Appendix

Appendix

CONTENTS OF APPENDIX.

PAGE

I. SKETCH OF HUNGARIAN HISTORY 267

II. ITINERARIES 284

III. EDITIONS 288

IV. ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS:—

i. Patent of Legitimation of Ogier Ghiselin 292

ii. Patent of Knighthood of Ogier de Busbecq 295

iii. Purchase Deed of the Seigneurie de Bousbecque 300

iv. Copy of the Sauve-garde 303

v. Pardon of Daniel de Croix for the homicide of Charlot Desrumaulx 305

vi. Pardon of Jehan Dael for the homicide of Guillibert du Mortier 309

I.

SKETCH OF HUNGARIAN HISTORY DURING THE REIGN OF SOLYMAN.

IN order that the reader may be able to appreciate the circumstances under which Busbecq’s Turkish letters were written, and to understand many of the allusions they contain, it is necessary that he should have the power of referring easily to the leading events of Hungarian and Transylvanian history during the reign of Solyman. For Busbecq’s French letters, Motley’s ‘Dutch Republic’ and ‘United Netherlands’ may be consulted, but no such works in English upon Hungarian history exist. The narratives of Robertson and Creasy are meagre in this respect, and contain only scattered and incidental notices of Hungarian events; while Von Hammer, and the Austrian and Turkish histories in Heeren’s Series, valuable as they are, have not been translated into English, and besides are not easily accessible. None of these works give a connected narrative of Hungarian affairs, the notices of which are mixed up with the general Turkish and Austrian history, and have to be picked out from it with much time and trouble. It is hoped that this sketch will to some extent supply the deficiency, and furnish a clue to the intricate maze of Hungarian politics. Some curious facts have been gleaned from Katona’s ‘Critical History of Hungary,’ a rare book, which is mostly composed of original documents, including numerous letters written by Busbecq’s colleague, Verantius, after he had returned from his embassy, and long extracts from Busbecq’s own letters.

During the sixteenth century Hungary formed the Debatable Land between Christendom and Islam. The picture which the ‘Lay of the Last Minstrel’ and the ‘Monastery’ give of the condition of the English and Scottish border, will suggest a faint notion of the state of things all along the frontier between the Turkish and the Christian dominions. Upon both sides continual forays were made, villages were plundered and burnt, castles surprised, cattle driven off, and, worst of all, prisoners were carried away into hopeless slavery.[270] Every few years these desultory hostilities broke out into open war, and, notwithstanding occasional successes of Ferdinand’s party, the tide of Turkish invasion rose steadily higher and higher. In addition, the unfortunate country was distracted by civil war, waged with varying success between Ferdinand and the House of Zapolya, the rivals for the throne, while the magnates of the kingdom went over from one side to the other, according as they thought they could thereby gain any advantage for themselves.

Solyman, the greatest Sovereign of the House of Othman, was born in 1494, and succeeded his father, Selim I., in September 1520. The first year of his reign was marked by a campaign against Hungary, and the fall of Belgrade,[271] the bulwark of that kingdom. Louis, the King of Hungary and Bohemia, was then a minor, and, in the party strife of the different factions of the nobility, the defence of the country was neglected. For several years Solyman’s attention was diverted to other enterprises, of which the most famous was the siege and capture of Rhodes in 1522, but in 1526 he again invaded Hungary. On August 29, the anniversary of the capture of Belgrade, he defeated King Louis with great slaughter at Mohacz,[272] the King himself perishing in the flight, and then advanced on Buda, which surrendered on September 10. Thence he crossed to Pesth, where he received the Hungarian nobles, and, after promising them to make John Zapolya, Count of Zips and Voivode or Viceroy of Transylvania, King of Hungary, returned laden with booty to Constantinople.

Ferdinand, the brother of Charles V. and his successor as Emperor, and Zapolya were rivals for the crown of St. Stephen. The first relied upon family compacts, and upon his connection by marriage with King Louis.[273] Zapolya, on the other hand, was supported by a strong party among the nobles, who disliked Ferdinand as a foreigner. Zapolya’s partisans took the initiative, and convened a diet at Tokay, at which he was elected King, and he was duly crowned at Stuhlweissenburg by the Archbishop of Gran. Mary, however, the widowed Queen, with the Palatine Bathory, assembled another diet at Presburg, which declared Zapolya’s election void on the ground that the diet of Tokay had not been summoned by the Palatine, and elected Ferdinand King, who, after defeating his rival at Tokay in 1527, and near Kaschau in the following year, drove him out of the country. Zapolya then threw himself on Solyman’s protection, offering to hold Hungary and Transylvania as his tributary, and a treaty of alliance was signed between them in February 1528. In the following year Solyman invaded Hungary for the third time, and took Buda on September 9. A few days afterwards Zapolya was again installed on the throne by the first lieutenant of the Aga of the Janissaries, and did homage for his kingdom. Leaving a Turkish governor in Buda, the Sultan then marched on Vienna, and besieged it on the 27th, but was obliged to abandon the siege on October 16, in consequence of the lateness of the season and the gallant resistance of the garrison and inhabitants.[274]

In the winter of 1530 Ferdinand’s troops besieged Buda unsuccessfully. In the campaign of 1532 Charles V. came with the forces of the Empire to the assistance of his brother, and Styria and Austria were the seat of war. The Sultan was detained for three weeks before the little town of Güns by the gallantry of the commander Jurischitz, who at last surrendered on honourable terms.[275] The delay, however, prevented the Sultan from accomplishing anything considerable, though his army ravaged Styria and Austria, and penetrated as far as Gratz and Linz.

In June 1533 peace was concluded between Ferdinand and Solyman on the basis of Ferdinand’s retaining what he actually held in Hungary, the Sultan reserving to himself the ratification of any arrangements that Ferdinand and Zapolya might make between themselves.

For some years afterwards Solyman’s attention was devoted to his wars with Persia, and no invasion of Hungary on a large scale occurred; but, notwithstanding the peace, the Pashas of Bosnia and the adjoining districts continued their inroads. To check these incursions Ferdinand, in 1537, assembled at Kaproncza, on the Drave, an army of 16,000 foot and 8,000 horse, under the supreme command of Katzianer. He advanced on Essek, intending to besiege it, but was surrounded by clouds of light cavalry, who cut off his supplies and forced him to retreat. After losing his siege-guns at the passage of the Vouka, he encountered the enemy on December 1, and, after an unsuccessful engagement, fled in the night with some of the other generals. The troops that were left were cut to pieces the next day with their gallant commander, Lodron.[276] Katzianer was accused of causing the disaster by his cowardice, and was thrown into prison at Vienna. He escaped by bribing his gaolers, and fled to one of his castles in Croatia, where he entered into negotiations with the Turks, promising to betray the strong fortress of Kosthanitza. However, his treasonable designs were cut short; Count Nicholas Zriny, during an interview with him at one of his castles, treacherously stabbed him, and despatched him with the assistance of his servants. His body was flung from a window into the castle ditch, and his head was sent to Vienna.

In 1538, under the mediation of Charles V., the treaty of Gross Wardein was concluded between Zapolya and Ferdinand. Zapolya was to retain the title of King during his life with Transylvania and the part of Hungary which was then in his actual possession, on his death his male issue was to succeed to Transylvania only, and by the same treaty both parties united in a league for mutual defence against the Turks.

Zapolya had then neither wife nor child; but he immediately afterwards married Isabella, the King of Poland’s daughter, and, dying in July 1540, left by her a son—John Sigismund—who was born a fortnight before his father’s death.

Ferdinand then claimed that, according to the terms of the treaty, he should be placed in possession of the whole of Hungary; but Isabella, as guardian of her infant son, and the party opposed to Ferdinand, under the leadership of Martinuzzi, Bishop of Gross Wardein, refused to adhere to the treaty, caused the infant to be crowned, and appealed to the Sultan for protection. Ferdinand then entered the country, and besieged Buda, which was relieved by the Pasha of Belgrade.

Solyman again invaded Hungary in 1541. On August 29 his troops occupied the gates of Buda, and he annexed that city to his dominions, making it the seat of a Pashalic, and placing a strong garrison in it. He declared, however, that he held it merely in trust for John Sigismund during his minority, and in the meantime appointed the latter Sanjak-bey of Transylvania, under the regency of Martinuzzi and Petrovich. The House of Zapolya held, in addition to Transylvania, most of the country to the north as far as the river Theiss.

In 1543 Solyman again invaded Hungary, and took the cities of Gran and Stuhlweissenburg, or Alba Regia, the former being the primatial see of Hungary, and the latter the burial-place of her Kings. At the end of 1544, Jerome Adorno, provost of Erlau, was sent by Ferdinand as internuncio to Solyman, with John Maria Malvezzi, a member of a noble family of Bologna, as secretary; but he died shortly after his arrival at Adrianople, in March 1545. Malvezzi, aided by Nicholas Sicco, who was sent by Ferdinand as a new ambassador, and Veltwick, the ambassador of Charles V., then undertook the management of the negotiations, and concluded in November an armistice for eighteen months between Solyman on the one side, and Ferdinand and Charles on the other.[277] This was followed, in June 1547, by a peace for five years, in which the Emperor, the Pope, France, and Venice were included, on the basis of uti possidetis, Ferdinand paying the Sultan 30,000 ducats a year, part of which sum was an equivalent for the territories of some of the nobles, who had formerly adhered to the Turkish side, and had afterwards gone over to Ferdinand, and part was termed by him a present, but was more justly considered by the Turks as tribute for the portion of Hungary which still remained in his possession.

The Sultan’s motive for concluding this treaty was his desire to turn his arms against Persia. Elkass Mirza, a brother of Shah Tahmasp, the reigning monarch, had taken refuge at his court in 1547,[278] and in 1548 Solyman led his troops into Persia, and obtained considerable successes. In the following year Elkass was captured by his brother in an expedition he had undertaken, and was confined in a fortress for the rest of his life.

In July 1551, at Martinuzzi’s instigation, Isabella ceded Transylvania and the part of Hungary that remained in her hands to Ferdinand, in exchange for the towns of Ratibor and Oppeln in Silesia, and the Austrian troops, under the command of the Spaniard Castaldo, took possession of these territories.[279] When Solyman heard this news, he summoned Malvezzi before him, who pledged his life that there was no ground for this report; but, as he could not give satisfactory explanations, and fell back on the insufficiency of his instructions, he was thrown into prison in the Black Tower of the Castle of Anatolia on the Bosphorus,[280] the Sultan excusing this violation of international law by the argument that an ambassador was a hostage for the good faith of his master, and should suffer for any breach of it. From this incident it appears that the post of ambassador at the Porte was by no means unattended with danger.

Ferdinand rewarded Martinuzzi by procuring for him a Cardinal’s hat, and appointing him Archbishop of Gran. Not content with these dignities, that wily politician made overtures to the Turks, with the object of gaining the sovereignty of Transylvania and Hungary for himself; but he was assassinated by Castaldo’s officers acting under Ferdinand’s orders, or, at any rate, with his connivance, at Alvincz, December 18, 1551.

In 1552 the Turks recommenced their attacks on Hungary, which were attended with almost uniform success. In February they gained a victory at Szegedin; in April, Wessprim was taken by Ali, the Pasha of Buda; and in July Temeswar fell. Its capture was followed by the loss of the rest of the Banat. On August 11, Ali Pasha defeated an army of Ferdinand’s at Fülek, to the north of Buda, Sforzia Pallavicini was taken prisoner, and Sbardellatus Dudich, the Bishop of Waitzen, whom Busbecq calls by mistake the Bishop of Fünfkirchen, was killed.[281] Erlau, however, was besieged by Ali unsuccessfully.

In April 1552, Ferdinand wrote to Roostem, the Grand Vizier, asking for Malvezzi’s release, and for a safe conduct for two more envoys. In consequence, Malvezzi was removed to the Seven Towers, and his allowance was increased; but he was still kept in close confinement.

Fortunately for Ferdinand at this critical juncture, a Persian invasion and the Sultan’s domestic troubles created a diversion in his favour. In 1553 the Sultan, on account of the mutinous disposition of the army, which had been sent to defend Armenia against the Persians, was obliged to take command of it in person. The most notable event of the campaign was the tragical end of Mustapha, Solyman’s eldest and most promising son. The story of his cruel murder is narrated in pathetic words by our author in his first letter,[282] though he is mistaken in placing the scene of it near Amasia, as Eregli, in Karamania, where it really happened, is about 250 miles from that city. To appease the indignation of the soldiery at the death of their favourite, the Grand Vizier Roostem was deposed, and his office conferred on Achmet Pasha. Busbecq, during his visit to Amasia, in 1555, witnessed the conclusion of peace between the Sultan and the Shah.

The Persian war relieved for a time the pressure on Hungary. Solyman granted a six months’ armistice, and Francis Zay and Antony Wranczy or Verantius, then Bishop of Fünfkirchen, and afterwards Bishop of Erlau, were sent as envoys to Constantinople.[283] They arrived in August. They were instructed to offer a tribute of 150,000 ducats for Hungary Proper, and 40,000 for Upper Hungary and Transylvania. The Viziers, however, told them that the abandonment of all claims to Transylvania was an indispensable preliminary to opening negotiations. Malvezzi was accordingly released, and sent to Vienna to receive further instructions from Ferdinand; and it was arranged that the peace should be prolonged for five years, and that on account of the loss of territory Ferdinand had sustained in Hungary the annual present or tribute should be reduced to 15,000 ducats. The peace was not to be ratified till Malvezzi’s return, but the truce was prolonged in the meanwhile.

In May, 1554, Malvezzi was ordered to return, but he was prevented by illness, and Busbecq was sent in his stead.[284] He arrived at Constantinople on January 20, 1555, and proceeded in March, with Verantius and Zay, to the Sultan’s headquarters at Amasia. They brought him a present of gilded cups, and 10,000 ducats as tribute for Transylvania. They complained of the numerous breaches of the armistice on the part of the Turks, but, although they promised 80,000 ducats to the Sultan and large sums to the chief viziers, they could only obtain an extension of the armistice for six months, and a letter from Solyman to Ferdinand, with which Busbecq was sent to Vienna.

On September 28, 1555, Achmet was executed, and Roostem reappointed Grand Vizier.[285]

Notwithstanding the truce of Amasia, guerilla raids on both sides continued all along the Hungarian frontiers. To check the incursions of the Heydons, Touighoun, the Pasha of Buda,[286] attacked and took Babocsa; and Ali, his successor, the victor of Fülek, with the same object, commenced the siege of Szigeth, on May 24, 1556, and assaulted the place a month later, but was repulsed with heavy loss. In the meantime the Palatine Nadasty had besieged Babocsa, and Ali hastened with a detachment to relieve it, but was defeated with great loss on the river Rinya (July 25). Babocsa was then abandoned by the Turks, and fell into the hands of the Hungarians, who burnt it, and blew up the citadel. Ali resumed the siege of Szigeth, but was so weakened by his defeat, that he was obliged to raise it, retreating to Buda, where he died soon afterwards.[287] The fall of Szigeth was thus postponed for ten years, when it was destined to be associated with the termination of a more glorious career, and the extinction of a more famous name.[288]

Meanwhile Transylvania had again passed into the possession of Isabella and her son. She had at first gone to the Silesian duchies, which Ferdinand had given in exchange for Transylvania; but she was dissatisfied with them, and returned to her brother’s court in Poland, where she entered into correspondence with her partisans in Transylvania. The current of feeling there ran strongly in her favour. The Spaniard, Castaldo, Ferdinand’s governor, was ignorant of the national laws and usages. His troops were left unpaid, and supported themselves by plundering the country. At last one corps after another mutinied for their pay, and marched out of Transylvania; and Castaldo himself, unable to check the dissolution of his army, withdrew to Vienna. For a time anarchy prevailed in Transylvania; but in June, 1556, the inhabitants resolved to recall Isabella and her son. The envoys found her at Lemberg, and invited her to return. The Voivodes of Moldavia and Wallachia entered Hungary to protect her passage, and on October 22 she and her son entered Klausenburg in triumph.[289]

Meanwhile Bebek, the representative of Queen Isabella, was using every means in his power to thwart the efforts of Busbecq and his colleagues. The latter returned home in August, 1557. Verantius was rewarded with the bishopric of Erlau. As far back as June, 1555, allusions to the prospect of his appointment may be found, and the see had been kept vacant for him for more than a year before his actual translation in November, 1557. His office was no sinecure. He was perpetually occupied in providing for the defence of his diocese, in writing to the Pasha of Buda to remonstrate against the continual invasions of the neighbouring Sanjak-beys, and in counterworking the intrigues of Zapolya’s party. His remaining time and energies were devoted to attempts to check the spread of Lutheranism in his diocese. It may be remarked here that John Sigismund was much assisted by his patronage of Lutheranism. His court was the refuge of many Lutheran, and even of Socinian, teachers. An anecdote Verantius gives in one of his letters will show what a hold Lutheranism had obtained in parts of Hungary. When a fire, supposed to be the work of an incendiary, broke out in the monastery of Jaszbereny, most of the inhabitants of the town refused to help to extinguish it, declaring that they would rather the Turks had the monastery than the monks. Zay, the other ambassador, was appointed Governor of Kaschau.[290]

In 1558 the fortress of Tata, near Komorn, eight miles from the right bank of the Danube, was surprised by Hamza, Sanjak-bey of Stuhlweissenburg.

Throughout the negotiations the Sultan insisted on the cession of Szigeth, but was induced in the winter of 1557 to grant a fresh armistice for seven months. In 1559 Ferdinand sent by Albert de Wyss[291] four projects for a treaty, the first of which demanded the restoration of Tata and Fülek, but the last omitted these conditions. The last was presented by Busbecq in the camp at Scutari to Solyman, but was not accepted by him; and the Sultan, on his return to Constantinople, placed Busbecq in a sort of confinement in his house.

In the beginning of 1559 the health of Queen Isabella began to fail, and Melchior Balassa, a great Transylvanian noble, wrote to Ferdinand proposing, on her death, to place Transylvania in his hands. This letter was intercepted, and sent to Isabella, who, having such a proof of the treachery of one of her most trusted adherents, thought it advisable to open negotiations with Ferdinand herself, and, with the Sultan’s approval, did so through her brother the King of Poland. It was proposed that one of Ferdinand’s daughters should marry John Sigismund, and that the latter should have Transylvania and Lower Hungary (the north-eastern part of Hungary, between Poland and Transylvania), but should abandon the title of King. These negotiations were broken off by her death, which took place at Karlsburg in September, and an attempt in the following year to renew them also came to nothing, as John Sigismund refused to renounce the title of King.

In the winter of 1561 Andrew Bathory persuaded his brother Nicholas and Melchior Balassa to go over to Ferdinand’s side.[292] As soon as Ferdinand had recovered the town of Munkats, Balassa was to receive it for his life, with the right of maintaining a certain number of soldiers at Ferdinand’s expense, and, in return, to give up to Ferdinand various towns immediately to the north of Transylvania Proper, which were his possession.

Roostem died in July 1561, and was succeeded by Ali, who proved much more pliant in his negotiations with Busbecq, and the latter at last succeeded in obtaining a peace for eight years. The principal stipulations of the treaty were as follows:[293]

1. Ferdinand to pay an annual tribute of 30,000 ducats, and also the arrears due in respect of the last two years.

2. The Sultan engaged not to attack Ferdinand either directly, or by furnishing assistance to John Sigismund. He also undertook that John Sigismund should respect the territories of Ferdinand.

3. Melchior Balassa and Nicholas Bathory, and others in a similar position, who had returned to their allegiance to Ferdinand, to be included in the peace with their property and lordships, and to be the vassals of Ferdinand and John Sigismund conjointly.

4. If any of Ferdinand’s subjects had been expelled from his property by the adherents of John Sigismund, or vice versâ, no suits or proceedings to recover such property to be taken during the peace.

5. If new and otherwise irreconcilable differences should arise between the contracting parties with regard to the limits of their jurisdiction, as a provisional arrangement the de facto subjects of each party at the commencement of the peace to remain so during its continuance, and, in particular, certain villages near the Danube and the fortress of Tata, some of which were in Ferdinand’s and some in the Sultan’s possession, to remain respectively as they were, and those in Ferdinand’s possession not to be molested by the garrison of Tata.

6. Any Turkish nobles who were in the power of any of Ferdinand’s officers, either as fugitives or otherwise, to be released without ransom.

7. Runaway slaves with any property they might have stolen to be mutually restored.

8. Ferdinand’s officers to be allowed to fortify and provision castles, towns, and villages on the borders of Hungary within their own territories.

9. Disputes about boundaries or the like between the subjects of the two parties to be settled by arbitration, and the persons at fault punished as truce-breakers.

10. The treaty to be in force for eight years, and to be binding upon all the officers and subjects on both sides, particularly the Voivodes of Moldavia and Wallachia, and on John Sigismund, and none of Ferdinand’s subjects or their property to be molested or injured in any way. Any property taken contrary to this stipulation to be restored to its owners, and any person taken prisoner to be released uninjured.

11. Ambassadors and envoys to be granted full permission to travel in the Sultan’s dominions, with liberty of ingress and egress to and from his court, and to be supplied with interpreters.

On the arrival of Busbecq at Frankfort with Ibrahim, the first dragoman of the Porte, important differences were found to exist between the Turkish and Latin texts of the treaty. The former only included the barons who had already returned to their allegiance to Ferdinand, and not those who might afterwards do so; it stipulated for the extradition of refugees, as well as that of brigands and rebels, and included the Voivodes of Moldavia and Wallachia. The Emperor demanded that these points should be corrected; but his demands seem to have been ineffectual, and the Turkish incursions on the Hungarian frontier continued.

