymns and Sacred Poems," Wesley prefixed a preface of eleven pages, in which he taught and enforced his doctrine of Christian perfection. That doctrine he never set higher than in this memorable preface; indeed, in after life, he wished to modify some of its strong assertions. The reader has already seen, in the extracts from letters already given, that, Whitefield was as strongly opposed to the views of Wesley on this subject, as he was to Wesley's opinions on predestination. But more than this: Wesley's "Hymns and Sacred Poems" contained certain hymns on "Universal Redemption," one of which, consisting of thirty-six stanzas, had been affixed to Wesley's sermon on "Free Grace." The hymn was written by Charles Wesley, and includes the following verses:--

"_For every man He tasted death, He suffer'd once for all_; He calls as many souls as breathe, And all may hear the call.

A power to choose, a will to obey, Freely His grace restores; We all may find the living way, And call the Saviour ours.

When God invites, shall man repel? Shall man the exception make? 'Come, freely come, whoever will, And living water take.'

Thou canst not mock the sons of men; Invite us to draw nigh, Offer Thy grace to all, and then Thy grace to most deny!

Horror to think that God is hate! Fury in God can dwell! God could a helpless world create, To thrust them into hell!

Down there an endless death to die, From which they could not flee:-- No, Lord! Thine inmost bowels cry Against the dire decree!"

Charles Wesley's strongly worded verses offended Whitefield. They exhibited his favourite doctrine in a repulsive light. Hence, on December 24, 1740, he wrote, at Bethesda, his "Answer to Wesley's Sermon on Free Grace,"--an answer which will be noticed shortly. Meanwhile, on his passage to England, he addressed the following to Charles Wesley and his brother conjointly:--

"February 1, 1741.

"MY DEAR, DEAR BRETHREN,--Why did you throw out the bone of contention? Why did you print that sermon against predestination? Why did you, in particular, my dear brother Charles, affix your hymn, and join in putting out your late hymn-book? How can you say, you will not dispute with me about election, and yet print such hymns, and your brother send his sermon, against election, to Mr. Garden, and others in America? Do not you think, my dear brethren, I must be as much concerned for truth, or what I think truth, as you? God is my judge, I always was, and hope I always shall be, desirous that you may be preferred before me. But I must preach the gospel of Christ, and that I cannot now do, without speaking of election. My answer to the sermon is now being printed at Charleston; another copy I have sent to Boston; and another I now bring with me, to print in London. If it occasion a strangeness between us, it shall not be my fault. There is nothing in my answer exciting to it, that I know of. O my dear brethren, my heart almost bleeds within me! Methinks, I could be willing to tarry here on the waters for ever, rather than come to England to oppose you."[420]

[420] Whitehead's "Life of Wesley," vol. ii., p. 133.

All this occurred previous to Whitefield's landing at Falmouth, on the 11th of March, 1741. A year and a half ago, Whitefield had left England with a popularity unequalled. He returned under circumstances which, to a temperament like his, must have been exceedingly distressing. His important friend, William Seward, was dead. James Hutton, who had hitherto been his publisher, had refused to act in this capacity any longer, because Whitefield had embraced the Calvinian creed.[421] For the same reason, an estrangement between Whitefield and his most tenderly beloved friends, John and Charles Wesley, seemed to be inevitable. He had contracted large debts, and had nought to pay them. By his injudicious censures pronounced against Tillotson and the author of "The Whole Duty of Man," thousands of his former admirers had been prejudiced against him. Many of his quondam friends were now his foes; but a few remained faithful, and had already commenced to build him a "tabernacle," closely adjoining Wesley's Foundery, in the neighbourhood of Moorfields. A fortnight after he landed in England, he wrote the following letter to James Habersham, at Bethesda:--

[421] Hutton uniformly acted upon the principle, that he ought not to publish anything which he himself did not believe to be in accordance with the word of God. ("Memoirs of James Hutton," p. 69.)

"LONDON, March 25, 1741.

"MY DEAR SIR,--We arrived at Falmouth last Wednesday seven-night, and got here the Sunday following. Blessed be God! we had a summer's passage.[422]

[422] Whitefield brought a negro boy with him. When he arrived in London, he committed the boy to the care of the Moravians, who undertook to provide for him until he should be of the age of twenty-one. He was sent to Germany. When Whitefield was returning to America, in 1744, he wished to take the boy back to his mother, in Carolina. The Moravians objected; Whitefield had to submit; and, in the same year, the boy was baptized at Lindheim, and was named Andrew. ("Memoirs of James Hutton," p. 81.)

"I find, many of our friends are sadly divided, and, as far as I am able to judge, have been sadly misled. Congregations, at Moorfields, and Kennington Common, on Sunday, were as large as usual: on the following weekdays, quite contrary; twenty thousand dwindled down to two or three hundred.

"It has been a trying time with me. I have a large orphan family, consisting of near a hundred persons, to be maintained, about four thousand miles off, without the least fund, and in the dearest part of his Majesty's dominions. I am, also, above £1000 in debt for them, and am not worth £20 in the world of my own. I am threatened to be arrested for £350, drawn for, in favour of the Orphan House, by my late dear deceased friend and fellow-traveller, Mr. Seward. My bookseller, who, I believe, has gotten some hundreds by me, being drawn away by the Moravians, refuses to print for me. Many, very many of my spiritual children, who, at my last departure from England, would have plucked out their own eyes to have given me, are so prejudiced, by the dear Messrs. Wesleys' dressing up the doctrine of election in such horrible colours, that they will neither hear, see, nor give me the least assistance: yea, some of them send threatening letters, that God will speedily destroy me. As for the people of the world, they are so embittered by my injudicious and too severe expressions against Archbishop Tillotson, and the author of the 'Whole Duty of Man,' that they flee from me as from a viper. And, what is most cutting of all, I am now constrained, on account of our differing in principles, publicly to separate from my dear, dear old friends, Messrs. John and Charles Wesley, whom I still love as my own soul.

"Through infinite mercy, however, I am enabled to strengthen myself in the Lord my God. I am cast down, but not destroyed; perplexed, but not in despair. A few days ago, in reading Beza's 'Life of Calvin,' these words were much impressed upon me, 'Calvin is turned out of Geneva, but, behold a new church arises!' Jesus, the ever-loving, altogether lovely Jesus, pities and comforts me.

"My friends are erecting a place, which I have called a Tabernacle, for morning's exposition. I have not made, nor can I, as yet, make any collections; but let us not fear. Our heavenly Father, with whom the fatherless find mercy, will provide. Let us only seek first the kingdom of God, and His righteousness, and all other necessary things shall be added unto us.

"In about a fortnight, though I scarce know an oak from a hickory, or one kind of land from another, I am subpoenaed to appear before Parliament, to give an account of the province of Georgia, when I left it. This, I suppose, is occasioned by the party, which has been so inveterate against the honourable the trustees, whom they accuse of misemploying the public moneys. The event, which undoubtedly will be in favour of the trustees, you may know hereafter. In the meantime, believe me to be yours most affectionately,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Trouble awaited Whitefield, not only in London but at Kingswood. In 1739, he commenced a school for the colliers in Kingswood, and left Wesley to finish it. In the spring of 1740, Wesley opened it, and appointed John Cennick to be its master. Soon after his appointment, Cennick turned Calvinist, and imbued some of the members of Kingswood Society with his principles. "Alas!" wrote Charles Wesley, on November 30, 1740, "we have set the wolf to keep the sheep. For many months, John Cennick has been undermining our doctrine and authority." Cennick, and those who entertained his views, formed themselves into a separate society, and held meetings apart from their brethren. He also wrote to Whitefield in America, urging him to return without delay, to assist him in the doctrinal warfare he was waging among the poor colliers. A few days before Whitefield landed at Falmouth, the Kingswood controversy reached its crisis. After various warnings and expostulations, Wesley, on March 6th, called on the people to make their choice between him and Cennick. Fifty-two seceded with Cennick, and upwards of ninety remained with Wesley. From this time, to use Wesley's words, "there, were two sorts of Methodists; those for particular, and those for general, redemption."[423]

[423] Wesley's Works, vol. viii., p. 335.

As soon as Whitefield arrived in London, Cennick informed him of what had taken place; and, in reply, Whitefield wrote as follows:--

"LONDON, March 25, 1741.

"MY VERY DEAR BROTHER,--Hasten hither with all speed; and then we shall see what God intends to do for us and by us. It is a trying time now in the church. The Lord give us a due mixture of the lamb and lion! Some, who have been led astray, begin to recover. The Lord make way for His own truths! My love to the colliers, and all friends. Many, I suppose, will be shy. I am become a monster even to several who were wrought upon by my ministry; but it must needs be that offences should come. Adieu! Excuse brevity. Hasten, and speak face to face with yours most affectionately in Christ Jesus,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Amid all this Methodist confusion, Whitefield arrived in England. One of his first acts after his coming was to publish his answer to Wesley's Sermon on "Free Grace." The title was, "A Letter to the Rev. Mr. John Wesley, in Answer to his Sermon, entitled 'Free Grace.' By George Whitefield, A.B., late of Pembroke College, Oxford. London: printed by W. Straham, for T. Cooper." (8vo. 31 pp.) Affixed to it were the Articles of the Church of England, on "Original or Birth Sin," "Free Will," and "Predestination and Election;" and also a hymn, by the great Dissenter, Dr. Watts, containing the following verses:--

"Behold the potter and the clay, He forms his vessels as he please; Such is our God, and such are we, The subjects of His high decrees.

Doth not the workman's pow'r extend O'er all the mass, which part to choose, And mould it for a nobler end, And which to leave for viler use?

May not the sov'reign Lord on high Dispense His favours as He will; Choose some to life, while others die, And yet be just and gracious still?

What, if to make His terror known, He lets His patience long endure, Suff'ring vile rebels to go on, And seal their own destruction sure?

Shall man reply against the Lord, And call his Maker's way unjust, The thunder of whose dreadful word Can crush a thousand worlds to dust?"

Of set purpose, the theological arguments of both Wesley and Whitefield are here omitted. The reader must be satisfied with those parts of Whitefield's letter that are purely personal.

"BETHESDA, IN GEORGIA, December 24, 1740.

"REVEREND AND VERY DEAR BROTHER,--God only knows what unspeakable sorrow of heart I have felt on your account, since I left England last. Whether it be my infirmity or not, I frankly confess, that, Jonah could not have gone with more reluctance to Nineveh, than I now take pen in hand to write against you. Were nature to speak, I had rather die than do it; and yet, if I am faithful to God, I must not stand neuter any longer. I am very apprehensive that our common adversaries will rejoice to see us differing among ourselves. But what can I say? The children of God are in danger of falling into error. Nay, numbers have been misled, whom God has been pleased to work upon by my ministry; and a greater number are still calling aloud upon me, to shew also my opinion. I must then shew, that I know no man after the flesh, and that I have no respect of persons, any further than is consistent with my duty to my Lord and Master, Jesus Christ.

"This letter, no doubt, will lose me many friends. Perhaps God has laid this difficult task upon me, to see whether I am willing to forsake all for Him, or not. From such considerations as these, I think it my duty to bear an humble testimony, and to plead earnestly for the truths which, I am convinced, are clearly revealed in the word of God; in the defence whereof, I must use great plainness of speech, and treat my dearest friends upon earth with the greatest simplicity, faithfulness, and freedom, leaving the consequences of all to God.

"For some time before, and especially since, my last departure from England, both in public and private, by preaching and printing, you have been propagating the doctrine of universal redemption. And, when I remember how Paul reproved Peter for his dissimulation, I fear I have been sinfully silent too long. O then be not angry with me, dear and honoured sir, if now I deliver my soul, by telling you, that I think, in this, you greatly err.

"Before I enter upon the discourse, entitled 'Free Grace,' give me leave to notice what, in your preface, you term an indispensable obligation to make it public to all the world. I must own, that, I always thought you were quite mistaken upon that head. The case, you know, stands thus: When you were at Bristol, I think, you received a letter from a private hand, charging you with not preaching the gospel, because you did not preach election. Upon this, you drew a lot: the answer was, 'preach and print.' I have often questioned, as I do now, whether, in so doing, you did not tempt the Lord. A due exercise of religious prudence, without a lot, would have directed you in that matter. Besides, I never heard that you enquired of God, whether or not election was a gospel doctrine. But, I fear, taking it for granted, it was not, you only enquired, whether you should be silent, or preach and print against it?[424] However this be, the lot came out, 'preach and print;' accordingly, you preached and printed against election. At my desire, you suppressed the publishing of the sermon whilst I was in England; but soon sent it into the world after my departure. O that you had kept it in! However, if that sermon was printed in answer to a lot, I am apt to think, one reason why God should so suffer you to be deceived was, that, hereby a special obligation might be laid upon me faithfully to declare the Scripture doctrine of election.

[424] Thirty-seven years' after this, during the great Calvinian controversy, Rowland Hill taunted Wesley by stating that he cast "lots for his creed." Thomas Olivers, the confidential friend of Wesley, in his "Rod for a Reviler," replied to this as follows:--"It is hard not to believe that the relaters of this story are totally void of veracity, honour, and conscience. The well-known fact is neither more nor less than this. When Mr. Whitefield, by embracing and preaching Calvinism, turned aside from the original doctrines of Methodism, it was a doubt with Mr. Wesley, not whether he should believe Calvinism, but whether he should preach and print against it. What made this a matter of doubt was, if he did expressly preach and print against it, he would oppose Mr. Whitefield, whom he dearly loved. On the other hand, if he did not preach and print against it, Mr. Whitefield's great influence would draw vast multitudes into his mistake. In this strait, it is true, he cast a lot, which came up to this effect, 'As thou hast long believed Calvinism to be a delusion, regardless of friends and enemies, preach and print against it.' Now, will good men, will men of honour, will men who make the smallest pretence to integrity, conscience, truth, justice, or anything else that is good, call this 'Casting lots for his creed'?" ("A Rod for a Reviler." London, 1777, pp. 9, 10.)

* * * * *

"I frankly acknowledge, I believe the doctrine of reprobation, in this view, that God intends to give His saving grace, through Jesus Christ, only to a certain number, and that the rest of mankind, after the fall of Adam, being justly left of God to continue in sin, will at last suffer that eternal death, which is its proper wages.

* * * * *

"I would not judge of the truth of election, by the experience of any particular persons. If I did, (O bear with me in this foolishness of boasting!) I think I might glory in election. For these five or six years, I have received the witness of God's Spirit. Since that, I have not doubted a quarter of an hour of a saving interest in Jesus Christ. And, if I must speak freely, I believe your fighting so strenuously against the doctrine of election, and pleading so vehemently for a sinless perfection, are among the reasons or culpable causes, why you are kept out of the liberties of the gospel, and from that full assurance of faith, which they enjoy, who have experimentally tasted, and daily feed upon, God's electing, everlasting love."

* * * * *

"Dear, dear sir, O be not offended! For Christ's sake, be not rash! Give yourself to reading. Study the covenant of grace. Down with your carnal reasoning! Be a little child; and, then, instead of pawning your salvation, as you have done in a late hymn-book, if the doctrine of universal redemption be not true; instead of talking of sinless perfection, as you have done in the preface to that hymn-book; and instead of making man's salvation to depend on his own free will, as you have in this sermon, you will compose a hymn in praise of sovereign distinguishing love. You will caution believers against striving to work a perfection out of their own hearts, and print another sermon the reverse of this, and entitle it, 'Free Grace Indeed.' Free, because not free to all; but free, because God may withhold or give it to whom and when He pleases.

"Dear sir, as I told you before, so I declare again, nothing but a single regard to the honour of Christ has forced this letter from me. I love and honour you for His sake; and, when I come to judgment, will thank you, before men and angels, for what you have, under God, done for my soul."

The spirit breathing in this letter is beautiful. The opinions of Whitefield and Wesley were wide apart; but their heartfelt affection for each other was undiminished. Had they been left to themselves, they would lovingly have agreed to differ. John Cennick, a good man, and brave evangelist, was violently prejudiced against the Wesleys, and had more influence with Whitefield than was profitable. Noble-hearted Howell Harris, also, felt so strongly respecting the disagreement, that, in a letter dated October 27, 1740, his godly wrath branded Wesley's opposition of the Calvinian doctrines with the offensive epithet, "hellish infection." Joseph Humphreys, whom Wesley had employed to preach in the Foundery, London, renounced his connection with Methodism's founder, embraced Whitefield's tenets, and became an ardent and active partisan. J. Lewis started the first Methodist newspaper ever published, and succeeded in securing Whitefield, Cennick, Harris, and Humphreys as its principal contributors.[425] Under such circumstances, division became almost inevitable. Whitefield's letters plainly shew that this was a disaster which he devoutly dreaded; and Wesley, nearly forty years afterwards, declared that he and his brother endeavoured to prevent it. He writes:--

"Who made the division? It was not I. It was not my brother. It was Mr. Whitefield himself; and that notwithstanding all admonitions, arguments, and entreaties. Mr. Whitefield first wrote a treatise against me by name. He sent it to my brother, who endorsed it with these words, 'Put up again thy sword into its place.' It slept a while; but, after a time, he published it. I made no reply. Soon after, Mr. Whitefield preached against my brother and me by name. This he did constantly, both in Moorfields, and in all other public places. We never returned railing for railing, but spoke honourably of him, at all times, and in all places. But is it any wonder, that those who loved us should no longer choose to hear him? Meantime, was it we that turned their hearts against him? Was it not himself?' It was not merely the difference of doctrine that caused the division. It was rather Mr. Whitefield's manner wherein he maintained his doctrine, and treated us in every place. Otherwise difference of doctrine would not have created any difference of affection; but he might lovingly have held particular redemption, and we general, to our lives' end. Even when he preached in the very Foundery, and my brother sat by him, he preached the absolute decrees in the most peremptory and offensive manner.[426] What was this, but drawing the sword, and throwing away the scabbard? Who then is chargeable with the contention and division that ensued?"[427]

[425] The title was, "The Weekly History; or, an account of the most remarkable particulars relating to the present progress of the Gospel. London: printed by J. Lewis. Price one penny." The newspaper was a small folio of four pages; and the first number appears to have been issued on April 11, 1741, exactly a month after Whitefield's arrival from America. In No. 4, the editor says: "The Rev. Mr. Whitefield intends to supply me with fresh matter every week." The periodical was continued weekly until November 13, 1742, when No. 84 was issued, to which the editor appended the following note: "Now that this first volume is finished, we purpose to begin the next in a more commodious manner. It is to be printed in a neat pocket volume, and to be delivered (every week, as it was at the first,) at the Tabernacle, and at people's houses, at the price of one penny."

[426] No doubt, Whitefield evinced bad taste in doing this; but the error, in Wesley's meeting-houses, was not repeated. At the time of Whitefield's death, Wesley, in a letter published in Lloyd's Evening Post, remarked: "Mr. Whitefield did not everywhere preach the eternal covenant and absolute predestination. I never heard him utter a sentence on one or the other. Yea, all the times he preached in West-street chapel, and in our other chapels throughout England, he did not preach these doctrines at all, no, not in a single paragraph." (Wesley's Works, vol. xiii., p. 378.)

[427] Wesley's Works, vol. xi., p. 463.

This seems to bear somewhat hardly against Whitefield; but there is no means of disproving it. Whitefield, naturally impetuous, had impulsive advisers; and, no doubt, with the best intentions, said things which probably he himself afterwards regretted. No zeal is more rabid than that engendered by theological disputes; and, very often, the fierceness of the zeal is increased by the godly earnestness of the disputers.

In one respect, Wesley had thrown down the gage; that is, he had published a sermon against predestination, in which Whitefield now believed; but he had not mentioned Whitefield's name, nor had he used a single expression that could be thought to allude to him. He had, also, six weeks before Whitefield's arrival in London, done another thing which partisans might perhaps interpret maliciously. By some means, a private letter, which Whitefield had written to Wesley (and which is referred to, p. 414), had been printed;[428] no doubt, because it condemned Wesley's doctrine of perfection, and the publication of his sermon on "Free Grace." This letter, dated "Boston, September 25, 1740," was printed without either Whitefield's or Wesley's leave; and a great number of copies were distributed in the Foundery, and at its door. Of course, Wesley, at once, perceived the meanness and malice of this proceeding; and wrote:--

"1741. February 1, Sunday. Having procured one of the copies, I related, after preaching, the naked fact to the congregation, and told them, 'I will do just what I believe Mr. Whitefield would, were he here himself.' Upon which I tore it in pieces before them all. Every one who had received it, did the same. So that, in two minutes, there was not a whole copy left. Ah! poor Ahithophel!"

[428] See Weekly Miscellany of March 14, 1741.

It is highly probable that Whitefield's friends and admirers would resent this public tearing up of one of his epistles; but, remembering the surreptitious character of the whole proceeding, and also the malevolence of the object to be accomplished, every right-minded man will at once acknowledge, that, apart from the thing being done in a place of public worship, there was nothing in Wesley's act to be condemned.

How did the matter end? The following are extracts from Wesley's Journal:--

"1741. March 28, Saturday. Having heard much of Mr. Whitefield's unkind behaviour, since his return from Georgia, I went to him to hear him speak for himself, that I might know how to judge. I much approved of his plainness of speech. He told me, he and I preached two different gospels; and, therefore, he not only would not join with me, or give me the right hand of fellowship, but was resolved publicly to preach against me and my brother, wheresoever he preached at all. Mr. Hall (who went with me) put him in mind of the promise he had made but a few days before, that, whatever his private opinion was, he would never publicly preach against us. He said, that promise was only an effect of human weakness, and he was now of another mind.

"April 4, Saturday. I believed both love and justice required that I should speak my sentiments freely to Mr. Whitefield, concerning the letter he had published, said to be in answer to my sermon on 'Free Grace.' The sum of what I observed to him was this: 1. That, it was quite imprudent to publish it at all, as being only the putting of weapons into their hands, who loved neither the one nor the other. 2. That, if he was constrained to bear his testimony (as he termed it) against the error I was in, he might have done it by publishing a treatise on this head, without ever calling my name in question. 3. That, what he had published was a mere burlesque upon an answer, leaving four of my eight arguments untouched, and handling the other four in so gentle a manner, as if he were afraid they would burn his fingers. However, that, 4. He had said enough of what was wholly foreign to the question, to make an open (and, probably, irreparable) breach between him and me; seeing 'for a treacherous wound, and for the betraying of secrets, every friend will depart.'"

The last sentence, of course, refers to Whitefield's imprudent and unfriendly revelation respecting Wesley casting lots to ascertain whether he should "preach and print;" and it is only fair to add, that this was the only part of Whitefield's letter that was "wholly foreign to the question" in debate.

So much in reference to the difference respecting Calvinism. There was, however, another bone of contention--Kingswood School, and the school at Bristol. It seems that Whitefield, somewhat petulantly, had complained of the adornment of the chapel Wesley had built at Bristol, and of the "lodgings" which had been provided in it for him and for his brother. He had found fault, "that the children at Bristol were clothed as well as taught;" and that "those at Kingswood had been neglected." Wesley, in the month of April, 1741, wrote a long letter in reply to these accusations. He tells his old friend, that the only adornment in Bristol chapel consisted of "a piece of green cloth nailed to the desk; and two sconces, for eight candles each, in the middle." In reference to the "lodgings," he says, "There is a little room by the school where I speak to persons who come to me; and a garret, in which a bed is placed for me. And do you grudge me this? Is this the voice of my brother, my son, Whitefield?" The accusation of the children of Kingswood School being neglected is positively denied. "One master and one mistress," writes Wesley, "have been in the house ever since it was capable of receiving them. A second master has been placed there some months since; and I have long been seeking for two proper mistresses; so that as much has been done, if not more, than I can answer to God and man." Wesley concludes his letter thus:--

"You rank all the maintainers of universal redemption with Socinians. Alas! my brother, do you not know that the Socinians allow no redemption at all? that Socinus himself speaks thus: Tota redemptio nostra per Christum metaphora? and says expressly, 'Christ did not die as a ransom for any, but only as an example for mankind'? How easy were it for me to hit many other palpable blots in that which you call an 'Answer' to my sermon! And how above measure contemptible would you then appear to all impartial men, either of sense or learning! But I spare you; mine hand shall not be upon you. The Lord be judge between me and thee! The general tenor both of my public and private exhortations, when I touch thereon at all, as even my enemies know, if they would testify, is, 'Spare the young man, even Absalom, for my sake.'"[429]

[429] Wesley's Works, vol. xii., p. 148.

Whitefield and Wesley were separated; but, within eighteen months after the publication of Whitefield's letter, their old friendship was entirely re-established; and ever afterwards, to the end of life, Wesley and Whitefield loved each other with a love like that of David and Jonathan. This will be amply shewn in succeeding pages. Meantime, however, Whitefield was in great distress. He, afterwards, wrote as follows:--

"I had written an answer" [to Wesley's sermon on Free Grace], "which, though revised and much approved of by some good and judicious divines, I think had some too strong expressions about absolute reprobation, which the apostle leaves rather to be inferred than expressed. The world was angry with me for writing my letters against the author of 'The Whole Duty of Man' and Archbishop Tillotson; and numbers of my own spiritual children were angry with me for writing my Answer to Mr. Wesley. Instead of having thousands to attend me, scarce one of my spiritual children came to see me from morning to night. Once, at Kennington Common, I had not above a hundred to hear me. Never had I preached in Moorfields on a week-day; but, in the strength of God, I began on Good Friday. For some time, I continued to preach twice a day under one of the trees, and had the mortification of seeing numbers of my spiritual children, who but a twelvemonth ago would have plucked out their eyes for me, running by me whilst preaching, disdaining so much as to look at me; and some of them putting their fingers in their ears, that they might not hear one word I said. Ten thousand times would I rather have died than part with my old friends. It would have melted any heart to have heard Mr. Charles Wesley and me weeping, after prayer, that, if possible, the breach might be prevented. Once I preached in the Foundery, on Gal. iii., but no more. All my work was to begin again. A like scene opened at Bristol, where I was denied preaching in the house I had founded. Busybodies, on both sides, blew up the coals. A breach ensued. But, as both sides differed in judgment, and not in affection, and aimed at the glory of our common Lord, (though on both sides we hearkened too much to tale-bearers,) we were kept from anathematizing each other, and went on in our usual way; being agreed in one point, endeavouring to convert souls to the ever-blessed Mediator."[430]

[430] Gillies' "Life of Whitefield."