Ferdinand died on July 25, 1564, and was succeeded as Emperor by his son Maximilian, who had been elected King of Hungary and Bohemia in his father’s lifetime. Fighting still went on between him and John Sigismund on the frontiers of Transylvania. Szathmar was taken by the latter, and Tokay[294] and Serencs by the former. The Grand Vizier Ali, who was inclined to peace, died in July 1565, and was succeeded by the more warlike Mehemet Sokolli. During 1565, the Sultan was fully occupied with the siege of Malta, but in the beginning of the following year war was declared against Hungary, Albert de Wyss, who had succeeded Busbecq as ambassador, was thrown into prison, and on May 1 Solyman started from Constantinople on his last campaign. His age and infirmities obliged him to quit the saddle for a carriage.

On June 29 he received John Sigismund at Semlin, and intended to march on Erlau, but, hearing that Count Nicholas Zriny, the commander at Szigeth, had surprised and killed the Sanjak-bey of Tirhala, he resolved to make Szigeth the first object of attack. The siege commenced on August 5. Two furious assaults on the 26th and 29th were repulsed with great slaughter. On September 8, Zriny, finding he could hold out no longer, set the fortress on fire, sallied forth, sword in hand, at the head of the garrison, and met a soldier’s death. The Turks poured into the citadel, intent on murder and plunder; but the fire reached the powder-magazine, which blew up, burying in the ruins more than three thousand men. Solyman did not live to witness his triumph. His health had long been failing, and he died on the night of the 5th or 6th of September. His death was concealed by the Grand Vizier for three weeks, to give his successor, Selim, time to reach Constantinople from Kutaiah.

The death of Solyman seems to form a fitting termination to this sketch. With the exception of his successor, Selim, he is the last survivor of the personages who figure prominently in Busbecq’s pages. The Emperor Ferdinand, the Grand Viziers Achmet, Roostem, and Ali, and the unfortunate Bajazet, have passed away. The greater part of Hungary and Transylvania continued subject to the successors of Solyman, either immediately or as a vassal State, till near the close of the following century. In 1683 Vienna was once more besieged by the Turks, under the Grand Vizier Kara Mustapha, but was relieved by John Sobieski. The reaction from this supreme effort was fatal to the Turkish dominion in Hungary. In 1686 Buda was recaptured by Charles of Lorraine, and by the Peace of Carlowitz, concluded in 1698, the whole of Hungary and Transylvania was ceded to the Emperor Leopold.

II.

ITINERARIES.

IN describing his first Turkish letter as an ‘iter,’ or itinerary, Busbecq places it under a class of composition of which there are several examples still extant. In Busbecq’s days it was a common practice for scholars to write an account in Latin verse of any journey they might happen to make. These itineraries are generally extremely amusing, the writers being men of keen observation, with a great sense of humour, and condescending to notice those trifles which are passed over by the historian.

As an example, Nathan Chytræus gives an account of his trip to England during the Long Vacation of the University of Paris. He lands at Rye, and, going to an inn, eats his first English dinner, which he hugely enjoys, noticing at the same time the handsome faces and dignified bearing of the waitresses. On his way to London he is struck with the comfortable appearance of the country seats, and specially with the belts of laurel with which they were surrounded. As he passes over London Bridge he is delighted with the handsome shops full of every kind of merchandise which lined its sides. He visits Westminster Abbey, and wonders at not finding the tomb of Dr. Linacre, the celebrated physician, who, though a canon of St. Peter’s, Westminster, was buried at St. Paul’s. He goes eastward, and visits the Tower of London, noticing the menagerie, and specially two lions at the entrance of the Tower. Of the collection of arms he says that a visitor would imagine it to be the greatest in the world if he had not seen the Arsenal at Venice. He has a word for Southwark across the river, telling us that it was covered with small houses, and the home of numerous dogs and bears, which were kept for baiting. He visits Hampton Court, Nonsuch Park,[295] and Windsor; at the last place Elizabeth was staying, with all her court. The Queen is duly complimented on her learning, but he can spare a couple of lines also for the rabbits which then, as now, were scampering fearlessly about the Park:

Quin et in effossis habitare cuniculus antris Assuetus prodire solet camposque vagari.

It will be seen that the itinerary of Nathan Chytræus is written very much in Busbecq’s style, while there are other itineraries which require notice as taking us over nearly the same ground as our author.

Among the companions of Veltwick (vol. i. page 79), when he went as Ambassador to Constantinople, was Hugo Favolius, who has left us an account of the expedition in Latin hexameters. Having ingeniously introduced the date 1545 into his verses, he tells us that was the year—

Cum decus imperii Romani, Carolus ingens, Pertæsus belli tandem, metuensque tumultus Hellespontiacis qui forte fremebat in oris, Principiis prudens sic obvius ire parabat. Ergo a consiliis regi fidissimus unus Deligitur sermone potens Veldvicius heros, Quicum partitus curarum ingentia dudum Pondera tractandas rerum committit habenas; Atque illum ad celebrem Byzanti destinat urbem, Præstanti eloquio et placido sermone Tyranni In melius si forte queat convertere mentem.

After this humiliating confession of the power of the Turk, Favolius tells us how they sailed across the Gulf of Venice and landed at Ragusa. After a short rest the party travelled over the mountains to Sophia, and thence to Constantinople. In returning Veltwick made the journey to Vienna by land, taking, no doubt, the same route as was afterwards traversed by Busbecq, while Hugo Favolius and some of the younger members of the party obtained leave to go back to Venice by sea.

It seems strange that in a piece of this kind the writer should so frankly admit the superiority of the Turkish power; it would appear to be but an ill compliment to the sovereigns from whom Favolius must have looked for advancement. In order, however, to gauge the real amount of terror which the Turks inspired it is necessary to take the account of P. Rubigal, the Hungarian, who was attached to an embassy sent shortly after the death of John Zapolya[296] by the leading nobles of his party to convey their tribute to Solyman. Rubigal’s itinerary may be considered to furnish us with an idea of the position of a Hungarian in the middle of the sixteenth century. His description is ludicrous, no doubt, but it is no less horrible.

He begins thus:—

Tempore concedens quo rex in fata Joannes Liquerat Hungaricæ regia sceptra domus, Inque patris titulos natus successerat infans Et dubia imperii forma recentis erat, Turca ferox, Medo qui cinctus acinace gaudet, Ad proceres regni plurima scripta dedit, Pannoniæque petens perfricta fronte tributum, Terruit innumeris tristia corda minis. Quid facerent? ratio sic temporis ipsa ferebat, Quamlibet inviti ut pacta tributa darent. Nec mora, magnatum venerando ex ordine lectos Verbetium mittunt Essetiumque pium; Hosque jubent regni Turcis offerre tributa, Flectere et immitis pectora dura Getæ.

The party started from Szegedin, on the river Theiss, going by boat to Belgrade, and thence by land to Constantinople.

They were entertained at a banquet by Solyman, and were much disgusted at two things: first, he gave them sherbet instead of wine; and secondly, at the conclusion of the banquet he caused the ghastly heads of men who had been recently executed to be set before them. The grim pleasantry could not be misunderstood. The heads, no doubt, were those of Hungarians, whom Solyman was pleased to regard in the light of rebels. Whilst at Constantinople Rubigal had an opportunity of seeing the Turkish fleet, which was then commanded by the famous Barbarossa. The Hungarian was evidently horribly frightened at the formidable preparations of the Turks, for immediately afterwards he gives his readers plainly to understand that his tastes are of a domestic turn, and that he has no hankering after—

the perils which environ The man who meddles with cold iron.

Oddly enough, however, he gives us an account of two Germans he met with fetters on their legs, who beg him to tell their friends at home that it will be the easiest thing in the world to drive the Turks into the Bosphorus. He gives their message, but cautiously refrains from either endorsing or contradicting their opinion.

III.

EDITIONS.

THE following is a list of the various editions and translations of Busbecq’s works, with which we are acquainted.

DATE. In Latin.

1581. Printed by Plantin, at Antwerp. Editio Princeps. It contains only the first Turkish Letter, under the title of Itinera Constantinopolitanum et Amasianum, and the De Acie contra Turcam Instruenda Consilium.

1582. Also printed by Plantin. At the end of the contents of the first edition the second Turkish Letter is added, under the title of Ejusdem Busbequii Secunda in Thraciam Profectio.

1589. Paris. Contains all four Turkish Letters and the De Acie.

1595. Frankfort. The same as the previous one.

1605. Hanau. The same as the last, with the addition of the Speech of Ibrahim to Ferdinand at Frankfort, and the text of the treaty of peace.

1620. Munich. Edited by Sadoler. The same as the last. It contains portraits of Busbecq and Solyman.

1629. Hanau. The same as the edition of 1605.

None of these editions contain any but the Turkish Letters.

1630. Louvain. Edited by Howaert. It contains the letters to Rodolph from France, 1-53 inclusive.

1632. Brussels. Also edited by Howaert. This edition contains the letters to Maximilian from France. Then follow the letters to Rodolph as in the last edition, and at the end come five more letters to Rodolph.

1632 (?). Evidently struck off from the same type as the last. There are, however, a few alterations, and there is no date on the title page.

1633. Leyden. The Elzevir edition. Two editions with slight variations appeared in the same year. They contain the four Turkish Letters, the De Acie, the Speech of Ibrahim, the Treaty, and the Letters to Rodolph, 1-53. At the end of the third Turkish Letter there are variations from all the preceding editions. See vol. i. page 305, note.

1660. Amsterdam. Elzevir. A reprint of the last.

1660. Oxford. The same contents as the Elzevir.

1660. London. The same contents as the Elzevir. There is also an Epitome de Moribus Turcarum, not written by Busbecq, which follows the Treaty.

1689. Leipsic. The same contents as the Elzevir.

1740. Bâle. The same contents and characteristic readings as the Elzevir, except in one passage.

In German.

1596. Frankfort. It contains the four Turkish Letters and the De Acie. The translator was Michael Schweicker, Master of the School at Frankfort.

In English.

1694. London. ‘The Four Epistles of Augerius Gislenius Busbequius, concerning his Embassy into Turkey, with his Advice how to Manage War against the Turks. Done into English.’ It contains a dedication to the Earl of Bolingbroke by Nahum Tate, from which it appears that the translator died before the book was published. The English is racy, but the book is full of mistakes and misprints.

1761. Glasgow. It contains only the Turkish Letters, and is said to be the third edition. It is a reprint of the last with some of the mistakes corrected.

In Bohemian.

1594. Prague. Translated by Leunclavius. It contains the First and Second Letters and the De Acie.

In French.

1649. Paris. A translation by Gaudon.

1718. Amsterdam.

1748. Paris. A translation in three volumes of the Turkish Letters and the Letters to Rodolph, by the Abbé Louis Étienne de Foy, Canon of Meaux.

1836. Paris. A translation of the Letters to Rodolph, 1-53, is contained in ‘Archives Curieuses de l’Histoire de France, Première Série,’ tome 10, by MM. Cimber and Danjou.

In Flemish.

1632. Dordrecht.

In Spanish.

Before 1650. Pampeluna. A translation by Stephanus Lopez de Reta, published by Charles de Lobaien. _Viaje de Constantinopla_, and also the De Acie.

IV.

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS.

A.

Patent of Legitimation of Ogier Ghiselin.

Charles, etc., sçavoir faisons à tous présens et advenir nous avoir recue lhumble supplication de Ogier, filz illégitisme de George Ghiselin, escuier, seigneur de Bousbecque, et de Catherine Hespiel jeune fille, lors non mariez, contenant que ledit Ogier de son jeune eaige a esté entretenu aux estudes à Louvain et ailleurs, où il sest conduict et gouverné bien et honnestement comme celluy qui a désir de parvenir à estatz honnourables avec volunté et bonne affection de bien faire vivre et de mourir soubz nous et en nostre obéissance, se nostre plaisir estoit le légittimer et sur le deffaulte de sa nativité luy impartir nostre grace si commil dit, dont il nous a très humblement supplié. Pour ce est-il que ce considéré nous icelluy Ogier suppliant inclinans favorablement à sadite supplication et requeste, avons, de nostre certaine science auctorité et plaine puissance, légittimé et légittimons, et ledit deffault de sa nativité aboly et effacé abolissons et effacons de grâce speciale par ces présentes, luy octroiant et accordant par icelles et de nostre dite grâce quil puist et poira comme personne légittime et habile succéder en tous les biens meubles et immeubles et aultres quelzconques esquelz de droit et selon la coustume et usaige de noz pays et seignouries, il debveroit et pourroit succéder sil estoit né et procrée en léal mariaige et venir aux successions de sesdits père et mère et aultres que luy compétent et compéteront cy aprez, pourveu toutesvoyes que à ce se consentent ses plus prochains parens de lignaige et que aucun droict ne soit desja acquis à aultres et en ce cas qu’il puist avoir et tenir pour luy, ses hoirs et successeurs à tousiours tous les biens que lui adviendront et escherront desdites successions et aultrement et qu’il a acquis et acquerra et diceulx biens ordonner et disposer et les laissier ou légater par testament ou aultrement ainsi que bon luy semblera; et qu’il soit doresnavant receu selon sa vocation à tous honneurs, estatz, offices, dignitez et aultres faiz légittimes quelzconques et tenu et réputé doresnavant pour personne légittime, tout ainsi que s’il estoit né en léal mariaige et aussi que après son trespas, ceux de son lignaige procréez ou à procréer en léal mariaige luy puissent succéder par droit d’hoirie en tous sesdits biens, meubles, héritaiges, possessions et aultres choses quelzconques acquises et à acquérir ou à luy venuz et escheuz, ou que luy viendront et escherront cy aprez, tout ainsi et par la forme et manière qu’il eusse fait et peut faire et pourroit se il estoit né et procrée en léal mariaige si aultre chose ne luy répugne que ladite deffaulte de procréation légittime, saulf que à cause de bastardise et illégittimation, nous ou noz successeurs y puissons ou doyons quereller ou demander aulcun droit ou temps advenir, nonobstant quelzconques constitutions, ordonnances, statuz, droiz, coustumes et usaiges à ce contraires, parmy et moyennant toutesvoys que à cause de ceste nostre présente légittimation, ledit suppliant sera tenu payer certaine finance et somme de deniers pour une fois à nostre prouffit, selon la faculté et qualité de ses biens à larbitrage et tauxation de nos amez et féaulx les président et gens de noz comptes à Lille, que commectons à ce. Si donnons en mandement auxdits de nos comptes que ladite finance et somme de deniers par eulx tauxée, arbitrée et par ledit suppliant payée à celluy de noz receveurs qu’il appartiend, lequel sera tenu en faire recepte et rendre compte et reliqua à nostre prouffit avec les aultres deniers de sa recepte. Ils, nostre gouverneur de Lille, les président et gens de nostre conseil en Flandres et tous noz aultres justiciers et officiers quelzconques, présens et advenir, cui ce peult et pourra touchier et regarder leurs lieutenans et chacun deulx en droit soy et si comme à luy appartiend, facent seuffrent et laissent ledit suppliant, ensamble sesdits hoirs, successeurs et ayans cause à tousiours procréer en léal mariaige de nostre présente grace et légittimation, et de tout le contenu en ces dites présentes selon et par la manière que dit est, plainement, paisiblement et perpétuellement joyr et user, sans luy faire mectre ou donner, ne souffrir estre faict, mis ou donné ores ne ou tempes advenir, aucun destourbier ou empeschement au contraire en maniere quelconque. Car ainsi nous plaist-il. Et affin que ce soit chose ferme et estable à tousiours, nous avons faict mectre nostre scel à ces présentes, saulf en aultres choses nostre droit et laultruy en toutes. Donné en nostre ville de Gand, ou mois d’Avril apres Pasques, de nostre empire le xxi^e, et de noz règnes de Castille et aultres le xxv^e.

Sur le ploy estoit escript par l’empereur et signé du secrétaire, Bourgois, et sur le ploy estoit encoires escript ce que sensuit. Cette chartre est enregistrée en la chambre des comptes de l’empereur, nostre sire a Lille, ou registre des chartres y tenu commenchant en avril xv^e quarante-neuf, folio ii^e xvi, et apres que Messrs. les president dicelle chambre ont esté bien et deuement informez des faculté et puissance des biens de l’impetrant, la finance dicelle a par eulx esté tauxée a la somme de neuf vings dix livres de xi gros monnoye de Flandres la livre: ordonnée estre payée es mains de Jehan Hovine, conseiller de l’empereur nostre dit Sire, m^e en la dite chambre et commis a la recepte de lespargne des pays ortissans en icelle chambre lequel sera tenu en baillier sa lettre et en faire recepte avec les aultres deniers de son entremise. Et au surplus ladite chartre a este expediée en ladite chambre selon sa forme et teneur, le xxiii^e jour de novembre xv^e quarante. Ainsi signe moy present.

A. GILLEMAN.

B.

Patent of Knighthood of Ogier de Busbecq.

Ferdinandus etc., etc., nobili fideli a nobis delecto Augerio a Busbeck, equiti aurato, Consiliario nostro gratiam nostram Cæsaream et omne bonum.

Cum nihil sit inter mortales sublimius Imperiali Majestate et celsitudine, quam Deus Optimus Maximus cæteris humanis dignitatibus eminere voluit, ut micantissimis radiis suis terrarum orbem et commissum Imperium illustret, par equidem est, ut, quem Deus ad fastigium hoc evexit, is etiam dignitatem et munus sibi demandatum ita administret, ut, quantum fieri potest, in hac vita quam proxime accedat ad exemplum divinæ ejus Majestatis a cujus nutu tota hujus mundi machina dependet, nullisque finibus clementiam et liberalitatem suam teneat circumscriptam, sed in omnes eam exerceat, præcipue, quos summa virtus, prudentia, doctrina, integritas ac rerum usus aliæque ingenii et animi dotes, nec non præclara in Rempublicam Christianam merita præ cæteris claros reddidere, omnem in eo operam et diligentiam adhibendo, necubi virtutem debitis premiis destituisse videatur. Etsi enim virtus se ipsa facile sit contenta neque magnopere indigeat alienæ laudis adminiculo, quam alioquin etiam honos, amplitudo et gloria ut certissima premia sponte plerumque sequuntur, fit tamen, ut si quando illa summorum Imperatorum ac Regum judicio atque decreto comprobetur, multo illustrior et clarior evadat et alios quoque non tam ad admirationem quam ad imitationem et studium accendat.

Qua in re sicuti olim divi prædecessores nostri Romanorum Imperatores ac Reges omnem adhibuere curam, sic nos quoque hunc eorum laudatissimum morem secuti in eandem semper curam et cogitationem incubuimus ut optimorum virorum de nobis atque Republica bene meritorum virtus a nobis condignis honoribus cohonestaretur. In quorum sane numero, cum te prefatum Augerium a Busbeck haud postremum locum obtinere compertum habeamus, æquum est profecto, ut in te ipso nostram erga tales homines clementissimam animi propensionem omnibus declaremus, et contestatam reddemus, idque ejuscemodi ornamenti genere, quod virtutibus ac meritis tuis quam maxime respondeat. Tu namque nobili et honesto loco in Belgio natus, ingenii acumen et vim, quod Deus tibi dedit præstantissimum vitæ morumque honestate, probitate ac bonarum literarum studiis, diversitate linguarum multarumque rerum cognitione et aliis plurimis excellentibusque animi dotibus ita excoluisti, ut ad gravissima et maxima quæque Reipublicæ negotia exequenda visus sis aptus esse. Quapropter quum existimaremus te aliquando nobis magno usui futurum haud gravatim te in aulam nostram recepimus, ubi quidem nostræ de te expectationi non modo cumulate satisfecisti, sed eam longe quoque superavisti. Cum enim superioribus annis nobis occurrissent ardua quædam negocia, de quibus a nobis mittendus erat ad Solymannum Turcharum Principem Orator, qui fide, prudentia, rerum usu atque industria præstaret, te ex Anglia revocatum, quo tunc temporis jussu nostro profectus fueras, ad id muneris suscepimus, quo magna tua cum laude et ingenti nostro ac Regnorum Dominiorumque nostrorum imo totius Reipublicæ Christianæ commodo octo annos functus es, confecta ad postremum inter nos et ipsum Turcharum principem octennali pace. In qua legatione quas sustinueris curas, incommoditates, molestias, quos tuleris labores, quæ vitæ pericula subieris, quam etiam ostenderis in rebus agendis ingenii vim, quam fidem, quam solicitudinem, quam solertiam, prudentiam et industriam, quam intrepidi animi constantiam, et qua denique usus sis pietate in redimendis, juvandis et fovendis miseris Christianis, qui Constantinopolim tuo tempore in fœdam captivitatem adducti fuerunt, magno etiam fortunarum tuarum dispendio, nimis longum foret sigillatim recensere. Illud profecto consecutus es, quod non omnibus qui talem provinciam suscipiunt, ne dicamus perpaucis, contingere solet, ut non modo a nobis ac Serenissimis filiis nostris et aliis sacri Romani Imperii Principibus, statibus et ordinibus summam gratiam iniveris, verum etiam ipsismet Turcis propter virtutes tuas, quas naturæ instinctu in te prospexere et admirati sunt, valde gratus exstiteris. Quare merito probandum est præclarum de te judicium Serenissimi Principis Domini Maximiliani secundi, Romanorum ac Hungariæ et Bohemiæ, etc., Regis, Archiducis Austriæ, etc., filii nostri charissimi, in eo, quod te dignum et idoneum reputaverit, quem Dapiferis Serenissimorum filiorum suorum Rudolfi et Ernesti, Archiducum Austriæ, charissimorum nepotum nostrorum cum profisciscerentur in Hispaniam præficeret. Quod si ergo olim apud veteres, qui luctu et saltu in Olympiaco stadio celebres athletæ virium suarum specimen aliquod egregium edidissent, divinis propemodum honoribus affici, qui vero in bello vel murum primi ascendissent vel civem morti seduxissent corona vel murali vel civica donari soliti fuerunt, et nostra quoque ætate, qui vel cum hoste singulari certamine congressus victor evasit vel in prelio strenuam præ ceteris operam navavit vel alias rem bellicam caute et recte administravit, auratæ militiæ titulis insignitur, quanto magis tu, Augeri, tali dignitate condecorandus fuisti, cui non cum uno homine nec uno prelio per unum aut alterum mensem res gerenda, sed totos octo annos cum gente Christiano nomini infensissima adeoque cum ejusdem gentis Principe potentissimo ac pluribus victoriis et successibus elato, cumque ipsius præcipuis consiliariis et ministris, callidissimis et versipellibus diesque noctesque acerrime dimicandum fuit, quorum potentiam et nefarios impetus tu, divino adjutus auxilio, tua prudentia, industria ac rerum agendarum dexteritate postpositis quibuslibet periculis infracto animo sustinuisti et a cervicibus Regnorum et Dominiorum nostrorum avertisti. Quæ cum ita se habeant optimo certe consilio factum est quod præfatus Serenissimus Romanorum Rex superiore mense Septembri, quando paterna voluntate nostra Rex Hungariæ renunciatus publicatus ac Regali corona insignitus fuit, te publice in spectantibus et grato applausu probantibus ac suffragantibus prælatis, proceribus, Ordinibus et Statibus ejus Regni nostri, quorum saluti et incolumitati potissimum studueras, ictu ter vibrati ensis benedicti Militem seu Equitem auratum fecerit atque creaverit, quia te et eo et alias longe clarioribus ornamentis dignum censemus. Et licet ad perpetuam gloriam tibi sufficere queat publicus ille Serenissimi filii nostri Romanorum Regis actus neque is ulla approbatione Cæsareæ et paternæ auctoritatis nostræ opus habeat, pro nostra tamen in te mirifica benignitate volumus te eam dignitatem ab Imperiali quoque culmine obtinere, quo luculentius sit in omnem posteritatem virtutis tuæ testimonium.

Itaque nos ipsi etiam te antedictum Augerium a Busbeck, Militem sive Equitem auratum fecimus, creavimus, ereximus, ac præsenti nostro Cæsareo edicto ex certa scientia et authoritati nostra Imperiali Militem et Equitem auratum facimus, creamus et erigimus et ad statum militarem assumimus militarisque cinguli et balthei decore, fascibus et titulis atque stemmate militiæ insignimus, accingentes te gladio fortitudinis et omnia ad hunc ordinem pertinentia ornamenta tibi conferentes hoc nostro Imperiali edicto statuentes, ut deinceps ubique locorum et terrarum pro vero Milite et Equite aurato habearis, honoreris et admittaris, possisque et debeas pro suscepto dignitatis equestris ornamento, torquibus, gladiis, calcaribus, vestibus, phaleris, seu equorum ornamentis aureis seu deauratis ac omnibus et singulis privilegiis, honoribus, dignitatibus, præeminentiis, franchisiis, juribus, insignibus, libertatibus, immunitatibus et exemptionibus, prærogativis et gratiis tam realibus quam personalibus sive mixtis et aliis quibuscunque militaribus actibus et officiis uti, frui et gaudere, quibus cæteri Milites et Equites a nobis stricto ense manu et verbo nostro creati ac ejusmodi ornamentis insigniti gaudent et fruuntur et ad ea admitti, ad quæ illi admittuntur, quomodolibet consuetudine vel de jure, absque alicujus contradictione vel impedimento.

Mandantes universis et singulis Principibus tam ecclesiasticis quam secularibus, Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Prælatis, Ducibus, Marchionibus, Comitibus, Baronibus, Nobilibus, Militibus, Clientibus, Capitaneis, Vicedominis, advocatis, præfectis, procuratoribus, quæstoribus, civium Magistris, Judicibus, Consulibus, armorum Regibus, Heroaldis, Civibus, Communitatibus, et cæteris quibuscunque nostris et Imperii sacri subditis et fidelibus cujuscunque præeminentiæ, dignitatis, status, gradus, ordinis et conditionis fuerint, ut te præfatum Augerium a Busbeck pro vero milite et equite aurato habeant, teneant et reputent et in hoc militari et Equestri ordine et dignitate et notis ad eum spectantibus prærogativis et libertatibus conservent, quatenus gratiam nostram charam habuerint, ac pœnam quinquaginta Marcharum auri puri pro dimidia fisco seu ærario nostro Imperiali, reliqua vero parte tibi antedicto Augerio a Busbeck vel hæredibus tuis toties quoties contrafactum fuerit, irremissibiliter applicandam maluerint evitare.

Harum testimonio literarum manu nostra subscriptarum et sigilli nostri Cæsarei appensione munitarum.

Datum Viennæ die tertia mensis Aprilis anno Domini millesimo quingentesimo sexagesimo quarto.[297]

C.

Purchase Deed of the Seigneurie de Bousbecque.

Comparut en sa persone messire Jehan de Thiennes, chevalier, seigneur de Willergy, etc., procureur espécial de Charles de Eydeghem, escuier, seigneur de Weze, &c., souffisament fondé par lettres procuratoires données des advoé, eschevins et conseil de la ville d’Ypre le xvi^e jour de décembre xv^eiiii^{xx} sept, desquelles la teneur s’ensuyt.

A tous ceulx, etc., lequel comparant oudit nom et en vertu du pooyr a luy donné par lesdictes lettres recognut avoir vendu bien et léallement à messire Ogier Ghiselin, chevalier, conseillier de l’Empereur, et grand maistre d’hostel de la Royne Elisabet, douagière de Franche quy le cognut avoir acheté, toute la terre et seigneurie de Rume dit de Bousebecque, comprendant la seigneurie temporelle et paroissialle dudit Bousebecque, contenant quinze bonniers demy d’héritaige ou environ séans en la paroisse dudit Bousebecque, chastellenie de Lille, si comme six bonniers ix^e ou environ tant pret que labeur, par une partye et par aultre huict bonniers xv^e de bois en ce comprins et que sont réunis audit fief ung bonnier de pret que feu Collart Lejosne tenoit en fief de ladicte seignourie; item, huict cens quy estoyent tenus de l’allengrie de Le Becque, avecq deux aultres bonniers x^e et ii^e estants présentement à uzance de bois quy estoient tenus en commun contre le seigneur de Péruwez; item, sept quartrons de pret de l’allengrie de la Westlaye et iiii^e de terre en la mesme allengrie, auquel fief et seignourie appartient des rentes seignouriales chacun an en l’allengrie de la Plache, en argent iiii l. iii s. et au Noël six chapons et le quart d’un; item en l’allengrie du commun, contre le seigneur de Péruwez, cent sept razières ung havot et ung quart de Karel d’avaine molle quy se prendent sur quarante cincq bonniers xvii verges ou environ chergiez du x^e denier à la vente, don ou transport, moictié au prouffit dudict Seigneur de Bousebecque allencontre dudit Seigneur de Péruwez; item, en l’allengrie du commun de le Becque, quarante razières ung quareau et demye d’avaine brune, trois havots, trois kareaux de soille, trois chapons et le vi^e d’ung, et en argent i s. ix d., lesquelles rentes se lieuvent sur xi bonniers ix^exi verges; item, en l’allengrie de Péruwez xii razières ii havots trois karelz et demy et xii^e d’ung havot et le vii^e d’un francquart, tierch d’un quareau de bled fourment, trente neuf razières vi^e et vii^e d’un havot, les deux tiers et le quart d’un quarel d’avaine blanche, six chapons et en argent sept solz iii deniers, quy se prendent sur xix bonniers xiiii^e demy d’héritaige ou environ. Item, en l’allengrie de la Westlaye cinq razierès trois havots ung quart et le quart d’un karel de bled, vingt razières deux havots trois quareaux d’avaine brune, ii kareaux et environ viii^e d’un quarel de soille; item, deux chapons, xviii^e et lxxii^e d’un chapon et en argent cinq gros iii deniers i party quy se ceullent sur quattre bonniers xiiii^e cinq verges d’héritaige ou environ, le tout déduction faicte desdictes partyes réunites et rentes qu’elles doibvent, lequel fief et seignourie est tenu du Roy nostre sire de sa salle de Lille en justice viscontière à dix livres de relief à la mort de l’héritier et le x^e denier à la vente, don ou transport et sy appartient a icelle ung bailly, lieutenant et sept eschevins avecq plaids généraulx trois fois l’an, plusieurs arrentemens de maisons et héritaiges gisans allentour de la place dudit Bousebecque portant environ cent florins par an pardessus les rentes cy dessus déclarées, les fondz desquelles l’on croyt estre prins du gros dudit fief et seignourie cy-dessus déclaré avecq la place et chimentière. Sy appendent cincq fiefz et hommaiges en tenus, lesquelz sont chergiez de certains reliefz à la mort de l’héritier et du x^e denier à la vente, don ou transport, et les aultres héritaiges tenu de ladicte seignourie chergiez de double rente de relief à la mort de l’héritier et du x^e denier à la vente, don ou transport, lesquelles rentes dessus déclarées se payent à la priserie du Roy nostre sire de son Espier de Lille quy se faict au terme de sainct Remy, la razière de soille estimée aux deux tiers de celle de bled, fourment, l’avaine molle aux deux tiers de la blanche, et la brune au pris moyen d’entre la blanche et la molle. Ladicte vente faicte moïennant six florins de denier à Dieu, et pour le gros et principal dudit marchié la somme de six mil florins carolus de vingt patars pièche, francq argent, à payer cejourd’huy comptant que ledit vendeur a confessé avoir receu en deschargant la loy pour dudit fief, terre et seignourie de Bousebecque, ses appartenances et appendences telles que dessus sans aultrement riens livrer par mesure ainsy que de tout temps l’on en a joy et possessé, joyr et possesser par ledit messire Ogier Ghiselin depuis cedit jourd’huy en tous droix, prouffictz et émolumens le cours de sa vie durant et après son trespas retourner et appartenir audit seigneur de Wize, ses hoirs ou ayans cause et leur demourer héritablement et à tousjours à la charge d’entretenir par ledit seigneur second comparant tels baulz, lesquelz les occuppeurs feront apparoir. Et pareillement debvra ledit Seigneur de Wize, ses hoirs ou ayans cause entretenir les baulz que lors se trouveront faictz par ledit s^r Ghiselin, comme à viagier et usufructuaire appartient de faire selon la coustume de la salle de Lille, promectant ledit s^r de Willergy en ladicte qualité ladicte vente, entretenir, conduire et garandir envers et contre tous soubz l’obligation des biens du dit Seigneur de Wize et de sesdis hoirs vers tous seigneurs et justices.

Ce fut aussy fait et passé à loy les xviii^e et pénultiesme de decembre xv^e iiii^{xx} sept, pardevant Mons^r le bailly de Lille, ès présences de maistres Jehan Denys, Philippes Carle, Noël Waignon, Pierre Hovine, Josse et Simon Vrediére.

Archives départementales du Nord, Chambre des comptes de Lille.

D.

Copy of the Sauve-garde.

Messire Ogier de Bousbeque, chevalier, seigneur dudit lieu, et jadis ambassadeur en Constantinople de très-hauts, très-puissants et très-excellents princes Ferdinand et Maximilien, empereurs des Romains de louable mémoire; aussi conseiller de l’empereur Rodolphe, second de son nom présentement régnant, conseiller et grand maître d’hostel de la royne Isabelle (Elisabeth), douairière de France, et surintendant les affaires de ladite royne chez le roi très chrestien.

Alexandre, duc de Parme, chevalier de l’ordre, lieutenant, gouverneur et capitaine général,

A tous lieutenants, gouverneurs, chiefs, colonnels, capitaines, conducteurs, fourriers et aultres officiers des gens de guerre du Roy monseigneur, tant du cheval que du pied, de quelque nation qu’ils soient, salut:

Sçavoir vous faisons que, en contemplation des bons et aggréables services que Messire Ogier de Bousbeque, chevalier, seigneur dudit lieu, conseiller de l’empereur et grand maistre d’hostel de la royne Isabelle (Elisabeth) douairière de France a faict à feus de louable mémoire les empereurs Ferdinand et Maximilien (que Dieu fasse paix) tant en qualité d’ambassadeur en Turquie que de gouverneur des archiducs d’Austrice, au temps dudit feu empereur Maximilien, et depuis aussi à l’empereur moderne en diverses charges et qualités, ainsi qu’il faict encore à présent aujourd’hui dame Royne.

Nous avons au nom de Sa Majesté pris et mis, nous par ces présentes prenons et mettons en notre protection et sauvegarde spéciale les maisons, terres et seigneurie dudit Bousbeque, vous mandant partant, et commandant au nom et de la part que dessus, à chacun des bons endroits, soy et comme eux appartiendra, bien expressément de ne loger ni permettre que soient logés au village de Bousbeque aucuns gens de guerre sans expresse ordonnance notre ou du mareschal et chef de camp de Sa Majesté.

Et au surplus affranchissons et dégrevons les manants et habitants dudit village avecq leurs familles, leurs meubles, fourrages, advestures et bestial, de toutes foulles, torts, invasions, mengeries et exactions, les laissant de ceste notre présente sauvegarde pleinement et paisiblement jouir et user, sans y aller au contraire ny autrement les molester ni endommager en corps ny en biens en quelque manière que ce fut, sous peine d’encourir l’indignation de Sa Majesté et la notre et être punis comme infracteurs de sauvegarde.

Et afin que personne n’en puisse prétendre cause d’ignorance, nous avons consenti et consentons audit seigneur de Bousbeque que puisse et pourra faire mettre et afficher aux advenues dudit village nos bastons, blasons et pannonceaulx armoyés de nos armes.

Donné au camp devant Berghes sur la Zoom, sous notre nom et cachet secret de Sa Majeste, le 15^e jour d’octobre, 1588.

Soubs etait le cachet du Roy, etc.

Colleaction faicte à l’originale, etc.

Archives de Bousbecque E. E. I.

E.

Pardon of Daniel de Croix for the homicide of Charlot Desrumaulx.

Charles par la grâce de Dieu etc. Savoir faisons à tous présens et advenir, Nous avons receu l’umble supplication de Daniel de Croix Escuyer filz de Geraerd Seigneur de Wambrechies, jeusne homme à marier, contenant que ledit suppliant s’est, à certain jour passé, trouvé avecq George Giselin Seigneur de Bouzebecque Jacques de Sauch et autres en la ville de Comines vers le Seigneur de Halewyn. Lesquelz ilz ont servi en leur jonesse. Or est que à certain jour de feste du soir que lors on s’estoit esbatu au chasteau du dit lieu, entre huyt et neuf heures du soir, le dit Seigneur de Hallewyn avec le Seigneur de Croisille se retirèrent au dit chastel pour eulx coucher. Et quant au dit suppliant, George Giselin et Jacques de le Sauch, ilz se retirèrent vers le marchié avec Jehan Homme, Bailli du dit lieu, et les sievoit feu alors vivant Charlot Desrumaulx, joueur du luut, qui démonstroit avoir assez fort beu, et en allant leur chemin, l’un d’entre eulx mist en bouche aux autres d’aller bancquetter à la maison d’ung nommé maistre Franche Barbier demourant auprès dudit marchié, à quoy ilz saccordèrent et allèrent tous ensemble celle part, où ilz furent syevis par le dit Charlot sans y estre appellé. Que lors les dits suppliant et de le Sauch, qui alloient devant vers la dite maison, le dit Suppliant ayant son esprivier sur son poing, prièrent au dit Charlot, obstant qu’il estoit noyseulx après boire, qu’il se retirast et allast couchier, et qu’ilz ne le voloient point avoir, ce qu’il ne voloit faire, mais entra en la dicte maison, parquoy le dit Suppliant le print par le col et le poussa hors de la dite maison à l’ayde du dit Jacques, dont il se courroucha et se mist en tous debvoirs de tyrer son baston pour les villonner, mais il fut empesché par le dit Jacques, et soubit survint le dit bailli qui le print au corps, mais finablement soubz promesse qu’il fist de soy partir et aller couchier, le dit bailli à la requeste des assistans le laissa aller, et lui estant hors des mains du dit bailli se tyra d’un lez oudit marchié contre une maison ou sur ung bancq, il mist son luut et desvesty sa robbe tira sa dagge et proféra plusieurs haultaines langaiges sentans menaces disant, ou parolles en substance, qu’il estoit homme pour respondre au plus hardy de eulx tous. Et craindant par le dit Daniel, suppliant le débat appant contre lui bailla son oiseau à son homme, et ainsi qu’il estoit sur le marchié, il veyt ledit deffunct qui continuoit du dit langaiges haultains au deshonneur de lui et des autres. Disant qu’il estoit homme pour le plus hardy, ayant sa dage nue marcha vers lui comme aussi fist le dit deffunct. Que lors le dit Suppliant ayant son sang meslé, et mémoratif que lui qui estoit josne noble homme sievant les armes, se il se retiroit pour ung menestrel de basse condition ce lui seroit à toujours reproché en villonnie entre tous nobles hommes. En ceste chaleur, non puissant de la refrener ayant aussi son baston nud, frappèrent l’un après l’autre aucuns cops et fut attaint par le dit deffunct sur l’espaule, et du cop que icellui suppliant rua, il attaindit ledit deffunct en la mesmelle, dont brief après il termina vie par mort. Pour lequel cas le dit suppliant a esté appellé à noz droiz au siège de notre gouvernance de Lille, en lui donnant tiltre tel qu’il s’enssuit. Daniel de Croix, escuyer, vous estez appellé aux droiz du Roy Catholicque, nostre Seigneur, Archiduc d’Austrice, Duc de Bourgogne, Conte de Flandres, pour et sur ce que en la ville de Comines, avez allé en la maison de maistre France Barbier avec Jaquet de le Sauch à l’intention de bancquetter, là ou vous auroit sievy, sans y estre appellé, feu lors vivant, Charlot Desrumaulx, lequel auroit par vous et le dit de le Sauch esté bouté dehors, pourquoy il s’estoit courrouchié, et de faict auroit en partie desgainié son espée, et ce voyant par Jehan Homme, bailli de la dite ville le auroit prins au corps, et finablement eslargi soubz promesse par lui faicte de aller couchier, et lui venu au bout du marchié, et laissant vous, Daniel, le dit de le Sauch avec George Ghiselin, escuyer, Seigneur de Bousebecq et autres, auroit desgaignié sa dite dagge et proféré aucunes parolles deshonnestes, incitant le plus hardy à venir vers luy. Lesquelles parolles vous Daniel seriez marchié vers le dit feu ayant desgaigné vostre rapière, et à l’aborder entre vous et le feu y ont aucuns cops ruez, et entre autres de votre rapière donnast au dit feu ung cop d’estocq au dessus de la mammelle dextre, du quel cop brief aprez le dit feu termina vie par mort sans confession. Qui est cas de souveraineté et privéligié au Roy notre Seigneur, et querra la darraine tierchaine le iii^e d’aoust xv^exix. Sie est ainsi signé. A Cuvillon.

Obstant lequel cas le dit Suppliant, doubtant rigueur de justice, s’est absenté de notre chastellenie de Lille, et n’y oseroit retourner, hanter ne converser combien qu’il ayt fait pays et satisfaction à partie, se de notre grâce ne lui est, sur ce, impertie. Dont actendu ce que dit est, mesmement les services qu’il nous a faiz en estat d’homme d’armes, soubz la charge et compaignie de notre amé et féal cousin, le Seigneur de Fiennes, aussi que en autres choses, il est bien famé et renommé, il nous a très humblement supplié et requis. Pour ce est-il, que nous les choses dessus dites considérées audit Suppliant inclinans à sa dite requeste, et lui voulans en ceste partie préférer grâce à rigueur de justice, Avons au cas dessus quicté, remis et pardonné, quictons, remectons et pardonnons de grâce espécial par ces présentes, le cas de homicide dessus déclairé, ensemble toute paine et amende corporelle et criminelle en quoy pour raison et à l’occasion dudit cas et les circunstances et deppendances il peult avoir mesprins, offencé et est encouru envers nous et justice. En rappelant et mectant au néant tous appeaulx, deffaulx, contumaces et procédures pour ce contre lui faiz et ensuyz, et l’avons quant à ce remis et restitué, remectons et restituons à ses bonne fame et renommée à nostre dite chastellenie de Lille, et tous noz autres pays et seigneuries, ensemble à ses biens non confisquiez, saucuns en a, tout ainsi qu’il estoit avant l’advenue du cas dessus dit. En imposant sur ce scillence perpétuelle à nostre procureur général et tous noz autres officiers quelzconcques, satisfaction toutesvoyes faicte à partie interressée se faicte n’est et elle y chiet civilement, tant seullement et moyennant qu’il l’amendra aussi civillement envers nous selon l’exigence du cas et la faculté de ses biens. Et avec ce, aussi qu’il sera tenu payer et respondre les mises et despens de justice, Pour ce faiz et ensuyz à l’arbitraige et tauxation de nostre Gouverneur de Lille ou son lieutenant que commectons à ce. Si donnons en mandement à notre dit Gouverneur de Lille ou son dit lieutenant que appellez ceulx qui pour ce seront à appeller, il procède bien et deuement à la vérification de ces dites présentes et à l’arbitraige et taxation desdites amende civille et mises de justice, ainsi qu’il appartiendra. Et ce fait et les dites amende civille et mises de justice tauxées et payées ainsi qu’il appartiendra, de laquelle amende cellui de noz recepveurs ou autre notre officier cuy ce regarde sera tenu faire recepte et rendre compte et reliqua à notre prouffit avecq les autres deniers de sa recepte. Il et tous aultres noz officiers quelzconques présens et advenir facent seuffrent et laissent le dit suppliant de noz preséntes grâce, remission et pardon, selon et par la manière que dit est, plainement paisiblement et perpétuellement joyr et user sans lui mectre, faire ou donner ne souffrir estre faict mis ou donné aucun arrest, destourbier ou empeschement au contraire en corps ne en biens en manière quelconque. Ains se son corps ou aucuns de ses biens non confisquiez sont ou estoient pour ce prins saisiz, arrestez ou empeschiez, les mectent ou facent mectre incontinent et sans delay à playne et entière délivrance. Car ainsi nous plaist-il. Et affin que ce soit chose ferme et estable a tousjours nous avons fait mectre nostre scel à ces présentes, saulf en autres choses, notre droit et l’autruy en toutes.