Thus, in England, Whitefield found trouble; from America he derived joy. Towards the end of the month of March, his two superintendents in the Georgia Orphan House, Messrs. Habersham and Barber, wrote him letters respecting a remarkable religious movement among the children there. Two young men, employed on the estate, had been converted since Whitefield left; and a number of the children had been put into two bands, and were "allowed to spend two or three hours every day in reading, praying, and singing hymns together." One day, Joseph Periam left them in the school picking cotton, when one of them exclaimed, "If we do not believe on the Lord Jesus Christ, we shall all go to hell." At once, the entire company fell upon their knees, and began to pray, "Lord God Almighty, have compassion upon us. Prick us to the heart. Pluck us as firebrands out of the burning. O Lord Jesus Christ, wash us in Thy blood. Take away our hard, stony hearts, and give us hearts of flesh." No wonder that Habersham wrote to Whitefield, saying, "Does not your soul leap for joy, and say, 'Bless the Lord, O my friends, and let us magnify His name together'?"[431]

[431] The Weekly History, July 25, 1741, and August 22, 1741.

The Rev. Gilbert Tennent, also, wrote to Whitefield as follows:--

"NEW YORK, April 25, 1741.

"VERY DEAR BROTHER,--In my return homewards, I have been preaching daily, ordinarily three times a day, and sometimes oftener. Through grace, I have met with success much exceeding my expectations. In Boston, there were many hundreds, if not thousands, under soul-concern. When I left that place, many children were deeply affected, and several had received consolation. Some aged persons in church communion, and some open opposers, were convinced; and divers of the young and middle-aged, together with several negroes, were converted. At Charleston, multitudes were awakened. At Cambridge, in the college and town, the shaking among the dry bones was general; and several of the students have received consolation. In these places, I found fruits of your ministry. In Ipswich, there was a general concern among the inhabitants; and here, also, I saw some of the results of your labours. The concern at Newport was very considerable. Divers Quakers and children, with others, came to me, in distress about their souls. At Newhaven, the concern was general, both in the college and town. About thirty students came, on foot, ten miles to hear the word of God. I believe thousands have been awakened. Glory be to God on high!

"I thank you, sir, that you did excite me to this journey. The work of God spreads more and more. My brother William has had remarkable success this winter at Burlington. I hear that there are several Religious Societies formed there. Mr. John Cross has had great success at Staten Island; and many have been awakened by the labours of Mr. Rollinson in divers places of the York government. Mr. Mills has had much success in Connecticut; and Mr. Blair, in Pennsylvania. The Lord bless you, dear brother!

"GILBERT TENNENT."[432]

[432] Gillies' "Historical Collections," vol. ii., p. 132.

Six months ago, Whitefield had persuaded Gilbert Tennent to become, pro tempore, an intinerant preacher; and now such was the evangelist's report of his success. Whitefield had consolations, as well as trials. "As cold waters to a thirsty soul, so is good news from a far country" (Prov. XXV. 26).

After his arrival from America, Whitefield remained about six weeks in London, during which, he employed himself in preaching to diminished congregations on Kennington Common, and in Moorfields. He was also summoned to "the Parliament House" to give evidence on Georgia affairs; and also urged his "appeal" against the decision of Commissary Garden's Court in Charleston. He writes:--

"London, April 10, 1741. I have been at the Parliament-house. The Georgia affair was adjourned. The gentlemen seemed apprehensive that my account of the colony would have too much weight. It was somewhat of a trial to be in the House. My 'Appeal' will come to nothing, I believe. I have waited upon the Speaker. He received me kindly."[433]

[433] Whitefield's Works, vol. i., p. 258.

On April 22, Whitefield left London for Bristol, where he remained a week. The following letters were written during this brief visit; the first and second to friends in London, the third probably to Howell Harris.

"BRISTOL, April 25, 1741.

"Dear brother Charles" (Wesley) "is more and more rash. He has lately printed some very bad hymns. To-day, I talked with Brother N----. He tells me, that, for three months past, he has not sinned in thought, word, or deed.[434] He says, he is not only free from the power, but the very in-being of sin. He now asserts it is impossible for him to sin. I talked with three women. One said she had been perfect these twelve months; but, alas! she shewed many marks of imperfection whilst I was with her. I asked her if she had any pride. She said, 'No.' I asked if she ever prayed for pardon, at night, for her sins and infirmities. She said, 'No; for she did not commit any sin.' I spoke to another woman, who said she had not sinned in thought, word, or deed, this twelvemonth. I asked her, and every one of the rest, whether they ever used the Lord's Prayer. They were unwilling to answer, but afterwards said, 'Yes.' I asked them whether they used it for themselves, and could say, 'Forgive us our trespasses.' They said, 'No; they used it for others only.'"[435]

[434] If Whitefield acquired his knowledge of Wesley's doctrine of Christian perfection mainly from witnesses such as these, no wonder that he was prejudiced against it.

[435] The Weekly History, No. 4.

BRISTOL, April 27, 1741.

"My dear Friend and Brother,--On Tuesday, April 22, I left London; and preached, on Wednesday and Thursday morning, at Newbury, to large congregations. On Friday evening, I preached at Bristol; and have continued to do so, twice every day, to great and affected auditories. Great manifestations of the Divine presence have attended my sermons. Praise the Lord, O my soul! My body is sometimes weak, but my soul rejoices in God my Saviour. I find it necessary, through the increase of awakened souls, to get a society room built adjoining our new Tabernacle. I pray God to fill it with His glory; and beg leave to subscribe myself your affectionate friend, brother, and servant in Christ,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

* * * * *

"BRISTOL, April 28, 1741.

"MY DEAR BROTHER,--Blessed be God for knitting us together in love! It is now a trying time with the church. Our Lord is now chiefly wounded in the house of His friends. The Lord keep us both from a party spirit on one hand, and from too much rashness and positiveness on the other! I speak thus, because you seem offended that some affirm, 'there is no such thing as dominion over indwelling sin, nor rest from working for life wholly.' Now this is certainly true in one sense. We shall never have such a dominion over indwelling sin as to be entirely delivered from the stirring of it; and the greatest saint cannot be assured, but, some time or other, for his humiliation or punishment for unfaithfulness, God may permit it to break out into some actual breach of His law, and in a gross way too. Let us not be high-minded, but fear. It is equally true, that we shall not rest wholly from working for life; for, whilst there is any part of us unregenerate, that part will be always leading us to the old covenant. But I suppose you have been tinctured with the doctrine of sinless perfection. No wonder, therefore, you write thus. As for assurance, I cannot but think, all who are truly converted must know that there was a time in which they closed with Christ; but, then, as so many have died with only a humble hope, and have been under doubts and fears, though they could not but be looked upon as Christians, I am less positive than once I was, lest haply I should condemn some of God's dear children. The farther we go in the spiritual life, the more cool and rational shall we be, and yet more truly zealous. I speak this by experience.

"Many have been convinced in London. I preach here twice daily, to large congregations, with great power. The Lord, I believe, will yet bring mighty things to pass.

"I am, your most affectionate brother,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Passing by the question of Whitefield's orthodoxy, it may be added, that, though his friend Charles Wesley was in Bristol at this period, and was preaching with great success, there seems to have been no intercourse between them. In Whitefield's letters, Wesley is not mentioned; and, in Wesley's Journals, there is no allusion to Whitefield, except, perhaps, in the following paragraph:--

"1741. May 4. I met the bands in Kingswood. One, who, in the fear of God, and mistrust of himself, had heard Mr. W----, assured me, he had preached barefaced reprobation. The people fled from the reprobating lion. But, again and again, as he observed them depart, the preacher of sad tidings called them back, with general offers of salvation. Vain and empty offers indeed! What availed his telling them that, for aught he knew, they might be all elect? He did not believe them all elect; he could not: therefore, he only mocked them with an empty word of invitation; and if God sent him to preach the gospel to every creature, God, according to his scheme, sent him to deceive the greatest part of mankind."[436]

[436] C. Wesley's Journal, vol. i., p. 272.

Charles Wesley regarded Whitefield's Calvinism with abhorrence; and Whitefield regarded some of Wesley's doctrines as pernicious heresy. In a letter, dated "Gloucester, May 5, 1741," Whitefield writes: "At Bristol, error is in a great measure put a stop to." And, in another, dated "Bristol, May 16, 1741, he says: "Sad tares have been sown here. It will require some time to pluck them up. The doctrines of the gospel are sadly run down, and most monstrous errors propagated. They assert, that, 'the very in-being of sin must be taken out of us, or otherwise we are not new creatures.' Oh, dear sir, exhort all to pray for us, that I may be faithful to my Lord, and yet be kept gentle in my temper. At present, our dear Lord causes me to triumph in every place."

After paying a short visit to Gloucester, Whitefield returned to Bristol, where he continued till the end of the month of May. There can be no doubt, that, at this time, the Bristol Methodists marshalled themselves under two different banners. Whitefield and Charles Wesley were in the city, but there is no evidence that they ever sought each other's company. Whitefield, as he thought, was successfully plucking up the tares that his former friends, the Wesleys, had sown; and Charles Wesley was labouring with all his might to destroy Whitefield's doctrine of reprobation. He writes:--

"May 19. I am more and more confirmed in the truth by its miserable opposers. I talked lately with Mr. H----," (Humphreys?)[437] "and urged him with this dilemma: 'For what did God make this reprobate--to be damned, or to be saved?' He durst not say that God made even Judas to be damned, and would not say that God made him to be saved. I desired to know for what third end He could make him; but all the answer I could get was, 'It is not a fair question.' Next I asked, 'Whether he that believeth not shall be damned, because he believeth not?' 'Yes,' he answered; and I replied, 'Because he believeth not what?' Here he hesitated, and I was forced to help him out with the Apostle's answer, 'That they all might be damned who believed not the truth.' 'What truth?' I asked again, 'but the truth of the gospel of their salvation? If it is not the gospel of their salvation, and yet they are bound to believe it, then they are bound to believe a lie, under pain of damnation; and the Apostle should have said, 'That they all might be damned who believed not a lie.' This drove him to assert, that no man was damned for actual unbelief, but only for what he called original; that is, for not believing before he was born. 'But where,' said I, 'is the justice of this?' He answered, not over-hastily, 'I confess there is a mystery in reprobation.' Or, to put it in Beza's words, which I then read him, 'We believe, though it is incomprehensible, that it is just to damn such as do not deserve it.' Further, I asked him, 'Why does God command all men everywhere to repent? Why does He call, and offer His grace to, reprobates? Why does His Spirit strive with every child of man for some time, though not always?' I could get no answer, and so read him one of his friend Calvin's: 'God speaketh to them, that they may be the deafer; He gives light to them, that they may be the blinder; He offers instruction to them, that they may be the more ignorant; and uses the remedy, that they may not be healed' (Calvin, Instit. l. iii., c. 24). Never did I meet with a more pitiful advocate of a more pitiful cause. And, yet, I believe he could say as much for reprobation as another. I told him his predestination had got a millstone about its neck, and would infallibly be drowned, if he did not part it from reprobation."[438]

[437] There can be little doubt that "Mr. H----" means Joseph Humphreys, already noticed in a previous chapter. Humphreys says: "The division between Mr. Whitefield and Mr. Wesley was a sore trial to me. I loved them both, but, for a while, thought of joining with neither, because I seemed to think there were extremes on both sides. However, afterwards, I had by much the greatest satisfaction on Mr. Whitefield's side, with whom I openly joined at the beginning of May, 1741. At which time, I first preached in the Bowling-green, at Bristol, for a while, to a congregation distinct from that of Wesley's; afterwards, at the Tabernacle, in London," etc. ("Account of Joseph Humphreys' Experience." Bristol, 1742. p. 42.)

[438] C. Wesley's Journal, vol. i., p. 277.

The two Methodist leaders felt strongly on the subject of their respective doctrines; and that their partisans were quite as zealous as their leaders will be evident from the following extracts from Charles Wesley's Journal, written at and about the time of Whitefield's visit to Bristol:--

"May 25. While I was passing by the Bowling-green, a woman cried out, 'The curse of God light upon you,' with such uncommon bitterness, that I could not but turn and stop to bless her. When I asked her why she cursed me, she answered, 'For preaching against Mr. ----.' I had, indeed, a suspicion, from her dialect, that she was one of the self-elect; but stayed heaping coals of fire upon her head, till at last she said, 'God bless you all!'

"May 31. To several, God shewed Himself the God of consolation; particularly to two young Welshmen, whom His providence sent hither from Carmarthen. They had heard most dreadful stories of us Arminians, Freewillers, Perfectionists, Papists, which all vanished like smoke when they came to hear with their own ears.

"June 8. A woman spoke to me of her husband. He was under strong convictions, while he attended the word; but the first time he heard the other gospel, he came home elect, and, in proof of it, beat his wife. His seriousness was at an end. His work was done. God doth not behold iniquity in Jacob. He uses his wife worse than a Turk (his predestinarian brother), and tells her, if he killed her he could not be damned."

Charles Wesley was far more alarmed by the Calvinian controversy than his brother John. The following letter, kindly supplied by Mr. G. Stampe, of Grimsby, has not before been published. It is addressed "To the Rev. Mr. Wesley, at Mr. Hooper's, maltster, Bristol," and is endorsed, in John's handwriting, "September 28, 1741. In a panic about G. W." It begins abruptly, as follows:--

"Extract of a letter from Bristol.--'I am exceedingly afraid lest predestination should be propagated among us in a more subtle and dangerous manner than has hitherto been attempted. Mr. Whitefield preaches holiness very strongly, and "free grace" to all; yet, at the same time, he uses expressions which necessarily imply reprobation. He wraps it up in smoother language than before, in order to convey the poison more successfully. Our Society, on this account, go to hear him, without any scruple or dread. We have sufficiently seen the fatal effects of this devilish doctrine already, so that we cannot keep at too great a distance from it. For my part, by the grace of God, I never will be reconciled to reprobation, nor join with those who hold it. I wish there might be a real and thorough union betwixt us.'

"O thou eternal Phrygian! I am too full to write or speak! Do you know the value of souls! precious, immortal souls! yet trust them within the sound of predestination? This is outdoing your own outdoings. Stop the plague just now, or it will be too late. Send me word, first post, that you have warned our flock from going to hear the other's gospel. O how you are outwitted! The subtle Scots[439] (those sons of Zeruiah) are too hard for you. I pity you and those few sheep in the wilderness, who are left to the wolf. For mine, and your own, and theirs, and Christ's sake, open your eyes; regard not fair speeches; renounce your credulity and George Whitefield, till he renounces reprobation. 'But that he does already, and preaches holiness and free grace for all!' And are you, can you be so easily caught? O that virtue of credulity! Send me word, I say, by next post, that you have restrained the unwary; or I shall, on the first preaching night, renounce George Whitefield on the house-top.

[439] John Wesley was now in Bristol, and Whitefield was in Scotland.

"P.S. When it was told the Grand Turk that all the princes of Christendom were entering into a confederacy against him, he answered, 'When these fingers are joined,' (holding them up,) 'then will the Christians agree.' So the world may say concerning our Societies and the Predestinarians joining against them.

"I have received a letter from Mr. Hutchins, of Lincoln College, with an order upon his brother to pay you £12 (I think it is). You should send me your order to receive it.

"CHARLES WESLEY."

These extracts furnish glimpses of a lamentable state of things in Bristol, where, within the last three years, both Whitefield and the Wesleys had witnessed some of their most glorious triumphs. Old friends were divided, and loving Christians had become furious partisans. In the midst of this unhallowed strife, Whitefield wrote as follows:--

"Bristol, May 16, 1741. I rejoice that God lets you see more and more into the corruptions of your heart. The more perfect you are, the more you will see and bewail your imperfections in thought, word, and deed; the more will you be able to sing, 'In the Lord alone, and not in myself, have I complete righteousness and strength.' The doctrine of electing love is precious to my soul. I am enabled to speak of it feelingly to others. My soul is kept in peace and sweetness. Our Lord's cause needs not noise and rashness. I desire that none of my wild-fire may be mixed with the pure fire of holy zeal coming from God's altar. Brother H----" (Humphreys?)" is more and more enlightened; but, withal, more and more quickened every day. He finds there is no such thing as sinless perfection, and yet is pressing after holiness of heart and life rather more than ever."

"Bristol, May 18, 1741. I am just setting out for Wiltshire. The Lord has been much with us. Yesterday, I preached three times. At every sermon, a sweet melting was observed in the congregation. Last evening, I gave your sister the sacrament. She is recovering. I afterwards administered the sacrament at Mr. T----'s, and had a love-feast. Jesus was in the midst of us. I know not but I may come towards London next week. I wonder not at your heaviness. Before every increase of your work, you must expect some trials. Humblings are necessary for your spirit, and mine." (Extract from a letter to John Cennick.)

"Bristol, May 23, 1741. The Lord only knows how He will be pleased to dispose of me. Great afflictions I am sure of having; and a sudden death, blessed be God! will not be terrible. I know that my Redeemer liveth. I every day long to see Him, and enjoy Him without interruption for evermore. I desire patiently to wait, till my blessed change shall come. The Lord has been with me here. There is a great awakening in Wiltshire; and the work is most wonderfully carried on in New England. I leave Bristol, and go, through Wiltshire, to London, next Monday. I then purpose going to Staffordshire, and then, through Wales, to Scotland. A wider door than ever is opened for preaching the everlasting gospel."

"Bristol, May 23, 1741. I thank you and the other gentlemen for their kind invitation to me to Scotland. I believe it will be near three months before I can see Edinburgh. On Monday, I set out for London; then I purpose to go into Essex, and then to return through Bristol and Wales in my way to you. I intreat all my brethren to pray for me, that I may come in the fulness of the blessing of the gospel of Christ. I am a poor, weak, unworthy worm. God has been with me here, and in Gloucestershire. In Wiltshire there is a great awakening. Oh, dear sir, never was a weak wretch sent on such an important errand. I have many trials, of various kinds. Jesus supports me; Jesus makes me more than conqueror. Dear sir, help me to praise Him."

Whitefield and Wesley now had not only separate congregations, but separate meeting-houses. In Bristol, Wesley occupied the chapel which he had built in Broadmead; and in Kingswood, the school-room which had been begun by Whitefield, and completed by himself. As yet, Whitefield had no chapel in Bristol; but, in Kingswood, John Cennick and others assisted him in building a room near the one which Wesley used.[440] In London, Wesley had converted the ruinous old Foundery, near Moorfields, into a place of worship; and now, in 1741, the friends of Whitefield procured a piece of ground close to Wesley's Foundery, and employed a carpenter to build a large temporary shed to screen his Moorfields congregations from the cold and rain. It is a curious fact, that, Whitefield never mentions this erection till it was ready to be opened. Its promoters were Calvinistic Dissenters; and originally it was only intended to be used during the few months he might stay in England, prior to his return to Georgia. Providence, however, had otherwise determined. Notwithstanding its unseemly proximity to Wesley's Foundery, within this wooden fabric, of large dimensions, immense crowds were gathered; a great spiritual awakening took place; a Society was formed; and, during Whitefield's absence, and at the desire of the people, Messrs. Cennick, Adams, Jenkins, Howell Harris, Seagrave, Humphreys, and others, were employed to assist in carrying on the worship, in succession.[441] Two facts respecting this original tabernacle must be remembered: 1. It sprang, not from Whitefield, but from a voluntary movement among his adherents, composed chiefly, if not wholly, of Protestant Dissenters; and, 2. The expense of its erection was borne, not by him, but by them. For twelve years, this wooden shed was Whitefield's metropolitan cathedral. As will be seen hereafter, the history of its society and congregations was chequered; but still, beneath its roof, there were many displays of God's abounding mercy. In 1753, it was superseded by the erection, on the same site, of the substantial brick building which, for more than a hundred years, was used by Whitefield's successors.[442]

[440] "Life and Times of Countess of Huntingdon," vol. i., p. 198.

[441] Gillies says, Whitefield "disliked the place fixed upon, because it was so near the Foundery, and looked like erecting altar against altar."

[442] New Spiritual Magazine, 1783, vol. i., p. 20; Christian Witness, 1847, p. 204; etc.

This uncouth structure seems to have been opened for public worship about a month after Whitefield's return from America; for, on April 19, 1741, he made collections in it, for his Orphan House, amounting to £23 11s. 1d.[443] It is mentioned in the following letters, the first to James Habersham, at the Orphan House in Georgia, and the second to John Cennick, Whitefield's locum tenens, at Bristol.

[443] Continuation of the Orphan House Accounts, 1742.

"LONDON, June 1, 1741.

"MY VERY DEAR FRIEND AND BROTHER,--I have sent several letters to Georgia, and lately also a parcel of things for the children. God appears much in our congregations. We seldom have a dry meeting. As to outward things, I never was more embarrassed; but my consolations are equivalent. Praise the Lord, O my soul! I am not apprehensive of any opposition from Government. I have waited on the Speaker. He treated me kindly, and assured me that there would be no persecution in this king's reign.[444] They know I am loyal from principle; but, I believe, I shall yet be greatly humbled. I hope you enjoy peace. May the Lord bless you and the whole household! I am sometimes enabled to pray with great faith for you all. The Lord will yet provide.

[444] The reference here is probably to the action taken against Whitefield, by Commissary Garden, in Charleston.

"I am to preach thrice to-day. It is now past five in the morning. I am going to the Tabernacle lately erected, for a morning lecture. We have sweet meetings. Blessed be God!

"I subscribe myself yours eternally, "GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

* * * * *

"LONDON, June 3, 1741.

"I have enjoyed the especial presence of God ever since I came to London. I preach three times daily. Congregations increase. I am going to have a society room joined to the Tabernacle. The Lord is really on our side. O let us be meek and quiet. O let us wait, and we shall see the salvation of God. I preach daily at Deptford. Our dear Master helps me to preach and pray with great power. Your ministry has been blessed. Let us both give glory to Everlasting Love. Remember me most kindly to all in Wine Street.

"Ever yours in the blessed Jesus, "GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

To all intents and purposes, Whitefield was now a Dissenting minister. In America, his ministerial associates and friends were almost, without exception, Nonconformists. In England, nearly all the churches were closed against him. Protestant Dissenters had built him a wooden chapel, and, without either the ground or the edifice being rendered sacred by episcopal benedictions, Whitefield became its chief minister. Yea, more, like his friend Wesley, obtaining no help from the English clergy, he hesitated not to employ laymen to occupy his pulpit during his evangelistic wanderings.

"All," says he, "was wonderfully over-ruled for good, and for the furtherance of the gospel. A fresh awakening immediately began. Congregations grew exceeding large; and necessity reconciling me more and more to lay-preaching, I sent, at the people's desire, for Messrs. Cennick, Harris, Seagrave, Humphreys, and others, to assist." (M. S.)

Howell Harris was the first that Whitefield invited to supply his place in London. Hence the following, written soon after the Tabernacle was opened:--

"LONDON, June 6, 1741.

"MY BROTHER HOWELL HARRIS,--I do assure you that my heart is as your heart. I am quite sick of Christless consenters. They talk, and that is all. I, like you, am heartily despised by most of them. I am resolved to preach against their lukewarmness and worldly-mindedness. May God open my mouth wide when I come to Wales! Outward enemies are now more quiet. Enemies within the church--carnal professors and self-righteous Pharisees--most try us. Let us not fear. Jesus Christ will give us the victory over all.

"God mightily strengthens me. Our congregations are very large and solemn. I never had greater freedom in preaching.

"You need not fear my believing any reports to your disadvantage. I love you in the bowels of Jesus Christ. I was not in the least offended when B---- H---- wrote me word that 'you thought in some things I did not act as a little child.' The more open you are with me the better. If nature and pride rise in my heart, I will go to Jesus, abhor myself, and pray for my dear reprovers.

"I want to see you face to face. Satan does not love that Christ's ministers should come together. I wish you could come up immediately, and stay in London whilst I am in the country; or, rather, go and preach in Bristol, Gloucester, and Wiltshire, for about a fortnight, and then come up to London. This, I believe, will be best. About that time, God willing, I shall return from Essex; and then we can consult what is best to be done for the cause of our dear Master. I am glad to hear that Brother Rowlands is with you. Go on, in the strength of our dear Lord, and you shall see Satan, like lightning, fall from heaven. Times are not yet dark enough for the dawning of a thorough reformation. At eventide, God speaks.

"Cease not to pray for yours eternally in Christ Jesus,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

The "brother Rowlands," mentioned in this letter, was probably the Rev. Daniel Rowlands, Rector of Llangeitho, in the county of Cardigan. Rowlands was a remarkable man. He entered the ministry of the Establisment when unconverted, and was wont to descend from his pulpit to join in the athletic games of his parishioners. Through curiosity, he went to hear Griffith Jones; became a changed man; and began to preach, "like thunder," among the Welsh mountains. This was about the year 1737. Like Whitefield, he became an itinerant clergyman. Besides serving his own Church, for a salary of £10 a year, he made frequent detours through the mountainous regions of Wales and into England, preaching in the Methodist chapels, in the open air, and wherever he had a chance. Multitudes followed him from town to town; and his overwhelming eloquence often kindled an enthusiasm which it is difficult to describe. Whitefield writes: "The power of God, under the ministry of Mr. Rowlands, was enough to make a person's heart burn within him. At seven in the morning, have I seen perhaps ten thousand from different parts, in the midst of a sermon, crying, Gogoniant! (Glory!) ready to leap for joy." Even when repeating the Church service, tears and convulsive sobs, followed by cries of Gogoniant, would break out, and run through the multitude like a contagious fever. As early as 1746, Rowlands had as many as three thousand communicants to whom he was accustomed to administer the sacrament.[445] At length, his irregular labours evoked warnings from his bishop, and, at last, his license was rescinded. "And now," says an able writer in the London Quarterly Review (1849), "from every part of Wales--from the mouth of the Wye up to the Dovey and the Conway--people flocked to hear the eloquence, and to receive the sacrament from the hands, of one who had acquired the dignity of a martyr."

[445] Evangelical Magazine, 1814, p. 418.