Donné en nostre ville de Malines, ou mois de novembre l’an de grâce mil chincq cens et dix neuf, et de nostre règne le iiii^e.

Ainsi signé par le Roy en son conseil.

DESBARRES.

Chambre des comptes de Lille. Registre des chartes de l’audience B. 1730, fo. 104.

F.

Pardon of Jehan Dael for the homicide of Guillibert du Mortier.

Phelippe, Roy de Castille, d’Arragon, &c., Comte de Flandre, &c., sçavoir faisons à tous présens et à venir. Nous avons receu l’humble supplication et requeste de Jehan Dael, contenant, que le 23^e Septembre dernier, ayant esté convocqué au bancquet de nopces de l’enfant de Michel Dael, son frère, en la paroisse de Halluin, y seroit aussy esté appellé Guillibert du Mortier, lequel voiant la table couverte et la pluspart des convives y assisse, seroit ingéré de vouloir faire ung présent à la compaignie avec quelque peu de vau mis sur deux plats dans lesquels il avait enclos deux grenouilles, vulgairement appellées ronnes, lesquelles à l’ouverture d’iceulx plats, ont sauté sur la table et viandes, ce que auroit causé ung tumulte, et qui le tout auroit esté culbuté, ce qui auroit despleu fort audict remonstrant, tant à cause que les viandes estoient partie gastées et contaminées, comme aussy à raison de ce que la perte en resultant estoit assez de consideracion pour son dit frère qui est honneste homme, et bien qui le dit Guillebert debvoit endurer la reprinse de son faict, neanmoings au contre, il auroit injurié du mot ——[298] deux de la compagnie, et notamment le dit remontrant, ce quy l’occasionna de luy dire: Quy at il tant à (dire comme cela). A quoy il auroit respondu: Je te —— aussy, advienne. A quoi luy fut reparty par ledit remontrant en ces termes, ou en substance, Je pauleroy bien à toy, ce qu’entendu par le dit Guillebert auroit tiré son coustel et s’approché le remontrant, quy l’obleige de tirer pareillement le sien, et se mectre en deffence, du quel il en auroit donné un coup au dict Guillebert vers le dos, dont environ xii jours aprez il seroit allé de vie à trespas, au grand regret dudit remonstrant. C’est à quoy il a prins son recours vers nous, suppliant humblement qu’il nous pleust luy pardonner le dit cas et homicide luy en accordant et faisant depescher nos lettres patentes de remission en forme.

Pour ce est-il que nous, les choses susdites considérées, et sur icelles eu l’advis de noz chers et féaux les lieutenant et autres officiers de nostre gouvernance de Lille, voulans en ceste partie préférer au dit Jehan Dael, suppliant, grâce et miséricorde, ut in forma.

Interrinement de la dite gouvernance de Lille, &c.

Donné en nostre ville de Bruxelles, le 27^e de janvier l’an 1643, signé Robiano, de nos regnes xxii^{eme}.

Au bas estoit, pour le Roy en son conseil et ceste visue.

Chambre des comptes de Lille, Registre des chartes de l’audience. B. 1817, fo. 11.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Albert III., Duke of Bavaria, married in 1546 Anne, daughter of Ferdinand, and had by her two sons, William, the hereditary Prince, his successor, and Ferdinand.

[2] For details of these negotiations, see Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic Part IV., ch. iii.

[3] See Motley, Dutch Republic, Part IV., ch. ii. The siege was eventually raised on October 3rd.

[4] In the original the place is given as ‘Augustæ’ = Augsburg; but from the first line of the letter it appears it was written at Speyer. ‘Augustæ’ is probably a mistake caused by ‘Augusti’ following immediately.

[5] Nearly twelve years have elapsed since we parted company with Busbecq on his return from Turkey. A sketch of his life during this interval will be found in vol. i. pp. 59-64. We there expressed some doubt as to whether there was any trustworthy authority for his visit to Spain in attendance on the younger Archdukes; we have, however, since obtained evidence of it in the Archduke Albert’s decree, creating the Barony of Bousbecque. In it are recited Busbecq’s services, and amongst them this visit is mentioned. The date of the decree is September 30, 1600, and it states that the visit took place twenty-five years before. This is obviously an error, as we can account for his time from August 1574 to February 1576; in all probability the true date of the visit lies between the years 1570, when Albert and Wenceslaus went to Spain with their sister Anne on her marriage to Philip II., and 1572, when we find Busbecq residing at Vienna. See vol. i. p. 62.

[6] That is, about thirty-five English miles. See note, vol. i. p. 80.

[7] For an account of this interesting lady, who was at this time barely twenty years of age, see note to Letter XXXVI.

[8] After Henry III.’s flight from Poland, he stayed some time at Vienna, where Maximilian, through Pibrac, made overtures to him, offering the hand of his daughter, the widowed Queen. Henry was under such great obligations to Maximilian, that he was disinclined to give a downright refusal. Thuanus, iii. p. 8. The following quotation from an account of Busbecq’s Queen will show what these obligations were. ‘Or, estant veufve, plusieurs personnes d’hommes et dames de la Court, des plus clair voyans que je sçay, eurent opinion que le Roy, à son retour de Pologne, l’espouseroit, encore qu’elle fust sa belle sœur; car il le pouvoit par la dispense du Pape, qui peut beaucoup en telles matieres, et sur tout à l’endroit des grands, à cause du bien public qui en sort. Et y avoit beaucoup de raisons que ce mariage se fist, lesquelles je laisse à deduire aux plus hauts discoureurs, sans que je les allegue. Mais, entre autres, l’une estoit pour recognoistre par ce mariage les obligations grandes que le Roy avoit reçeues de l’Empereur à son retour et depart de Pologne; car il ne faut point douter que, si l’Empereur eust voulu luy donner le moindre obstacle du monde, il n’eust jamais peu partir ny passer ny se conduire seurement en France. Les Polonnois le vouloient retenir s’il ne fust party sans leur dire adieu; car les Allemans le guettoient de toutes parts pour l’attrapper (comme fut ce brave roy Richard d’Angleterre, retournant de la Terre Saincte, ainsi que nous lisons en nos chroniques), et l’eussent tout de mesme arresté prisonnier et faict payer rançon, ou possible pis; car ils luy en vouloient fort, à cause de la feste de la Sainct Barthelemy, au moins les princes protestans.’—Brantôme, v. 298-299.

[9] Henry of Navarre is generally spoken of in these letters as the Duke of Vendôme, or at most, the titular King of Navarre. The greater part of the kingdom had been seized by Ferdinand the Catholic in 1515, and has ever since been held by the Kings of Spain. Henry’s power was derived from his position as a great French noble, the first Prince of the blood after the King’s brother, and from his vast possessions in France, and not from the fragment of Navarre from which he derived his title. Subjoined is a short sketch of his family:—

Charles de Bourbon, Duc de Vendôme, descended from the sixth son of Louis IX. │ (Saint Louis) │ ┌───────────────────────────────────────────┬──────────────────┐

Anthony, = Jeanne d’Albret, Louis de Bourbon, Charles, Cardinal Duc de Vendôme │ Queen of Navarre Prince de Condé, de Bourbon, │ killed at Jarnac, set up as King by │ 1569 the League after ┌─────────────────┐ │ Henry III.’s death │ under the title of Henry, Catherine = Henri, Duc de Bar, │ Charles X.of Duc de Vendôme, eldest son │ afterwards Henry of the Duke │ IV. of Lorraine. │ │ ┌───────────────┬─────────────────────────┬────────────────┐

Henri, born 1552, François, Prince de Charles, Cardinal Several other Prince de Condé. Conti, born 1558. de Bourbon, children. born 1562.

[10] Montmorency, the eldest son of the famous Constable Anne de Montmorency, and himself Duc de Montmorency and Marshal of France. He was born in 1530, and fought at St. Quentin, and at the taking of Calais. He and Cossé were suspected of being implicated in the rising of Shrove-Tuesday, 1574, concerted between Alençon and the Huguenots, and were imprisoned in the Bastille. His wife was a natural daughter of Henry II. by Diane de Poitiers, who had been legitimated. He died without issue in 1579. His four brothers were, Damville, Monsieur de Montbéron, killed at the battle of Dreux in 1562, Monsieur de Méru, and Monsieur de Thoré. See note page 11, and also note page 16.

Cossé took part in Guise’s famous defence of Metz in 1552, was appointed surintendant des finances in 1563, and Marshal in 1567. He fought at St. Denis and Moncontour, but was defeated by Coligny at Arny-le-Duc in 1570. He died in 1582, aged 70. According to Brantôme (ii. 434), he remarked on his imprisonment: ‘Je ne sçay pas ce que M. de Montmorency peut avoir faict, mais quant à moy, je sçay bien que je n’ay rien faict pour estre prisonnier avec luy, sinon pour luy tenir compagnie quand on le fera mourir, et moy avec luy; que l’on me fera de mesmes que l’on faict bien souvent à de pauvres diables, que l’on pend pour tenir compagnie seulement à leurs compagnons, encor qu’ilz n’ayent rien meffaict.’

[11] ‘Le peuple de la ville, n’agueres partisan de cette famille, les reçeut avec injures et contribua 800 harquebusiers de garde tant que leur prison dura.’—Aubigné, Histoire, vol. ii. bk. ii. ch. vi.

[12] By Nove Busbecq probably means the town which d’Aubigné (Histoire, vol. ii. bk. ii. ch. ix.) calls Nonnai, now Annonay, 24 French miles from Lyons. D’Aubigné says the distance is nine leagues, which roughly corresponds with Busbecq’s twelve miles. See note, vol. i. page 80. Annonay was a town in the Vivarais, one of the districts which were the strongholds of the Protestant cause, and was itself a Protestant town. For an account of the sieges it underwent, and of the civil war in the Vivarais, see Poncer, Mémoires sur Annonay. On this occasion the town was summoned on October 22nd, and blockaded till December 8th, so the news in the text was premature. Dr. Dale, the English representative at the French Court, mentions the raising of the siege of ‘Noue,’ in a letter dated December 23rd.—Calendar of State Papers, Foreign Series, 1572-74, p. 583.

[13] Louis de Bourbon, Duc de Montpensier, born in 1513, was descended from a branch of the Bourbon-Vendôme family, and on his mother’s side was nephew to the Constable de Bourbon. He served as a volunteer at St. Quentin, where he was made prisoner. He was a bitter enemy to the Huguenots. ‘Quand il prenait les heretiques par composition,’ says Brantôme (iii. 364), ‘il ne la leur tenait nullement, disant qu’à un heretique, on n’estoit nullement obligé de garder sa foy.’ He distinguished himself at Jarnac and Moncontour. He took a prominent part in the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew. From 1574 to 1576 he commanded in Poitou and Saintonge, and died in 1582. By his first wife, Jacqueline de Longwy, who was a Protestant, he had a son and four daughters, one of whom, Charlotte, married the Prince of Orange. See Letter XIX. and note. His son—who, till he succeeded to the title of Montpensier, on his father’s death, was known as the Prince Dauphin d’Auvergne—is frequently mentioned in Busbecq’s letters to Rodolph. Fontenay is a town, nearly due west of Poitiers, and about fifty-five English miles from it.

[14] Guy du Faur, Seigneur de Pibrac, was born at Toulouse, in 1529. He became member of the Parliament there, and was one of the French ambassadors at the Council of Trent in 1562. In 1565, at the recommendation of the Chancellor l’Hôpital, he was appointed Avocat-Général to the Parliament of Paris. He accompanied Henry to Poland as Chancellor, and was in great danger during the precipitate flight of the King. After his return to Paris he sold his office of Advocate. He was again despatched to Poland, to persuade the Diet to allow Henry to retain the crown, but his mission proved unsuccessful. He was afterwards Chancellor of the Queen of Navarre, with whom he was supposed to be in love. He went with Alençon to Flanders, as his Chancellor, and died in 1584. He was celebrated for his eloquence.

[15] The Comte de Damville was second son of the Constable, and brother to the Duc de Montmorency (see page 8). He was born in 1534, and was made Governor of Languedoc in 1563, which he held for nearly fifty years, almost as an independent sovereign. He was the leader of the moderate Roman Catholic party, known as the Politiques, and after the death of Henry III. adhered to the cause of Henry IV., who on December 8th, 1593, created him Constable. He succeeded to the Dukedom of Montmorency on his brother’s death in 1579. He died in 1614.

[16] The Castle of Lusignan was the original seat of the famous family of Lusignan, which gave kings to Jerusalem and Cyprus. In the keep of the château was a fountain, said to be haunted by the fairy Melusine, the ancestress and tutelary genius of the family. According to the legend, the founder of the family first met her by a forest spring. Before she became his wife she exacted a promise from him that he would not attempt to see her on the Saturday in every week, or to find out where she had gone. For a time all went on well, but unfortunately the husband was at last persuaded to peep into the room to which Melusine had retired. To his horror he discovered that on every Saturday half her body was transformed into a serpent. Finding the secret was no longer hers, she thrice flew round the château, and then vanished. She was believed to appear at times on the keep of the château, and whenever she was seen it was said to presage a death, either in the Lusignan family or in the Royal family of France.

Lusignan is situated about fourteen English miles south-west of Poitiers. De l’Estoile, i. 49, gives some details of the siege and capitulation. “Le mardy, 25^e janvier, la ville et chasteau de Lusignan furent rendus par les Huguenos à M. de Montpensier, chef de l’armée du Roy en Poictou, soubs condition de vies et bagues sauves, et d’estre conduits seurement à la Rochelle: de quoi furent baillés ostages pour seureté de ladite capitulation, encores que la foy de M. de Montpensier ne peust ni ne deust estre suspecte aux Huguenos, lesquels furent assiégés trois mois et vingt et un jours, durant lesquels furent tirés de sept à huict mil coups de canon.” If Brantôme does not belie Montpensier (see note 2, page 9), the besieged had good reason for the precautions they took.

[17] Published September 10th at Lyons.

[18] The Seigneur de Rambouillet was sent by the Queen Mother, and the Seigneur d’Estrées by Alençon, to Henry on June 4th, to congratulate him on his accession.—De l’Estoile, i. 5. ‘Rambouillet, that was aforetime captain in one of the guards, and his three brothers, has left the Court, because the King has given away an office, that one of the Rambouillets looked for.’—Calendar of State Papers, Foreign Series, 1572-74, p. 560.

[19] These towns had been retained by the French when the rest of the possessions of the Duke of Savoy were restored to him, partly after the treaty of Cateau Cambrésis, in 1559, and partly by Charles IX. in 1562. With the exception of the Marquisate of Saluzzo, they were the last remains of the French conquests beyond the Alps. The Duchess of Savoy was Margaret, daughter of Francis I., and therefore aunt to Henry III. She was born in 1523, married in 1559, at the conclusion of peace, to Emmanuel Philibert, Duke of Savoy, and died September 14th, 1574. The indignant protest of the Duc de Nevers against the surrender of these towns may be found in the compilation known as his Mémoires, vol. i. page i.

[20] Frederic III. was Elector Palatine from 1559 to 1576. He was the first important German prince who embraced Calvinism, and was the head of that sect in Germany. His Court was the asylum of the French and Flemish exiles. When Henry III. passed through Germany on his way to Poland, he visited Heidelberg at the Palatine’s invitation. He found the gates of the town guarded, the streets lined with soldiers, match in hand, and no one to receive him at the Castle except armed men. Halfway up the stairs he was met by the Rhinegrave, attended by two of the survivors of the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew. The Rhinegrave asked him on the Elector’s behalf to excuse his coming down, on account of indisposition. Henry found him at the entrance of the room supported by a gentleman, in the attitude of a man who finds it a great effort to stand upright. ‘On n’y pouvoit entrer sans jetter la veüe sur un grand Tableau de la mort de l’Admiral, et des principaux Seigneurs tués à Paris. Voyant que le Roi portoit sa veüe de ce costé, il poussa un grand souspir, et dit tout haut, “Ceux qui les ont fait mourir sont bien malheureux, croyez qu’ils estoient gens de bien et grands Capitaines.” Le Roy respondit doucement, “Qu’ils estoient capables de bien faire s’ils eussent voulu.” Ce Prince sentoit un grand contentement en son ame de pouvoir faire esclatter l’excez de sa passion en la presence du Roy, il en fit voir les effets en diverses façons, lui donna à souper, et le servit de poisson, mais il n’eut pour Gentilhomme que ceux qu’on luy dit avoir eschappé le jour de Saint Barthelemy, qu’il appelloit “La boucherie et le massacre de Paris.”’ The next day the Count took more than thirty turns with the King up and down the great hall of the Castle, with a firm step and in perfect health, so as to show that his indisposition of the previous evening had been entirely feigned.—Matthieu, Histoire de France, i. p. 363. The Palatine’s second son, John Casimir, born in 1543, is a prominent figure in the religious wars of the time. He was one of the military adventurers who hoped in the general confusion to win themselves a throne by their sword. He conducted several expeditions to the aid of the French Protestants, and was one of the many princes suggested as a husband for Queen Elizabeth. At her instigation he was given the command of the German army which entered the Netherlands in 1578. For an estimate of his character see Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic. Part V. ch. v. He died in 1592.

[21] The two sons of the Constable were his two youngest sons, de Méru and de Thoré. While the Marshal and Damville, their elder brothers, remained Catholics, they became Protestants. The reason of their flight to Germany was that they had been implicated in the rising of Shrove Tuesday, 1574, and the conspiracy to seize Charles IX. at St. Germain. ‘Les cousins [du Prince de Condé] de Thoré et de Méru se rendent à Geneve, où le Seingneur de Thoré se déclare et fait profession de la Religion et là est arresté et retenu, et son frère de Méru mis hors ladite ville, pour ne vouloir faire semblable profession.’—De l’Estoile, i. 22.

[22] François de Foix de Candale, Bishop of Aire, in Gascony, third son of Gaston de Foix, Comte de Candale, Captal de Buch, &c. His father’s sister Anne married Ladislaus, King of Hungary and Bohemia, by whom she had two children—Louis, King of Hungary, killed at Mohacz in 1526, and Anne, who married the Emperor Ferdinand, and was the mother of the Emperor Maximilian. The Bishop was one of the most learned men of his time, especially in mathematics and natural philosophy. Besides the works mentioned in the text, he translated Euclid into Latin. He invented various mathematical instruments, and founded a chair of mathematics in the College of Aquitaine at Bordeaux. He died in 1594, aged eighty-four according to Thuanus, but eighty-one according to his monument. D’Aubigné, in his Mémoires under the year 1580, relates the following anecdote of him and Henry IV. ‘Le roi de Navarre, passant un jour à Cadillac, pria le grand François de Candale, de lui faire voir son excellent cabinet, ce qu’il vouloit bien faire, à condition qu’il n’y entreroit pas d’ignares. “Non, mon oncle,” dit mon maître, “je n’y mènerai personne qui ne soit plus capable de le voir et d’en connoître le prix que moi.” La compagnie s’amusa d’abord à faire lever le poids d’un canon par une petite machine qu’un enfant de six ans tenoit entre ses mains. Comme elle étoit fort attentive à cette operation, je me mis à considérer un marbre noir de sept pieds en quarré, qui servoit de table au bon Seigneur de Candale; et ayant apperçu un crayon, j’écrivis dessus pendant qu’on raisonnait sur la petite machine, ce distique latin:—

Non isthæc, princeps, regem tractare doceto, Sed docta regni pondera ferre manu.

Cela fait, je recouvris le marbre et rejoignis la compagnie, qui étant arrivée à ce marbre, M. de Candale dit à mon maître, “Voici ma table;” et ayant ôté la couverture et vu ce distique, il s’écria, “Ah! il y a ici un homme.” “Comment,” reprit le roi de Navarre, “croyez-vous que les autres soient des bêtes? Je vous prie, mon oncle, de deviner à la mine qui vous jugez capable d’avoir fait ce coup.” Ce qui fournit matière à d’assez plaisans propos.’

[23] He was killed February, 1573, in an attack on the château of Soumiere, in Languedoc.—Mezeray, Histoire de France, iii. 282.

[24] The Egyptian deity Thoth, was identified with the Greek Hermes, and was considered the real author of everything produced or discovered by the human mind. Being thus the source of all human knowledge and thought, he was termed τρὶς μέγιστος, or Thrice Greatest. A variety of works are preserved, of which he is the reputed author. The most probable opinion as to their real origin is that they were forgeries of Neo-Platonists in the third or fourth century of our era. The most important of them is the Ποιμάνδρης, the book translated by the Bishop. It is written in the form of a dialogue, and treats of nature, the creation of the world, the nature and attributes of the deity, the human soul, &c.

[25] In the Vivarais. It cut off Lyons from communicating with Marseilles by water. See Mezeray, iii. 360.

[26] It is impossible within the compass of a note to give more than the briefest outline of the principal events in the life of this famous Breton chief. He was born in 1531, and became a Protestant in 1558. In 1561 he was one of the French nobles who escorted Marie Stuart to Scotland. Brantôme was another of the suite. In 1570 he was wounded by a musket-shot at the siege of Fontenay; gangrene set in, and it was found necessary to amputate his left arm; Jeanne d’Albret, Queen of Navarre, held the shattered limb during the operation. This arm was replaced by one of iron, whence he obtained the famous sobriquet, by which he is best known, Bras de fer. In 1573 Charles IX. sent him to La Rochelle in the hope he would be able to effect some compromise with the citizens, and he was for some time regarded with suspicion by both sides; but he appears to have always acted an honest and straightforward part in a very delicate position. When he found a reconciliation was impossible, he placed his sword once more at the service of the French Protestants. He fought for the Protestant cause not only in France but also in the Netherlands, was Count Louis of Nassau’s right-hand man at the surprise and subsequent siege of Mons in 1572, and at one time, in 1579, occupied Bousbecque and the places in the neighbourhood, Menin, Comines, Wervicq, &c. He was mortally wounded at the siege of Lamballe, in Brittany, and died on August 4, 1591. Thuanus (v. p. 180) calls him ‘a truly great man, who for bravery, prudence, and military knowledge deserved to be compared with the greatest generals of the time, and for the purity of his life, his moderation, and his justice to be preferred to most of them.’ For a further account of him see Letters to Rodolph, IX. and LIV., note.

[27] This report was correct. See Mezeray, iii. 360, where an interesting account is given of the siege.

[28] The second Edict, of October 23. The purport of it was, that no person should be troubled on religious grounds.

[29] The Comte de Fiesco was chevalier d’honneur to the Queen. The Fieschi were Counts of Lavagna, and one of the four principal families of Genoa. The conspiracy of the Fieschi in 1547 is one of the most famous incidents of Genoese history. The object of the conspirators was to overthrow the power of Andrew Doria, and to detach Genoa from the Imperialists, and bring the republic into close connection with France. The conspiracy miscarried, owing to its leader, Count John Louis Fiesco, falling from the planks by which he was boarding a galley, and being drowned. Owing to the darkness of the night the accident was not discovered till it was too late to assist him. His brothers were executed except Scipio, the youngest, who escaped to France, and is the person mentioned in the text. In 1568 he was Ambassador to the Court of Maximilian. He was afterwards chevalier d’honneur to Louise de Vaudemont, the Queen of Henry III., and one of the original knights of the Order of the Holy Ghost.—Lippomano, Ambassadeurs Vénitiens, ii. 413. He married Alphonsina Strozzi, who is the Countess mentioned by Busbecq. She was originally dame d’honneur to Catherine de Medicis.

[30] The Sorbonne was ‘a society or corporation of Doctors of Divinity settled in the University of Paris, and famous all over Europe. It was founded by the French King St. Lewis, and Ralph de Sorbonne, his confessor, a Canon of the Church of Paris, who gave it its name from the village of Sorbonne, near Lyons, which was the place of his nativity.’—World of Words.

Their determination, dated July 2, 1530, is given by Holinshed, Chronicles, iii. 924. It is to the effect that ‘the foresaid marriage with the brother’s wife, departing without children, be so forbidden both by the law of God and of nature, that the Pope hath no power to dispense with such mariages, whether they be contract or to be contract.’ It was read to the House of Commons with the decisions of the other Universities, March 30, 1531.

[31] Leonhard or Lamoral von Thurn and Taxis succeeded his father in 1554 as Postmaster-General in the Netherlands, and in 1595 was appointed Postmaster-General of the Holy Roman Empire. He died in 1612, aged upwards of 90. He was brother of J. B. Taxis or Tassis, the well-known Spanish Ambassador. See Letters to Rodolph, XLIII., and note.

[32] Sebastian, grandson of Charles V., became King of Portugal in 1557, when he was only three years old. At the time Busbecq wrote he was a gallant young man of twenty, dreaming of great exploits as a Crusader. Four years later he attempted to put his ideas into practice, and invaded Africa with a large force. His army was annihilated in the battle of Alcazar (August 4th, 1578), and the brave young King perished on the field. His romantic end produced a deep impression on his subjects. ‘It may be mentioned,’ says the Times (December 1825), ‘as a singular species of infatuation, that many Portuguese residing in Brazil, as well as in Portugal, still believe in the coming of Sebastian, the romantic king, who was killed about the year 1578, in a pitched battle with the Emperor Muley Moluc. Some of these old visionaries will go out wrapped in their large cloaks, on a windy night, to watch the movements of the heavens, and frequently, if an exhalation is seen flitting in the air, resembling a falling star, they will cry out, “There he comes!”’ For a curious story of a hoax played on one of these fanatics, see Hone’s Everyday Book, vol. ii. page 88.

[33] In this and some other letters, passages referring to arrangements connected with the dower have been curtailed or altogether omitted. It is sufficient to state that Elizabeth’s dower had been fixed at 60,000 francs per annum, and that Busbecq’s object was to see that it was properly secured.

[34] Pierre de Gondi, see note, page 39.

[35] John Evelyn made the same expedition by water from Lyons to Avignon, some seventy years later. A full account of his voyage is given in his Diary (p. 69, Chandos edition). Like Busbecq he stopped at Valence. ‘We then came to Valence, a capital Citty carrying the title of a Dutchey, but the Bishop is now sole lord temporal of it and the country about it. The towne having an University famous for the study of the civil law, is much frequented; but the Churches are none of the fairest, having been greatly defaced in the time of the warrs.’

[36] Jean de Montluc, Bishop of Valence, was one of the most successful diplomatists of his day; he had been ambassador at Constantinople in 1537, on which occasion he received the pot of balsam, which he afterwards lost in Ireland (see vol. i. p. 387). Henry III. owed his Polish Crown to his exertions and diplomatic skill. He was father of that bold and unscrupulous adventurer, Balagny.

His career is thus sketched by a contemporary:—

‘Il avoit esté de sa premiere profession jacobin, et la feue royne de Navarre Margueritte, qui aymoit les gens sçavans et spirituels, le cognoissant tel, le deffrocqua et le mena avec elle à la Court, le fit cognoistre, le poussa, luy ayda, le fit employer en plusieurs ambassades; car je pense qu’il n’y a guieres pays en l’Europe où il n’ayt esté ambassadeur et en negotiation, ou grande ou petite, jusques en Constantinople, qui fut son premier advancement, et à Venize, en Polongne, Angleterre, Escosse et autres lieux. On le tenoit Lutherien au commencement, et puis Calviniste, contre sa profession episcopalle; mais il s’y comporta modestement par bonne mine et beau semblant; la reyne de Navarre le deffrocqua pour l’amour de cela.’—Brantôme, iii. 52.

[37] Monsieur de Vulcob, French Ambassador at the Court of Maximilian. See Charrière, Négotiations de la France dans le Levant, iii. 596, note.

[38] Jean de Morvilliers was born at Blois in 1506. He was ambassador at Venice from 1546 to 1550, and was rewarded for his services by receiving the Bishopric of Orleans in 1552. After he became bishop, the Chapter of his cathedral, by a statute passed in November 1552, ordered him to shave off his beard. He refused to comply, and the quarrel raged fiercely for four years, till finally in 1556 it was appeased by a letter from the King to the Chapter, in which he declared that he required to send Morvilliers to various countries in which a beard was necessary, and therefore ordered the Chapter to receive him beard and all. He did not, however, take possession of his cathedral till 1559. Francis II. appointed him a Privy Councillor, and in 1561 he took part in the Conference of Poissy, and in the following year attended the Council of Trent, as one of the French representatives. He was afterwards ambassador to the Duke of Savoy, and in 1564 was one of the negotiators of the Treaty of Troyes, between Charles IX. and Queen Elizabeth. In the same year he gave up his Bishopric in favour of his nephew. On the disgrace of the Chancellor l’Hôpital, in 1568, he became Keeper of the Seals, but in 1571 had to resign them to Birague. In de Thou’s opinion (iii. 209), he was honest and prudent, but cautious to the verge of timidity, and therefore always pursued a policy of expediency. He was the head of the party who were in favour of peace but thought no religious reform was required, and who therefore, in order to remain on good terms with the extreme Catholic party headed by the Guises, did not hesitate to evade or violate the pledges given to the Protestants. See Thuanus, iii. 35. De Thou’s estimate of his character is borne out by a State-paper preserved by d’Aubigné (Histoire, vol. ii. bk. i. ch. ii.), written by Morvilliers at the request of Charles IX. in 1572, in opposition to Coligny’s project of war with Spain.

[39] Elizabeth’s marriage portion had never been paid, and Busbecq was afraid that this fact might be adduced as a reason for not paying her dower now she was a widow; and also, in case of the failure of Maximilian’s issue male, a claim might be set up on behalf of her daughter, that Elizabeth’s renunciation of her rights of succession was invalid for the same reason. That Busbecq’s fears were not ill-founded is shown by the fact that Louis XIV. argued that his wife’s renunciation of her rights to the Crown of Spain was invalid, as her marriage portion had never been paid.

[40] The Comte de Retz was the son of a Florentine banker at Lyons, named Gondi, Seigneur du Péron. His wife entered the service of Catherine de Medici, and took charge of her children in their infancy. She endeared herself to the Queen, who being Regent during the minority of Charles IX. advanced her children to the highest posts: the Comte de Retz became first Gentleman of the Chamber to the King, and a Marshal of France; he acquired enormous wealth. His brother, Pierre de Gondi, was made Bishop of Paris, and afterwards Cardinal; he had other preferments worth 30,000 or 40,000 livres per annum, and property worth 200,000 crowns; while a third brother was Master of the Wardrobe to the King.

[41] The following is an extract from a diary kept by a French official during this same year 1575:—‘Le mardi 6^e juillet, fust pendu à Paris, et puis mis en quatre quartiers, un capitaine nommé la Vergerie, condamné à mort par Birague, chancelier, et quelques maistres des requestes nommés par la Roine-mère, qui lui firent son procès bien court dedans l’Hostel de ladite Ville de Paris. Toute sa charge estoit que, s’estant trouvé en quelque compagnie, où on parloit de la querelle des escoliers et des Italiens, il avoit dit qu’il faloit se ranger du costé des escoliers et saccager et couper la gorge à tous ces.... Italiens, et à tous ceux qui les portoient et soustenoient, comme estans cause de la ruine de la France: sans avoir autre chose fait ni attenté contre iceux.’—De l’Estoile, i. 69.

[42] Maximilian put on record his protest against the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew in a letter to Lazarus Schwendi:—‘Quod attinet ad præclarum illud facinus quod Galli in Amiralio ejusque sociis tyrannicè perpetrarunt, equidem id minimè probare possum, magnoque cum dolore intellexi Generum meum sibi persuaderi passum tam fœdam lanienam. Quanquam scio magis alios imperare quàm ipsum. Attamen hoc ad excusationem facti non sufficit, neque hoc satis est palliando sceleri.’—Maximilian to Laz. Schwendi. Leyden, 1603. 2nd edition.

[43] Jean St. Chaumont, being at Nismes with a picked body of soldiers, determined to make an attempt on Aigues-Mortes. Guided by some Protestants who had been driven out of the town, he contrived one night to blow open the gates; his troops rushed in and took possession of the place. The garrison fled to the tower of Constance, which two days later was compelled to surrender. See Thuanus, iii. 83.

[44] Stephen Bathory, Voivode of Transylvania. He and Maximilian were eventually both elected in 1576, and civil war was imminent in consequence; but the death of Maximilian a few months later left Bathory in undisputed possession of the Crown.

[45] See page 13, and note, page 14.

[46] In order to show her contempt for the besieging army, one of the women of Livron brought her distaff to the breach, and sat herself down to spin. See Thuanus, iii. 83.

[47] Charles, son of Claude Duke of Guise and Antoinette de Bourbon, born 1524. Archbishop of Rheims 1538. Cardinal 1547. There is little doubt as to the cause of his death being that which is given by Busbecq, though some declared that he was murdered by means of a poisoned torch, and others that he was presented with a poisoned purse. For some time before he had been complaining of severe pain in the head. See Thuanus, iii. 47, 48.

‘Le dimanche 26^e décembre à cinq heures du matin, Charles, cardinal de Lorraine, aagé de cinquante ans, mourust en Avignon d’une fiebvre, symptomée d’un extrême mal de teste provenu du serein d’Avignon, qui est fort dangereux, qui lui avoit offensé le cerveau à la procession des Battus, où il s’estoit trouvé, en grande dévotion, avec le crucefix à la main, les pieds à moictié nuds et la teste peu couverte, qui est le poison qu’on a depuis voulu faire accroire qu’on lui avoit donné.’—De l’Estoile, i. 40. The character the zealous Protestant d’Aubigné gives of the Cardinal (Histoire, vol. ii. bk. ii. ch. xi.) is as follows: ‘esprit sans borne, tres chiche et craintif de sa vie, prodigue de celle d’autrui, pour le seul but qu’il a eu en vivant, assavoir d’eslever sa race à une desmesurée grandeur.’

[48] Catherine de Medici was supposed to be endowed with second-sight. Her daughter gives several instances in her memoirs.

‘Mesme la nuict devant la miserable course en lice, elle songea comme elle voyoit le feu Roy mon pere blessé à l’œil, comme il fust.... Elle n’a aussy jamais perdu aucun de ses enfans qu’elle n’aye veu une fort grande flamme, à laquelle soudain elle s’escrioit: “Dieu garde mes enfans!” et incontinent apres, elle entendoit la triste nouvelle qui, par ce feu, lui avoit esté augurée.... Elle s’escrie, continuant ses resveries, comme si elle eust veu donner la bataille de Jarnac: “Voyez-vous comme ils fuient! Mon fils a la victoire. Hé, mon Dieu! relevez mon fils! il est par terre! Voyez, voyez, dans cette haye, le Prince de Condé mort!”’—Mémoires de Marguerite, p. 42-43. The story of the Cardinal’s ghost is given more fully in De l’Estoile’s diary: ‘Puis aiant demandé à boire, comme on lui eust baillé son verre, elle commença tellement à trembler, qu’il lui cuida tumber des mains, et s’escria: “Jésus! voila M. le cardinal de Lorraine que je voy!”’—De l’Estoile, i. 41.

[49] Pomponne de Bellièvre, jurist and diplomatist. Born at Lyons in 1529, he was twice Charles IX.’s ambassador to Switzerland, and accompanied Henry III. to Poland. In 1586 he was sent to England to ask for the release of Mary Queen of Scots. In 1599 Henry made him Chancellor, a post which he held till 1604. He died in 1607.

[50] The following extract from a letter, dated November 3, 1574, and written by the King to his representative at Constantinople, proves the truth of this statement:—‘Toutesfois je veux vous advertir et luy aussy (the bishop of Acqs, the late Ambassador), s’il est encores par delà, que tout fraîchement j’ay receu et de bon lieu que l’empereur se plaint fort de luy et des offices qu’il a faicts par delà contre ses affaires. Je sçay bien qu’il n’a eu considération qu’à mon service; toutesfois je seray bien aise que durant votre légation vous vous comportiez envers ses ministres le plus amiablement que vous pourrez et leur presterez toute faveur en ce que touchera le particulier d’iceluy S^r empereur où vous verrez que mon service ne sera point engagé, afin qu’il cognoisse que je me ressens du bon recueil et faveur qu’il me fist dernièrement passant par ses terres, et ay en recommandation la légation qui est en nostre royaume.’—Charrière, Négotiations de la France dans le Levant, iii. 578.

[51] Maximilian gave this advice to Henry III. when he stopped at Vienna on his way back to France. ‘Cæsarem prudentissimum juxta et optimum principem hoc Regi consilium dedisse memorant, ut pacem primis regni auspiciis et in Galliæ ingressu suis daret.’—Thuanus, iii. 8.

[52] Her name was Catherine. She eventually married in 1599 Henry, Duke of Bar, son of Charles, Duke of Lorraine, and died in 1604.

[53] This was no kindness to Louise de Vaudemont. Brantôme praises her for her loyalty to her husband: ‘Aussi que dès le beau premier commencement de leur mariage, voire dix jours après, il ne luy donna pas grande occasion de contentement, car il luy osta ses filles de chambre et damoiselles qui avoient tousjours esté avec elle et nourries d’elle estant fille, qu’elle regretta fort.’—Brantôme, v. 334.

[54] Charles, Cardinal de Lorraine. See page 45, and note.

[55] Queen Leonora, sister of Charles V. and widow of Francis I., one of the Princesses to whom Busbecq’s grandfather, Gilles Ghiselin II., had been premier écuyer trenchant. See vol. i. page 26, note 1.

[56] See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part IV. chap. iii.

[57] Louis d’Este, Cardinal of Ferrara and Archbishop of Auch, was son of Hercules II., Duke of Ferrara, and Renée, daughter of Louis XII. of France. He was born in 1538, made Cardinal in 1561, and died at Rome in 1586. He deserved, says de Thou, to be called the treasure of the poor, the glory of the Sacred College, and the ornament of the Court of Rome.

[58] Miss Freer, in her history of Henry III., has charged Busbecq’s Queen with heartlessness. ‘Under these circumstances Elizabeth gladly accepted her father’s invitation to return to Vienna. With all her virtue and simplicity Elizabeth appears not to have possessed much tenderness of character; else, herself feeling so keenly the disadvantages of a residence at Paris, she could not have abandoned her infant daughter to the care of Catherine de Medici; nor even, as far as it can be discovered, made any attempt to convey her to be educated far from the levity of the Court.’—Vol. ii. p. 39. Miss Freer evidently did not know of Busbecq’s letters to Maximilian; she frequently quotes the letters to Rodolph, but does not appear to be aware that they were written by the man whom she describes as ‘Auger de Ghislin, Seigneur de Boësbecq, a German noble resident in France.’

[59] ‘Le 22^e mars les députés de M. le prince de Condé, mareschal Damville et autres associés, tant de l’une que de l’autre religion, selon la permission qu’ils avoient eue du Roy d’envoier vers lui tels personnages qu’ils aviseroient pour l’avancement et conclusion d’une paix générale et asseurée à tout son roiaume, aians, par un commun advis, articulé leurs conditions et icelles dressées en forme de requeste, partirent de Basle le dit 22^e mars pour venir trouver Sa Majesté à Paris, où ils arrivèrent le mardi 5^e avril.’—De l’Estoile, i. 54. For a full account of these negotiations see Mémoires de Nevers, i. 308.

[60] The Queen had so much difficulty in procuring funds that she was obliged to postpone her visit to August. Her child, Princess Marie Elizabeth (god-daughter of Queen Elizabeth of England), was at this time three years old. Amboise, near Blois, was considered particularly healthy, and on that account appointed as the nursery for the royal children. Evelyn speaks of it as a very agreeable village, built of stone and roofed with blue slate; he gives a full description of the castle which was the residence of the young Princess. Diary, p. 63.

[61] Don Rodolph Khuen von Belasii, Baron of Neu-Lembach, descended from an ancient Tyrolese family. He was also Privy Councillor to the Emperor.

[62] See note, p. 63.

[63] Roger de Saint-Lary de Bellegarde attached himself to the Comte de Retz, was introduced by him to Catherine de Medici, and rose as rapidly as his patron. Henry III. on his return from Poland created him a Marshal, and gave him the command of his forces in Dauphiny. His position was, however, undermined by du Guast, and he was despatched to Poland. Regarding this mission as merely a pretext for his banishment, he went no further than Piedmont, entered the Duke of Savoy’s service, and with his assistance took possession of the Marquisate of Saluzzo, the last of the French conquests beyond the Alps, driving out Birague, the Governor. Afterwards the Duke of Savoy, accompanied by the Marshal, had an interview, near Lyons, with the Queen Mother. The sequel may be told in Brantôme’s words. ‘Elle luy fit tout plein de remonstrances. Luy, ores planant, ores connivant, et ores conillant et amusant la Royne de belles paroles, se trouva atteint de maladie par belle poison, de laquelle il mourut.’—Brantôme, iv. 103.

[64] About a mile from Montbéliard Pibrac was captured by Brysach and a band of brigands, who assumed the character of Huguenot refugees. The Ambassador was compelled to leave his carriage, and follow his captors into the forest. Meanwhile a hue and cry was raised, and the people turned out to hunt the banditti. Pibrac was now in great danger, as the brigands threatened to kill him if one of their party should be hurt. From noon to midnight he was compelled to accompany Brysach and his band through the recesses of the forest. Fortunately he was able to turn his talents as a diplomatist to good account, and at last persuaded his companions to set him free. See Thuanus, iii. 98. Compare the account of Busbecq’s capture, vol. i. p. 71.