This is not the place for further details of the life of Daniel Rowlands. The reader will meet with him again; but, it may be added, that, in a preface to three of his sermons, published in 1778, (8vo. 98 pp.,) it is stated that, "for about forty years," he had been "the most laborious and successful minister in Wales;" and that he still travelled "through most of the counties yearly, to spread abroad the riches of God's grace." No places, though some were very large, were sufficient "to hold his auditories. Above a hundred preachers in Wales esteemed him as their father, most of whom met him four times a year to consult about the most likely means of promoting the Redeemer's interests; and he administered the Lord's supper to thousands monthly, some of the communicants coming a distance of upwards of fifty miles."

In the foregoing letter, to Howell Harris, Whitefield says, "Outward enemies are now more quiet." Compared with the opposition encountered in previous years, this was true; but the "outward enemies" were not entirely silent. One of the pamphlets published against him was the following: "A Comparison between the Doctrines taught by the Clergy of the Church of England, and the Doctrines taught by Whitefield, Seagrave, and others: in which the true notion of preaching Christ is stated; the doctrinal preaching of the Established Church is vindicated; and the Methodists proved guilty of not preaching the Gospel of Christ. To which is added, the Wisdom of fleeing from Persecution, exemplified in the Conduct of the Rev. Mr. Whitefield at Charleston, in South Carolina. London: 1741." (8vo. 28 pp.)

The Gentleman's Magazine, also, ministered to the gratification of its readers by scurrility like the following. After pointing out the doctrinal differences between Wesley and Whitefield, it continued:--

"It is plain that one of them has a lying spirit; and, since their pretences are so much alike, we may conclude that it is the same spirit in both. The controversy has grown to so great a height, that Mr. Whitefield tells his auditors, that, if they follow Mr. Wesley's doctrines, they will be damned, eternally damned. On the other hand, Mr. Wesley tells his congregations, that, if they follow Mr. Whitefield, it will bring all to distraction and confusion at last. Now, here is oracle against oracle, revelation against revelation, and the God of truth in one is declared to be a liar, by what He mentions in the other" (p. 321).

The Weekly Miscellany, as usual, excelled all other publications by the grossness and violence of its personal abuse. In the numbers for March 14, 21, 28, there were long leading articles against Whitefield. Throughout the whole of April, there were similar articles against Wesley. On May 2, both Whitefield and Wesley were vigorously attacked, and the opinion was expressed, that, "they are privately set on by popish emissaries, to promote their interests, and to take advantage of our being engaged in a war abroad to raise disturbance at home; and, in the end, to bring in the Pretender upon us, and so to involve us in blood, ruin, and confusion, to the utter subversion of both church and state."

These mendacious onslaughts were continued every week up to June 27, when Mr. Hooper's infamous Weekly Miscellany expired, and was succeeded by the New Weekly Miscellany, or Westminster Journal. As a specimen of its final foamings against Whitefield, the following is taken from its concluding number:--

"Observations on Mr. Whitefield's conduct in America.--Mr. Hooker,--You have heard in all the public prints of the designed insurrection of the blacks in New York, to murder all the English on that continent,--how many houses they set on fire with that intention,--how they armed themselves with guns and knives for that purpose,--how near they were to execute their design,--with what difficulty it was suppressed,--how many persons have been executed upon that account,--and how many are still in prison in order to take their trials for that bloody conspiracy.

"What I submit to your consideration is, how far Mr. Whitefield has been instrumental in bringing this about. He tells us, in his Journals, how he has travelled above fourteen hundred miles in America, particularly to Pennsylvania, New England, New York, Rhode Island, and South Carolina: and that, in all these places, he has taken care to inveigh against the clergy of the Church of England; that he has frequently preached in the dissenting meetings, and has been carressed by their teachers. Now the consequence of all this is to raise feuds and animosities among ourselves. Mr. Whitefield has contended very strenuously for the conversion and baptizing of the negroes. The design is good, if well managed; but it does not appear that he made much application to the planters, their masters, who ought principally to be consulted. For the education of the negroes, he has purchased five thousand acres of land in Pennsylvania, which he has taken care to settle, upon himself and his heirs for ever, for that purpose."

By such perversions and insinuations, this malignant writer proceeds to assert, that, one result of Whitefield's preaching has been to make the negroes discontented and turbulent, so "that all the planters are forced to be doubly on their guard, and are not sure, when they go to bed, but that they shall have their throats cut before the next morning. The same preaching may be the overturning of several of the colonies. How far Mr. Whitefield is answerable before God, for the consequences of these proceedings, must be left to his own conscience to determine."

It is remarkable, that, in the very midst of these weekly libellous attacks, Whitefield placidly remarks, "Outward enemies are now more quiet." Their falsehoods and bitterness were now comparatively disregarded. He had become accustomed to violent abuse, and, in defiance of it, went on his way rejoicing. He had foes, but he also had friends. To John Cennick, at Kingswood, he wrote as follows:--

"LONDON, June 8, 1741.

"MY DEAR BROTHER,--How sweetly does Providence order all things for us! Just before yours came, I was resolved to send you £20, to begin the Society Room at Kingswood. Mrs. C---- gives it, and, I believe, will make it fifty. This gentlewoman has been made instrumental in relieving me out of my late distress. You know how I was threatened to be arrested, soon after my arrival, for above £300, due on account of the Orphan House in Georgia. This drove me to my knees. The example of Professor Francke encouraged me to pray. God was pleased to give me an answer of peace. Having, as I thought, a full assurance of immediate help, I went to sleep most comfortably. Early the next morning, a friend came to enquire, if I knew where a gentlewoman of his acquaintance might put out three or four hundred pounds. I replied, Let her lend it to me, and, in a few months, God willing, she shall have it again. Upon being acquainted with my circumstances, she most cheerfully lent me the sum I wanted. Praise the Lord, O my soul!

"I would have you lay the foundation" (of the Society Room at Kingswood) "immediately; but take care of building too large or too handsome. Notwithstanding my present embarrassments, who knows but it may be in my power to discharge my Orphan-house debt, and make collections here for Kingswood School too? When I could get no assistance from my old friends, and spiritual, prejudiced children, and was almost quite penniless, a serious person, whom I never saw or heard of, came the other day and put a guinea into my hand. On receiving it, something, as it were, said to me, 'Cannot that God who sent this person to give thee this guinea, make it up fifteen hundred?' As I told a friend immediately, to whom I ran down, so I shall tell you, I doubt not that this will be the case. My debt is all for God, and contracted in providing for the fatherless and widow.

"As to the work here, though perhaps I may be blamed by some for venturing so far, blessed be God, it goes on sweetly. All things happen for the furtherance of the gospel.

"Eternally yours in Christ Jesus, "GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

To his friend, the Rev. Josiah Smith, of Charleston, he wrote:--

"LONDON, June 9, 1741.

"REV. AND DEAR SIR,--Blessed be God, the word runs and is glorified. The heat of the battle is now, I hope, pretty well over. God is pleased to give me great power, and to strengthen me both in body and soul. Our congregations are large and awful. We generally see and feel much of the Divine presence in the sanctuary. Many are pricked to the heart. I have three truly experienced young men who have joined me.[446] Affairs being somewhat settled here, I am going a long journey of several months, through several counties in England, Wales, and Scotland. The door was never opened wider for my preaching the everlasting gospel.

[446] Probably his three lay preachers, Howell Harris, John Cennick, and Joseph Humphreys.

"At present, there is no great fear of opposition from the men in power; though I hear the House of Lords intend to give a hearing to my appeal.[447] However it be, I am easy. The Lord Jesus over-rules everything for the good of His church.

[447] Against the decisions of Commissary Garden's court at Charleston.

"I suppose I cannot come over to you till about next spring. In the meanwhile, I am, etc.,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

From the letter Whitefield wrote to Cennick, it is evident he was still seriously in debt on account of his orphans in America; but he was full of faith that God would provide for his necessities. His confidence was not misplaced. On the 11th of June, Mr. Habersham, his superintendent, wrote to him, saying:--

"You would be surprised to see Bethesda. God has given us the appearance of a plentiful crop. The garden and plantation now afford us many comfortable things, and in great plenty. Our stores are well stocked with flour and beef. The house would be soon finished, if we could get bricks. J. S---- is ready to do all our bricklayers' work gratis. Brother W---- is a great blessing to the family, and has spun and woven a great deal for us. All the boys now sleep in the great house. They have also coats, and lie in sheets of their own making. By this means, they are kept sweet and clean. We have a fine growing stock of cattle; and, if God should so order it that we should have a plantation in Carolina, we should need but little, if any, assistance from abroad. If our building were now done, our expenses would be trifling to what they have been."[448]

Besides cheering intelligence like this, Whitefield began to receive considerable assistance from friends in England. On one day, June 13, 1741, he had occasion to write to three different clergymen, thanking them for their contributions. To the "Rev. Mr. U----" he says: "Dear sir, I most heartily thank you for promising me your assistance in respect to the orphans. I am persuaded our Lord will be well pleased. He gives me great encouragement." To the "Rev. Mr. S----, at Worcester," he writes: "As you are so aged and infirm, I take it as an especial favour that you are pleased to write to me. You need make no apology, reverend sir, for your plain dealing. I love those best, who deal most sincerely with me. I also thank you for your kind benefaction. My arrears upon the Orphan House are yet large; but, I hope, ere long, the Lord will enable me to pay them all. At present, I am kept from doubting." And to the third clergyman, "the Rev. Mr. F----, at Southampton," he says, with a characteristic gush of gratitude, "Just now I have received your kind letter, and the generous benefaction of you and your friends for the Orphan House. It came very opportunely, and strengthens my faith in the blessed Jesus. I find He helps me by ways I know not."

Towards the end of June, Whitefield left London, to preach in the provinces, and to make collections for his Orphanage.[449] In a letter to John Cennick, dated "Hertford, July I, 1741," he says:--

[448] Weekly History, September 5, 1741.

[449] The following list of the collections for his Orphan House, which Whitefield made in England, during the year 1741, will shew, at least some of the country towns he visited. The list is taken from his "Continuation of the Account of the Orphan House in Georgia, from January 1741 to June 1742."

1741. COLLECTIONS AT £ s. d.

April 12, Moorfields, London. 19 16 4 12, Charles' Square, London 16 16 10 19, The Tabernacle, London 23 11 1 May 17, Bristol 4 1 6 June 7, The Tabernacle, London 16 4 3-1/2 14, The Tabernacle, London 18 17 0 19, Rotherhithe, London 5 4 10 22, The Tabernacle, London 26 1 10 29, Halstead, Essex 12 9 6 29, Braintree, Essex 32 13 2 30, Weathersfield, Essex 10 0 6 30, Waldon, Essex 15 9 10 July 1, Stortford, Herts 13 9 9 1, Bedford, Bedfordshire 19 9 4 6, Great Gransden, Huntingdonshire 6 19 2 8, Burwell, Cambridgeshire 6 4 4 9, Bury, Suffolk 8 13 10 10, Sudbury, Suffolk 10 16 9 12, Dedham, Essex 8 13 0 12, Colchester, Essex 13 13 0 13, Coggeshall, Essex 8 2 10 15, Matchin, Essex 13 14 6 18, The Tabernacle, London 28 8 6

Total £339 10 10-1/2

"I have been enabled to preach twice every day, and to ride several miles. The congregations have been everywhere very large. God's presence has accompanied the word. People's hearts have been enlarged. Within these few days, we have collected near £100 for the poor orphans. Numbers of souls, I believe, are under convictions. In some places, we have had near ten thousand hearers."

In another letter, written at Colchester, eleven days later, he tells Mr. Habersham, "I have been a circuit into Hertfordshire, Essex, Bedfordshire, Cambridgeshire, and Suffolk. The word is attended with power, and the alarm in the country greater than ever. Contributions increase. I am more and more convinced that evangelizing is my proper business at present."

In a third letter, addressed to "Mr. Howell Harris, at Mr. Syms's, in the Paved Alley, Leadenhall Market, London," and which has not heretofore been published, Whitefield wrote:--

"COGGESHALL, July 13, 1741.

"I must snatch a few moments to write to my dear brother Howell. I rejoice to hear that the Lord is with you. May He cause all opposition to fall before you! He has been doing great things for me since I left London. Surely you pray for me. I am much strengthened in body and soul. On Wednesday night, I hope to be in London, and to preach in the Tabernacle on Thursday evening. May the Lord sanctify our meeting! I must away to preach. The clock strikes ten. Adieu!

"Your affectionate brother and servant, "GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

In a fourth letter, dated July 18, he writes: "God has mightily blessed my journey in the country. Thousands and tens of thousands have flocked to hear the word, and near £180 have been collected for the Orphan House."

It is a curious fact, that Whitefield's congregations and large collections were represented as a national evil. In the New Weekly Miscellany, for August 8, 1741, Richard Hooker wrote:--

"About a fortnight ago, the Rev. Mr. Whitefield returned to London, from his progress of three weeks through the counties of Hertford, Essex, Bedford, Cambridge, and Suffolk, during which time he preached six-and-forty times, with such good success, that the common enemy may guess thereby what mobs may be raised, in these and other places, to disturb the kingdom, whenever there is occasion. In his journeys, he collected upwards of £180 for the Orphan House in Georgia; and, on Sunday, the 19th of July, in the morning, he had a collection at his New Booth in London, where there were several half-guineas, and other sums of lesser value given; but what was collected in the whole is uncertain; only it is observed, that whatever money is sent out of the nation in a time of war, when taxes are so high, and trade decays, is a weakening of the public. And, as the old proverb saith, 'Every little helps' to bring on the common calamity, all this looks like a judicial infatuation, at a time when we have so many real objects of charity in our own kingdom. It is observable, that he pays in none of this money to the trustees for Georgia; so that he hath no vouchers for what he receives, and is accountable to no one, but as he sees fit. And as the late famous Jonathan Wild, the thief-catcher, had a correspondent in Holland, one Johnson, who received from him such goods as he could not sell in England, so the Rev. Mr. Whitefield hath one, Habersham, in Georgia, to receive all such money as he knows not how otherwise to dispose of."

Enough for the present of the redoubtable Richard Hooker. Whitefield, forsooth, was endangering the nation! And Jonathan Wild might have claimed him as a suitable companion! Abuse like this was far from pleasant; but Mr. Hooker found it difficult to exist without bespattering his neighbours.

Whitefield's Dissenting friends had built him a large "New Booth," as Mr. Hooker politely called the Tabernacle; but his restless zeal could not be confined within limits so contracted. Wesley, though ecclesiastically irregular in his ministerial labours, most rigidly refrained from identifying himself with Nonconformists. Whitefield, on the other hand, wished to be the helper of all Christian denominations. The following letter, to Joseph Humphreys, deserves attention:--

"COGGESHALL, July 13, 1741.

"I received your letter at Bury; but cannot think that matters are quite ripe, or that you are duly qualified for settling a church. God lets me see, more and more, that I must evangelize. I find you are for settling. Do as God shall direct: I am easy. I only wish you may find settled persons to be your assistants. Without this, a church cannot be rightly ordered. I have no freedom, but in going about to all denominations. I cannot join with any one, so as to be fixed in any particular place. Every one has his proper gift. Field-preaching is my place. In this, I am carried as on eagles' wings. God makes way for me everywhere."

Thus, already, Whitefield had determined the plan which he steadfastly pursued to the end of life. He was an ordained clergyman of the Church of England; but was always ready to preach for any other church whatever. In this respect, there was always a marked difference between him and his friends John and Charles Wesley. For this, he had been partly trained in England, but especially in America, where his preaching labours had been chiefly in connection with Nonconformist churches, and had been greatly blessed.

On July 24th, Whitefield embarked, at Gravesend, for Scotland, where he landed six days afterwards. During the voyage, he wrote twenty-seven letters, ten of which were to boys and girls in his Orphan House. One of the letters, addressed to "the Students under conviction at the Colleges of Cambridge and Newhaven, in New England and Connecticut," must close the present chapter:--

"DEAR GENTLEMEN,--With unspeakable pleasure I have heard,[450] that there seems to be a general concern among you about the things of God. It was no small grief to me, that I was obliged to say of your college, that 'your light was become darkness.' I heartily thank God for sending dear Mr. Tennent among you. What great things may we not now expect to see in New England, since it hath pleased God to work so remarkably among the sons of the prophets? Now we may expect a reformation indeed, since it is beginning at the house of God.

[450] By Gilbert Tennent's letter, dated "New York, April 25, 1741." See p. 476.

"A dead ministry will always make a dead people. Whereas, if ministers are warmed with the love of God themselves, they cannot but be instruments of diffusing that love among others. This, this is the best preparation for the work whereunto you are called. Learning without piety will only make you more capable of promoting the kingdom of Satan. Henceforward, therefore, I hope you will enter into your studies, not to get a parish, nor to be polite preachers, but to be great saints. This, indeed, is the most compendious way to true learning; for, an understanding enlightened by the Spirit of God is more susceptible of divine truths, and, I am certain, will prove most useful to mankind. The more holy you are, the more will God delight to honour you. He loves to make use of instruments which are like Himself. I hope that the good old divinity will now be precious to your souls, and that you will think it an honour to tread in the steps of your pious forefathers. They were acquainted with their own hearts, and, therefore, from their own experience, they knew how to succour others. O may you follow them, as they followed Christ!

"I trust you will not be offended at me for sending you these few lines. I write out of the fulness of my heart. I make mention of you always in my prayers. Forget me not in yours; and fail not to give thanks, as well as pray, for your affectionate brother and servant, in our common Lord,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

FIRST VISIT TO SCOTLAND.

AUGUST TO NOVEMBER, 1741.

At the very time when Wesley was founding Methodism in Bristol and in London, certain charges were brought, by the Commissioners of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, against the following ministers of that community: namely, Ebenezer Erskine, of Stirling; William Wilson, of Perth; Alexander Moncrieff, of Abernethy; James Fisher, of Kinclaven; Ralph Erskine, of Dunfermline; Thomas Mair, of Orwell; Thomas Nairn, of Abbots-hall; and James Thompson, of Burntisland.

Ebenezer Erskine was ordained, at Portmoak, in 1703; and Ralph, at Dunfermline, in 1711. The former was now sixty-one years of age, and the latter fifty-six. Both the brothers had been educated in the University of Edinburgh; were men of talent; were diligent in the discharge of their parochial duties; and were eminently successful in their ministry. For instance, Ralph writes: "Sabbath, July 10, 1737. I preached at half-past seven in the morning. The" (sacramental) "tables began to be served a little before nine, and continued till about twelve at night, there being between four and five thousand communicants."

The Erskines, however, were not only successful preachers and pastors, but were reformers. When they disliked a thing, they said so. They refused to take the oath of abjuration, not because they were Jacobites, or disloyal to the House of Hanover; but because the oath seemed to imply an approval of Episcopacy, and because its avowed design was the security of the Church of England.

In other ways, they also made themselves singular. The dominant party in the Church of Scotland were, if not hostile, yet indifferent, to the most important doctrines of religion. To correct prevailing and tolerated heresies, an old book was re-published, entitled "The Marrow of Modern Divinity," and consisting chiefly of extracts from Luther and other eminent Protestant divines. The dignitaries of the Kirk condemned the book. The Erskines heartily approved of it. A fierce controversy arose out of this.

Again: in 1712, Parliament revived the law respecting patronage in the Church of Scotland. This led to great excitement, and great wrongs. At the General Assembly in 1730, there were twelve cases of appeal against the intrusion of obnoxious ministers. The Assembly not only dismissed the appeals, but enacted that, henceforth, no reasons of dissent "against the determination of Church judicatories" should be entered on the record. Angry discussions followed. Ebenezer Erskine, in 1732, laid before the Assembly a "representation of grievances," signed by himself and others, and spoke accordingly. In the same year, as moderator of the Synod of Perth and Stirling, he opened the Synod, by preaching a sermon, in the course of which he remonstrated against the act of the preceding Assembly with regard to the settlement of ministers, alleging that it was contrary to the word of God, and the established constitution of the Church. For this, the Synod passed upon him a vote of censure. Erskine appealed to the General Assembly; but the censure of the Synod was confirmed, and Erskine was appointed to be rebuked and admonished at the bar of the Assembly. He refused to submit to this. His brother Ralph and the other ministers, already mentioned, sympathised with him. Further agitation followed, and the result of the whole was, the following charges were preferred against them:--

1. That they had seceded from the Church of Scotland by a total withdrawing from attendance upon, and submission to, its judicatories. 2. That they had formed them selves into a Presbytery, and had exercised judicial presbyterial power, not only over their own congregations, but also over the whole church. 3. That they had published a printed paper, not only assigning the grounds of their own irregular conduct, but condemning the Church and the judicatories thereof. 4. That they had administered the sacraments to persons of other congregations, without the knowledge or consent of the ministers who had the pastoral oversight of such persons. 5. That they had ordained elders, and had appointed and kept fasts in different parts of the country, to the neglect of their own proper ministerial work. 6. That they had licensed one or more persons to preach. 7. That they had, "in a pretended judicial manner," annulled "the sentence of the lesser excommunication," pronounced, by the presbytery of Dumblain, upon Archibald Edmund, and had baptized the said Archibald's child. 8. That they had taken upon them to excommunicate David Lesley, in the parish of the West Kirk, near Edinburgh. 9. That they had preached, and had baptized several children, in the parish of West Kirk, without proper certificates from the ministers of the said parish, etc., etc.[451]

[451] "Acts of Proceedings of Ministers and Elders, met at Edinburgh, May 16, 1739."

Such, in substance, were the accusations which the two Erskines and their friends were summoned to answer, in the presence of the General Assembly, on the 10th of May, 1739. The accusations were disregarded, and the recusant ministers were expelled. Up to this period, the whole of the inhabitants of Scotland, with the exception of a few Popish, Episcopalian, and Cameronian Dissenters, belonged to the Established Church of the country. Now was instituted a new sect, "The Associate Presbytery," or "United Secession Church."[452]

[452] In 1847, "The United Secession Church" and the "Presbytery of Relief," which had its origin in the "deposition" of the Rev. Thomas Gillespie, in 1752, were amalgamated, and took the designation, "United Presbyterian Church." The former had four hundred congregations, and the latter about one hundred.

That the Church of Scotland, as well as the Church of England, needed a reformation, is a fact which cannot admit of doubt. Abundant evidence might be adduced in proof of this. The following selections must serve as specimens.

On December 3, 1736, the Erskines and their associates drew up an "Act, Declaration, and Testimony, for the Doctrine, Worship, Government, and Discipline of the Church of Scotland," in which it was alleged:--

"1. No due care has been taken in licensing young men as probationers for the holy ministry. Many have been licensed, who, by their general and loose harangues in the pulpit, discover their ignorance of Christ and Him crucified, and their estrangement from the power of godliness. There is as little of Christ to be found in their sermons as in the systems of heathen morals.

"2. The acceptance of presentations has become fashionable; and the judicatories of the Church, instead of checking this corrupt practice, have so far encouraged it, that the settlement of presentees has been appointed, when almost the whole parish was dissenting and reclaiming.

"3. The conduct of the General Assemblies of the Church has not been equal and impartial in matters of doctrine.

"4. Several arbitrary acts and decisions have been framed and passed by the General Assemblies of the Church, whereby the government of the house of God has been undermined, and the discipline sinfully perverted.

"5. All the above-mentioned steps of defection and apostasy are followed with many evident signs and causes of the Lord's departure; such as abounding profanity, impiety, and the vilest immoralities of all sorts, wherewith the land is greatly polluted. The profane diversions of the stage, together with night assemblies and balls, these sinful occasions of wantonness and prodigality, are encouraged and countenanced in the most considerable cities of the nation. Popish errors and delusions abound more and more; and the abominable idolatry of the mass is openly frequented, yet no proper or effectual remedies are applied against this growing evil. Church discipline is not duly exercised against Papists, according to former laudable acts and constitutions of this Church. The penal statutes against witches have, of late, been repealed, contrary to the express letter of the law of God. The power of religion is daily decaying through the land; the very form of it is despised by many, and rested upon by others. Our nobility and barons, who have sometimes displayed heroic zeal, have generally burst the Lord's bonds asunder, insomuch that the very form of family worship is either despised or neglected by the most part of them. Our burgesses and commons, for the most part, know not the way of the Lord, nor the judgments of their God. The ministers in the house of God are under a more than ordinary restraint of the Spirit of God; and he that speaks against the prevailing evils makes himself a prey."

This is a dark picture; and the following is not brighter. It is taken from a sermon, by Ebenezer Erskine, published in 1736, and entitled, "The Tabernacle of David ruined by Man, and reared up by the Mighty God."

"God has, in a great measure, departed from high and low, rich and poor; departed from magistrates, ministers, and people. Little of God is to be seen in ordinances, or in the judicatories of His Church. Oh what barrenness under a dispensed gospel! Oh what abounding profanity! what cursing and swearing! what tyranny and oppression, particularly in ecclesiastical liberties and privileges! How are intruders enrolled among the number of the ambassadors of Christ! How are the privileges of the Lord's people sacrificed, in order to compliment the man with the gold ring and the gay clothing! The land is groaning under a weight of sin; and the sin of the land is crying for vengeance from the hand of God. In many corners of Scotland, an empty jingle of human oratory, and dry harangues of heathenish morality, are substituted in the room of the gospel of Christ; a natural kind of religion preached up, and the supernatural mysteries of the gospel generally exploded, as unfashionable among many of our young ministers! We have ministers now-a-days, who, instead of teaching men to deny themselves, do teach them, from press and pulpit, that self-love is the foundation of moral virtue, and that carnal reason is the first principle of religion. Although Arian, Socinian, Arminian, and other detestable and abominable, errors are rampant, where is there a suitable banner of a testimony united against them? Higher censures have been inflicted upon men for preaching the truths of God, than upon others for denying the supreme Deity of the Son of God. As for formality of worship, look through the most of our worshipping assemblies in Scotland, and we shall find the carcase of worship, instead of the soul of it, presented unto the living God. Nothing but dead ministers, and dead people, dead preaching, hearing, praying, and praising. The generality of ministers and people sit down with a form of godliness, while the life and power of it are quite gone."