The country of Montbéliard, or Mümpelgard, lay between Franche Comté and Alsace, and belonged to a branch of the House of Würtemberg. It remained in their hands till near the end of the last century. In 1792 the French took possession of it, but it did not become French de jure till 1801, when, with the other German enclaves in Alsace, it was ceded by the treaty of Luneville.

[65] So in March 1538 Holbein was despatched to Brussels to take a portrait of Christina, the widowed Duchess of Milan, and daughter of Elizabeth of Denmark, sister of Charles V. (see vol. i. page 26, note 2), for whose hand Henry VIII. had been negotiating. She is reported to have declined his offer, saying, ‘if she had had two heads one should have been at the service of the King of England, but as she had only one, she preferred to keep it on her own shoulders.’ Holbein’s portrait now belongs to the Duke of Norfolk, and was exhibited at the Winter Exhibition of the Royal Academy in 1880. The lady afterwards married Francis Duke of Lorraine, and became the mother of Charles Duke of Lorraine and Dorothea, the wife of Duke Eric of Brunswick. Hence came the connection between the Houses of Austria and Lorraine, alluded to on page 59, Maximilian II. being Christina’s first cousin.

Similarly Holbein, in the following year, was again sent abroad to take a portrait of Anne of Cleves.—Froude, ch. xvii.

[66] ‘Le dimanche 19^e juing arrivèrent à Paris M. le duc de Lorraine et M. de Vaudemont, père de la Roine, pour achever le mariage du Marquis de Nomenie, fils aisné dudit seingneur de Vaudemont aveq la damoiselle de Martigues. En congratulation et resjouissance des venues de ces princes, se firent à la Cour plusieurs jeux, tournois et festins magnifiques, en l’un desquels la Roine-Mère mangea tant qu’elle cuida crever, et fust malade au double de son desvoiement. On disoit que c’estoit d’avoir trop mangé de culs d’artichaux et de crestes et rongnons de coq, dont elle estoit fort friande.’—De l’Estoile, i. 64.

[67] The Ilsings or Ilsungs were an ancient Swabian family, several of whom had been burgomasters of Augsburg. The person mentioned in the text was probably George Ilsing von Lichtenberg, Privy Councillor to Charles V., Ferdinand, Maximilian, and Rodolph, and Statthalter in the Duchy of Würtemberg.

[68] The Princess Charlotte de Bourbon was compelled to take the vows before she had arrived at the legal age. She became Abbess of Joüarrs; but ran away in 1572, and took refuge with the Elector Palatine. The Prince of Orange saw her at Heidelburg and fell in love with her. St. Aldegonde conducted her to Brill, where the Prince met her. They were married June 12.

[69] ‘Mareschal d’Amville vint à estre empoisonné de telle façon, que, s’il ne fut esté secouru prestement et par bons remedes, il estoit mort; et de faict les nouvelles en vindrent au Roy qu’il estoit mort de ceste poison. J’estois lors en sa chambre quand ces nouvelles luy furent apportées ... il ne s’en esmeut autrement, et ne monstra le visage plus joyeux ny fasché, sinon qu’il envoya le courrier à la Reyne; et ne laissasmes à causer avec luy. Ce gouvernement de Languedoc fut aussi tost donné à M. de Nevers.... Vindrent apres nouvelles que ledit sieur mareschal n’estoit point mort et tendoit peu à peu à guerison, laquelle tarda beaucoup à luy venir. Plusieurs disoient que s’il fust mort de ceste poison, que M. de Montmorancy fust esté sententié ... mais on craignoit que ledict mareschal, voyant son frere mort, qu’il eust joué à la desesperade, craignant qu’il ne luy en arrivast autant s’il estoit pris, et avoit un tres grand moyen de faire mal avec l’alliance des Huguenots, voire du roy d’Espagne, qu’il eust pris.’—Brantôme, ii. 436-7.

Montmorency’s relations had good reasons for their apprehensions. It was intended to strangle him, and, to cover the murder, Miron, chief physician to the King, was sent to see him, and told to give out that he had apoplectic symptoms. Gilles de Souvré, chief chamberlain to Henry, was selected as his executioner, and to his reluctance to undertake the office the prisoner owed his life. See Thuanus, iii. 105.

Montmorency was conscious of his danger. ‘Tell the Queen,’ said he, ‘that I am well aware of her intentions towards me; there is no need to make so much fuss. She has only to send the Chancellor’s apothecary: I will take whatever he gives me.’ See De l’Estoile, i. 63.

[70] The date shows that this letter ought to follow Letter XXI., but we have retained the order of the Latin Edition.

[71] The following quotation from Marguerite de Valois’ autobiography shows that Busbecq was right:—‘Nous nous en retournasmes à Paris trouver le Roy, qui nous receust avec beaucoup de contentement d’avoir la paix; mais toutesfois aggreant peu les advantageuses conditions des huguenots, se deliberant bien, soudain qu’il auroit mon frere à la cour, de trouver une invention pour rentrer en la guerre contre lesdits huguenots, pour ne les laisser jouir de ce qu’à regret et par force on leur avoit accordé seulement pour en retirer mon frere (Alençon).’—Mémoires de Marguerite, p. 79.

[72] ‘J’ay ouy dire à de grands capitaines que si le Piedmont au moins nous fust demeuré ... il eust servy d’escolle tousjours et d’amusement aux gens de guerre françois, et s’y fussent tous arrestez, et ainsy ne se fussent adonnez ny affriandez aux guerres civiles; estant le naturel du François de vacquer tousjours aux œuvres de Mars et d’hayr l’oysiveté, le repos et la paix.’—Brantôme, v. 234.

[73] John Listhius, a Hungarian noble, married the sister of Nicolas Olahus, Archbishop of Gran and Primate of Hungary, by whom he had two sons; after her death he took orders, and became Bishop of Wessprim in 1568, and Bishop of Raab in 1572. He died in 1578. He was Privy Councillor to Ferdinand and Maximilian.

[74] Lazarus von Schwendi, Seigneur of Hohen-Landsperg in Upper Alsace, was a very remarkable man. He was a friend of Count Egmont, by whose side he fought at the battles of St. Quentin and Gravelines. At Maximilian’s request Philip II. allowed him to take command of his forces in Hungary. He retook Tokay from the Turks in 1565. (Katona, Historia Regum Hungariæ, xxiv. 45; see also Sketch of Hungarian History.) He was also distinguished as a scholar; he wrote a book, De Bello contra Turcas gerendo, and two other treatises. But what marks his position more than anything else is the fact that two of the most important manifestos of that age were addressed to him. (1) Orange’s protest against the administration of Granville. See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part II. chap. iv.:—‘This letter, together with one in a similar strain from Egmont, was transmitted by the valiant and highly intellectual soldier to whom they were addressed, to the King of Spain with an entreaty that he would take warning from the bitter truths which they contained.’ (2) Maximilian’s protest against the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew (see note 1, page 42). Schwendi eventually retired to his estates in Alsace, and died at Kirchofen in 1583, aged sixty-two.

[75] De Blot obtained the appointment (see Foppens, Bibliotheca Belgica, i. 491).

[76] The Emperor Frederic III., the great-grandfather of Charles V. and Ferdinand, married Eleonora, daughter of Edward, King of Portugal, in 1452.

[77] See page 68.

[78] Montbrun cut to pieces the Swiss troops of de Gordes, who commanded for the King in Dauphiny. After a less decisive engagement the day before, he overtook them on June 13 at the passage of the Drome near Die. Eight hundred Swiss were killed together with their Colonel, and eighteen standards were taken, while the victors only lost six men. See Thuanus, iii. 93.

[79] These Palatines were great Polish magnates.

[80] Charles du Puy Montbrun, a member of one of the oldest families in Dauphiny, was born about 1530. One of his sisters became a Protestant, and took refuge in Geneva. He pursued her thither, declaring that he would either bring her back a Catholic or kill her; but instead of reclaiming her, he fell under the influence of Beza and became himself a convert. In 1560 he raised a small partisan force, with which he carried on a guerilla war in Dauphiny and the Vivarais. His young wife accompanied him on these expeditions, as the camp was her safest abode. He took an active part in the civil wars, and fought bravely at Jarnac and Moncontour.

The affair mentioned in the text was a mere skirmish. Montbrun was engaged in hot pursuit of the King’s troops, whom he had defeated a few days before (see page 78), when a daring attempt was made by a party of the royal cavalry to seize the bridge of Gervane, and cut off his retreat. Though he had only a small force in hand, he charged the enemy, but finding himself outnumbered was compelled to retreat. His horse fell in trying to leap a ditch, and he was taken prisoner. Busbecq’s account shows that the affair was represented in Paris as a decisive victory. Compare Thuanus, iii. 94, who also states that Montbrun was the first to raise the Huguenot standard after Saint Bartholomew. D’Aubigné (Histoire, vol. ii. bk. ii. ch. ix.) says he will give him no eulogy except the title La Noue conferred upon him—to wit, the Valiant Montbrun.

[81] The King, however, was at the entertainment. ‘A ces nopces se trouvèrent le duc de Lorraine et MM. de Guise, avec la pluspart des princes et seingneurs, qui lors estoient à la Cour, et y dansa le Roy tout du long du jour, en grande allégresse.’—De l’Estoile, i. 82.

[82] Louis Gonzaga, Duc de Nevers, third son of Frederick II., Duke of Mantua, was born in 1539, and was brought up in France with Henry II.’s children. He had a horse killed under him at St. Quentin, was taken prisoner, and was ransomed for 60,000 crowns. In 1565 he married Henriette de Clèves, the sister of the two last Ducs de Nevers, and of Catherine de Clèves, wife of the Duke of Guise, and was created Duc de Nevers. In 1567 he became Governor of the French possessions in Piedmont, and protested strongly against their cession by Henry III. (Mémoires, i. 1). He was deeply implicated in the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew. A partisan of the Guises at the beginning of the League, he afterwards went over to Henry III. At the death of the latter, he at first assumed an attitude of neutrality between the League and Henry IV., but soon espoused the royal cause. He died in 1595.

[83] See note 2, page 53.

[84] See note, p. 36.

[85] The Fregosi were one of the four great plebeian families of Genoa, and gave many Doges to the Republic. Mario de Birague was sent as ambassador to Genoa in the summer of 1574, and John Galeazzo Fregoso commanded the two galleys of the said ambassador. Both were received with great joy at Genoa, though Fregoso was a banished citizen. Charrière, Négotiations de la France dans le Levant, iii. 609. For a full account of the disturbances at Genoa see Thuanus, iii. 113-128.

[86] Beauvoir, or Beauvois, de la Nocle was one of the Huguenot chiefs (among whom were Montgomery and the Vidame de Chartres), who were in the Faubourg St. Germain during the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew, and succeeded in making their escape. He and d’Arènes were the principal spokesmen of the Deputies at Paris. He was one of the French gentlemen who accompanied the army of Casimir which invaded France in 1587 under Dohna. In 1591 Henry IV. sent him as his ambassador to England.

[87] Buren, in Gelderland, was taken by the Spanish General Hierges, at the end of June 1575. For details of the siege see Thuanus, iii. 73; Strada, i. 393. The date of the final rupture of the negotiations was July 13, 1575.—Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part IV. ch. iii.

[88] For a sketch of Mondragon’s life and character see Motley, United Netherlands, iii. 342-3. The expedition which Busbecq mentions as contemplated was carried out on September 27. See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part IV. ch. iii.

[89] ‘At the same time in the assembly of the Confederate States, the question of asking the protection of some powerful neighbouring Sovereign was long and hotly debated, as some were inclined to the Empire, and the Princes and States of the Empire, others to the King of France, and others again to the Queen of England. The side, however, prevailed which was in favour of an English alliance.’—Thuanus, iii. 79. For a full account see Meteren, 153-155.

[90] See page 128, and note.

[91] Duke Eric of Brunswick succeeded his father the Duke of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel, in the principalities of Gottingen and Calenberg. Brought up as a Lutheran, he afterwards became a Roman Catholic. He fought on the Spanish side at St. Quentin, and was subsequently employed in the Netherlands and Portugal. He does not seem to have taken his rejection much to heart, as in the following December he married Dorothea, daughter of Christina, Duchess of Lorraine (see note, page 63), and sister of Charles, the reigning Duke. Busbecq’s Queen honoured the marriage of her rejected suitor with her presence (see page 129). He died at Pavia in 1584. In the opinion of Thuanus (iii. 703), he was ‘terribilis suis, neque tamen re ulla memorabili gesta admodum clarus.’ His widow afterwards married the Marquis de Varembon, the lover of Mademoiselle de Tournon, whose pathetic story is told by her royal mistress. See Mémoires de Marguerite, 110-114.

[92] Bourg-la-Reine, near Sceaux.—De l’Estoile, i. 85.

[93] Marie Elizabeth (or Isabel) was born October 27, 1572, a few weeks after the massacre of Saint Bartholomew; Queen Elizabeth of England was her godmother. An interesting account of her is given by Brantôme, whose aunt, Madame de Crissé, was her governess. According to him she had a great idea of her own importance: ‘Une fois, elle estant malade, le Roy son oncle (Henry III.) demeura trois jours sans l’aller voir; au troisiesme il y alla. Lors qu’elle le sentit à la porte elle fit semblant de dormir, et se tourna de l’autre costé; et, encore que le Roy l’appellast par trois fois, elle fit de la sourde, jusques à ce que madame de Crissé, ma tante et sa gouvernante, la fit tourner vers le Roy, envers lequel elle fit de la froide, et ne luy dict pas deux mots: et s’en estant departi d’avec elle, sa gouvernante se corrouçant contre elle, luy demanda pourquoy elle avoit faict ce trait et cette mine. Elle respondit: “Hé quoi! ma mere, comment me fust-il esté possible de faire cas de luy, et luy faire bonne chere, que, despuis trois jours que je suis malade, il ne m’a pas veue une fois, non pas seulement envoyé visiter, moy qui suis sa niepce, et fille de son aisné, et qui ne luy fais point de déshonneur.”’—Brantôme, v. 245.

She died before she completed her sixth year. The following touching notice was written at the time of her death:—‘Ce jour (April 2, 1578), mourust en l’Hostel d’Anjou, à Paris, Madame Marie Ysabel de France, fille unique et légitime du feu Roy Charles IX^e, aagée de cinq à six ans, qui fust pleurée et regrettée à cause de son gentil esprit et de sa bonté et douceur, qu’elle retenoit de madame Ysabel d’Austriche, fille de l’Empereur Maximilian d’Austriche, sa mère’.—De l’Estoile, i. 239.

[94] According to Mezeray, Histoire de France, iii. 380, and Amyraut, Life of La Noue, 166, his real name was Dianovitz, and he was a Bohemian by birth (Bohesme, Boësme, Besme). He is, however, generally called simply Besme. Brantôme, who knew him well, tells us he was a page of the Cardinal de Guise, and married an illegitimate daughter of the Cardinal de Lorraine, a former maid of honour to Elizabeth of France, Queen of Philip II., who gave her a marriage portion. Two years afterwards he was sent to Spain, by Guise, under the pretext of buying horses, but in reality, it was said, to renew the secret alliance which had existed between Philip and the late Cardinal de Lorraine. According to Brantôme, he went ‘tant pour querir son mariage que pour braver et se monstrer en piaffe devant le Roy et les Espagnols, et dire que c’estoit luy qui avoit faict le coup de M. l’Admiral.’ On his return he was taken prisoner between Barbezieux and Chasteauneuf, and brought to the Castle of Bouteville. Being recognised, he offered a large sum for his ransom, and to get Montbrun exchanged against himself. The Guises, too, made great efforts to obtain his release. However, when news came of Montbrun’s execution, the inhabitants of Rochelle, ‘qui le vouloient acheter pour en faire faire justice exemplaire’ (De l’Estoile, i. 83), offered 1,000 crowns for him to Bertoville, the Governor of Bouteville. The latter, for fear of reprisals against the Huguenot prisoners, did not wish to put him to death openly, and, on the other hand, had no intention of letting him go unpunished for the murder of Coligny. He therefore had recourse to the following stratagem. He caused one of his soldiers to enter into communication with Besme, and to agree for a bribe to let him escape. The soldier then reported Besme’s plans to the Governor, who posted an ambush where the fugitive was to pass. He fell into their hands and was killed on the spot. For an account of his murder of Coligny, see Brantôme, iii. 280.

[95] The English Ambassador—or more properly Minister—at that time was Dr. Valentine Dale.

[96] Compare his sister Marguerite’s account. ‘Le soir venu, peu avant le soupper du Roy, mon frere changeant de manteau, et le mettant autour du nez, sort seulement suivy d’un des siens, qui n’estoit pas recongneu, et s’en va à pied jusques à la porte de Saint-Honnoré, où il trouve Simié (Jean de Seymer, master of Alençon’s Wardrobe) avec le carrosse d’une dame, qu’il avoit emprunté pour cet effect, dans lequel il se mit, et va jusques à quelques maisons à un quart de lieue de Paris, où il trouva des chevaux qui l’attendoient, sur lesquels montant, à quelques lieues de là il trouva deux ou trois cens chevaulx de ses serviteurs qui l’attendoient au rendez-vous qu’il leur avoit donné. L’on ne s’apperçoit point de son partement que sur les neuf heures du soir. Le Roy et la Royne ma mere me demanderent pourquoy il n’avoit point souppé avec eux, et s’il estoit malade. Je leur dis que je ne l’avois point veu depuis l’apres-disnée. Ils envoyerent en sa chambre voir ce qu’il faisoit; ou leur vinst dire qu’il n’y estoit pas. Ils disent qu’on le cherche par toutes les chambres des dames, où il avoit accoustumé d’aller. On cherche par le chasteau, on cherche par la ville; on ne le trouve point. A cette heure l’allarme s’eschauffe; le Roy se met en colere, se courrouce, menace, envoye querir tous les princes et seigneurs de la cour, leur commande de monter à cheval, et le luy ramener vif ou mort. . . . . Plusieurs de ces princes et seigneurs refusent cette commission, remonstrans au Roy de quelle importance elle estoit. . . . Quelques aultres accepterent, et se preparerent pour monter à cheval. Ils ne peurent faire telle diligence qu’ils peussent partir plustost que sur le poinct du jour, qui fut cause qu’ils ne trouverent point mon frere, et furent contraincts de revenir pour n’estre pas en esquipage de guerre.’—Mémoires de Marguerite, p. 64.

[97] See note, p. 117.

[98] Claude Antoine de Vienne, Baron de Clervant, born at Metz, 1505. He was the chief leader of the Huguenots in the north-east of France.

[99] See note 3, p. 124.

[100] Marguerite de la Marck, sovereign Countess of Aremberg, in her own right, was widow of Jean de Ligne, the Comte d’Aremberg who died so gallantly at Heiliger-Lee (see Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part III. ch. ii.) She had already had the honour of escorting Elizabeth, when she came to France as a bride. She visited Marguerite de Valois when she went to Spa in 1577. ‘Plusieurs seigneurs et dames d’Allemaigne y estoient venus pour me voir, et entre aultres madame la comtesse d’Aremberg (qui est celle qui avoit eu l’honneur de conduire la royne Elizabeth à ses nopces à Mezieres, lors qu’elle vint espouser le roy Charles mon frere, et ma sœur aisnée au roy d’Espaigne son mary), femme qui estoit tenue en grande estime de l’imperatrice, de l’empereur, et de tous les princes chrestiens.’—Mémoires de Marguerite, p. 109.