Three more extracts must suffice. The following is selected from a pamphlet of sixty-three pages, published in 1733, with the title, "The present State of the Church of Scotland, with the Duty of the Members thereof enquired into, in a Sermon, at the opening of the Synod of Perth and Stirling, October 9, 1733. By Mr. Henry Lindsay, Minister of the Gospel at Rothkennar."

"Of late years, Atheism, Infidelity, and Profanity have abounded in these lands. Many have cast off all fear of God. Our youth of better fashion, and others who pretend to be wise above their neighbours, have most shamefully degenerated into the grossest errors. The preaching of Christ, in His person, offices, and salvation, is become, by too many among us, as a subject out of date; while our itching ears crave something that is new, and we are rather pleased to have our imaginations and fancies tickled by polite phrases and eloquent expressions, than to have our hearts affected with a sense of sin."

In 1733, Ebenezer Erskine published a sermon, entitled, "The Grones of Believers under their Burdens," in which he says:--

"Oh how rampant are atheism and profanity! Impiety, like an impetuous torrent, carries all before it. It is become fashionable among some to be impious and profane. Religion is faced down by bold and petulant wits. Our divisions also are lamentable. Court and country, church and state, are divided; ministers divided from their people, and people from their ministers; and both ministers and people divided among themselves; and every party and faction putting the blame upon each other. The defections and backslidings of the Church are innumerable. Public days of fasting and humiliation are rare. How very few are they whose hearts are bleeding for the abounding wickedness of the day! Many professors of religion take to themselves a scandalous latitude in cursing, swearing, lying, drinking, and cheating."

In 1744, the Erskines and their party published a pamphlet of 122 pages, with the title, "Act of the Associate Presbytery, concerning the Doctrine of Grace." The following is an extract from it:--

"A flood of errors has broken in upon the land, whereby the Lord's name is dreadfully dishonoured; the doctrine of justification by grace is wofully corrupted; the proper imputation of the righteousness of the Lord Jesus Christ, for our justification before God, is denied; the foundations of our holy religion are overturned; thousands of precious souls are destroyed; and wide steps made towards popery and paganism. There is a dreadful prevalency of Deism; the seed of Arianism is sown; and there is also a general growth of Arminianism. Profaneness and wickedness overspread the whole land. All ranks of persons have corrupted their ways. The Holy Scriptures are burlesqued. Popish errors and delusions are spreading. The idolatrous mass is openly frequented. The name of God is profaned by ordinary swearing and by perjury. The land is also defiled with murders, drunkenness, prodigality, vanity in apparel, foolish jesting, rioting, wantonness, yea, with open adulteries and uncleanness of all sorts. Profane and sinful customs are countenanced and encouraged, both at court, and in some eminent places of the nation--such as the diversions of the stage, masquerades, balls, and other similar seminaries of lewdness and lasciviousness. Likewise fraud and injustice are to be found amongst us; together with oppressions, lying, envy, malice, evil-speaking, backbiting, falsehood, and covetousness."

This description of the state of things in Scotland is far from nattering; but it is substantially correct. Scotland, as well as England, needed a reformation; and it is not surprising that, when Whitefield heard of the Erskines, he should sympathise with them. He was the first of the Methodists who opened a correspondence with the outcast ministers. Ralph Erskine writes:--

"April 17, 1739. I received a letter this month from Mr. Whitefield, dated Bristol, March 10, 1739, shewing the great outpouring of the Spirit in England and Wales, and his utility in bringing home many souls to Christ; as also his hearing of our success in Scotland, and desiring to have a line from me. I did not suddenly answer, till I heard more about him, which I did, both in public prints and by letters from London, having written for an account of him."[453]

[453] "Life and Diary of Rev. Ralph Erskine," p. 287.

Erskine was satisfied with what he heard. In his diary, he repeatedly mentions praying for Whitefield and his brethren. Friendly letters were exchanged; and a correspondence continued during the next two years.

As might naturally be expected, the Erskines attracted the attention of Whitefield and the Wesleys. In some respects the men were similar; in others they were widely different. The Erskines were dissatisfied with the state of the Church of Scotland; and so were Whitefield and the Wesleys with the state of the Church of England. The Erskines were expelled from the Church of Scotland, and yet claimed to be members of it. Whitefield and the Wesleys, though not expelled from the Church of England, were practically silenced, for almost all the pulpits of the Church were closed against them. The Erskines were now tent-preachers, and preachers in the open-air; so were Whitefield and his friends. The Erskines, though still maintaining that they were members of the Church of Scotland, were openly employed in organising a seceding church. Whitefield and the Wesleys still called themselves members of the Church of England; and yet they were actively, though unintentionally, creating dissenting sects. Scotland greatly needed protesters like the Erskines; and England greatly needed open-air preachers like Whitefield and the Methodists.

A finer field of usefulness than Scotland, or one more adapted to Whitefield's peculiar genius, doctrines, and mode of action, it would have been difficult to find. Scotland had often had meteor-like men, who had startled the country by their unexpected advent and proceedings; and Whitefield was now added to the number. The faith of Scotland, speaking generally, was, like that of Whitefield, Calvinistic. Field-preaching--so offensive to the Church dignitaries of England--was no novelty across the Tweed. During the preceding century, Presbyterians, driven from their churches by persecuting papists, had transmitted to their descendants a partiality for religious assemblies in the fields. Everything seemed to be in Whitefield's favour.

Still, the circumstances just mentioned were not the reasons why he went to Scotland. As the reader has already seen, the Erskines and their friends occupied the same position in Scotland that the Oxford Methodists did in England. Both parties, without design, had become national evangelists, and were strangely exciting the churches of their respective countries.

The correspondence, begun in 1739, was continued. A month after Whitefield's return to England in 1741, Ralph Erskine wrote to him as follows:--

"DUNFERMLINE, April 10, 1741.

"REVEREND AND VERY DEAR BROTHER,--Glory to God! who has enlightened you so clearly, and enabled you to give testimony so faithfully, against the dangerous errors that are springing up. Blessed be God! that you are set for the defence of the gospel, and that I hear your song of distinguishing grace, and of our Lord's powerful presence with you. Go on, dear brother, in asserting and publishing the doctrine of sovereign grace, reigning through His righteousness to eternal life; for this, and only this gospel will be the organ of omnipotency, and the power of God to the salvation of sinners. We and our people have all a notion of you as being in the way of reformation. I am persuaded that your coming to us would be matter of great joy. How great is our need of such awakening gales of heaven, as you speak of in the last visit you made to Georgia.

"Come, if possible, dear Whitefield, come. There is no face on earth I would desire more earnestly to see. Yet, I would desire it only in a way that, I think, would tend most to the advancing of our Lord's kingdom, and the reformation work, among our hands. Such is the situation of affairs among us, that, unless you come with a design to meet and abide with us of 'The Associate Presbytery,' and if you make your public appearances in the places especially of their concern, I would dread the consequence of your coming, lest it should seem equally to countenance our persecutors. Your fame would occasion a flocking to you, to whatever side you turn; and, if it should be in their pulpits, as no doubt some of them would urge, we know how it would be improven against us. I know not with whom you could safely join yourself, if not with us.

"Mr. Wilson, in Perth, who teacheth as our Professor of Divinity, has more candidates for the ministry under his charge than most of the public colleges, except Edinburgh. I have two sons with him, who seem to be promising youths.

"You are still dearer and dearer to me. By your last Journal, I observed your growing zeal for the doctrine of grace.

"I am, reverend and dear brother, yours in Him, who is the best centre of our love and union--the Lord our righteousness,

"RALPH ERSKINE."[454]

[454] "Life and Diary of Rev. Ralph Erskine," p. 322; and Evangelical Magazine, 1814, p. 508; and Oliphant's Whitefield. Edinburgh, 1826.

Whitefield's reply to this strange proposal, to join "The Associate Presbytery," will be found in the following letters to Ebenezer Erskine and his brother Ralph:--

"BRISTOL, May 16, 1741.

"REVEREND AND DEAR SIR,--I owe you much love. Only want of time prevents my writing to you oftener.

"This morning I received a kind letter from your brother Ralph, who thinks it best for me wholly to join 'The Associate Presbytery,' if it should please God to send me into Scotland. This I cannot altogether agree to. I come only as an occasional preacher, to preach the simple gospel, to all who are willing to hear me, of whatever denomination. It will be wrong in me to join in a reformation, as to church government, any further than I have light given me from above. If I am quite neuter as to that in my preaching, I cannot see how it can hinder or retard any design you may have on foot. My business seems to be to evangelise,--to be a Presbyter at large.

"When I shall be sent into your parts, I know not. I write this, that there may not be the least misunderstanding between us. I love and honour 'The Associate Presbytery.' With this I send them my due respects, and most humbly beg their prayers. But let them not be offended, if, in all things, I cannot immediately fall in with them. Let them leave me to God. Whatever light He is pleased to give me, I hope I shall be faithful to it.

"I love you tenderly, but am almost ashamed to subscribe myself your brother in the best of bonds,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

To Ralph Erskine, Whitefield wrote, on the same subject, as follows:--

"LONDON, June 4, 1741.

"REVEREND AND DEAR SIR,--I have not yet determined the exact time of coming to Scotland; but, I believe, I shall be with you in about three months. I cannot but think that 'The Associate Presbytery' are a little too hard upon me. If I am neuter as to the particular reformation of church government till I have further light, it will be enough. I come simply to preach the gospel, and to be received only as an occasional itinerant preacher by all, and not to enter into any particular connection whatever. The Lord, I hope, will order my goings in His ways.

"I have need of your prayers. My trials are great, my comforts far greater. We are likely to have settled Societies in several places.

"I am, reverend and dear sir, your unworthy fellow-labourer and affectionate brother and servant in Christ,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

In reply to Whitefield's letter of May 16, the Rev. Ebenezer Erskine wrote as follows:--

"HILLDOWN, NEAR DUNBAR, June, 1741.

"REVEREND AND VERY DEAR BROTHER--As our Assembly did last year eject us from our churches, and exclude us from our ministry and legal maintenance, for lifting up our reformation testimony; so, from all I can hear, they have, in May last, appointed several violent intrusions to be made upon Christian congregations; whereby the flock of Christ is scattered more and more upon the mountains. The wandering sheep come with their bleatings to 'The Associate Presbytery;' whereby our work is daily increasing, in feeding and rallying our Master's flock, scattered and offended by the Established Church.

"From this, you will easily see what reason 'The Associate Presbytery' have to say, 'Come over to Scotland, and help us!' We hear that God is with you of a truth; and, therefore, we wish for as intimate a connection with you as possible, for building the fallen tabernacle of David in Britain, and particularly in Scotland when you shall be sent to us.

"This, dear brother, and no party views, is at the bottom of any proposal made by my brother Ralph, in his own name, and in the name of his Associate Brethren. It would be very unreasonable to propose or urge that you should incorporate as a member of our Presbytery, and wholly embark in every branch of our reformation, unless the Father of lights were clearing your way thereunto. All intended by us, at present, is, that, when you come to Scotland, your way may be such as not to strengthen the hands of our corrupt clergy and judicatories, who are carrying on a course of defection, and worrying out a faithful ministry from the land.

"Far be it from us to limit your great Master's commission to preach the gospel to every creature. We ourselves preach the gospel to all, promiscuously, who are willing to hear us; but we preach not upon the call and invitation of the ministers, but of the people, which, I suppose, is your own practice now in England. Should this also be your way when you come to Scotland, it could do 'The Associate Presbytery' no manner of harm. But if, besides, you could find freedom to company with us, to preach with us and for us, and to accept our advices in your work, while in this country, it might contribute much to weaken the enemy's hand, and to strengthen ours in the work of the Lord, when the strength of the battle is against us.

"I am truly sorry for the Wesleys--to see them so far left to themselves. I have seen your letter to them, and praise the Lord on your behalf, who enables you to stand up so valiantly for the truth, and with so much light and energy.

"I am, etc., "EBENEZER ERSKINE."[455]

[455] Fraser's "Life of Ebenezer Erskine," pp. 424-427.

Thus the matter stood when Whitefield arrived in Scotland on July 30, 1741. Whatever might be the motives of the two Erskines, one of them sixty years of age, and the other fifty-six, it was scarcely a creditable proceeding to endeavour to inveigle an impulsive young man of six-and-twenty to join himself to their own seceding party. No doubt, they thought, that, in their present difficulties, he might render them important service; for Whitefield was the most popular preacher that England had; but they ought to have remembered, that, however harsh the treatment to which he had been subjected by the Church of which he was an ordained minister, he had never formally severed his connection with that Church; and that he had, again and again, declared his intention to be, at least for some time to come, an itinerant preacher, ready to labour in connection with all churches, but unwilling to become the settled pastor of any one in particular.

Whitefield spent his first night in Scotland with Ralph Erskine, at Dunfermline; who, the next day, wrote to his brother Ebenezer as follows:--

"DUNFERMLINE, July 31, 1741.

"Mr. Whitefield came to me yesternight about ten. I had conversation with him alone this forenoon. I only mention this one thing about his ordination; he owned he then knew no other way, but said he would not have it that way again for a thousand worlds. As to his preaching, he declares he can refuse no call to preach Christ, whoever gives it: were it a Jesuit priest or a Mahomedan, he would embrace it for testifying against them. He preached in my meeting-house this afternoon. The Lord is evidently with him."[456]

[456] "Life and Diary of Rev. Ralph Erskine," p. 326.

Was Ralph Erskine strictly correct in his statement that Whitefield said, if he had life to begin again, he would not be ordained a minister of the Church of England "for a thousand worlds"? Many will doubt this; others will believe it. Let it pass. The reader will welcome Whitefield's own account of the first two services he held in Scotland. In a letter to John Cennick, he wrote:--

"EDINBURGH, August 1, 1741.

"MY VERY DEAR BROTHER,--As the Messrs. Erskine gave me the first invitation to Scotland, and have been praying for me in the most public, explicit, I could almost say, extravagant manner, for near two years past, I was determined to give them the first offer of my poor ministrations. Accordingly, I went yesterday to Dunfermline, where dear Mr. Ralph Erskine has got a large seceding meeting-house. He received me very lovingly. I preached to his and the town's people,--a very thronged assembly. After I had done prayer, and had named my text, the rustling made by opening the Bibles all at once quite surprised me,--a scene I never was witness to before. Our conversation after sermon, in the house, was such as became the gospel of Christ. They entertained me with various accounts of the 'Seceders'' labours. At one of their late occasions, a woman was so deeply affected, that she was obliged to stop her mouth with a handkerchief to keep herself from crying out. They urged a longer stay, in order to converse more closely, and to set me right about church government, and the solemn league and covenant. I informed them, that, I had given notice of preaching in Edinburgh; but, as they desired it, I would, in a few days, return, and meet 'The Associate Presbytery,' in Mr. Ralph Erskine's house. This was agreed on.

"Dear Mr. Erskine accompanied me, and, this evening, I preached, to many thousands, in a place called the Orphan House Park. The Lord was there. Immediately after sermon, a large company, among whom were some of the nobility, came to salute me. Amidst our conversation, came in a portly, well-looking Quaker, nephew of Messrs. Erskine, formerly a Baptist minister in the north of England, who, taking me by the hand, said, 'Friend George, I am as thou art. I am for bringing all to the life and power of the ever-living God; and, therefore, if thou wilt not quarrel with me about my hat, I will not quarrel with thee about thy gown.' In this respect, I wish all, of every denomination, were thus minded.

"I find God has blessed my work in these parts. I am most cordially received by many who love the Lord Jesus. I have just been in company with a nobleman, who, I believe, truly fears God; and also with a lady of fashion, who discovers a Christian spirit. I already hear of great divisions; but Jesus knows how to bring order out of confusion.

"Be pleased to read this to all in Wine Street" (Bristol), "and remember me kindly to all who love the glorious Redeemer.

"I am, etc., "GEORGE WHITEFIELD."[457]

[457] Whitefield's Works, vol. i., p. 304; and "Life and Diary of Rev. Ralph Erskine," p. 327.

In accordance with the intimation given in this letter, Whitefield met "The Associate Presbytery," at Dunfermline, on Wednesday, August 5, 1741. The ministers present were the Rev. Messrs. Ralph and Ebenezer Erskine, Moncrieff, Gibb, Thomas and James Mair, and Clarkson. Two elders were also present, namely, Messrs. James Wardlaw and John Mowbray.[458]

[458] "Life and Diary of Rev. Ralph Erskine," p. 333.

Three days after this conference was held, Whitefield gave the following account of it, to his friend Mr. Noble, of New York:--

"EDINBURGH, August 8, 1741.

"MY DEAR BROTHER,--'The Associate Presbytery' are so confined that they will not so much as hear me preach, unless I will join with them. Mr. Ralph Erskine, indeed, did hear me, and went with me into the pulpit of the Cannongate Church. The people were ready to shout for joy; but, I believe, it gave offence to his associates.

"I met most of them, according to appointment, on Wednesday last. A set of grave venerable men! They soon proposed to form themselves into a presbytery, and were proceeding to choose a moderator. I asked them for what purpose? They answered, to discourse, and set me right about the matter of church government, and the Solemn League and Covenant. I replied, they might save themselves that trouble, for I had no scruples about it; and that settling church government, and preaching about the Solemn League and Covenant, was not my plan. I then told them something of my experience, and how I was led out into my present way of acting. One, in particular, said he was deeply affected; and dear Mr. Erskine desired they would have patience with me; for that, having been born and bred in England, and having never studied the point, I could not be supposed to be so perfectly acquainted with the nature of their covenants. One, much warmer than the rest, immediately replied, 'that no indulgence was to be shewn me; that England had revolted most with respect to church government; and that I, born and educated there, could not but be acquainted with the matter now in debate.' I told him, I had never yet made the Solemn League and Covenant the object of my study, being busy about matters, as I judged, of greater importance. Several replied, that every pin of the tabernacle was precious. I said, that, in every building, there were outside and inside workmen; that the latter, at present, was my province; that if they thought themselves called to the former, they might proceed in their own way, and I should proceed in mine. I then asked them seriously, what they would have me to do? The answer was, that I was not desired to subscribe immediately to the Solemn League and Covenant, but to preach only for them till I had further light. I asked, why only for them? Mr. Ralph Erskine said, 'they were the Lord's people.' I then asked, whether there were no other Lord's people but themselves; and, supposing all others were the devil's people, they certainly had more need to be preached to; and, therefore, I was more and more determined to go out into the highways and hedges; and that, if the Pope himself would lend me his pulpit, I would gladly proclaim the righteousness of Jesus Christ therein. Soon after this, the company broke up; and one of these, otherwise venerable men, immediately went into the meeting-house, and preached upon these words, 'Watchman, what of the night? Watchman, what of the night? The watchman said, The morning cometh, and also the night; if ye will enquire, enquire ye: return, come.' I attended; but the good man so spent himself in the former part of his sermon, in talking against prelacy, the Common Prayer Book, the surplice, the rose in the hat, and such-like externals, that when he came to the latter part of his text, to invite poor sinners to Jesus Christ, his breath was so gone, that he could scarce be heard. What a pity that the last was not first, and the first last!

"The consequence of all this was an open breach. I retired; I wept; I prayed; and, after preaching in the fields, sat down and dined with them, and then took a final leave. At table, a gentlewoman said, she had heard that I had told some people that, 'The Associate Presbytery' were building a Babel. I said, 'Madam, it is quite true; and I believe the Babel will soon fall down about their ears.' But enough of this. Lord, what is man? what the best of men? but men at the best! I think I have now seen an end of all perfection. Our brethren in America, blessed be God! have not so learned Christ. Be pleased to inform them of this letter.

"Ever yours in our common Lord, "GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

The only fact, that can be added to this simple statement, is found in the following extract from a manuscript written by Ebenezer Erskine:--

"As Mr. Whitefield shewed an inclination to proceed to a conference about toleration, it was proposed, that, seeing toleration of all sects is an opinion of his, it was thought fit to consider what is the form of government Christ has laid down in His word. And, agreeably to this, Mr. Whitefield put the question, Whether Presbyterian government be that which is agreeable to the pattern shewn in the mount? and, supposing that it is, whether it excluded a toleration of such as Independents, Anabaptists, and Episcopalians, among whom there are good men? Mr. Ebenezer Erskine said to him, 'Sir, God has made you an instrument of gathering a great multitude of souls to the faith and professing of the gospel throughout England, and also in foreign parts; and now it is fit that you should consider how that body is to be organised and preserved; which cannot be done without following the example of Paul and Barnabas, who, when they had gathered churches by the preaching of the gospel, visited them again, and ordained over them elders in every city; which you cannot do alone, without some two or three met together, in a judicative capacity, in the name of the Lord. Unto all which, Mr. Whitefield replied, that he reckoned it his present duty to go on preaching the gospel without proceeding to any such work. It was urged that, after his death,--the flock might be scattered, and fall into the hands of grievous wolves, without any to care for them. He said, that he, being of the communion of the Church of England, had none to join him in that work; and that he had no freedom to separate from the Church of England, until it excommunicated him."[459]

[459] "Life and Diary of Rev. Ralph Erskine," p. 335.

This is all the authentic information that exists respecting the memorable conference at Dunfermline. It is certainly amusing, and invites criticism; but the reader must form his own judgment of the chief actors in this ecclesiastical assembly. Suffice it to remark here, that, Whitefield's friends of "The Associate Presbytery" became extremely wroth; "From that time, they not only disavowed all connection with him, but preached against him publicly, and even went so far as to stigmatise him as an agent of the devil."[460] This is not an unfounded assertion. In 1742, the Rev. Adam Gibb, one of the members of "The Associate Presbytery," who met Whitefield at Dunfermline on August 5, 1741, published a closely written pamphlet of seventy-five pages, with the following title: "A Warning against countenancing the Ministrations of Mr. George Whitefield, published in the New Church at Bristow, upon Sabbath, June 6, 1742. Together with an Appendix upon the same subject, wherein are shewn, that Mr. Whitefield is no Minister of Jesus Christ; that his call and coming to Scotland are scandalous; that his practice is disorderly, and fertile of disorder; that his whole doctrine is, and his success must be, diabolical; so that people ought to avoid him, from duty to God, to the Church, to themselves, to their fellow-men, to posterity, and to him. By Adam Gibb, Minister of the Gospel at Edinburgh." (12mo.) A few extracts from this sour pamphlet must be given.

[460] "Life of Rev. John Erskine, D.D.," p. 96.

"It is no unusual thing with Mr. Whitefield, in his Journals, to apply unto himself things said of and by the Christ of God. In the 'Account of God's Dealings with Him,' he holds himself out as comparable with Christ, at his birth in an inn, in his suffering of thirst, and in the transition from suffering to relief. The general scope of his Journals is to publish and celebrate himself; the matter thereof being generally such as is for no man's advantage, nor worth any man's while to know. He goes through the world preaching as some notable person, or as a general quickener of ministers and people, while standing co-ordinate with none of them; and it is well known, that much of his preaching is employed in publishing his own sin, sufferings, exaltation, achievements, and concern for the salvation of men."

"As this foreigner" (Whitefield) "comes here without any Scripture mission or call, so his known and avowed principles are prelatical, and thus contrary to the word of God. His present ministrations have a direct tendency to introduce among us a latitudinarian scheme; and particularly to make men sceptics as to the discipline and government of the house of God. True, indeed, this is propagated under a very specious pretence,--a pretence of universal charity for good men, that differ about these things. And now matters are come to that pass with many, that it is reckoned uncivil and uncharitable to make any ado about our Reformation standards of discipline and government, though founded in the word of God."

"That Mr. Whitefield is no minister of Christ appears from the manner wherein that office, he professes to bear, is conveyed to him. He derives it from a diocesan bishop, who derives his office from the king, and the king professes not to be a church-officer at all."

"The awful profanation of the Lord's day, which the noise of Mr. Whitefield's ministrations introduces, deserves especial consideration. It is well known, that, on this day, multitudes in Edinburgh wait publicly (and very indecently too) for his appearance, through several hours before the time appointed for it, and that while public worship is exercised through the city, where these people profess no scruple to join. The profanity of this practice needs no proof, and the profanity of countenancing it needs as little."

"The complex scheme of Mr. Whitefield's doctrine is diabolical, as proceeding through diabolical influence, and applied unto a diabolical use, against the Mediator's glory, and the salvation of men. This is the awful point whereunto the whole articles of our charge against him are gathered."

"We conclude, that, all Mr. Whitefield's hearers are exposing themselves to Satanical influence: and, from the preceding reasonings, it follows, that all who espouse his way, must be either the formal subjects of such Satanical operation as we have been considering, or be led by Satan unto blind, unreasonable, and furious contending for that gloomy cause. Is not this, then, most hellish hurt, which they acquire in countenancing him?"

"How awful is the condition and progress of this man, while roaming about far and near, and warmly casting forth floods of doctrine calculated for transmitting devils into the hearts of men! At the same time, God is giving up many ministers, and multitudes of people, to run after him, over the belly of reason and religion; and to publish their embarking with him, better than ever they did with the Christ of God. Thus is he, in the judgment of God, become a plague to their heads, hearts, and eyes, rendering them blind, infatuated, and furious in a new career of apostasy from God. They are evidently given up to the lust of Satan, rendering them either patients, apprentices, or journeymen, with reference to the drug of Satanical doctrine that is now vended among us."

Such was the language used, concerning Whitefield, by one of the very men who, only ten months before, had done their utmost to induce him to identify himself with their "Associate Presbytery."[461] And to shew that he was not an exception among his brethren, it may be added, that, in 1744, "The Associate Presbytery" itself published a long official document of 138 pages, in which, after enumerating the sins of Scotland, they added:--

"The sins and provocations of this land are further increased by the kind reception that many, both ministers and people, have given to Mr. George Whitefield, a professed member and priest of the superstitious Church of England; and by the great entertainment that has been given to latitudinarian tenets, as propagated by him and others; whereby any particular form of church government is denied to be of Divine institution, and also, whereby, under a pretence of catholic love, a scheme is laid for uniting parties of all denominations in church communion, in a way destructive of any testimony for the declarative glory of Immanuel, as Head and King of Zion, and for the covenanted reformation of this Church and land."[462]

[461] It is only just to Mr. Gibb to say, that, in after years, he regretted the publication of his pamphlet. "At that time," said he, "my blood was too hot, and I was unable to write with becoming temper." ("Life and Diary of Rev. Ralph Erskine," p. 351.)

[462] Act of the Associate Presbytery for renewing the National Covenant of Scotland. December 23, 1743.

Another pamphlet published against Whitefield was the following: "A Letter, from a Gentleman in the Country to his Friend in Edinburgh, concerning Mr. Wh--f--d: wherein his Mission, Doctrine, and Character are impartially enquired into and examined. Edinburgh, 1741." (31 pp.) The writer wants to know Whitefield's authority for preaching in Scotland, and asks, "Was there really a necessity for sending down a young man, meanly educated, to teach the Scottish clergy their duty, and direct them to more accuracy, life, and zeal in the discharge of the several parts of their function?" He further asks, "Shall I believe, what is told me, that, though Mr. Whitefield has declared himself a member of the Church of England, yet, he has not so much as once, since he came to Scotland, begun or concluded his worship with the Lord's Prayer or the Doxology?" The general conclusion of the writer is, that Whitefield "has more of craziness than grace; and that this son of Levi takes far too much upon him."

To say the least, there was something pitiably mean in this action of the men who had invited Whitefield to visit Scotland. Because he declined to join their sect, they became his calumniating enemies. There can be little doubt that their bigotry enhanced Whitefield's popularity. He spent thirteen weeks in Scotland; and his letters, written during this period, will amply prove what has just been stated. At the risk of being prolix, somewhat copious extracts must be given. At least thirty towns had the benefit of his ministrations, though the first month seems to have been employed in Edinburgh and its immediate neighbourhood. He writes:--

"EDINBURGH, August 8, 1741.

"On Sunday evening" (last), "I preached in a field near the Orphan House, to upwards of fifteen thousand people; and on Monday, Friday, and Saturday evenings, to near as many. On Tuesday, I preached in the Cannongate Church; on Wednesday and Thursday, at Dunfermline; and, on Friday morning, at Queen's Ferry. Everywhere the auditories were large, and very attentive. Great power accompanied the Word. Many have been brought under convictions."[463]

[463] One of Whitefield's hearers wrote, under date of "Sunday, August 9, 1741," as follows: "Numbers of all ranks, all denominations, and all characters, come to hear him, though his sermons abound with those truths which would be unwelcome from the mouths of others. Three hours before noon he appoints for people under distress to converse with him." (Gillies' "Memoirs of Whitefield.")

To the Rev. Mr. Willison, minister at Dundee, he addressed the following:--

"EDINBURGH, August 10, 1741.

"REVEREND AND DEAR SIR,--I just now had the pleasure of your letter, for which be pleased to accept my hearty thanks.

"Glory be to free grace! Many are here brought under convictions. The glorious Emmanuel is pleased to clothe His word with power. I am amazed at His loving-kindness, and want heaven and earth to join with me in praising His holy name.

"I wish you would not trouble yourself or me by writing about the corruptions of the Church of England. I believe there is no Church perfect under heaven; but, as God is pleased to send me forth simply to preach the gospel to all, I think there is no need of casting myself out. The divisions in Scotland are affecting, and will occasion great searchings of heart."

To the Rev. Mr. Ogilvie, of Aberdeen, he wrote:--

"EDINBURGH, August 10, 1741.

"REVEREND AND DEAR SIR,--I thank you for your kind and obliging letter. I hope to come into the northern parts; but the precise time I cannot tell.

"I find it best simply to preach the pure gospel, and not to meddle at all with controversy. The present divisions are a sore judgment to Scotland. This is my comfort, Jesus is king. I have been with several of 'The Associate Presbytery,' but I see no hopes of accommodation. O that the power of religion may revive! Nothing but that can break down the partition wall of bigotry."

One of the noblemen with whom Whitefield became acquainted in Edinburgh was Lord Rae, to whom he wrote as follows:--

"EDINBURGH, August 11, 1741.

"MY LORD,--I hope this will find your lordship safe at your journey's end, rejoicing in God for giving His angels charge concerning you in the way. The Lord of all lords has dealt most lovingly with me since your departure hence. His power has been frequently made known in the great congregation, and many come to me daily, crying out, 'What shall I do to be saved?' I hope we shall see the kingdom of God come with power. This is the full desire of my soul. I am determined to seek after and know nothing else. Besides this, all other things are but dung and dross. O my Lord, why should we, who are pilgrims, mind earthly things? Why should we, who are soldiers, entangle ourselves with the things of this life? Heavenly-mindedness is the very life of a Christian. It is all in all."

Another nobleman, who became one of Whitefield's friends, was the Marquis of Lothian. The following is an extract from Whitefield's letter to him:--

"EDINBURGH, August 12, 1741.

"MY LORD,--I am surprised to find your lordship so condescending as to write to me. How bright does humility shine in great personages! I pray God to give your lordship grace to determine to know nothing but Jesus Christ and Him crucified. He is the only centre of true happiness. In Him alone, solid, lasting joys are to be found. Having Jesus, I find, in Him I possess all things. But whither am I going? Your lordship will excuse me. I pray God to visit you with His great salvation. I thank your lordship for your intended benefaction to the poor Georgia orphans. I hope the glorious Emmanuel will accept it at your hands."

Another letter, apparently to Howell Harris, who probably was supplying Whitefield's pulpit at the Tabernacle, London, was as follows:--

"EDINBURGH, August 13, 1741.

"MY VERY DEAR BROTHER,--'The Associate Presbytery' have been hard upon me; but I find no freedom any longer than I continue just as I am, and evangelize to all. I know not that I differ from you in one thing.

"Glory be to God for what He has done in London! He is doing great things here. I walk in the continual sunshine of His countenance. Every day, fresh seals are given of my ministry. This morning, God opened my mouth to speak to preachers of the gospel. Be pleased to accept this summary account of my proceedings. On Sunday morning, I preached to the orphans here; and in the evening to as many people as the Sunday before. Every day since, excepting Monday, I have preached, either in the churches or field, twice a day; and, yesterday, I collected upwards of £93 for the Georgia orphans. People are daily coming under deep convictions, and fresh invitations are sent me to preach at divers places round about. On Sunday, I purpose to preach in the country, and also the greater part of the following week, and shall return again about Friday to this city. O my brother, exhort all to praise the Lord!"

In a letter to David Erskine, of Stirling, one of the sons of Ebenezer Erskine, Whitefield seems to attribute the blame of the bigoted proceedings of the Dunfermline conference to others than to the two Erskine brothers:--

"EDINBURGH, August 13, 1741.

"MY DEAR BROTHER,--The treatment I met with from 'The Associate Presbytery' was not altogether such as I expected. It grieved me, as much as it did you. I could scarce refrain from bursting into a flood of tears. I wish all were like-minded with your honoured father and uncle. Matters then would not be carried on with so high a hand. Such violent methods, such a narrow way of acting, can never be the way to promote and enlarge the kingdom of the blessed Jesus. It surely must be wrong to fix such bounds to ourselves, as forbid even our hearing those who love the Lord Jesus in sincerity, and have also been owned of Him. Christ would not have done so. Supposing the scheme of government, which 'The Associate Presbytery' contend for, to be scriptural, yet forbearance and long-suffering ought to be exercised towards such as differ from them. I am persuaded, there is no such form of government, prescribed in the book of God, as excludes a toleration of all other forms whatsoever. If the New Testament outward tabernacle was to be built as punctual as the Old, as punctual directions would have been given about the building of it; whereas, it is only deduced by inference, and thus we see Independents, Presbyterians, and Episcopalians bring the same text to support their particular scheme; and, I believe, Jesus Christ thereby would teach us to exercise forbearance to each other. If the scheme of 'The Associate Presbytery' were to take effect, they must, out of conscience, restrain and grieve, if not persecute, many of God's children who could not come into their measures; and I doubt not but their present violent methods, together with the corruptions of the Assembly, will cause many to turn Independents, and set up particular churches of their own. This was the effect of Archbishop Laud acting with so high a hand; and whether it be presbytery or episcopacy, if managed in the same manner, it will be productive of the same effects.

"Blessed be God! I have not so learned Christ. I preach the simple gospel; and our glorious Jesus is pleased to attend it with His power. O dear sir, I love and honour your pious father. Remember me in the kindest manner to the good old man. I pray God, his last days may not be employed too much in the non-essentials of religion. My heart is knit to the family. God willing, I am to preach at Falkirk on Tuesday evening, and purpose to be at Stirling that night, and to preach twice there the next day. If it was thought advisable, I would collect for the Orphan House at Georgia in the afternoon."

In another letter, dated "Edinburgh, August 15, 1741," Whitefield speaks of more than "three hundred in the city seeking after Jesus," and says: "Every morning I have a levee of wounded souls. At seven in the morning, we have a lecture in the fields, attended not only by the common people, but persons of great rank. I have reason to think several of the latter sort are coming to Jesus. Little children also are much wrought upon. Congregations consist of many thousands. I preach twice daily, and expound in private houses at night, and am employed in speaking to souls under distress great part of the day."

On August 24, Whitefield tells James Habersham, his Orphan-house superintendent, that, he had collected, in Scotland, nearly £200, and had a prospect of collecting much more. He had "bought five hundred yards of cloth for the dear orphans' winter wear;" but was still hundreds of pounds in debt.

To Ralph Erskine, who had insinuated that Whitefield's wish to raise money for his orphans had made him a temporizer, the following was addressed:--

"EDINBURGH, August 24, 1741.

"REVEREND AND DEAR SIR,--I thank you for your kind letter. I believe it proceeded from love; but, as yet, I cannot think the Solemn League and Covenant is obligatory upon me. Indeed, dear sir, you mistake if you think I temporize on account of the orphans. Be it far from me. I abhor the very thought of it. I proceed now, just as I have ever done since I entered the ministry; and, so far from not setting a hedge about our Lord's garden, if I were called to it, I should set a much closer hedge than that which 'The Associate Presbytery' are planting. I should enquire into people's experiences, before I admitted them to the Lord's table. I should have church members meet in church fellowship, and tell one another what God has done for their souls. You seem to think I am not open to light. That I may give you satisfaction, I am willing to confer with Mr. Wilson,[464] at Perth, where I am to be on Thursday, September 3. On Tuesday next, I purpose preaching at Dunfermline. I am engaged to sup at your colleague's house, but intend to lie at yours."

[464] "The Associate Presbytery's" professor of Divinity. See p. 505.

Towards the end of August, Whitefield appears to have made a preaching tour in the Scottish provinces.[465] In a letter dated "Perth, September 3," 1741, he says: "For nine days past, I have preached, twice every day, to very large and affected auditories, in many towns and villages." At Dundee, "good was done." At Crieff, he had "a most precious meeting." At Glasgow, he "preached ten times.[466] The congregations were very large, as were the contributions, and many were brought under the deepest convictions."[467] After his return to Edinburgh, the following was addressed to a friend in London:--

"EDINBURGH, September 24, 1741.

[465] The following was Whitefield's preaching plan, from Monday, August 24, to Tuesday, September 8:--

August 24, morning and afternoon at Edinburgh; 25, forenoon in Cannongate Church, and evening in the park; 26, Newbottle twice; 27, Whitburn; 28, Torphichen and Linlithgow; 29, twice at Falkirk; 30, Airth; 31, twice at Stirling; September 1, Culross and Dunfermline; 2, twice at Kinross; 3, Perth; 4 to 6, Dundee; 7, Kinglassie; and 8, Edinburgh. (Gillies' "Memoirs of Whitefield.")

[466] Most, if not all, of Whitefield's sermons at Glasgow were preached in the High Church yard; and at least eight of them were "taken from his own mouth, and published at the earnest desire of many of the hearers: namely, two sermons, delivered on Friday, September 11, from Jer. xxxii. 16 (pp. 20), and Luke xv. (pp. 20); two, on Saturday, September 12, from Luke iv. 18, 19 (pp. 28), and Acts ix. (pp. 40); two, on Sunday, September 13, from Jer. vi. 14 (pp. 24); Rom. xiv. 17 (pp. 35); one, on Monday, September 14, from 2 Tim. iii. 12 (pp. 28); and one, on Tuesday, September 15, from 1 Cor. i. 30 (pp. 39)."--Notes and Queries, vol. v., 1858, p. 340.

[467] Whitefield's Works, vol. i., p. 319.

"On Sunday last, I preached here four times, twice in a church, and twice in the fields; in the evening, I collected £20 for the Royal Infirmary. On Monday morning, I visited the children in the three hospitals; and preached, in the evening, in the park. On Tuesday and Wednesday, I preached at Kinglassie, Aberdour, and Inverkeithing. On Thursday, I visited the prison; and, in the evening, preached to the children of the city, with a congregation of near twenty thousand, in the park."

To Lord Rae, Whitefield wrote as follows:--

"GALASHIELS, September 28, 1741.

"MY LORD,--I have received your lordship's liberal benefaction for the orphans, for which, and all other favours, you have my hearty thanks. The innumerable instances of God's goodness quite melt me down. The word of God prevails more and more. Everywhere Jesus Christ is getting Himself the victory in poor sinners' hearts. I trust, your lordship's daughters will feel the power of Christ's blood. Happy they, who do feel it. They are sons and daughters of the Lord Almighty. What a rich person is the poorest Christian! He is joint-heir with Jesus Christ."

Another nobleman must be introduced. From the year 1741 to 1753, the Earl of Leven and Melville was His Majesty's Commissioner in the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland,--the head of a family whose history had been closely connected with Presbyterian struggles and triumphs. He was a senator of the College of Justice, and one of the Lords of Police for Scotland. He married Mary, daughter of Colonel Erskine, of Carnock; and died on the 2nd of September, 1754.[468] The following was addressed to him:--

"EDINBURGH, October 2, 1741.

[468] Annals of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, from 1739 to 1752.

"MY LORD,--Last night, I returned from the south country, and received your lordship's kind letter. My invitation to Coupar was in the name of many: who the persons were that signed the letter, I cannot tell. I have sent it enclosed in this. Had I known it to be more agreeable to your lordship, I would have appointed the meeting at Melville; but, I fear, as public notice has been given, it will now be impracticable. I cannot possibly stay with your lordship all Tuesday, having to preach at Dundee; but, in my return from Aberdeen, I hope to be at your lordship's house. I am glad you intend to be at Kinglassie. I shall have both sermons early; and hope the glorious Jesus will be with us in going to Melville.

"O, my lord, I want a thousand tongues to shew forth the Redeemer's praise. Having Him, though I have nothing else, I find I possess all things. I have not forgotten your lordship since I wrote last. You are and will be much upon my heart. I have heard of the piety of your lordship's ancestors. Take courage, my lord, and fear not to follow a crucified Jesus without the camp, bearing His reproach. Beware of honour, falsely so called. Dare to be singularly good; and be not ashamed of Jesus or His gospel. Look to Christ by faith, and your lordship's great possessions will not retard, but promote, your progress in the divine life. What sweet communion will you then enjoy with God, in your walks and gardens! They will then be a little paradise to your soul."

Wherever he was, Whitefield never forgot his orphans in Georgia. His establishment there was now large and prosperous. The buildings were completed. The summer crops had been plentiful. The family consisted of eighty-four persons, men, women, and children. Nineteen others were employed in cultivating the estate. They had upwards of a hundred head of cattle; and, during the year, had "planted upwards of twenty acres, and had cleared twenty acres more, to enjoy the conveniency of the air." "We live," wrote Mr. Habersham, "entirely within ourselves, except a few necessaries which we cannot do without, and are obliged to purchase elsewhere. Twice a day, we eat hominy[469] of our own raising, and, at present, without molasses. For dinner, we eat beef of our own stock, and peas for bread, of all which we have plenty, and shall have for three months to come. Our garden is very fruitful of greens, turnips, etc., and we expect a good crop of potatoes. In short, we have a sufficiency of wholesome food. Glory be to God! we daily see our heavenly Father's hand supplying us in this wilderness land; but I must have cash, not only to pay debts, but also to buy clothing and many other necessaries."[470]

[469] Indian corn boiled in water.

[470] Whitefield's Works, vol. iii., pp. 444, 445.

While the honoured guest of the Earl of Leven and Melville, Whitefield sent the following letter to his faithful superintendent in Georgia:--

"MELVILLE, October 5, 1741.

"MY VERY DEAR FRIEND AND BROTHER,--I have, by the ship which brings you this, sent you £70 worth of different sorts of goods, to be disposed of, and the money to be applied to the use of the Orphan House. I have also sent six hundred yards of cloth, a present of my own, to make the boys and girls coats and gowns, some whereof I have had made up here. The other things were given by various persons. Amongst these, you will find some damask tablecloths, which I desire you will sell, they being too good, in my opinion, for our use. I have been enabled to pay my brother, and also Mr. N----'s bill of £300.[471] There is yet £200 to be paid; but very shortly, I hope to discharge that also.

[471] The following are the sums, which Whitefield collected for his Orphan House, during his present visit to Scotland:--

1741. £ s. d. Private benefactions, in money 149 18 2

COLLECTIONS. Aug. 12. Orphan House Park, Edinburgh 93 4 0 23. Ditto 38 13 1 26. Newbottle 9 5 6 29. Falkirk 5 10 0 29. Airth. 11 18 2 30. Stirling 21 17 0 31. Culross 16 16 6 31. Dunfermline 17 2 6 Sept. 1. Kinross 4 16 0 4. Perth 10 0 0 6. Dundee 14 14 0 10. Fintray 3 0 0 13. Glasgow 62 10 0 15. Ditto 17 19 6 17. Paisley 15 3 0 19. Inverkeithing 5 16 4 27. Galashiels 12 9 0 29. Maxtown 5 5 0 Oct. 1. Haddington 12 6 6 4. Kinglassie 5 0 0 13. Aberdeen 21 6 10 16. Montrose 9 13 4-1/2 18. Brechin 6 12 0 20. Forfar 2 0 0 ----------------- Total £572 16 5-1/2

"I have been in Scotland about two months; and God has been pleased to bless my ministrations in an abundant manner. The good that has been done is inexpressible. I am intimate with three noblemen, and several ladies of quality, who have a great liking for the things of God.[472] I am now writing in an earl's house, surrounded with fine furniture; but, glory be to free grace! my soul is in love only with Jesus.[473] I have some thoughts of visiting Ireland. Whether I shall do that, or come to America, in the spring, God only knows. I long to see you and the rest of my dear family. Thousands of prayers are put up for us, and thousands of lies are spread abroad against us."

[472] Among these were Lady Mary Hamilton, Lady Jane Nimmo, Lady Dirleton, and Lady Frances Gardiner.

[473] Six weeks after this, Whitefield was married; but let that pass. His meaning here, of course, was that in comparison with others he was "in love only with Jesus."

Of "the thousands of lies," the following, extracted from a letter written not long after Whitefield's visit, may be taken as a specimen:--

"Wherever he went, he had a gaping crowd around him, and had the address to make them part with their money. He was a pickpocket, and inflexible about the article of gathering money. He went off to England with a full purse, but with a ruined reputation among all except his bigoted admirers. Very few ministers enter into the spirit of Whitefieldism."[474]

[474] Wakeley's "Anecdotes of Whitefield," p. 231.

Whitefield refers to the same sort of calumny in the following, which was to a friend in Edinburgh:--

"MELVILLE, October 5, 1741.

"The calumnies of evil men are not to be regarded. I value them not in the least. My largest donations have been from the rich. The mites, which the lower sort of people have given, I am persuaded will not prevent their paying their debts, and will not impoverish their families. Mr. W---- wishes there may be a contribution for myself; but I will not admit of any such thing. I make no purse. What I have, I give away. Freely I have received; freely I desire to give. 'Poor, yet making many rich,' shall be my motto still. My great and professed design is to bring poor sinners to Jesus Christ; but, as my orphan family is now large, and has daily to be provided for, without the least visible fund; and as I believe much glory will redound to God from the Orphan House, I think it my duty to speak to those who, for Christ's sake, are willing to afford help. I would have no one afraid of doing too much good, or think that a little given in charity will impoverish the country."

From Melville, Whitefield proceeded to Aberdeen, where he spent several days; and here a strange scene occurred. The two ministers of the Kirk were the Rev. Mr. Bisset and the Rev. Mr. Ogilvie, with the latter of whom Whitefield had been in correspondence. In a long letter, Whitefield writes as follows:--

"ABERDEEN, October 9, 1741.

"At my first coming here, things looked a little gloomy; for the magistrates had been so prejudiced by one Mr. Bisset, that, when applied to, they refused me the use of the kirkyard to preach in. This Mr. Bisset is colleague with one Mr. Ogilvie, at whose repeated invitation I came hither. Though colleagues of the same congregation, they are very different in their natural tempers. The one is, what they call in Scotland, of a sweet-blooded; the other, of a choleric disposition. Mr. Bisset is neither a Seceder, nor quite a Kirkman, having great fault to find with both. Soon after my arrival, dear Mr. Ogilvie took me to pay my respects to him: he was prepared for this, and immediately pulled out a paper, containing a great number of insignificant queries, which I had neither time nor inclination to answer. The next morning, it being Mr. Ogilvie's turn, I lectured and preached. The magistrates were present; the congregation was very large; and light and life fled all around. In the afternoon, Mr. Bisset officiated; and I attended. He began his prayers as usual; but, in the midst of them, naming me by name, he entreated the Lord to forgive the dishonour that had been put upon him, by my being suffered to preach in that pulpit; and, that all might know what reason he had to put up such a petition, he, in about the middle of his sermon, not only urged that I was a curate of the Church of England, but also quoted a passage or two from my printed sermons, which, he said, were grossly Arminian. Most of the congregation seemed surprised and chagrined, and especially his good-natured colleague, Mr. Ogilvie, who immediately after sermon, without consulting me, stood up and gave notice that Mr. Whitefield would preach in about half an hour. The interval being so short, the magistrates returned into the sessions-house; and the congregation patiently waited, big with expectation of hearing my resentment. At the time appointed, I went up, and took no other notice of the good man's ill-timed zeal, than to observe, in some part of my discourse, that, if the good old gentleman had seen some of my later writings, wherein I had corrected several of my former mistakes, he would not have expressed himself in such strong terms. The people, being thus diverted from controversy with man, were deeply impressed with what they heard from the word of God. All were hushed, and more than solemn; and, on the morrow, the magistrates sent for me, and begged I would accept of the freedom of the city."[475]

[475] It is a remarkable fact, that, during his first visit to Scotland, in 1741, Whitefield received the compliment of honorary burgess tickets from four of the principal towns of the country--Stirling, Glasgow, Paisley, and Aberdeen. In 1742, the same honour was conferred upon him by Irvine; and, in 1762, by Edinburgh.

For the present, poor Mr. Bisset was vanquished. Besides expounding in private houses, Whitefield added five more sermons to the two already preached; many of his hearers "were brought under great convictions; and the people much regretted his departure."[476]

[476] Whitefield's Works, vol. i., p. 334.

Leaving Aberdeen on Wednesday, October 13, Whitefield began his journey back to Edinburgh. On October 14, he preached at Stonhithe and Benham; on the 15th, thrice at Montrose; on the 16th and 17th, five times at Brechin; on the 18th, twice at Forfar; on the 19th, twice at Coupar, near the residence of Earl Leven, whose guest he was; and on the 20th and 21st, four times at Dundee, where, he says, "the concern among the hearers was very remarkable." A week after this, he set out for Wales, but, before he went, he preached and lectured, in Edinburgh, in three days, not fewer than sixteen times. Hence the following to John Cennick, his curate at the Tabernacle, London:--

"EDINBURGH, October 27, 1741.

"MY VERY DEAR BROTHER,--Although it be past eleven at night, I cannot miss a post. The Lord is doing great things here. On Sunday last (October 24), the Lord enabled me to preach four times, and to lecture, in the evening, in a private house. Yesterday, I preached three times, and lectured at night. To-day, Jesus has enabled me to preach seven times; once in the Church, twice at the Girls' Hospital, once in the Park, once at the Old People's Hospital, and afterwards twice in a private house. Notwithstanding, I am now as fresh as when I arose in the morning. Both in the church and park, the Lord was with us. The girls in the hospital were exceedingly affected, and so were the standers by. One of the mistresses told me, that she is now awakened in the morning by the voice of prayer and praise; and the master of the boys says, that they meet together every night to sing and pray, and that, when he goes to their rooms, to see if all be safe, he generally disturbs them at their devotions. The presence of God, at the Old People's Hospital, was wonderful. The Holy Spirit seemed to come down like a mighty rushing wind. Every day, I hear of some fresh good wrought by the power of God. I scarce know how to leave Scotland. I believe I shall think it my duty to pay the inhabitants another visit as soon as possible. Above £500 have been collected, in money and goods, for the poor orphans. To-morrow, I shall leave this place, and go through Wales in my way to London."

Before he left Edinburgh, Whitefield wrote another letter to Earl Leven, which, considering the high office held by that nobleman in the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, was somewhat singular, but, at the same time, bravely faithful. His lordship had given Whitefield a horse, for his long journey through Wales to London.

"EDINBURGH, October 26, 1741.

"MY LORD,--It is now past eleven at night. All is wrapt in awful silence. My soul is in a quiet, composed frame. I have been giving your lordship's letter a second reading. The Holy Spirit seems to be moving upon your soul; and I trust you will now awake into a new world, and know what it is to live by faith. O that the stone of infidelity, which before lay at the door of your heart, may now be rolled away! O that you may rise, be loosed from your corruptions, and go about doing good! My lord, if you could be brought to love secret prayer, and to converse feelingly with God in His word, your heaven would begin on earth: you would enjoy more pleasure than in all manner of riches. What will those avail, if you are not rich towards God? As for praying in your family, I entreat you not to neglect it. You are bound to do it. Apply to Christ for strength to overcome your present fears. They are the effects of pride, or infidelity, or of both. After once or twice, the difficulty will be over.

"It rejoices me to think that I shall one day, perhaps, see a church in Melville House. Happy, happy are you, my lord, in having such a consort, who will forward you in every good word and work. As God shall enable me, I shall bear you both upon my heart. My riding upon your lordship's horse will often remind me to pray for the donor. I should be glad to hear, from time to time, what the Lord is doing for your soul. Since you have laid your commands upon me, I shall write as often as possible.