[101] Du Guast was one of Henry III.’s favourites, and possessed unbounded influence over his master. On his return from Poland, whither du Guast had accompanied him, Henry gave him the bishoprics of Amiens and Grenoble. The former ‘il vendit à une garse de la Cour la somme de 30,000 francs: aiant vendu auparavant l’évesché de Grenoble 40,000 francs au fils du feu seingneur d’Avanson.’—De l’Estoile, i. 39. The King also gave him 50,000 livres he had raised by a forced loan from the Councillors and Advocates of the Parliament and Châtelet at Paris (De l’Estoile, i. 54). De l’Estoile, i. 92, gives an account of his murder. ‘Il fust tué dans sa maison à Paris, rue Saint-Honoré, et avec lui son valet de chambre et un sien laquais, par certains hommes armés et masqués, qui l’assassinèrent à coups d’espées et de dagues, sans estre congneus ne retenus. Il dit, mourant, que c’estoit le baron de Viteaux, qui estoit à Monsieur, qui l’avoit tué: toutefois cela ne fust point avéré, encores que la présumption en fust grande, et que ce coup avoit esté fait soubs bon adveu et par commandement; d’autant que ce mignon superbe et audacieux, enflé de la faveur de son maistre, avoit bravé Monsieur jusques à estre passé un jour devant lui en la rue Sainct-Antoine, sans le saluer ni faire semblant de le congnoistre, et avoit dit par plusieurs fois qu’il ne recongnoissoit que le Roy, et que quand il lui auroit commandé de tuer son propre frère, qu’il le feroit.’ De l’Estoile makes the reflection that, as he had shed much innocent blood at the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew, so according to the word of God his own was shed, and that he himself was surprised and killed in his bed in the same manner as he used to boast he then surprised and killed others. Six months before the murder, Brantôme, who was an intimate friend of both parties, had made an attempt to induce du Guast to withdraw his opposition to the pardon which de Viteaux was anxious to obtain for the murder of Millaud. (See page 189 and notes.) He thus concludes his account of the murder: ‘Pour fin, le baron de Viteaux après avoir fait son coup, sort si heureusement du logis, et se retira si bien et sans aucun bruit, qu’on n’en soupçonna celuy qui avoit fait le coup que par conjectures, tant il fut fait secrettement, et ne se put jamais guieres bien prouver; mesmes à moy, qui luy estois amy intime, ne me l’a voulu confesser.’—Brantôme, vi. 93. The Baron de Viteaux was a notorious duellist; his death is described by Busbecq (pages 189, 190). Du Guast was hated by Alençon, and his sister Marguerite. The former’s income depended on the favourite’s pleasure, ‘mon frere n’ayant eu jusques alors son appennage, et s’entretenant seulement de certaines pensions mal assignées, qui venoient seulement quand il plaisoit au Guast’ (Mémoires de Marguerite, p. 63). He had also got Marguerite into scrapes, and was the deadly enemy of her lover, Bussy d’Amboise. All the evidence points strongly to the fact that he was murdered at her instigation. Not only do Thuanus (iii. 108-9) and Mezeray (Histoire de France, iii. 391) give graphic accounts of her visit to de Viteaux at the monastery of the Augustins at Paris, where he had taken sanctuary, and tell how she persuaded him by her caresses to commit the murder, but her friend Brantôme, while he praises her for not oftener availing herself of this means of punishing her enemies, and asserts that she never retaliated on du Guast, makes the following admission (v. 187): ‘Il est vray que lors qu’on l’eut tué, et qu’on luy vint annoncer, elle estant malade’ (she had a bad cold, Mémoires, p. 66), ‘elle dict seulement “Je suis bien marrie que je ne suis bien guerie pour de joye solemniser sa mort.”’ In her Mémoires (p. 79), she alludes to du Guast’s death only incidentally, but at the same time leaves on record unmistakeable evidence of her feelings towards him. ‘Le Guast lors estoit mort, ayant esté tué par un jugement de Dieu, pendant qu’il suoit une diette, comme aussy c’estoit un corps gasté de toutes sortes de villanies, qui fust donné à la pourriture qui des longtemps le possedoit, et son ame aux dæmons, à qui il avoit faict hommage par magie et toutes sortes de meschancetez.’

[102] See note 2, p. 64.

[103] The word in the text is Casteldunum (Châteaudun), but this must be a misprint or mistake, as Châteaudun is on the other side of the Loire, and a long way from Poitiers. From a journal kept by an Avocat of Saint-Maixent in Poitou, we are able to fix Alençon at La Guerche, which is close to Châtelherault, on October 1. Châtelherault is therefore probably the place intended. See Le Riche, p. 238.

[104] The Duke of Guise seems hardly to have deserved the credit he acquired at the battle of Château Thierry. With 10,000 infantry and 1,000 heavy cavalry, he attacked Thoré, whose troops did not number more than 2,500; even of these some had been tampered with and went over to the Duke. Neither was the way in which he received the wound which gave him the soubriquet of ‘le Balafré’ much to his credit as a soldier. The struggle had been decided, and he was engaged in hunting down one of the fugitives in a thicket of brambles, when the man turned and shot him in the face. See Thuanus, iii. 105-6.

‘Le mardi 11^e octobre, le seingneur de Fervacques arriva á Paris, et apporta nouvelles au Roy de deux mille, que Reistres, que François, conduits par M. de Thoré, desfaits par le duc de Guise, près Fismes, en passant la rivière de Marne au-dessus de Dormans. Dont le Roy fait chanter le Te Deum solennel. Ceste desfaite estoit avenue le jour de devant 10^e octobre, entre Dameri et Dormans, dont le bruit fust plus grand que l’effait; car il n’y mourust point cinquante hommes de part et d’autre, et après que deux ou trois cornettes de Reistres, prattiquées par argent, eurent fait semblant de se rendre à la merci du duc de Guise, le seingneur de Thoré passa sain et sauf à Nogent-sur-Seine avec mil ou douze cens chevaux, et s’alla rendre à M. le Duc (d’Alençon) à Vatan. Le duc de Guise, en ceste rencontre, par un simple soldat à pied qu’il attaqua, fut grièvement blessé d’une harquebuzade, qui lui emporta une grande partie de la joue et de l’aureille gauche.’—De l’Estoile, i. 91.

[105] Giovanni Michel, the Venetian Ambassador, paid his respects to Busbecq’s Queen, and has left an interesting notice of her appearance in her white widow’s dress. ‘I was most cordially received by the Queen, the wife of the late King, and daughter of the Emperor. She knew me at once, and appeared delighted to see me. She looked very well in her widow’s dress.’—Ambassadeurs Vénitiens, ii. 220.

[106] John von Manderschiet Blankenheim, Bishop of Strasburg, 1572-92. The town of Saverne was an appanage of the Bishopric, and here in later times the Bishops of Strasburg had a magnificent château.

[107] ‘Limer, or Lime-hound, the same as Bloud-hound, a great dog to hunt the wild boar.’—World of Words.

[108] Gaspard de Schomberg, Comte de Nanteuil, was descended from a German family of Meissen, but educated at Angers, in France. In 1562 he fought in defence of the last-named town on the Protestant side. He afterwards entered the royal service and fought for the king at Moncontour. He was next employed on a mission to the German Princes to induce them to form a league against Spain. He accompanied Henry III. to Poland, as his Seneschal. He was one of those who persuaded Henry IV. to go to Mass, and took a prominent part in the negotiations for peace between him and his rebellious subjects. He was on several occasions employed as the agent of the French Government for raising German troops. When Busbecq saw him he had just come to Paris with Bassompierre and Count Mansfeldt to conclude a bargain with the King for a levy of 8,000 mercenaries.

The Kinskys were an ancient Bohemian family. Perhaps, in the course of his negotiations for hiring German troops, Schomberg had some dealings with Maximilian’s protégé.

[109] This was no exaggeration, as the following extract from the Diary of a contemporary will show: ‘Le lundi 5^e décembre, la Roine veufve, madame Ysabel d’Austriche, partist de Paris, pour s’en retourner à Vienne, chés son père et sa mère: et lui bailla le Roy messieurs de Luxembourg, comte de Rais, et l’évesque de Paris, pour l’accompagner: qui la rendirent entre les mains des députés par l’Empereur son père, pour la recevoir à Nanci en Lorraine. Elle fut fort aimée et honorée par les François tant qu’elle demeura en France, nommément par le peuple de Paris, lequel, plorant et gémissant à son départ, disoit qu’elle emportoit avec elle le bonheur de la France.’—De l’Estoile, i. 95.

Miss Freer (Henry III., vol. ii. p. 40), says ‘the Queen quitted Paris during the first week of August, 1575.’ She was led into this error by the description given by Godefroy (Le Cérémonial François, i. 927) of Elizabeth’s entrance into Orleans on August 21, and has confounded her journey to Amboise (see p. 96), with her return to Germany.

[110] I.e., Hither Austria. The possessions of the House of Hapsburg in Swabia and Alsace.

[111] This is the lady who refused to marry Henry VIII. because she had only one head! See note p. 63.

[112] The incidental touches, in which Busbecq makes us acquainted with the character of his mistress, require some little additions in order to place before the reader an adequate idea of this good and interesting lady. She was born June 5, 1554, and was consequently a baby of a few months old when Busbecq started for the East. She was married to Charles IX. of France, Nov. 26, 1570, when she was but sixteen. In her new sphere she quickly won the respect and love of all who knew her. Two years after her marriage, and just before the birth of her daughter, came the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew. During that awful night she was quietly sleeping, unaware of the horrors that were passing around her. Next morning she heard the news, ‘Hélas, dit-elle soudain, le Roy mon mary, le sçait-il?—Ouy, madame, repondit-on: c’est luy mesme qui le fait faire.—O mon Dieu! s’escria-t-elle, qu’est cecy? et quels conseillers sont ceux-là qui luy ont donné tel advis? Mon Dieu, je te supplie et te requiers de luy vouloir pardonner; car, si tu n’en as pitié, j’ay grande peur que cette offense ne luy soit pas pardonnée.’—Brantôme, v. 297.

During her husband’s last illness it was noticed that when she came to see him she did not take a seat by his pillow, but chose the position from which she could best gaze at the loved features; she did not speak, no sound passed her lips, but ever and anon she raised her handkerchief to her face, and wiped away the silent tears; even the hardened courtiers were touched by this picture of agony suppressed. After her husband’s death it was observed by one of the women of her bedchamber that she constantly took the little silver candlestick, which served as a night-light, inside the curtains of her bed, and as soon as she thought her attendants were asleep, she knelt up to read and pray. It is interesting to find that during her widowhood she became a diligent reader of the Bible. After her return to Vienna she founded the Nunnery of Santa Clara, where she resided till the time of her death, which took place January 22, 1592, in the 38th year of her age. See vol. i. p. 70.

One story yet remains to be told. She had known Marguerite de Valois in the pride of her beauty; towards the end of her days she heard of her as an outcast from her family, poor and desolate. If her own relations deserted her, her sister-in-law was not forgetful of the poor fallen woman. She not only sent her kind messages, but most generously bestowed on her one half of her French revenues. It seems strange that so warm and loving a nature should ever have been accused of heartlessness (see note, p. 56). In spite of the silence and reserve which marked her character she was, beyond all doubt, a most affectionate daughter, a thoughtful mother, and a devoted wife.

[113] Cosmo Gienger, a distinguished soldier, who fought against the Turks. He was at this time vice-dominus of Austria. He died in 1592, aged 77.

[114] See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part V. ch. v.

[115] For the outrages committed by Alençon’s troops in French territory see De l’Estoile, ii. 13-14.

[116] Just six years have elapsed since Busbecq conducted his Royal mistress to Vienna. The reason suggested (vol. i. p. 67) may perhaps partly account for this gap in the correspondence. Meanwhile he had been engaged in watching the Queen’s interests in France, and no doubt also in enforcing the admirable rule of which he was probably the suggester. The Queen had the right of appointing certain officers and judges in the towns and districts from which her revenues were derived. Such posts were commonly bought and sold, but Elizabeth gave strict directions that no such traffic should be allowed with regard to the appointments of which she had the patronage. See Thuanus, iii. 87.

[117] Charlotte de Bourbon, Princess of Orange, died May 5, 1582. For this letter see Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part VI. ch. v. See also p. 66.

[118] A great many Albanians (Epirotes) were serving in the Spanish cavalry, see Strada, and also Motley, United Netherlands, ii. 47-51, and iii. 108, where a gigantic Albanian is mentioned.

[119] In 1578 Sebastian, the boy King of Portugal (see p. 30, note), was killed in battle against the Moors on the field of Alcazar. By his death the crown devolved on his uncle Henry, the Cardinal, who, though nearly seventy years old, at first thought of marrying; this project was stopped by Philip of Spain; he then appointed a council of regency to arrange the succession. The two most prominent candidates were Philip of Spain, who had the best right by blood, but who was most unpopular in Portugal, and Don Antonio, Prior of Crato, the illegitimate son of Luis, Duke of Beja, brother of the reigning King. Don Antonio received the support of the representatives of the people, but, on the death of Henry in 1580, he was quickly driven out of Portugal by Alva, and took refuge alternately in France and England, where he received countenance and support from Henry III. and Elizabeth. The French expedition to the Azores is frequently mentioned in Busbecq’s letters. The importance of these islands consisted in their affording a station for ships coming home either from America or India. We learn from a contemporary historian (Histoire de Portugal, 1610), that Catherine de Medici had agreed with Antonio to accept Brazil in settlement of her claims on the Portuguese throne (see note, page 161), hence the interest which she took in this expedition, at the head of which she placed her gallant cousin Philip Strozzi, with de Brissac, son of the Maréchal de Brissac, as his lieutenant. They were attacked off St. Michael’s by a greatly superior force of Spanish ships under Santa Cruz; de Brissac cut his way through and escaped, Don Antonio contrived to be absent, and Strozzi and Don Antonio’s Constable, the Count of Vimioso, were wounded and captured. The latter, being a relation of Santa Cruz, was kindly treated, but died two days later of his wounds. Strozzi, according to some accounts, was treated with great barbarity; at any rate he was thrown overboard by the orders of the Spanish Admiral. His gallant end, and the cruelty of his captors, excited a strong feeling in France, which found expression in epigrams, of which the following is a specimen.

‘Qui a l’or et l’argent du ciel pour couverture Et du grand Océan le saphir pour tombeau, Embaumé d’un renom et los illustre et beau, Marrannes, n’a besoin de vostre sepulture.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 79.

An old historian speaks of these epigrams as ‘tumbeaux cizelez de la plume,’ and of this specimen as one to which none but a Spaniard could object.

[120] The Andalusian fleet under Martinez de Recalde, one of the chiefs of the Spanish Armada.

[121] It is interesting to find Raleigh criticising Strozzi’s tactics in fighting at close quarters with the huge galleons of Spain. It would appear that the engagement supplied a warning to the captains who five years later baffled the Armada. See Historie of the World, p. 791.

[122] Prince Dauphin of Auvergne, son of Louis de Bourbon, Duc de Montpensier and Dauphin d’Auvergne. He distinguished himself at Jarnac, Moncontour, and Ivry. Died in 1592.

[123] The brother of Admiral Coligny. His son succeeded to the County of Laval in right of his mother, Claude de Rieux.

[124] See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part VI. chap. vi. According to Motley, Parma received a severe check. Froude tells us that Norris and the English repulsed the Spanish forces after the States’ troops had fled. History of England, chap. lxvi.

[125] The Earl of Morton, late Regent of Scotland, was executed on a charge of being an accomplice in the murder of Darnley. His ruin was brought about by Comte d’Aubigny, then Earl and afterwards Duke of Lennox. See Froude, History of England, chap. lxiii.

[126] See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part VI. chap. vi.

[127] See note 2, page 9.

[128] The case of Salceda was one which greatly exercised the mind of de Thou, the historian, who ascribes the death of his father Christopher de Thou to vexation at finding his advice neglected when the ruffian was brought to trial. Salceda had been condemned to death by the Parliament of Rouen, for forging money. The Guises, who had need of his services, obtained his pardon, or to speak more correctly perhaps, a suspension of his sentence, for his pardon was not registered by the Parliament of Rouen, though granted by the King. His mission, according to Motley, was to poison Alençon and Orange, but according to Salceda’s own confession he was to join Alençon with some troops, gain his confidence, and get himself appointed to the command of Dunkirk or some other strong place, which he was to betray to the Guises. These last were then to rise and compel the King to place them at the head of his army which they intended to lead against Alençon and Orange. On being arrested Salceda made various confessions implicating the Guises and other leading men in France. Christopher de Thou, President of the Parliament of Paris, one of those before whom he was tried, was convinced that there was a great deal of truth in Salceda’s statements, and was most anxious that his life should be spared with a view to bringing others to justice, but too many great people were interested in stopping the mouth of their unfortunate tool, and he was therefore executed. It is probable that the story of an attempt to poison Alençon and Orange was a mere veil to cover the grounds on which he was executed. The fact that a distinguished Netherlander, Lamoral Egmont, cousin of the French Queen, and son of the famous general, was concerned in Salceda’s plot, seems to point to the accuracy of de Thou’s version. It is evident that Busbecq thought there was something more in the matter than appeared on the surface. Compare Thuanus, iii. 565-566, and especially the account in his life. De vita suâ, 27-31. Miss Freer gives a very full and interesting account of Salceda’s conspiracy; see Henry III. vol. ii. pp. 304-319.

[129] The following note was made by one who was in all probability an eye-witness: ‘Quand Tanchou, lieutenant de robbe courte, présent à l’exécution avec ses archers, vinst dire au Roy que sur le bas eschaffaut, sur lequel estoit son corps quand il fust tiré, il s’estoit fait deslier les deux mains pour signer sa dernière confession, qui estoit qu’il n’estoit rien de toutes les charges qu’il avoit mises sus aux plus grands de ce roiaume, le Roy s’escria: “O le meschant homme! voire le plus meschant dont j’aye onques ouï parler!” Ce disoit le Roy, pource qu’à la dernière question qui luy avoit esté baillée (où le Roy avoit assisté caché derrière une tapisserie), il lui avoit ouï jurer et affermer, au milieu des tortures, que tout ce qu’il avoit dit contre eux estoit vrai (comme beaucoup l’ont creu et le croient encores aujourdhui, veu les tragœdies qui se sont jouées en France par les accusés.)’—De l’Estoile, ii. 75.

[130] See note 2, p. 152.

[131] See note 3, p. 124.

[132] La Noue. The famous Bras de fer. See note 2, p. 21. For an interesting account of his captivity, see Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part VI. chap. iv. Parma was offered Count Egmont and de Selles (see Letter XLV.), in exchange for La Noue; his answer was that he would not give a lion for two sheep. Philip expressed his willingness to restore his illustrious captive to liberty if he would consent to have his eyes put out. Busbecq must have felt some little grudge against this gallant soldier, for three years before, 1579, he had stormed Comines and established himself in the castle of the Halluins. Bousbecque was also occupied by his troops. See Dalle, Histoire de Bousbecque, p. 247.

[133] The following is an account of one of the royal pilgrimages: ‘L’onziesme jour d’avril, qui estoit le lendemain de Pasques, le Roy avec la Roine son espouse partirent de Paris à pied et allèrent à Chartres, et de Chartres à Cleri, faire leurs prières et offrandes à la Belle Dame révérée solemneilement ès églises desdits lieux, à ce que, par son intercession, il pleust à Dieu leur donner la masle lignée que tant ils désiroient. D’où ils furent de retour à Paris, le 24^e dudit mois, tous deux bien las et aians les plantes des pieds bien ampoullés d’avoir fait tant de chemin à pied.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 121.

[134] See Letter XXVII. and note.

[135] I.e., a son and heir.

[136] St. Luc had been one of the ‘mignons’ of Henry III. An amusing story is told of his fall from favour. The King had procured him a bride in the daughter of Maréchal de Brissac; when they were married she objected to her husband’s taking part in the dissipations of the Court. St. Luc, anxious to remain in the Court circle, and at the same time desirous of gratifying his wife, determined to frighten Henry into reforming his ways. Accordingly he had a secret passage cut through the panels of the King’s bedchamber, and one night presented himself dressed up in the character of an angel. With a piece of brass piping he imitated the scene of Belshazzar’s feast, and threatened the King with a most horrible fate if he did not reform his ways. The King was completely taken in and thoroughly frightened. For sometime afterwards, whenever it thundered, the King imagined it to be the sign of his approaching doom, and took refuge under the beds, and in the cellars of the palace. Unfortunately for St. Luc he could not keep the joke to himself; at last the King heard of it, his fears were relieved, and his favourite was dismissed.

[137] ‘Il arriva de mesme à M. de Sainct-Luc à Anvers, dans la chambre de M. d’Alençon, luy estant en son cabinet; mais le prince d’Orange en vit le jeu en sortant, qui fut contre le sieur de Gauville, où il y eut quelques coups, dont le prince d’Orange s’en estonna, et dit que telles choses ne furent jamais veues ny faites en la chambre, ny salle, ny logis de l’Empereur son maistre; autrement il eust mal basté pour les délinquants.’—Brantôme, vi. 136.

‘Il arriva de mesmes à M. de Sainct-Luc, brave et vaillant seigneur certes. Ayant esté deffié et appellé par M. de Gauville, dont j’ay parlé cy-devant, estans tous deux à Anvers au service de Monsieur, ainsi qu’il alloit resolu au combat, et qu’il vouloit sortir hors la ville, fut arresté par La Vergne, capitaine de la garde françoise de Monsieur.’—Brantôme, vi. 182.

[138] Busbecq too received a gold chain from the King, which he afterwards lost. See p. 132.

[139] See p. 158. The phrase ‘coining money’ is a joke.

[140] Catherine de Medici’s claim was through her mother, a lady of the House of Auvergne and Boulogne; in order to establish it she had to go back more than 300 years to the first marriage of Alphonso III. to the widow of a Count of Boulogne. Catherine alleged there were children of this marriage from one of whom she was descended. Some have thought that her only object was to show that she came of royal and ancient descent; this may have been the motive in part, but there can be no doubt that she hoped to exchange her visionary claim for some substantial advantage; thus, as has been already stated, she was willing to sell her pretensions to Don Antonio for Brazil. (See note p. 146). She was eager also to get an offer from Philip in satisfaction of her claims. ‘Je ne diray jamais ce que je demande, au contraire, attendrai ses offres qu’il fault qui soient raisonnables, puis qu’il est saisy et occupateur de ce que je pretendz m’appartenir.’—Lettre de la Reine Mère à Longlée, January 16, 1585, quoted by Motley, United Netherlands, i. 104. Henry threatened to retaliate by accepting the sovereignty of the Netherlands, if Philip did not compromise the matter. Catherine de Medici’s pretensions to the Crown of Portugal were an important factor in the politics of the time. See Histoire de Portugal, 1610, and Motley, United Netherlands, i. 101-105.

[141] ‘The largest unbroken plain in Belgium is called Campine, and comprises the north-east portion of Antwerp, and north-west of Limburg.’ Mac Culloch, Geographical Dictionary.

[142] One of the steps in Alençon’s scheme for the seizure of Antwerp not noticed by Motley.

[143] These troubles were occasioned by Gebhard Truchsess von Waldburg, Archbishop of Cologne, having fallen in love with Agnes Mansfeld. He married her and became a Protestant, but tried notwithstanding to keep his see and electorate. See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part VI. ch. vi., and United Netherlands, i. 31, 32, and elsewhere. For a full account, see Thuanus, iii. 582-8.