"It is late; the clock has struck twelve. Methinks, I could wish the cry was now made, 'Behold, the Bridegroom cometh!' My soul longs to go forth to meet Him. This evening, I was greatly refreshed in preaching on these words, 'This is my beloved, and this is my friend, O daughters of Jerusalem.' When shall I see Him as He is? Well may your lordship say, 'He is altogether lovely.' Eternity is too short to utter all His praise."

The reader has now the substance of Whitefield's own account of his first tour in Scotland. Many anecdotes in relation to it still exist, and the following may be taken as specimens.

When preaching at Dunfermline, it was known that Whitefield would make a collection for his Orphan House in Georgia. A gentleman, of some importance in the town, determined he would not be persuaded by the great orator to be a contributor, and, before leaving home, emptied his pockets of all his money. Whitefield, in the course of his sermon, mentioned the excuses often made for not practising beneficence, and, among others, dwelt upon the case of those who designedly came to religious services without their cash. The prudent gentleman at once borrowed of a friend half a guinea for the collector.[477]

[477] "Life of Rev. John Erskine, D. D.," p. 194.

Whitefield's power of riveting the attention of his auditors was marvellous. It is related, by one of his biographers, that a gentleman, who had been to hear him in the Orphan House Park, Edinburgh, was met, on his way home, by an eminent minister, under whom he usually sat. The minister, indignant at the aberration of this distinguished member of his flock, expressed his surprise that he should have gone to hear such a rambling preacher as Whitefield was. "Sir," replied the admonished gentleman, "when I hear you, I am planting trees all the time; but during the whole of Mr. Whitefield's sermon, I had no time for planting even one."[478]

[478] "Memoirs of Whitefield," by Seymour, p. 52.

In one of his journeys, Whitefield was told of a widow with a large family, whose landlord had distrained her furniture, and was about to sell it, unless her rent was paid. Whitefield's purse was never large, but his sympathy was great, and he, immediately, gave the five guineas which the helpless woman needed. The friend, who was travelling with him hinted, that the sum was more than he could reasonably afford; to which the gushing, if not perfectly accurate, reply was, "When God brings a case of distress before us, it is that we may relieve it." The two travellers proceeded on their journey, and, before long, encountered a highwayman, who demanded their money, which they gave. Whitefield now turned the tables on his friend, and reminded him how much better it was for the poor widow to have the five guineas than the thief, who had just robbed them. They had not long resumed their travel, before the man returned, and demanded Whitefield's coat, which was much more respectable than his own. This request was also granted, Whitefield accepting the robber's ragged habiliment till he could procure a better. Presently, they perceived the marauder again galloping towards them most furiously; and now, fearing that their lives were threatened, they also spurred their horses, and, fortunately, arrived at some cottages, before the highwayman could stop them. The thief was baulked, and, no doubt, was immensely mortified; for, when Whitefield took off the man's tattered coat, he found, in one of its pockets, a carefully wrapped parcel containing one hundred guineas.[479]

[479] Gospel Magazine, 1816, p. 172.

But enough of floating anecdotes, which may, or may not be true.

It must be owned that Whitefield rendered but little service to "The Associate Presbytery," at whose invitation he went to Scotland; but that was the fault, not of Whitefield, but, of the members of the Presbytery themselves. His labours were almost entirely those of an evangelist preaching in the fields, or of a brother minister, belonging to another church, courteously admitted to the pulpits of the established Kirk of Scotland. His services, however, were none the less successful because not confined to the Seceders. There cannot be a doubt, that, as the labours of the Wesleys and of Whitefield were the means of quickening the religious life of the Church of England, so the labours of Whitefield were, to a great extent, the means of arousing the dormant energies of the sister Church of Scotland. Whitefield, as well as Knox, deserves a monument on the Calton Hill. Some evidence of this has been already furnished, and much more will be found in succeeding pages. Whitefield's own account of his first visit to Scotland may seem extravagant, and scarcely deserving of implicit credence. To silence such suspicion, the following extracts from letters written at the time, will be as useful as they are welcome.

A week after Whitefield's departure, a friend wrote to him as follows:--

"EDINBURGH, November 5, 1741.

"In the Tolbooth Church," (where the Rev. Alexander Webster was minister,) "there has been at sacrament a hundred more than usual, whereof about thirty young ones had never been admitted before, and of these, eighteen were converted by your ministry."[480]

[480] Weekly History, November 28, 1741.

A fortnight later, another friend in Edinburgh said:--

"The seed sown by your ministry daily appears, and in new instances. I am told the first night a play was acted here this season there were but about six ladies at it; the second, two; and the third and last, none at all. The little children of this city cannot forget you. Their very hearts leap within them upon hearing your name."[481]

[481] Ibid., December 5, 1741.

In another letter, from a friend in Scotland, dated, "December 12, 1741," it is stated, that, Whitefield spent five days in Glasgow, and preached ten times in the High Church yard, to vast multitudes reckoned at from ten to fifteen thousand. Above sixty persons were converted by his preaching.[482]

[482] Ibid., December 12, 1741.

Six months after Whitefield's departure, a minister in Edinburgh wrote:--

"Since you left Scotland, numbers, in different places, have been awakened. Religion, in this sinful city, revives and flourishes. Ordinances are more punctually attended. People hear the word with gladness, and receive it in faith and love. New meetings, for prayer and spiritual conference, are being begun everywhere. Religious conversation has banished slander and calumny from several tea-tables. Praise is perfected out of the mouths of babes and sucklings. Some stout-hearted sinners are captivated to the obedience of Christ."[483]

[483] Glasgow Weekly History, No. xxvii.

In reference to the same city, Edinburgh, the Rev. Dr. Muir wrote:--

"More than twenty praying societies have been established in this place. Amongst them are several meetings of boys and girls. There are also several meetings of young women. There are numbers of young men, who meet for the purpose of glorifying God, and promoting Christian knowledge. A good number of old men, substantial, standing Christians, meet for edification and instruction, and are thereby often revived and very much refreshed. Upon the whole, we hope, there is such a flame kindled as shall never be extinguished. This is not all: for several country people are beginning to assemble together in little meetings, to worship God; particularly about two miles from this place, where several ploughmen and other illiterate persons meet for the most noble purposes, and greatly increase in numbers, grace, and knowledge. About Old Cambus, six miles from Dunbar, many are meeting together for social prayer and mutual conversation respecting matters of religion. There are several other societies for prayer prospering very well."[484]

[484] Prince's Christian History, No. xxxiv.

Another minister, the Rev. Mr. McCulloch, informed Whitefield, that fifty persons had been converted by his ten sermons in Glasgow; and that many others had been convinced of sin, and were seeking salvation.[485] The Rev. Mr. Ogilvie, at Aberdeen, stated, that Whitefield had been the means of reviving, in that city, "a just sense and concern for the great things of religion. I often think," says the writer, "that the Lord sent him here, to teach me how to preach, and especially how to suffer. His attachment to no party, but to Christ, appears to me a peculiar excellency in him. While he stayed among us, he answered our expectations so much, that he has scarce more friends anywhere than here, where, at first, almost all were against him. The word came with so much power, that, I hope, several of different denominations will bless the Lord for ever, that they ever heard him."[486]

[485] Glasgow Weekly History, No. xiii.

[486] Ibid., No. xxvii.

The Rev. Mr. Willison, of Dundee, wrote:--

"Mr. Whitefield is hated, and spoken against by all the episcopal party and even the most of our clergy labour to diminish and expose him. But I look upon this youth, as raised up by God for special service, for promoting true Christianity in the world, and for reviving it where it is decayed. I see the man to be all of a piece; his life and conversation to be a transcript of his sermons. He is singularly fitted to do the work of an evangelist; and I have been long of opinion, that, it would be for the advantage of the world, were this still to be a standing office in the Church. I have myself been witness to the Holy Ghost falling upon him and his hearers oftener than once; not in a miraculous, though in an observable manner. Many here are blessing God, for sending him to this country, though Satan has raged so much against it. Though he is ordained a minister of the Church of England, he has always conformed to us, both in doctrine and worship, and lies open to conform to us in other points. God, by owning him so wonderfully, is pleased to give a rebuke to our intemperate bigotry and party zeal, and to tell us, that neither circumcision nor uncircumcision availeth anything, but the new creature."[487]

[487] Glasgow Weekly History, No. xiii.

One more contemporaneous testimony must suffice. A gentleman, "eminent for learning and knowledge of the world," remarked:--

"Mr. Whitefield's soundness in the faith, his fervent zeal, and unwearied diligence in promoting the cause of Christ; the plainness and simplicity, the affection and warmth of his sermons, and the amazing power that accompanied them; together with his meekness, humility, and candid and catholic spirit, convinced the people that there was reason to think well of him. Conversions were become rare in Scotland; little liveliness was to be found even in real Christians; and bigotry and blind zeal were producing animosities and divisions, and turning away the attention of good men from matters of infinitely greater importance. The episcopal clergy gave him no countenance, though a few of their people did. In the Established Church of Scotland, some of the more rigid Presbyterians would not hold communion with him, on account of his connection with the Church of England, and because he assumed the office of an evangelist, peculiar, in their apprehension, to the first ages of the Church. Some were mightily dissatisfied with him for preaching the Calvinistic doctrines of election, original sin, efficacious grace, justification through faith, and the perseverance of the saints; and others, because he inveighed against the playhouse, dancing assemblies, games of chance, haunting taverns, vanity and extravagance in dress, and levity in behaviour and conversation. But, upon many in Edinburgh, of all ranks and ages, especially young people, deep impressions were made; and many of them waited on him privately, lamenting their former immoral lives, or stupid thoughtlessness about religion, and expressing their anxious concern about obtaining an interest in Christ, and the sanctifying influences of the Spirit."[488]

[488] Gillies' "Memoirs of Whitefield."

SEVEN MONTHS IN ENGLAND.

NOVEMBER 1741 TO JUNE 1742.

Whitefield left Edinburgh on October 29, 1741, and rode on Earl Leven's horse, three hundred miles, to Abergavenny in Wales, for the purpose of marrying Mrs. James, a widow lady, who, up to this period of his history, is never even mentioned in any of Whitefield's letters. The marriage ceremony was performed at St. Martin's Chapel, near Caerphilly, in the parish of Eglws Ilan. The following is a copy of the register, in the handwriting of the Rev. John Smith, the then vicar of Eglws Ilan:--

GEORGE WHITEFIELD AND ELIZABETH JAMES, Married, November 14, 1741.[489]

[489] "Memoirs of Christmas Evans," p. 176.

Of Mrs. James's previous history, nothing has been published.[490] She was a friend of the Methodists, and of Wesley, as well as of Whitefield. Only six weeks before her marriage, Wesley was her guest, at Abergavenny, and writes, "She received us gladly, as she had done aforetime."[491] Exactly a month before she became Mrs. Whitefield, Wesley was again in the same neighbourhood, and was warmly attacked by his quondam friends, but now his Calvinistic foes, Thomas Bissicks and Joseph Humphreys. Mrs. James kindly interfered, and Wesley, not without reason, calls her "a woman of candour and humanity."[492]

[490] Her maiden name was Burnell. (Gillies' "Memoirs of Whitefield.")

[491] Wesley's Works, vol. i.; p. 319.

[492] Ibid., vol. i., p. 321.

Whitefield did everything religiously. On the day before his marriage, writing to Earl Leven, he remarks:--

"I find a restraint upon me now, so that I cannot write. God calls me to retirement, being to enter the marriage state to-morrow. I am persuaded your lordship will not fail to pray, that we may, like Zacharias and Elisabeth, walk in all the ordinances and commandments of the Lord blameless."

Five days subsequent to his marriage, he says, to a friend at Edinburgh, "On Saturday, I was married, in the fear of God, to one who, I hope, will be a helpmeet to me. I expect to be in London in about three weeks. My wife I shall leave in the country for some time."

To another friend in Edinburgh he writes: "Jesus was called to, Jesus was present at, the marriage." In a letter to James Habersham, he says: "The Lord has given me a wife. Her name was James, a widow, between thirty and forty years of age. She has been a housekeeper many years. Once gay; but, for three years last past, a despised follower of the Lamb of God. I left her about three weeks ago, and am going to settle affairs, and bring her up to London." Shortly after, writing to his friend Gilbert Tennent, he remarked: "About eleven weeks ago, I married, in the fear of God, one who was a widow, of about thirty-six years of age, and who has been a housekeeper for many years; neither rich in fortune,[493] nor beautiful as to her person, but, I believe, a true child of God, and one who would not, I think, attempt to hinder me in His work for the world. In that respect, I am just the same as before marriage. I hope God will never suffer me to say, 'I have married a wife, and therefore I cannot come.'"

[493] The Gentleman's Magazine, in announcing Whitefield's marriage, stated that his wife had a fortune of £10,000! (Gentleman's Magazine, 1741, p. 608.)

These are all the references which Whitefield makes to the new relationship into which he had so recently entered. Why did he marry? That is a question which cannot easily be answered, unless it be supposed that he wanted a matron for his Orphan House, in Georgia. Men like Whitefield and Wesley, almost always from home, ought to remain unmarried. Their wives, naturally enough, very often become Xantippes.

The Gentleman's Magazine, when it announced Whitefield's marriage, referred its readers to a prayer, in his last Journal, which was as follows:--

"Northampton, October 19, 1740. Mrs. Edwards" (wife of the celebrated Jonathan Edwards) "is a woman adorned with a meek and quiet spirit. She talked feelingly and solidly of the things of God, and seemed to be such a helpmeet for her husband, that she caused me to renew those prayers, which, for some months, I have put up to God, that He would send me a daughter of Abraham to be my wife. I find, upon many accounts, it is my duty to marry. Lord, I desire to have no choice of my own. Thou knowest my circumstances. Thou knowest I only desire to marry in and for Thee. Thou didst choose a Rebecca for Isaac; choose one for me, to be a helpmeet for me, in carrying on that great work committed to my charge! Lord, hear me! Let my cry come unto Thee!"

Southey flatly asserts that Whitefield's "marriage was not a happy one,"[494] but adduces no evidence in proof of this. Cornelius Winter also says: "Mr. Whitefield was not happy in his wife, but I fear some, who had not all the religion they professed, contributed to his infelicity. He did not intentionally make his wife unhappy. He always preserved great decency and decorum in his conduct towards her. Her death set his mind much at liberty. She certainly did not behave in all respects as she ought. She could be under no temptation from his conduct towards the sex, for he was a very pure man, a strict example of the chastity he inculcated upon others."[495] Great importance has been attached to this account, because Cornelius Winter was an inmate of Whitefield's house; but it is only fair to add, that Winter was not born until a year after Whitefield's marriage, and that his introduction to Whitefield's house was within a year and a half of Mrs. Whitefield's death. On the other hand, as the reader will hereafter find, Whitefield not unfrequently speaks of his wife in endearing terms; and, in 1768, he preached her funeral sermon, and praised her many virtues. She also, on more than one occasion, evinced qualities of mind deserving more than ordinary commendation. Three years after her marriage, whilst she and Whitefield were on their way to Georgia, the ship in which they sailed was threatened by an enemy. Guns were mounted, and chains put about the masts. The wildest confusion reigned, and Whitefield confessed that he was "naturally a coward;" but his wife "set about making cartridges," and did her utmost in having all things ready for the "fire and smoke."[496] At another time, when a mob gathered round her husband, and stones flew in all directions, and the great preacher began to fear, she, who was standing by his side, pulled his gown, and cried, with genuine heroism, "Now, George, play the man for God." Such a woman would almost seem to have deserved more attention than it was possible for her husband to pay her.

[494] "Life of Wesley."

[495] "Memoirs of Rev. C. Winter," by William Jay, p. 80.

[496] Whitefield's Works, vol. ii., p. 68.

Be that as it may, it is a fact, that, within a week after his marriage, Whitefield again started out on his evangelistic ramblings, leaving his newly wedded wife behind him in Wales.[497] A few extracts from his letters, written at this period, will illustrate the principles and actions of the man.

[497] The Weekly History, for November 28, 1741, says: "On Saturday, November 7, the Rev. Mr. Whitefield arrived at Abergavenny, where he preached several times, as also at Trevecca, Erwood, Pontypool, Waterford, etc. On Saturday last, he came to Bristol, where he has continued to preach twice every day, to crowded auditories; and visible success attends his labours."

Lady Dirleton was one of the "honourable women" with whom Whitefield became acquainted in Scotland; and to her he addressed the following:--

"BRISTOL, November 22, 1741.

"HONOURED MADAM,--Your ladyship enjoys great advantages, and glorious means of making progress in spiritual things. You are rich in this world's goods: may God make you rich in faith and good works! It gives me comfort to think, what sweet freedom I have enjoyed, when opening the Scriptures in your ladyship's house. Surely, God was with us of a truth. In Wales, we had much of the Divine presence. The people there are so hungry after the word, that they are resolved not to leave wrestling with the Most High, till He shall be pleased to send me thither. I think I can say, that God brings me nearer and nearer to Himself daily; and I will not rest, till I am moulded into the image of my bleeding Lord. I pray God, that your ladyship may be content with no degrees of holiness; but may be daily pressing forward, till you arrive at the mark of the prize of the high calling in Christ Jesus."

To a friend in Edinburgh, he wrote:--

"BRISTOL, November 27, 1741.

"I am resolved not to rest till everything, contrary to true, catholic, Christian love, be rooted out of my soul. Christ's blood and Spirit are able to do this for me. I only need to pray to God to make me willing to have it done. I believe I shall see greater things than ever. We cannot expect too great things from God."

To a friend in London, he remarked:--

"BRISTOL, November 30, 1741.

"I rejoice that your soul is thirsting for holiness. God grant it may never cease till you experience the full and glorious liberty of His children! I see plainly how Satan loves to drive to extremes. Since there is no such thing as having the in-being of sin destroyed, he would not have people press after a delivery from the power of it. This also is owing to the corruption of our hearts. The old man doth not love to be crucified and slain; but I hope the language of your heart and mine is this--

'Reign in me, Lord, Thy foes control, That would refuse Thy sway; Diffuse Thy image through my soul, And bring the perfect day.

Scatter the last remains of sin, And seal me Thine abode; O set me purified within, A temple meet for God.

My root of holiness Thou art, For faith hath made Thee mine; With all Thy fulness, fill my heart, Till I am wholly Thine.'

"No wonder, when we come to be thus minded, if carnal ministers, and carnal professors of all kinds, cry out against us. Nay, even some who have tasted that the Lord is gracious, having slumbered and slept, and mixed too much with the world, even such frequently fight against their privileges, and rest in an infant state of piety. But, I believe, the Lord will rouse them, and let the world know what the blood of Jesus can and will do. Blessed be His name! we have a growing church at Bristol. Yesterday, and several other times, the Lord has filled many, as with new wine. Sometimes, I scarce have known whether I have been in or out of the body; but, I find, the more I receive of grace, the more I desire to lie as a poor, very poor sinner, at the feet of Christ. Several have just now been with me, who have, this last week, drunk deep of Divine love. They are now full of the comforts of the Holy Ghost. Let us, my dear brother, live a life of great nearness to Jesus; and labour day by day to perfect holiness in the fear of God. There is a glorious rest to be entered into even here. May the Lord make us partakers of it!"

These are notable extracts. Their tone and language are remarkably different from the tone and language of Whitefield's previous correspondence. Strangely enough, though fresh from Calvinistic Scotland, he was evidently veering round to something like Wesley's doctrine of Christian perfection. In 1740, the two Wesleys had published a volume of "Hymns and Sacred Poems," with a preface, in which Wesley propounded his views of Christian holiness in language the strongest he ever used. Indeed, in after life, he himself modified several of the expressions in this remarkable preface, and honestly admitted that some of them were far too strong. The hymns, and especially the preface, when first published, greatly disturbed Whitefield's serenity, and, no doubt, partly led to the temporary estrangement between him and Wesley, which had then occurred. But, notwithstanding this, in the foregoing letter, Whitefield breathes out the desires of his soul, in three of the most forcibly worded verses in Wesley's book. It is true, he slightly alters the phraseology, and likewise injures it; but there is no material alteration of sentiment. The verses, as the Wesleys published them, were as follows:--

"Reign in me, Lord, Thy foes control, Who would not own Thy sway; Diffuse Thy image through my soul; Shine to the perfect day.

Scatter the last remains of sin, And seal me Thine abode; O make me glorious all within, A temple built by God.

My inward holiness Thou art, For faith hath made Thee mine: With all Thy fulness fill my heart, Till all I am is Thine!"

Such was part of Wesley's hymn on "Christ our Sanctification. Stronger language, on the subject, he never used; and, yet, this was now the language of his friend Whitefield. If the views of the two were not perfectly identical, there certainly was a near approach, on the part of Whitefield, to the doctrine Wesley taught. Why was this? There can be little doubt, that, it was greatly owing to the brotherly influence of Howell Harris. To a large extent, Whitefield had been made the tool of excited partisans, both in London and in Bristol. The men were violently opposed to Wesley, but were too small to even think of conquering him, without Whitefield's aid. Whitefield was naturally unsuspicious, and, he was also fond of being regarded and consulted as a leader. Wesley's opponents knew all this, and used their opportunity for annoying him. Bitter complaints were made to Whitefield, respecting the doctrines that he taught. Whitefield, whose heart was always better than his head, became confused, and he was induced to strongly condemn some of Wesley's doctrines, without really understanding what they were. Estrangement followed; and, for the last six months, the two old friends had been divided. During Whitefield's visit to Scotland, Howell Harris seems to have acted as his curate, in London; where he also had an important interview with the Wesley brothers. Hence the following, addressed to Whitefield:--

"October, 1741.

"DEAR BROTHER WHITEFIELD,--I believe that jealousies will not be entirely eradicated until correspondence with those who indulge a party-spirit, and are not like little children, ceases. I have seen, more than ever, since I came home, what carnal professors are.[498] The Lord has helped me to bear my testimony against sin, and to declare that all those who labour for deliverance from the dominion of sin, self, and unbelief, shall be set free; they shall so behold the glory of God in the face of Jesus Christ, as to be changed into His image, from glory to glory, as by the Spirit of the Lord (2 Cor. iii. 18; Rom. vi. 14, viii. 2; 2 Peter i. 4; and 2 Cor. v. 15). When I mentioned this liberty from the power of sin, I was abused as one holding sinless perfection; and, I find, they have troubled you with this information. I have always stated, that the body of sin remains in believers, but that the power of it is destroyed. By dwelling on sanctification, we shall find self and carnal reason in arms against us; just the same as the pride of the Pharisees is against us, when we preach justification by faith. These opposers would be glad to influence you. They were in hopes to set brother Cennick and myself by the ears, but the Lord disappointed them.

[498] He had a serious encounter with Joseph Humphreys and Thomas Bissicks, about the time he thus wrote to Whitefield. Wesley, in reference to this dispute, observes, "H. Harris kept them at bay till about one o'clock in the morning. I then left them and Capt. T---- together. About three, they left off just where they began." (Wesley's Works, vol. i., p. 321.)

"Now, as to brother Wesley. The Lord gave me, on a certain day, such earnestness to pray for him, and such faith that he would be led into all truth, that all my prejudices were removed, and I felt I could speak to him in love. Still, I had no thoughts of so doing, until he invited me to visit him. Then I opened my heart to him, and told him how the Lord taught me every truth. He allowed everything, and said, that we, through grace, shall not fall away. I saw room to hope, that the Lord would bring us together in truth.[499] As to free-will, he utterly denied it. He does really mean what he says. He did so openly, in Charles Square. 'God,' said he, 'is willing to save you all, if you will. What I mean by saying if you will, is, not if you have a faint wish to go to heaven, but, if you will submit to Christ, in all His offices, for salvation--if you are willing He should save you from sin, as well as hell; else you cannot be saved.'

[499] Probably this interview with Wesley was the same as that of which Wesley gives an account, in his Journal, under the date of October, 1741. He writes: "Howell Harris came to me. He said, as to the decree of reprobation, he renounced and utterly abhorred it. And as to the not falling from grace, 1. He believed that it ought not to be mentioned to the unjustified, or to any that were slack or careless, much less that lived in sin. 2. He did himself believe it was possible for one to fall away, who had been 'enlightened' with some knowledge of God, who had 'tasted of the heavenly gift, and had been made partaker of the Holy Ghost;' and wished we could all agree to keep close, in the controverted points, to the very words of Holy Writ. 3. That he accounted no man so justified as not to fall, till he had a thorough, abiding hatred of all sin, and a continual hunger and thirst after all righteousness. Blessed be thou of the Lord, thou man of peace! Still follow after peace and holiness." (Wesley's Works, vol. i., p. 320.) See Letter, by Charles Wesley, endorsed "September 28, 1741, p. 482.

"Brother Charles Wesley came to town last Saturday night, and we providentially met. He owned he had no free-will until four years ago; that it was God who chose him first; and not he God: and that he is kept faithful by the faithfulness of God. He spoke tenderly of you, and seemed to be quite loving and teachable."[500]

[500] "Life and Times of Howell Harris," by Morgan, p. 93.

Harris's letter seems to have touched Whitefield, and to have filled his heart with a gush of warm affection, which found utterance in the following letter, which he, immediately, wrote to Wesley:--

"ABERDEEN, October, 1741.

"REVEREND AND DEAR BROTHER,--I have for a long time expected that you would have sent me an answer to my last; but, I suppose, you are afraid to correspond with me, because I revealed your secret about the 'lot.'" (See p. 469.) "Though much may be said for my doing it, yet I am sorry now that any such thing dropped from my pen, and I humbly ask pardon. I find I love you as much as ever; and pray God, if it be His blessed will, that we may be all united together.

"For some days, it has been upon my mind to write to you, and this morning I received a letter from brother Harris, telling me how he had conversed with you and your dear brother. May God remove all obstacles that now prevent our union! Though I hold particular election, yet I offer Jesus freely to every individual soul. You may carry sanctification to what degrees you will, only I cannot agree that the in-being of sin is to be destroyed in this life.

"Oh, my dear brother, the Lord has been much with me in Scotland. I every morning feel fellowship with Christ, and He is pleased to give me peace and joy in believing.

"In about three weeks, I hope to be at Bristol. May all disputings cease, and each of us talk of nothing but Jesus, and Him crucified! This is my resolution. The Lord be with your spirit!

"I am, without dissimulation, ever yours, "GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

When Whitefield arrived in Bristol, Wesley was recovering from a severe and dangerous fever; and, though neither of them mentions the fact, there can be little doubt, that the old friends met, and conversed together, as Whitefield proposed they should. As noticed in foregoing pages, Whitefield, to some extent, misunderstood and mis-stated Wesley's doctrine of Christian holiness; and as it is probable that explanations were given during the interview at Bristol, there is now no difficulty in understanding the alteration of tone and language in Whitefield's letters already quoted. Though in a mystic way still clinging to what he calls the "in-being of sin" in all believers, Whitefield was now, in reality, seeking the sanctification which Wesley taught.

On December 4, Whitefield arrived in London, from which he had been absent the last four months. Three days afterwards, he wrote as follows to James Habersham:--

"LONDON, December 7, 1741.

"MY DEAR FRIEND AND BROTHER,--I came hither last Friday, and received a packet of letters from Bethesda. When I read brother Grant's account of the circumstances of the family, I remembered what the Lord pressed upon my soul on shipboard: 'The bridegroom shall be taken from them, and then shall they fast in those days.' However, be not discouraged. Professor Francke's students were once obliged to sell their clothes to buy candles.

"The work of God advances here greatly. We have a large Society, consisting of several hundreds; and a noble place to meet in. I have called it a Tabernacle, because, perhaps, we may be called to move our tents.

"In Wiltshire, and at Kingswood, there are many good souls, and two new houses built. In Wales, the door is opened wider than ever. The work is very extraordinary in Scotland. I hear, daily, accounts of its continuance and increase.

"God is pleased to let me feel more of His power than ever. O that His whole mind were in me! I hunger and thirst after righteousness. Blessed be God! there is a promise that such shall be filled.

"The Lords see through Mr. Garden's enmity, and will have nothing to do with my Appeal; so that a hook is put into the leviathan's jaws.

"Ever, ever yours in Christ, "GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Such was Whitefield's letter to America. From America, he received one equally inspiriting. The Rev. Thomas Prince wrote to him as follows:--

"BOSTON, December 6, 1741.

"REVEREND AND DEAR SIR,--Since my last, our exalted Saviour has been riding forth in His magnificence and glory, through divers parts of our land, in so triumphant a manner as hath never been seen or heard among us, or among any other people, since the days of the apostles. He is daily making His most resolute opposers to fall down under Him. Almost every week, we hear of new and surprising conquests. Some, who were like incarnate devils, are thrown, at once, into such extreme distress as no pen can possibly describe and, in two or three days, are turned into saints, full of divine adoration, and love, and joy unspeakable, and full of glory. Amazing works of this kind are now going on at Taunton, Middleborough, Bridgewater, Abington, York, Ipswich, Rowley, Cape Anne, Rittery, and Berwick. On a day of fasting and prayer at Portsmouth, the Spirit of God came down, and seized the people by scores and hundreds; and, in three days, there were a thousand in that town in deep distress about their souls."[501]

[501] "Some Remarks on a Pamphlet, entitled 'The State of Religion in New England.'" 1742. p. 29.

After spending a few days in London, Whitefield started out to join his newly wedded wife at Abergavenny. On his way, he spent about a week at Gloucester, where he wrote the two following letters, the first to Lord Rae in Scotland, and the second to his lay-curate, John Cennick, in London.

"GLOUCESTER, December 19, 1741.

"MY LORD,--In England, as well as in Scotland, the Redeemer is riding on from conquering to conquer. I have lately been at Bristol and London, and have had the pleasure of seeing the Church walk in the comforts of the Holy Ghost. I have preached here twice every day, for some days past. I am athirst for holiness. I see such beauty and transcendent excellencies in Christ, that I long to have His whole mind and image stamped upon my soul. Nothing can satisfy me but the highest degrees of sanctification and inward holiness. Here, I believe, I am laudably ambitious. My Saviour wills my sanctification. My Saviour would have me filled with all the fulness of God."

* * * * *

"GLOUCESTER, December 22, 1741.

"MY DEAR BROTHER,--Last Thursday evening, the Lord brought me hither. I preached immediately to our friends in a large barn, and had my Master's presence. On Friday and Saturday, I preached again twice. On Sunday, God opened a door for my preaching in St. John's, one of the parish churches. The late incumbent had been my grand opposer. He being dead, and the new minister not having taken possession, the power of the pulpit was in the churchwardens' hands. God inclined them to let me preach there on Sunday morning and yesterday afternoon. On Sunday afternoon, after I had preached twice at Gloucester, I preached at Mr. F----'s, six miles off; and again, at night, at Stroud. The people seem to be more hungry than ever, and the Lord to be more amongst them. Yesterday morning, I preached at Painswick, in the parish church; here in the afternoon; and again, at night, in the barn. God gives me unspeakable comfort, and uninterrupted joy. There seems to be a new awakening, and a revival of the work of God. To-morrow morning, I purpose to set out for Abergavenny."

Thus, after a long interval, was Whitefield allowed to occupy two of the pulpits of the Established Church. In four days, he had been to Abergavenny, and had come back to Bristol; where he wrote the following racy letter to a gentleman in London:--

"BRISTOL, December 28, 1741.

"DEAR MR. M----, Both my wife and I received your letters. I send this to thank you for them. I came from Abergavenny on Saturday night. My dear wife was pretty well; I expect her here on Friday.

"We shall bring no more goods to London than we shall use; but I know not what to say about coming to your house, for, I am told, you and your wife are dilatory, and that you do not rise sometimes till nine or ten in the morning. This will never do for me; and, I am persuaded, such conduct tends much to the dishonour of God, and to the prejudice of your own precious soul. Sometimes I have looked upon you with grief. You have busied yourself about the outward affairs of religion with respect to others, and, all the while, I fear, neglected the improvement of your own heart. I fear your present business will not answer; and, I am sure, you will have no solid comfort, till you look less abroad and more at home. Somebody said, you were like the Athenians, who desired to hear some new thing. I thought the observation was too just. You are jealous about principles, which is right; but, all the while, your own practice is not sufficiently watched over. I have heard you spend much time in coffee houses, and from your own house. I hope these things are not so. You will not be offended with me for this plain dealing. You know I love you; and, I am sure, this letter proceeds from love. The eyes of the world are now in an especial manner upon you. Labour, therefore, my dear brother, to get an abiding presence of God in your heart. Be willing to be searched. Pray that you may feel the full power of the Redeemer's blood. Be not slothful in business. Go to bed seasonably, and rise early. Redeem your precious time. Pick up all the fragments of it, that not one moment may be lost. Be much in secret prayer. Converse less with man, and more with God. Accept this advice, given in great love."

Another letter, of the same date, must have insertion. It is a striking fact, that, though all of them distinct, there were, at the same time, remarkable religious movements in America, England, Scotland, and Wales. The labours and successes of Howell Harris, in the last-mentioned country, have been already noticed. About half a score clergymen of the Established Church had practically identified themselves with him, and had become itinerant preachers. Among these, were the Rev. Daniel Rowlands, the Rev. William Williams, the Rev. Peter Williams, and the Rev. Howell Davies. A considerable body of lay-preachers, also, had sprung into existence; and the Methodist congregations and Societies of the principality were daily increasing in number and importance.[502] To these Welsh evangelists, in one of their assemblies, Whitefield addressed the following:--

"BRISTOL, December 28, 1741.

[502] "History of the Calvinistic Methodists in Wales," p. 8.

"MY DEAR BRETHREN IN CHRIST,--Though obliged to be absent in body, I write this to assure you of my being present in spirit. I wish you much of the presence of our glorious Head. I doubt not but you will find Him faithful to His promise, and, as you meet together in His name, He certainly will be in the midst of you. The affairs you meet about are affairs of the utmost importance. You ought to watch close, and to be instant in prayer; for you need much of the wisdom which cometh from above.

"One great matter is rightly to know to what particular office, and to what particular part, Jesus Christ has called each of you. For, I take it for granted, none of you will presume to run before you are called, or have evidences of your own conversion. Different persons have different gifts and graces. Some are called to awaken; others to establish and build up. Some have popular gifts fit for large auditories; others move best in a more contracted sphere, and may be exceeding useful in the private Societies. Those who are called to act in a public manner, I think, ought to give themselves wholly to the work, and go out without purse or scrip. Their Master will bear their charges. Others, who can only visit privately, may mind their secular employ, and give their leisure time to the service of the Church. Some of you are ministers of the Church of England; but, if you are faithful, I cannot think you will continue in it long. However, do not go out till you are cast out; and, when cast out for Jesus Christ's sake, be not afraid to preach in the fields. And whilst you remain in, O let not the children of God starve for want of the sacrament, though they may belong to another parish. The canon which forbids giving it to strangers was only to prevent persons coming unprepared, without the minister's knowledge. It is regarded by none of the clergy; and nothing but the enmity of the old serpent excites them to mention it to any of you. For my own part, I should think it an honour to be put into the spiritual court, and to be excommunicated, for giving the children of God the sacrament at my church, when they cannot have it elsewhere. The Spirit of Christ and of glory, I am sure, would rest upon my soul.

"As for those who are not ordained, I cannot say much, only pray that each may take his proper place. If Brother Lewis could come over and help us, it would be well. The Church here wants more labourers. It is proper, somebody should be always in Wiltshire and Kingswood. I wish also you could meet monthly; if not all together, yet in little bodies, as you lie nearest to each other. I am about to settle a monthly meeting in Bristol and London, where correspondents' letters are to be read, and prayer made accordingly. If you had monthly meetings, each exhorter or labourer might communicate his success; an abstract might be sent to England; and we, in return, would send you an abstract of our affairs. Unity would thereby be promoted, love increased, and our hands strengthened.

"All this may be done without a formal separation from the Established Church, which I cannot think God calls for as yet; only, I think, if a brother or sister has a mind to communicate among the Dissenters, and has freedom to receive in the Church too, they ought to be left at their liberty.

"Thus, my dear brethren, I have given you what occurred to my mind. I am ashamed whilst I am writing, knowing my insufficiency to advise. But you will accept in love, from one who desires to be the servant of all. It may be, hereafter, God may bring me to you, and we may enjoy sweet fellowship together. In the meanwhile, I commend you to God, and to the word of His grace. I entreat your most earnest prayer in behalf of, dear brethren, your most affectionate, though most unworthy, brother and servant,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."[503]

[503] Evangelical Magazine, 1826, p. 469.

There is much in this important letter which deserves attention; but the intelligent reader can easily form his own opinions on the topics it embraces.

As usual, Whitefield was greatly occupied with his Orphan-house affairs. His scheme, as he himself originally propounded it, was benevolently comprehensive.

"An orphan house," he wrote in 1739, "is much wanted at Savannah; for there are many orphans, who, now being obliged to live in the families about town, lose all the advantages they receive at school.

"Besides, it will be a great encouragement to people to go to the colony, when they are assured their children will be provided for after their decease; and it will be an unspeakable comfort to parents already there, who fear nothing so much as having their children left destitute when they are dead.

"Further, if the Indians, who live near the town, can be persuaded to send their children, it seems to be the only probable means to bring about their conversion.

"It may be further considered, that the children, to be maintained in the Orphan House, are to be bred up to manual labour from their very infancy; and that the persons to be employed in their education, it is to be hoped, have the glory of God at heart, and desire no other gratuity than food and raiment.

"Part also of the Orphan House is to be set apart for an infirmary, where sick servants and poor people, who now are in great danger of perishing for want of necessaries, are to be taken in and provided for; which must be a great ease and assistance, not only to the servants, but to masters and mistresses of families, who cannot afford to have physicians, or to furnish sick servants with things convenient."[504]

[504] Preface to "Account of Money received and expended for the Poor of Georgia."

All must admit the benevolent character of Whitefield's project. The difficulties he had to encounter were enormous. Again and again, he was in danger of being arrested for the debts that he had incurred in the erection of his large building. Providence, however, provided for his necessities; and now his Orphanage was opened, and his plans were being carried out. He had many friends; but he also had some enemies. Among the latter was a Mr. Nesbit, who had recently returned to England from Carolina, where he had lived thirty years. In three letters, published in the Scots' Magazine for 1741, Mr. Nesbit alleged, that "the extraordinary expense, in building the Orphan House, might have been saved, by appropriating one or more of the empty houses in Savannah," where Whitefield "might have had his choice of hundreds." Mr. Nesbit continues: "The colony of Georgia has been dwindling away for two or three years past, by reason of the oppressions the people have suffered. Of the thousands sent over by the Trustees, only a few families remain, and they are waiting an opportunity to get out of the arbitrary government of the place. Savannah is now two-thirds desolate; and, except the few people in that town, there is scarce an inhabitant within sixty or seventy miles of the Orphan House. Of what use can an hospital be in a desert and abandoned country? or how can such a house be maintained in that situation, exposed to Spaniards, Indians, and runaway negroes?" Another of Mr. Nesbit's complaints was that Whitefield had "paid £3 for each cow and calf, whereas the price in Carolina was only thirty shillings;" and that the keeping of his live stock was costing twice as much as it ought to cost. "Thousands of pounds," says the censor, "have been expended on the Orphan House, and it is not above half finished. Mr. Whitefield has paid twice as much for his boards, planks, and scantlings, as he should have done."

It is not unlikely that simple-minded Whitefield was cheated by the worldly-wise colonists with whom he had business transactions; but that he did his best cannot reasonably be doubted. Nesbit's letters were published while Whitefield was in Scotland, and was making collections for the Orphanage. Whitefield wrote two replies, one dated September 26, and the other October 3, 1741; and both were published in the Scots' Magazine. A brief extract from the second must suffice. In answer to the allegation that the expense of building might have been saved by using empty houses in Savannah, Whitefield writes:--

"I tried this experiment while the Orphan House was building. I gave Mr. Douglas £35 a year for his house, the largest in Savannah. I had the use of the parsonage, the Germans' house, and another house besides; all of which, put together, were scarcely sufficient; and, if I had had to pay rent for them all, they would have cost upwards of £50, if not £60, per annum. Judge you, then, whether it was not better to build one large, convenient house, than to be at such an annual expenditure for rent, and to undergo the inconvenience of living in separate houses.

"I fear you have been misinformed that, excepting a few people in Savannah, there is scarce an inhabitant within sixty or seventy miles of the Orphan House; for, within four or five miles, there are Mr. Fallowfield's plantation, Mr. Parker's plantation (both magistrates of Savannah), Colonel Stevens's plantation, Mr. Mercer's plantation, with some others a little farther distant; besides three hundred Saltzburghers not above forty miles distant from us."

Whitefield adds:--

"The Orphan House has been the support of the northern parts of the colony. It has been the means of bringing several children out of a state little better than slavery. It has enabled many a man to pay his debts. Above all, it has been the means, under God, of bringing many a poor soul to the knowledge of the Lord Jesus, which was my chief end in building it. Whilst I have this single end in view, I fear neither Spaniards' swords, nor the scourges of men's tongues. My motto is 'the Burning Bush.' You know, that burnt, but was not consumed."

Such was a part of Whitefield's answer to Mr. Nesbit. At the end of the year, he published "An Account of Money received and disbursed for the Orphan House in Georgia" (8vo. 45 pp.), with a preface, dated December 23, 1741. Extracts from this have been already given; but, as a further refutation of Mr. Nesbit's allegations, the following extract from a letter, written by a gentleman from Boston, who had visited the Orphan House, will, it is hoped, interest the reader. The letter is dated "Bethesda, January 1, 1742."

"The Orphan House is pleasantly situated, and, with the buildings belonging to it, presents a much handsomer prospect than is given by the draught annexed to the public accounts. The great house is now almost finished; and nothing has hindered but the want of glass, which they daily expect from Bristol, and some bricks to carry up another stack of chimneys, which would have been done before, if a vessel that was bringing bricks and other stores had not been taken by the Spaniards. They have cut a fine road to Savannah, through a thicket of woods; and, that it might be passable, were obliged to make ten bridges and crossways. They have also cleared forty acres of land, twenty of which were planted the last year; the other twenty were for the benefit of the air. They have also a large garden at the front of the house, brought into pretty good order. If the colony be allowed negroes, as it is thought it must and will be, they can, with about twenty negroes to manure the plantation, which contains five hundred acres, raise much more provision than a larger family than this can expend. They have already a fine live stock; and, in a few years, it is to be hoped, they will be able to support themselves.

"The economy observed here is as follows: The bell rings in the morning at sunrise, to wake the family. When the children arise, they sing a short hymn, and pray by themselves. Then they go down to wash, and, by the time they have done that, the bell calls to public worship, when a portion of Scripture is read and expounded, a psalm sung, and the exercise begun and ended with prayer. Then they breakfast, and afterwards go, some to their trades, and the rest to their prayers and schools. At noon, they all dine in the same room, and have comfortable and wholesome diet provided. A hymn is sung before and after dinner; then, in about half an hour, to school again; an interval which affords time enough for recreation. A little after sunset, the bell calls to public duty again, which is performed in the same manner as in the morning. After that they sup, and are attended to bed by one of their masters, who then prays with them. On the Sabbath day, they all dine on cold meat provided the day before, that none may be kept from public worship, which is attended four times a day in summer, and three in the winter. The children are kept to reading between whiles. Many have reported that the place is very unhealthy; but I believe it is quite otherwise; a remarkable proof of which is, that not one of the family has died, and but three or four in the hospital. Many, who now think the erecting of the Orphan House a mad scheme, would alter their sentiments were they here. Innumerable difficulties have been overcome, and affairs now wear a pleasant aspect. Upon the whole, I think the institution to be of God; therefore, it doth and will prosper."

The reader has here as full a description of the Orphan House in 1741, as can well be given.

Nearly all the printed attacks on Whitefield, during the year 1741, have been already noticed; but it may be added, that, in this year, the following tracts were published by his friend Wesley, not exactly against Whitefield, but against the doctrines he held:--1. "Serious Considerations on Absolute Predestination. Extracted from a late Author."[505] (12mo. 24 pp.) 2. "The Scripture Doctrine concerning Predestination, Election, and Reprobation. Extracted from a late Author." (12mo. 16 pp.) 3. "A Dialogue between a Predestinarian and his Friend." (12mo. 7 pp.) 4. "Christian Perfection: a Sermon preached by John Wesley, M.A., Fellow of Lincoln College, Oxford." (12mo. 12 pp.)

[505] The "late author" was Robert Barclay. Wesley says, "We presented a thousand of Barclay to Mr. Whitefield's congregation on Sunday, April 19, 1741." (Wesley's Works, xii., p. 102.)

The Bishop of London, also, in his Charge to the Clergy of his Diocese, had a fling at the erratic evangelist, telling his reverend brethren, that, Whitefield had slandered the Church and clergy; for he had "publicly spread and avowed, in a very unworthy and licentious manner, that the generality of the clergy of the Church of England were shamefully remiss and negligent in the pastoral office."

And once more: An anonymous author published an 8vo. pamphlet of thirty-six pages, with the title, "The Controversy concerning Free-will and Predestination, set in a true light, and brought to a short issue. Recommended to Mr. Whitefield and his followers." In his preface, the writer taunts Whitefield "as an oracle, most implicitly believing that he is inspired by the Holy Ghost." He continues: "With undaunted assurance, Mr. Whitefield takes upon him to instil this abominable doctrine of Predestination into his hearers and admirers--a doctrine which runs counter to revelation, and to the blessed nature of God; which depreciates the merits and satisfaction of Jesus Christ in the grand atonement; which sets the Divine attributes out of harmony; which makes prayer useless, and the command to pray an imposition; which makes God partial, arbitrary, despotic, unjust, and cruel; and which makes the Christian priesthood and sacraments, at least, insignificant. Who can reasonably doubt, that there is a plot of Satan and his emissaries, to promote infidelity by this; and, perhaps, to make way for popery, on the principle, Divide et impera--divide and govern"?

The author dates his pamphlet, "November 24, 1741," and concludes it with the following lines:--

"Why is this wrangling world thus toss'd and torn? Free-grace, free-will, are both together born. If God's free-grace rule in and over me, His will is mine, and so my will is free."

Whitefield closed the year 1741 in Bristol, and spent nearly the whole of the first month of 1742 in the same city. He preached twice every day; and was still ardently desiring holiness. At the beginning of the year, he went to hear Charles Wesley preach; and he also commenced the monthly meeting, which he had mentioned in his letter to the Welsh evangelists. Hence the following to a friend, in London:--

"BRISTOL, January 2, 1742.

"My soul is thirsting after the Redeemer's love. I care not how the old man be crucified, and cut to pieces, so that I may put on the new man, which is created after God in righteousness and true holiness. Great, very great things has Jesus done for me, a worthless worm; but I see infinitely greater things lying before me. There is an inexhaustible fulness in Jesus Christ, out of which I hope to draw to the endless ages of eternity. Oh the meekness, the love, and purity in Jesus! Why should we be dwarfs in holiness?

"Yesterday I went to hear Mr. Charles. I believe the Lord helped him in some parts of his discourse. I would be free; I would meet more than half-way; but we are all too shy. The Lord fill his soul with more of the disinterested love of Jesus!

"To-night, I begin a general monthly meeting to read corresponding letters. Pray, give thanks for the success of the gospel in my unworthy hands."

Whitefield left Bristol on January 22, and on the same day preached twice at Tockington, a small village in Gloucestershire. On the 23rd, he preached "to many thousands at Stroud, with wondrous power." On the 25th, he reached Gloucester, where he remained a fortnight, preaching twice, and sometimes oftener, every day. The following are extracts from letters, written during this visit to his native city. To John Cennick, in London, he wrote:--

"GLOUCESTER, January 28, 1742.

"Our congregations here are larger than at Bristol. The word proves sharper than a two-edged sword. Every sermon is blessed. I am just now going to Chalford. To-morrow, I expect my wife. Sinless perfection, I fear, will be propagated in these parts. The Lord, in His due time, will root out that pernicious weed. God willing, I shall examine Hampton Society to-night. I think to do the same in Wiltshire. I want to be in London as soon as may be."

On the same day, he wrote to Gilbert Tennent:--

"God has been very good to me since my arrival in England. I found, when I came at first, I had all my work to begin again. Brother Wesley had so prejudiced the people against me, that those who were my spiritual children would not so much as come and see me. Nay, they have gone by me, whilst preaching in Moorfields, and stopped their ears. I was also embarrassed by Brother Seward's death. He died without making any provision for me; and, at the time, I was much indebted for the Orphan House. All this was to humble me, and prepare me for future blessings. The Lord has enabled me, blessed be His name! to keep steady to my principles and usual practice. A new and numerous church has been raised in London. In Essex, the Lord was wonderfully with me. Everywhere, the congregations increase. In Bristol, God enabled me to fight my way through. We have hired a large room, and have expounded there twice a day. In Scotland, the work, for its beginning, is greater than in New England. Through the tender mercies of our God, I have been carried, as on eagles' wings, through a variety of outward and inward troubles, the greatness of which none knows but God and my own soul. I am glad that matters are settling so amicably at Philadelphia. What a pity it is that we should fall out in the way to heaven! I would do anything except defiling my conscience, and giving up what I think is truth, to prevent it. The Associate Brethren are much to be blamed. I never met with such narrow spirits."

To a friend, at New Brunswick, he remarked:--

"What have you to do but to walk humbly with your God, and daily to aspire after the whole mind that was in Jesus? I find but few truly labouring after this. For my own part, I am ashamed to think how unlike I am to my Saviour. I see such beauty in Him, that I long to be conformed to His image. Blessed be God! the work in our hands everywhere increases. I am supported and encouraged, quickened and comforted, day by day. Jesus loves and blesses me."

On February 5, he wrote again to Gilbert Tennent:--

"REVEREND AND DEAR BROTHER,--On Tuesday, I received yours. I thank you for your kind caution. My mistakes often humble me. Never did Jesus send out a more weak and worthless wretch. I have not freedom now to continue writing a journal, as usual. I shall proceed, for the future, in a more compendious way."

Whitefield here makes a statement of great importance. From December 28, 1737, to March 11, 1741; he had written a copious journal of his experiences, labours, and successes; and had published far more of it than was expedient. Both friends and foes--in England, Scotland, and America--had assailed him on this account, and not without reason. Even he himself acknowledged the justice of these attacks, when, in 1756, he published a new edition of his Journals, "revised, corrected, and abridged." Unfortunately, in an evil hour, he resolved to throw aside his diary. Yes, unfortunately; for it cannot be denied, that, diaries, properly written, by remarkable men, like Whitefield, are an incalculable boon. Who could have adequately appreciated Wesley's character, labours, and success, without his Journals? And, to some extent, the same may be said of Whitefield. There is a difference, however. Whitefield's long and numerous letters, unlike Wesley's, were autobiographical. His life cannot be written without his letters; but with them such a work is not impossible. From his return to England in 1741, he ceased to write Journals; but, to the end of life, he never lost his passion for writing about himself, in correspondence with his friends.

One of the Oxford Methodists, the Rev. William Chapman, was settled as a clergyman in Bath; and, to him, Whitefield addressed the following:--

"GLOUCESTER, February 5, 1742.

"MY DEAR FRIEND AND BROTHER,--Yesterday, I preached three times, and visited a private Society in the evening. To-day, I was enabled to preach three times, with great power. Here there is such an awakening, as I never saw in these parts before. It is pleasant to hear the people come and tell how God wrought upon them by my unworthy ministry two years ago. The fruits of the Spirit are now apparent in their lives. Letters from Scotland bring blessed tidings, as also from Philadelphia. O the blessed effects of field preaching! O that I were humble, and thankful! Help me, my dear friend, to entreat the Redeemer to make me as a little, a very little child. At the beginning of next week, I hope to be in Bath; but cannot tell exactly the day. I thank my friends for their kind intention to meet me; but I had rather avoid it. The less parade the better. Let us stand still, and see the salvation of God. He will not bless what doth not come from Himself."

Whitefield seems to have spent about a fortnight in Bath and its neighbourhood. He then set out for London, and, on the road, wrote the following almost ecstatic letter to a distinguished lady with whom he had become acquainted in Scotland. Lady Mary Hamilton was sister to William, third Marquis of Lothian, the Countess of Home, Lady Cranstown, and Lady Ross. Her ladyship's mother was daughter of Archibald Campbell, the unfortunate Earl of Argyll, who was beheaded in 1635. She had married Alexander Hamilton of Ballincrieff, member of Parliament for the county of Linlithgow, and Post-Master General of Scotland. Mr. Hamilton, as well as his wife, was partial to Whitefield's preaching, and always received him at his house with every mark of polite attention. For six-and-twenty years, until her death, in 1768, Lady Mary was one of Whitefield's correspondents.[506] His letter to this noble lady cannot fail to be read with interest.

[506] "Life and Times of the Countess of Huntingdon," vol. i., p. 101.

"THALES, NEAR READING, February 23, 1742.

"HONOURED MADAM,--I am now upon the road to London. This morning your acceptable letter came to hand. Though somewhat wearied, I would fain answer it before I retire to rest.

"Blessed be God! who causes your ladyship to be never less alone, than when alone. O Madam, what a Comforter is the Holy Ghost! What sweet company is Jesus Christ! What a privilege is it to have fellowship with the great Three-One! A world lying in wickedness knows nothing of it. Everything yields comfort when the Spirit breathes upon it.

"I am amazed that God should work by my hands; but Jesus is love. He yet delights to honour me. I have lately seen the Redeemer riding in His strength, and getting Himself the victory in poor sinners' hearts. O that our Jesus may set the world in a flame of love! Hasten that time, O blessed Jesus! O let Thy kingdom come!

"I have heard from my dear orphans to-day. They have been reduced to straits; but the Lord has stirred up a wealthy friend or two to assist them. I find there has been a fresh awakening among them. I am informed that twelve negroes, belonging to a planter lately converted at the Orphan House, are savingly brought home to Jesus Christ.

"I am glad to hear that the work goes on in Scotland. The Lord, I trust, will ripen your soul apace for glory. He has various ways of perfecting His saints. Methinks, I see your ladyship sitting in your chair, and ravished with the Redeemer's beauty. Sometimes you are, as it were, washing His feet with your tears; at other times, sitting by faith at His feet, and hearing or reading His word. Sometimes your heart is too big to speak; then again, out of the abundance of your heart, your mouth poureth forth hallelujahs. Sometimes you are lost in wonder; and at all times longing to be dissolved, and to be with Christ. This, I trust, is the life your ladyship lives. This is life indeed. They who live otherwise are dead whilst they live. They call for our compassion and prayers; for who has made the difference? Distinguishing grace! O the unsearchable riches of Christ! I could speak of Him for ever. The Lord be with your spirit, and abundantly bless both you, Mr. Hamilton, and your child!"

On arriving in London, Whitefield wrote to his friend Mr. Noble, of New York, as follows:--

"LONDON, February 26, 1742.

"MY VERY DEAR BROTHER,--Before yours came to hand, the Lord had given me an enlarged heart, and unfeigned love and freedom, to converse with all His dear children, of whatever denomination. I talk freely with the Messrs. Wesley, though we widely differ in a certain point. Most talk of a catholic spirit; but it is only till they have brought people into the pale of their own church. This is downright sectarianism, not catholicism. How can I act consistently, unless I receive and love all the children of God, whom I believe to be such, of whatever denomination they may be? Why should we dispute when there is no probability of convincing? I am persuaded, the more the love of God is shed abroad in our hearts, the more all narrowness of spirit will subside and give way. Besides, so far as we are narrow-spirited, we are uneasy. Prejudices, jealousies, and suspicions make the soul miserable. But enough of this. My dear brother Noble is of my mind; only let me give you one caution. Take heed that your getting acquainted with any new set of Christians does not lead you insensibly to despise others of your old acquaintance. Watch, and deal very tenderly with all; otherwise you will grow reserved and artful, and will lose a simple, open, guileless spirit, before you are aware."

To the same effect is the following letter to the Rev. William Chapman, of Bath:--

"LONDON, March 4, 1742.

"MY DEAR FRIEND AND BROTHER,--I hope you are not offended, because you did not see me in Bath again. The glorious Emmanuel pointed out my way hither. Since I came, He has been wonderfully kind to me, and to His people. I am much assisted daily, in preaching to poor sinners the unsearchable riches of Christ. Life and power fly all around, and the Redeemer is getting Himself the victory daily in many hearts. O that my dear Mr. Chapman may be made a flaming fire, and a spiritual father to thousands!

"I despair of a greater union among the churches, till a greater measure of the Spirit be poured from on high. Hence, therefore, I am resolved simply to preach the gospel of Christ, and leave others to quarrel by and with themselves. To contend, where there is no probability of convincing, only feeds and adds fuel to an unhallowed fire. Love, forbearance, long-suffering, and frequent prayer to the Lord Jesus, is the best way to put it out. O love--true, simple, Christian, undissembled love--whither art thou fled?"

The treatment he received from the Church of England, and from Presbyterians in Scotland, and his differences with the Wesleys, were not the only things that troubled Whitefield. His evangelistic friends in Wales were not perfectly harmonious; and there can hardly be a doubt that this was one of the incidents which led him to write as he did in the foregoing letters. Whitefield hated disputations; and yet, even some of his dearest friends were sometimes in danger of being divided by their religious contests. Hence the following extract from a letter, written by Howell Harris to Whitefield's wife:--

"LANWORTHADD, March 24, 1742.

"Our Society of ministers and exhorters go on sweetly. We had some disputes the last time we met; but we never parted with such broken hearts and wet cheeks. The Lord pities us, and will set us free from those strong corruptions, that set us together by the ears, and divide us, and cool our love to each other."[507]

[507] The Weekly History, June, 5, 1742.

Whitefield sighed for union; and, by keeping apart from controversy, and simply testifying the gospel of the grace of God, he did his utmost to make professing Christians a loving brotherhood. Sometimes, the prospect of this began to brighten; and, at all times, he had reason to exult on account of new conversions. The following extracts from letters, that he wrote in the month of April, will be welcome:--

"LONDON, April 6, 1742.

"O what a blessing it is to be redeemed from a vain conversation! O that every poor sinner felt it! Then would the children of God agree in one, and divisions would be at an end. Blessed be our Lord! there is a greater prospect of union than ever. It is what my soul longs after, and labours for. It is a great pity that poor pilgrims should fall out in their way to heaven; but this will be, till we get more of the Divine Spirit.

"I believe there is such a work begun, as neither we nor our fathers have heard of. The beginnings are amazing; how unspeakably glorious will the end be! In New England, the Lord takes poor sinners by hundreds, I may say by thousands. In Scotland, the fruits of my poor labours are abiding and apparent. In Wales, the word of the Lord runs and is glorified; as also in many places in England. In London, our Saviour is doing great things daily. We scarce know what it is to have a meeting without tears. Our Lord always meets with us. I sleep and eat but little, and am constantly employed from morning till midnight; and, yet, I walk and am not weary, I run and am not faint. O free grace! It fires my soul, and makes me long to do something more for Jesus. It is true, indeed, I want to go home; but here are so many souls ready to perish for lack of knowledge, that I am willing to tarry below, as long as my Master has work for me to do."

To John Cennick, now evangelizing in Whitefield's native county, he wrote as follows:--

"LONDON, April 8, 1742.

"I rejoice to hear that the Lord is with you, and that He was pleased to bless my poor labours in Gloucestershire. I would have you to dispute as little as possible. Awakened souls should be told to look continually to the Lord Jesus. Our Lord is with us much in London. I preach twice daily. Our Society grows."

Whitefield longed for union; Wesley, for the present, seems to have been indifferent concerning it, and was also beset with those who wished to make him think that Whitefield was not sincere. The following is a significant entry in Wesley's Journal:--

"1742. April 23. I spent an agreeable hour with Mr. Whitefield. I believe he is sincere in all he says concerning his earnest desire of joining hand in hand with all that love the Lord Jesus Christ. But, if (as some would persuade me) he is not, the loss is all on his own side. I am just as I was. I go on my way, whether he goes with me, or stays behind."[508]

[508] Wesley's foolish friends fortunately failed in their efforts to keep Whitefield and himself apart. Within three weeks after this, Wesley writes again: "1742, May 12. I waited on the Archbishop of Canterbury, with Mr. Whitefield, and again on Friday; as also on the Bishop of London. I trust, if we should be called to appear before princes, we should not be ashamed." (Wesley's Journal.)

Whitefield had now spent nearly two months of wintry weather in the metropolis, and, of course, his ministry had been mainly confined to his wooden meeting-house, in the neighbourhood of Moorfields. At length, the sun was again shining, the birds were singing, and the breezes balmy. It was time for Whitefield to resume his "field-pulpit," and to use the bright blue heavens as his sounding-board. During the Easter holidays, commencing on Easter Monday, April 19, Whitefield preached six or seven sermons in his old open-air cathedral, Moorfields;[509] and, writing to a friend in Philadelphia, remarked, "We have had a glorious Easter, or rather a Pentecost." The scenes witnessed on these three memorable days--Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday--are described by himself in two letters, written three weeks afterwards. The letters are here thrown into one continuous narrative.

[509] Whitefield's Works, vol. i., p. 383.

"LONDON, May 11, 1742.

"With this, I send you a few of the many notes I have received from persons who were convinced, converted, or comforted in Moorfields, during the late holidays. For many weeks, I found my heart much pressed to preach there at this season, when Satan's children keep their annual rendezvous.

"I must inform you, that Moorfields is a large, spacious place, given, as I have been told, by one Madam Moore, for all sorts of people to divert themselves in. For many years past, from one end to the other, booths of all kinds have been erected, for mountebanks, players, puppet-shows, and such-like.

"With a heart bleeding with compassion for so many thousands led captive by the devil at his will, on Easter Monday,[510] at six o'clock in the morning, attended by a large congregation of praying people, I ventured to lift up a standard amongst them, in the name of Jesus of Nazareth. Perhaps, there were about ten thousand waiting, not for me, but for Satan's instruments to amuse them. I was glad to find that, for once, I had, as it were, got the start of the devil. I mounted my field-pulpit,[511] and almost all flocked immediately around it. I preached on these words, 'As Moses lifted up the serpent in the wilderness,' etc. They gazed, they listened, they wept. All was hushed and solemn; and I believe many felt themselves stung with deep conviction of their past sins.

[510] Most of Whitefield's biographers say Whit-Monday; but this is a mistake. In 1742, Easter Sunday fell on April 18th; and Whit-Sunday, on June 6th, nearly a month after the date of this letter.

[511] Whitefield's "field-pulpit" was in existence, at the Tabernacle, Moorfields, as recently as 1839. (See "Services at the Centenary of Whitefield's Apostolic Labours, 1839," p. 22.) It so happens, however, that, in this very year 1876, another pulpit, or perhaps the same, is on view in the great Centennial Exhibition at Philadelphia. The following is taken from the London Watchman and Wesleyan Advertiser, of June 14, 1876: "The portable pulpit of George Whitefield, which belongs to the American Tract Society, is on view at the Centennial Exhibition. It is made of pine wood, and is so contrived that it can be easily taken apart and put together. The great preacher delivered more than two thousand sermons from this pulpit in the fields of England, Wales, and America; and he once remarked that the gospel had been preached from it to more than ten millions of people."

"Being thus encouraged, I ventured out again at noon: but what a scene! The fields, the whole fields, seemed, in a bad sense of the word, all white, ready, not for the Redeemer's, but, for Beelzebub's harvest. All his agents were in full motion, drummers, trumpeters, merry-andrews, masters of puppet-shows, exhibitors of wild beasts, etc., etc.,--all busy in entertaining their respective auditories. I suppose, there could not be less than twenty or thirty thousand people.

"My pulpit was fixed on the opposite side, and immediately, to their great mortification, they found the number of their attendants sadly lessened. Judging that, like St. Paul, I should now be called, as it were, to fight with beasts at Ephesus, I preached from these words: 'Great is Diana of the Ephesians.' You may easily guess, that there was some noise among the craftsmen, and that I was honoured with having stones, dirt, rotten eggs, and pieces of dead cats thrown at me, whilst engaged in calling them from their favourite, but lying vanities. My soul was indeed among lions; but far the greater part of my congregation seemed to be turned into lambs.

"This encouraged me to give notice, that I would preach again at six o'clock in the evening. I came, I saw, but what? Thousands and thousands more than before, still more deeply engaged in their unhappy diversions; but, among them, some thousands waiting as earnestly to hear the gospel. This was what Satan could not brook. One of his choicest servants was exhibiting, trumpeting on a large stage; but, as soon as the people saw me, in my black robes, and my pulpit, I think, all of them, to a man, left him and ran to me. For a while, I was enabled to lift up my voice as a trumpet. God's people kept praying; and the enemy's agents made a kind of roaring at some distance from us. At length, they approached nearer, and the merry-andrew (who complained that they had taken many pounds less that day on account of my preaching) got upon a man's shoulders, and, advancing near the pulpit, attempted, several times, to strike me with a long, heavy, whip; but always, with the violence of his motion, tumbled down. Soon afterwards, they got a recruiting sergeant, with his drum, etc., to pass through the congregation. I gave the word of command, and ordered that way might be made for the king's officer. The ranks opened, while all marched quietly through, and then closed again. Finding those efforts to fail, a large body, on the opposite side of the field, assembled together, and, having got a large pole for their standard, advanced towards us with steady and formidable steps, till they came very near the skirts of our congregation. I saw, gave warning, and prayed to the Captain of our salvation for support and deliverance. He heard and answered; for, just as they approached us, with looks full of resentment, they quarrelled among themselves, threw down their pole, and went their way, leaving, however, many of their company behind. I think, I continued in praying, preaching, and singing (for the noise, at times, was too great to preach), about three hours.

"We then retired to the Tabernacle. My pocket was full of notes from persons brought under concern. I read, them, amidst the praises and spiritual acclamations of thousands, who joined with the holy angels in rejoicing that so many sinners were snatched, in such an unlikely place and manner, out of the very jaws of the devil. This was the beginning of the Tabernacle Society. Three hundred and fifty awakened souls were received in one day; and, I believe, the number of notes exceeded a thousand.

"The battle, that was begun on Monday, was not quite over till Wednesday evening, though the scene of action was a little changed.

"Being strongly invited, and a pulpit being prepared for me by an honest Quaker, a coal merchant, I ventured, on Tuesday evening, to preach in Marylebone Fields, a place almost as much frequented by boxers, gamesters, and such-like, as Moorfields. A vast congregation was assembled, and, as soon as I got into the field-pulpit, their countenances bespoke the enmity of their hearts against the preacher. I opened with these words: 'I am not ashamed of the gospel of Christ; for it is the power of God unto salvation to every one that believeth.' I preached in great jeopardy; for the pulpit being high, and the supports not well fixed in the ground, it tottered every time I moved, and numbers of enemies strove to push my friends against the supports, in order to throw me down. But the Redeemer stayed my soul upon Himself, and I was not much moved, except with compassion for those to whom I was delivering my Master's message.

"Satan, however, did not like thus to be attacked in his strongholds, and I narrowly escaped with my life; for, as I was passing from the pulpit to the coach, I felt my hat and wig to be almost off. I turned about, and observed a sword just touching my temples. A young rake, as I afterwards found, was determined to stab me, but a gentleman, seeing the sword thrust near me, struck it up with his cane, and so the destined victim providentially escaped. Such an attempt excited abhorrence. The enraged multitude seized the man, and had it not been for one of my friends, who received him into his house, he must have undergone a severe discipline.

"The next day, I renewed my attack in Moorfields; and, after the mob found that pelting, noise, and threatenings would not do, one of the merry-andrews got up into a tree, very near the pulpit, and shamefully exposed his nakedness before all the people. Such a beastly action quite abashed the serious part of my auditory; but hundreds, of another stamp, instead of rising up to pull down the unhappy wretch, expressed their approbation by repeated laughs. I must own, at first it gave me a shock. I thought Satan had now almost undone himself; but, recovering my spirits, I appealed to all, since now they had such a spectacle before them, whether I had wronged human nature, in saying, after pious Bishop Hall, 'that man, when left to himself, is half a devil and half a beast;' or, as the great Mr. Law expressed himself, 'a motley mixture of the beast and devil.'

"Silence and attention being thus gained, I concluded with a warm exhortation; and closed our festival enterprises by reading fresh notes that were put up, and by praising and blessing God, amidst thousands at the Tabernacle, for what He had done for precious souls, and on account of the deliverances He had wrought out for me and His people.

"I cannot help adding, that, several little boys and girls were fond of sitting round me on the pulpit, while I preached, and handing to me the people's notes. Though they were often struck with the eggs, dirt, etc., thrown at me, they never once gave way; but, on the contrary, every time I was struck, turned up their little weeping eyes, and seemed to wish they could receive the blows for me."

This is a simple and strange story. Seldom do the annals of the Christian Church present a more remarkable example of the power of gospel truth. Here were assembled thousands, "the devil's castaways," as Whitefield would have called them,--the very scum of London's teeming population, many of them clad in rags, and almost all of them labelled with the marks of vice and wretchedness; and, yet, even in such a congregation, hundreds become penitent, and begin to call upon God for mercy. Even the wildest mob only need "the truth as it is in Jesus" simply and faithfully proclaimed, for there is always in that glorious truth a something which meets the yearnings of the most degraded soul. Whitefield's Easter-tide services, in the midst of the Moorfields mobs, were not unworthy of the name he gave them--"a glorious Pentecost."[512]

[512] Whitefield's Works, vol. i., p. 383.

Whitefield continued the services thus begun; and no wonder. The following announcement was made in the Weekly History, of May 8, 1742:--

"This evening, about six o'clock, the Rev. Mr. Whitefield purposes to preach at Charles Square, by Hoxton.[513] To-morrow, about five p.m., at Kennington Common; and, on Tuesday next, about six p.m., at St. Marylebone Fields. He preached, in Moorfields, every day in the holiday week; some days twice, and some thrice. The auditories were very large and attentive, and, for the most times, very quiet. Many souls have been wrought upon during the last week's preaching, and several of them of the most abandoned sort. The Society, in London, is in great order, and great grace is among its members. For some time past, there have been about twenty souls each week added to it. In about three weeks, Mr. Whitefield purposes setting out for Scotland, with an intent to visit Ireland also. He has been in London about two months, and has preached twice, and sometimes thrice, every day."

[513] Charles Square, Hoxton, was a favourite preaching place of the first Methodists. The following, taken from the New Weekly Miscellany, pretends to describe one of these preaching scenes: "When the teacher ascends the place appointed for him, he uses all the gestures of a mountebank, or posture-master. His constant hearers are frequently about two thousand,--all of them the scum of the people, and consisting of near ten women to one man. Of the rest of the people, some are coming only to look on, and satisfy their curiosity; and others are going off as soon as their curiosity is satisfied. Some are laughing, others swearing; some are selling gin, and others ballads. Some take the opportunity of vending the printed controversies between Mr. Whitefield and Mr. Wesley; others are in a maze to see religion brought into such contempt and ridicule by men in gowns. The houses of the gentlemen living in the Square are filled with their acquaintances, from the city, as though they had come to see bears or monkeys. One of the gentlemen said, he would get a French horn, for his diversion during the time of these preaching performances. The story took air, and near a hundred of the gang stood before his house, as if they intended to assault it; while the preacher, in his gown, looked at the gentleman, and said, 'You unbeliever! you are certainly damned!'"

Whitefield embarked for Scotland on May 26, and arrived in Edinburgh on the 3rd of June. During his eight days' voyage, he employed himself, as usual when on shipboard, in writing letters to his friends.

One of these was the Rev. Mr. Meriton, a clergyman in the Isle of Man, who, ten months before, had become acquainted with Wesley in London,[514] and who seems to have spent the last years of his life chiefly in accompanying the two Wesleys in their preaching excursions, and in assisting them in the chapels they had built. He died in 1753. To him Whitefield wrote as follows:--

"On board the Mary and Ann, bound to Scotland, May 26, 1742.

[514] Wesley's Works, vol. i., p. 302.

"REV. AND DEAR SIR,--I received your letter on Saturday last, and felt great concern while perusing it. One thing especially pleased me. I found that a report, I had lately heard concerning you, was false; for I had been told, that the bishop, seeing your zeal, had, at last, ordered the clergy to open the church doors for you, and that now you had done with appearing openly in the defence of the glorious gospel. Blessed be God! this is not true; though I find both you and your people have been greatly discouraged. I see no way of extricating yourself, but by acting up to the dictates of your own conscience, and leaving the consequences to the great Head and King of the Church. Up then, and be doing; and the Lord will be with you. If you cannot preach freely in the Isle of Man, go whithersoever the Lord shall be pleased to lead you. Our commission is very extensive: 'Go ye into all the world, and preach the gospel to every creature.' We want labourers much in England. If our ascended Saviour has given you popular gifts, and freedom and authority in speaking without notes, you need not fear. He will assist you, and make you a blessing to many souls.

"Your being a minister of the Established Church will be an advantage, and your age also will give you yet more authority; but an unction from the Holy One is the best qualification. I would, therefore, persuade you to ask God, again and again, what He would have you to do. I am apt to think, He will not restore to you the comforts of the Holy Ghost, until you give up yourself simply to follow the dictates of His providence and Spirit. Then, let men or devils say and do their worst. How can we know God's power, unless we try it? Not that I would have you, dear friend, do anything rashly. No: 'He that believeth doth not make haste.'

"I wonder not that your brother's love is grown cold. It is hard for one in his station, unless he be thoroughly inured to contempt, and will give God leave to act in His own way, to withstand a whole body of lukewarm, prejudiced, envious, malignant clergy. These have always been the greatest opposers of true, vital religion. These were our Saviour's most bitter enemies. These will be ours also, if we come forth in His Spirit, and preach by His power. But, blessed be God! I can say, by happy experience, our glorious Emmanuel will make us more than conquerors over them all. He has continually fought my battles for me, and, I am persuaded, will do so to the end."

Such was Whitefield's letter to this Methodist clergyman in the Isle of Man. There can be little doubt, that it greatly contributed towards securing for the Wesleys one of the most brave-hearted of their clerical helpers, the Rev. John Meriton. A good deal might be said concerning the last ten years of his life; but this is not the place for it.

The following was (probably) written to John Bray, the London Moravian, a former friend of the Wesleys and of Whitefield, and who, at this particular time, was, like the Rev. John Meriton, in doubt how to act.[515] The London Moravians were now in a state of considerable agitation, and Bray, the brazier in Little Britain, London, as well as Meriton, the clergyman, in the Isle of Man, seems to have desired the benefit of his old friend's advice.

[515] See "Memoirs of James Hutton," pp. 109, 110.

"May 27, 1742.

"MY DEAR BROTHER B.,--Your letter was sweet to my heart. I will now endeavour to answer it.

"I need not tell you I love you. God has often borne witness to our fellowship, by giving us His presence. What has happened of late to disunite, will, in the end, I am persuaded, only promote a closer union. I feel my heart more and more disposed to love and honour all denominations of believers. In all societies of Christians, under heaven, there must necessarily be persons of a different standing in the school of Christ. Those who are not solidly established in the love of God will fall too much in love with the outward form of their particular church, be it what it may; but as the love of God gets the ascendancy, the more they will be like Him and His holy angels, and will, consequently, rejoice when souls are brought to Jesus, whatever instruments may be made use of for that purpose. I wish there was more confidence among us all; but I see that none but the Spirit of God can outwardly unite us, and, therefore, I have now given it up into the Redeemer's hand. Only this I pray, that I may be one of the first, and not the last, in bringing back the King. If I have, at any time, set improper bounds to the Spirit of God, I desire to be very low and broken-hearted for it. I am sure it has not been done willingly."

In the same strain, Whitefield wrote to a minister at Leominster.

"May 27, 1742.

"If the Lord give us a true catholic spirit, free from sectarian zeal, we shall do well. I am sorry to hear that there is so much narrowness among some of the brethren in Wales. Brother Harris complains sadly of it. I hope you will be kept free, and not fall into disputing about baptism, or other non-essentials; for, I am persuaded, unless we all are content to preach Christ, and to keep off from disputable things, wherein we differ, God will not bless us long. If we act otherwise, however we may talk of a catholic spirit, we shall only bring people over to our own party, and there fetter them."

Another letter addressed to Howell, Harris, and to the same effect, must suffice.

"May 29, 1742.

"MY VERY DEAR BROTHER,--I am heartily sorry that such a narrow spirit prevails in Wales. But what shall we say? The Redeemer's love alone can unite and keep His flocks together. Disputing with bigots and narrow-spirited people will not do. I intend, henceforth, to say less to them, and pray more and more to our Lord for them. Blessed be God! the partition wall is breaking down daily in some of our old friends' hearts in London. I exhort all to go where they can profit most. O, my brother, I find that nothing but the wisdom from above can teach us how to build up souls.

"In London, we have public Societies twice a week, and a general meeting for reading letters once a month. Our Lord has been much with us. We seem to move on now in gospel dignity, and are terrible as an army with banners. The Easter holidays were high days indeed. My wife does not forget her friends in Wales. I expect great things in Scotland. Adieu! Forget not to pray for your affectionate brother pilgrim,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

It is evident, from these, and other letters, previously-inserted, that Whitefield was a man of one business. He was an evangelist at large. He discarded controversy. He made no attempt to reform or to institute churches. His sole object was "to testify the gospel of the grace of God," and to be useful in saving souls.

He arrived in Scotland on the 3rd of June, and here he spent the next five months.

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Transcriber's note:

Minor typographical errors have been corrected without note. Irregularities and inconsistencies in the text have been retained as printed.

Mismatched quotes and square brackets are not fixed if it's not sufficiently clear where they should be placed.

The cover for the eBook version of this book was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.

The transcriber has made the following changes:

Page 32: changed 1753 to 1735--"Thus, as early as June 12, 1753, Whitefield began to ..."

Page 57: Added missing footnote anchor here: Footnote 71: Life of C. Wesley, vol. i., p. 70.

Page 110: Footnote 115: Oglethorpe did not sail until July 5th, 1783. 1783 was changed to 1738.

Page 143: "2. Public Worship; 3. Reading the Scriptures; 4. Secret Prayer; 5. Self-examination; and 7." 7 was changed to 6

Page 180: Added missing footnote anchor here: I should not be the servant of Christ."[181]

Page 274: Added missing footnote anchor here: out of his own depth when he wrote it.[244]

Page 527: Added missing footnote anchor here: within them upon hearing your name."[481]

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