[144] See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part VI. ch. vi.

[145] Busbecq hesitates to accept what is now known to have been Alençon’s version of the affair.

[146] It seems probable that Busbecq’s diplomacy was directed towards securing the governorship of the Netherlands to a member of the Austrian house. Hence his dislike of French interference. (Letters I. and X.) Ernest did ultimately become Governor of the Netherlands in 1594.

[147] Jean Bodin was Alençon’s chancellor, and acted as his adviser during the Prince’s stay in England and the Netherlands. After Alençon’s death he settled down at Laon where he used his influence in favour of the League; after a time he changed his views, and induced the citizens to declare in favour of Henry IV. He was the author of a treatise On the Republic in six books, and other works.

[148] Catherine de Medici and Mary Queen of Scots; the latter, before her execution, disposed of money due to her from the King of France. See Froude, History of England, chap. lxix.

[149] See Letter XLIX, note.

[150] See note, p. 82.

[151] See De l’Estoile, ii. 29.

[152] We see from this notice of Busbecq’s that Alençon intended making Dunkirk the seat of his Government. It is not referred to by Motley, but Ranke regards it as a most important piece of information. See Civil Wars and Monarchy in France, chap. xx.

[153] Daughter of William by his first marriage. Her brother Philip William had been carried off into Spain by Philip II.’s orders. She eventually married Count Hohenlo.

[154] This order was called the Penitents of the Annunciation, because it was first instituted at that festival. The members of the fraternity used on certain occasions to go in procession from church to church, walking two and two, and wearing sacks of different colours, the knights of the King blue, the knights of St. Michael black, and the rest white. They were distinguished from similar associations, which were numerous at that time, by having their faces covered with a mask, and a large whip hanging from their girdles. The cross was generally carried by the Cardinal de Guise, who had as his acolytes the Chancellor and the Keeper of the Seals (i.e. Birague and Cheverny.)

[155] Maurice Poncet. The King and his courtiers had gone in procession on a wet day. Poncet, in allusion to their dress, quoted a French proverb as to the folly of trying to keep off rain with wet sackcloth. He was rewarded for his temerity by imprisonment in the monastery of St. Peter at Melun. See Thuanus, iii. 627.

[156] ‘Le 29^e mars, le Roy fist fouetter, au Louvre, jusques à six vingts, que pages, que laquais, qui en la Salle Basse du Louvre avoient contrefait la procession des Penitents, aians mis leurs mouschoirs devant leurs visages, avec des trous à l’endroit des yeux.’—De l’Estoile., ii. 112.

[157] See Letter XXIX.

[158] Edmund Auger, the King’s confessor. He was not favourably disposed towards the League, and on this account was recalled by his superiors. See Thuanus, iii. 626. De l’Estoile, who detested him, declares that he was originally a juggler, ‘basteleur.’

[159] See Motley, United Netherlands, i. 342.

[160] See Strada, ii. 261-2.

[161] For his real object, see Thuanus, iii. 630-631. He tried to obtain the Pope’s approval of a scheme for attacking Montmorency, Governor of Languedoc, and met with a refusal and rebuke. See Letter XXXII.

[162] See Strada, ii. 264.

[163] Busbecq was evidently on the watch for some turn in the affairs of the Netherlands which might tend to the advantage of the House of Austria. He did not care for decisive Spanish successes. See Letter XLI.

[164] See Letter XXI., note.

[165] De Viteaux was the murderer of du Guast, see page 116. The duel is described by Brantôme at great length; he had an account of it from Seigneur Jacques Ferron, who had acted as fencing-master to young Millaud, de Viteaux’s antagonist. Ferron climbed up a tall walnut tree in order to get a good view of the contest. Brantôme was a great admirer of de Viteaux. ‘Ainsi mourut ce brave baron, le parangon de France, qu’on nommoit tel, à bien venger ses querelles par grandes et determinées resolutions. Il n’estoit pas seulement estimé en France, mais en Italie, Espaigne, Allemaigne, en Pouloigne et Angleterre; et desiroient fort les estrangers venant en France le voir; car je l’ay veu, tant sa renommée volloit. Il estoit fort petit de corps, mais fort grand de courage. Ses ennemis disoient qu’il ne tuoit pas bien ses gens que par advantages et supercheries. Certes, je tiens de grands capitaines, et mesmes d’italiens, qui sont estez d’autresfois les premiers vengeurs du monde, in ogni modo, disoient-ils, qui ont tenu ceste maxime, qu’une supercherie ne se devoit payer que par semblable monnoye, et n’y alloit point là de deshonneur.’—Brantôme, vi. 89.

[166] ‘Le mercredi 15^e febvrier, le baron de Viteaux, revenant sur le soir du Louvre, fut chargé, en la rue Saint-Germain, près le fort l’Evesque, par dix ou douze hommes de cheval, bien montés et armés à l’avantage. Et mist ledit Viteaux brusquement la main à l’espée, et, vaillamment se défendant, se retira enfin sain et sauf.... On eust cette opinion que ceste charge avoit esté faicte par le jeune Millaud, désirant venger la mort de son père.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 105.

[167] Brantôme gives a long list of de Viteaux’s achievements. He adds—‘S’il eust vescu, il en vouloit tuer encores deux que je sçay bien, qui, je croy, ne regrettérent guieres sa mort ... et possible s’il eust eschappé de ce combat, il fust tumbé en une embuscade qu’on luy avoit préparée, comme j’ay sceu despuis: car il commençoit à estre plus craint qu’aymé de quelques très-grands et très-grandes: si que ce trait du meurtre de M. du Guast fut estimé de grande résolution et asseurance.’—Brantôme, vi. 86-95.

[168] In the early part of 1575 Montal, the governor of Lower Auvergne, was killed in a defile by the cavaliers of Magdelene de Senetaire, the widow of Guy de Saint-Exupery, Seigneur de Miraumont. ‘Cette Amazone, l’une des merveilles de son siécle pour la beauté, mais encore plus pour le courage et pour la vertu, avoit toûjours auprés d’elle soixante jeunes Gentils-hommes en bon équipage, qui s’efforçant tous à l’envy de meriter l’honneur de son estime, faisoient voir dans leur petite troupe l’échantillon de cette verité autrefois énoncée par un Ancien, Qu’une armée composée d’Amans seroit invincible.’—Mezeray, iii. 375.

The Latin is Montenellus, and we have identified him with Montal on the authority of de Foy; his case, however, hardly furnishes a parallel to the death of de Viteaux, and possibly Louvier de Montrevel (or Maurevert) is intended, who was killed about this time by the son of a man he had assassinated. This atrocious scoundrel had been like Besme (see p. 99) a page in the household of Guise, had murdered the governor of the pages and deserted. In spite of his crime he was readmitted to his old position, and undertook to murder Coligny. With this object he deserted to the Huguenots, and was most kindly received by Moüy, governor of Niort, who shared with him his bed, his board, and his purse. Unable to find an opportunity of assassinating the Admiral, Montrevel murdered his benefactor in the most dastardly manner. Mezeray draws a parallel between him and de Viteaux, who had at least the redeeming quality of courage. See Mezeray, iii. 224 and 555.

[169] Bussy d’Amboise was a notorious duellist. On one occasion, for instance, a gentleman named Saint-Phal was looking at a piece of embroidery, and made the innocent remark that a certain letter worked on it was X; Bussy, in order to provoke a quarrel, insisted that it was Y. The upshot of the dispute was a duel with six champions on either side; at the first meeting Bussy was slightly wounded, on which Saint-Phal withdrew from the combat. Bussy endeavoured to arrange another meeting, but was prevented by the King.

His end was as follows. The King obtained some letters of Bussy’s boasting of an intrigue with a married lady, and showed them to her husband, the Count of Monsoreau. The latter carried off his wife to a lonely castle and compelled her to write a letter to Bussy, inviting him to visit her. He fell into the trap, and was murdered by a band of assassins as soon as he entered the castle. No one regretted him, not even Alençon, to whom he had attached himself.—Ambassadeurs Vénetiens, ii. 453.

Bussy’s sister Renée afterwards married Balagny (see Letter XXIX.) on condition that he would avenge her brother, a promise he never fulfilled. She is the heroine of Cambrai described by Motley, United Netherlands, iii. 350, 351.

[170] For the real reason of this outburst, see Letters XXII. XXIX. The King suspected her of causing his despatches to be intercepted and his messenger murdered. Whether Margaret was guilty of this murder or not, she was capable of such acts. See note, p. 116.

[171] ‘La dame de Duras et la damoiselle de Bethune.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 130.

[172] Jacques de Harlay, Seigneur de Chanvallon, was the reputed father of Marguerite’s son.

[173] One of the chief objects of the first expedition of Santa Cruz to the Azores (see Letter VI.) was to provide for the safety of the fleet which was expected from India. Telles Silva, having secured Goa and the other Portuguese possessions in India for Spain, despatched a messenger, Jerome Lima, to Philip by an overland route, viâ Ormuz, Bagdad, Aleppo, Jerusalem, and Tripoli, to inform him of his plans. Matters appear to have been well timed by the Spaniards, for shortly after the defeat of Strozzi the Indian fleet hove in sight, and Santa Cruz, after throwing a garrison into St. Michael, escorted the convoy to Lisbon. Don Antonio was thus left master of the other islands, but, as has already been seen, he quickly decamped, leaving Emmanuel Silva in command. The following year the French sent their second expedition, consisting of 600 men under de Chattes, Knight of Malta; on reaching Terceira this gallant officer strongly urged the Portuguese commander to concentrate his troops in some strong place, as he saw no hope of preventing the Spaniards, who were shortly expected, from disembarking. Silva refused to take his advice; Santa Cruz succeeded in landing, and after a sharp engagement the French, who were deserted by their Portuguese allies, were driven into the interior.

De Chattes asked Silva to join him, suggesting that with their united forces they would be able to offer a better resistance or secure better terms. Silva returned a most insolent answer, telling him to join the Spaniards, and boasting that he and his Portuguese were a match for them both, meanwhile he sent to Santa Cruz, offering to surrender and betray his French allies. This proposition the Spanish admiral forwarded to de Chattes by a man who had served with the latter at Malta. De Chattes no longer hesitated to accept the liberal terms offered by Santa Cruz, and surrendered with 400 men, on condition of their keeping their side arms, and being sent back to France. Silva was quickly hunted down, tortured, and executed. The French who had been taken prisoners before the surrender of the main body were sent to the galleys. See Thuanus, iii. 637-642.

[174] The father of Casimir. See note, page 15.

[175] ‘Le 10^e septembre, vindrent à Paris, en forme de procession, huict ou neuf cens, qu’hommes, que femmes, que garsons, que filles, vestus de toile blanche, aveq mantelets aussi de toile sur leurs espaules, portans chapeaux ou de feutre gris chamarrés de bandes de toile, ou tous couvers de toile sur leurs testes, et en leurs mains les uns des cierges et chandelles de cire ardens, les autres des croix de bois, et marchoient deux à deux, chantans en la forme des pénitens ou pélerins allans en pélerinage. Ils estoient habitans des villages de S. Jean des deux Gemeaux et d’Ussy, en Brie, près la Ferté Gaucher. Et estoient conduis par les deux gentilshommes des deux villages susdits, vestus de mesme parure, qui les suivoient à cheval, et leurs damoiselles aussi vestues de mesmes, dedans ung coche. Le peuple de Paris accourut à grande foule pour les voir venans faire leurs prières et offrandes en la grande église de Paris, esmeu de pitié et commisération, leur voiant faire tels pénitenciaux et dévocieux voyages pieds nuds, et en longueur et rigueurs des chemins. Ils disoient avoir esté meus à faire ces pénitences et pélerinages pour quelque feux apparans en l’air et autres signes, comme prodiges veus au ciel et en la terre, mesmes vers les quartiers des Ardennes, d’où estoient venus les premiers tels pélerins et pénitens, jusques au nombre de 10 ou 12 mille, à Nostre-Dame de Reims et de Liesse, pour mesme occasion.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 134.

[176] Busbecq regarded his books as personal friends; see the end of the 2nd Turkish letter (vol. i. p. 191). He will not have them slighted! De Foy omits this letter from his translation on the ground that it has no historic interest. His real reason is evidently his inability to reconcile its statements with his own notes on Letter XII., in which he explains Busbecq’s appeal for a settlement as to the Greek manuscripts, by supposing that they had been stopped at the Venetian custom-house. For an account of these books see vol. i. p. 417.

[177] Their names are given, Thuanus, iii. 633. The King selected three Archbishops, each of whom was accompanied by a distinguished layman.

[178] Twenty-six of Busbecq’s miles (see vol. i. p. 82 note) are equivalent to about sixty English miles, which is the distance of Château Thierry from Paris.

[179] See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, P. VI. ch. vi.

[180] To those who know the history of the times, it will not be surprising that Alençon did not care to come to court. Henry III. allowed and encouraged his favourites to treat his brother in the most insolent manner, mimicking him to his face, and pointing at him. The following is the description of their behaviour at St. Luc’s wedding:—‘Le duc d’Anjou (Alençon) ne voulut point assister à la cérémonie; cependant, par complaisance pour la reine-mère, il se présenta le soir au bal, et eut tout lieu de s’en repentir.... Chacun le montroit au doigt; on le regardoit en ricanant: on se parloit de lui à l’oreille, assez haut cependant pour qu’il entendît que sa taille, son air, sa démarche étoient la matière des plaisanteries.’—Anquetil, viii. 77.

[181] The King had on a former occasion acted with great precipitation with regard to Alençon, entering his room at night, searching his bed for papers, and insisting on seeing a note which his brother with clasped hands implored him not to open. It turned out to be a billet-doux!—See Mémoires de Marguerite, 136-7.

[182] See Letter XXII.

[183] Busbecq’s opinion was amply confirmed by Balagny’s subsequent career. He established himself at Cambrai as an independent Prince.—See United Netherlands, i. 8, 100; and iii. 347-350. See also p. 227. Balagny was the son of Busbecq’s friend Jean de Montluc, Bishop of Valence (see p. 35, note 2), who considered himself married to his mother. ‘Je croy qu’il ne prit point l’ordre de Prestrise, mais il se donna la licence d’avoir une femme, dont vint Jean de Montluc-Balagny; car ayant fort pratiqué les Docteurs des nouvelles opinions, il estoit dans ce mauvais sentiment que le Celibat n’estoit pas une qualité necessaire aux Ecclesiastiques.’—Mezeray, iii. 450.

[184] As for instance du Guast, Fervaques, and Brantôme.

[185] ‘Le dimanche 13^e de novembre, le Prévost de l’Hostel et ses archers prirent prisonnières 50 ou 60, que damoiselles, que bourgeoises, contrevenant en habits et bagues à l’édit de la réformation des habits, sept ou huit mois auparavant publié, et les constituèrent prisonnières au fort l’Evesque et autres prisons fermées, où elles couchèrent, quelque remonstrance et offre de les cautionner et paier les amandes encourues que peussent faire les parens et amis: qui fut une rigœur extraordinaire et excessive, veu que par l’édit il n’y gissoit qu’une amande pécuniaire. Mais il y avoit en ce fait un tacit commandement et consentement du Roy, qui ferma la bouche aux plaintes qu’on en vouloit faire.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 139.

[186] Cardinal de Birague’s unpopularity with the Court may be partly accounted for by a very amusing story told by Thuanus. As Chancellor of France he was commanded by the King to make a speech before the Parliament asking for the confirmation of some financial measures which his Majesty had sent to them. Henry was present with all his courtiers. Whether Birague intended the sarcasm or not it is impossible to say; but to the great amusement of the ready-witted Frenchmen he said, looking round on the royal favourites, ‘Really the causes of the King’s poverty and want of money are so obvious that everyone can see them.’ He repeated the phrase again and again, amid roars of laughter. See Thuanus, iii. 626. Compare also pp. 177, 178.

The following is the opinion of his fellow officials:—‘Ce chancelier estoit Italien de nation et de religion, bien entendu aux affaires d’Estat, fort peu en la justice; de sçavoir, n’en avoit point à revendre, mais seulement pour sa provision, encores bien petitement. Au reste, libéral, voluptueux, homme du temps, serviteur absolu des volontés du Roy, aiant dit souvent qu’il n’estoit pas Chancelier de France, mais Chancelier du Roy de France, ce que son successeur a sceu encores mieux prattiquer que lui. Car il mourust pauvre pour un homme qui avoit longtemps servi les Roys de France, n’estant aucunement ambitieux, et meilleur pour ses amis et serviteurs que pour soi-mesmes. Il disoit, peu auparavant son décès, qu’il mouroit cardinal sans tiltre, prebstre sans bénéfice, et chancelier sans seaux.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 140.

[187] Philippe Hurault, Comte de Cheverny.

[188] See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part VI., chap. vi. It is interesting to compare the dates as given by Motley with Busbecq’s letter. The latter throws a fresh light on the character of the ‘roaring demagogue’ Imbize. It appears from Thuanus (iii. 646) that Imbize, to gain the favour of the people, immediately on becoming Senator, threw into prison certain citizens, whom he accused of intriguing with the Spaniards, and having betrayed the Pays de Waes to them. The trick succeeded; Imbize won the confidence of the people, and, having attained his object, yielded to Champagny’s entreaties and released the prisoners.

[189] The following is a description of Henry III. at the Carnival of 1577:—‘Il faisoit jouxtes, tournois, ballets et force masquarades, où il se trouvoit ordinairement habillé en femme, ouvroit son pourpoint et descouvroit sa gorge, y portant un collier de perles et trois collets de toile, deux à fraize et un renversé, ainsi que lors les portoient les dames de sa Cour.’—De l’Estoile, i. 180.

[190] When Throgmorton was known to have confessed, ‘there was a flight of Catholics over the Channel thick as autumn swallows.’—Froude, chap. lxv.

[191] The Earl of Northumberland—a mistake of Busbecq’s.

[192] See Froude, chap. lxv.

[193] Thuanus, iii. 679.

[194] See p. 11, and note, p. 185.

[195] Michel de Seure, Grand Prior of Champagne, a great favourite with Catherine de Medici. The following scene is described as occurring after Alençon’s sudden arrest and liberation in 1578: ‘Laquelle estant finie de cette façon, le chevalier de Seure, que la Royne ma mere avoit baillé à mon frere pour coucher en sa chambre, et qu’elle prenoit plaisir d’ouyr quelquesfois causer, pour estre d’humeur libre, et qui disoit de bonne grace ce qu’il vouloit, tenant un peu de l’humeur d’un philosophe cynique, se trouvant devant elle, elle luy demande: “Et bien, monsieur de Seure, que dictes vous de tout cecy?” “C’est trop peu,” dict-il, “pour faire à bon escient, et trop pour se jouer.” Et se tournant vers moy, sans qu’elle le peust entendre, me dit: “Je ne croy pas que ce soit icy le dernier acte de ce jeu; nostre homme (voulant parler de mon frere) me tromperoit bien, s’il en demeuroit là!”’—Mémoires de Marguerite, p. 148.

[196] ‘Le 6^e jour de mars, le Roy estant au Conseil, en son chasteau du Louvre, entra en grande colère contre le chevalier de Seure, grand-prieur de Champaigne, jusques à lui donner des coups de poing et de pied, pource que (comme il est haut à la main et furieux en sa colère) il avoit dit à Milon, seingneur de Videville, premier intendant des finances, qu’il estoit un larron et assassin du peuple de France, d’ailleurs par trop affligé, l’aiant chargé de huit millions d’escus, sous couleur de paier les debtes du Roy, qu’il disoit monter à ladite somme, combien qu’elles ne montassent qu’à cinq millions, et par ce moien surchargeoit furtivement le pauvre peuple de trois millions. Et au Roy, survenant sur ces propos, osa encores dire: “Sire, vous savez bien ce qui en est;” et lui aiant respondu le Roy qu’il ne s’en souvenoit point, fust d’abondant si temeraire que de répliquer hautement et superbement: “Si vous voulez mettre la main sur la conscience, Sire, vous savez ce qui en est.” Ce que le Roy (ne prenant pas d’ailleurs plaisir a ouïr de tels propos) print pour une forme de démenti, et par une promte colère mist la main sur ledit chevalier, l’excédant, ainsi que dit est.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 149. Michel de Seure was one of the commissioners mentioned pp. 198, 201. See Thuanus, iii. 633.

[197] Pierre de Gondi. See note, p. 40.

[198] See Froude, chap. lxvi.

[199] Strada, ii. 281.

[200] See Letter XXXII.

[201] ‘Sur la fin de ce mois (May), la Roine-mère s’en alla à Monsseaux et de là à Chasteau-Thierri, voir M. le Duc son fils, grièvement malade. Elle en revinst le premier juing, et fist apporter par eau les plus précieux meubles de son dit fils, abandonné des médecins et de tout humain secours.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 154.

[202] The secret is told us by a contemporary:—‘Le 16^e jour de may, le duc Desparnon partist de Paris par mandement et commission du Roy, pour aller en Gascongne trouver le Roy de Navarre, lui porter lettres et créance de la part de Sa Majesté, par lesquelles elle l’ammonestoit, enhortoit et prioit, pource que la vie du duc Dalençon, son frère, estoit déplorée et n’en attendoit-on de jour à autre que nouvelles de sa mort, de venir à la Cour près d’elle et d’aller à la Messe, parce qu’il le vouloit faire recongnoistre son vrai héritier et successeur de sa couronne, lui donner grade et dignité près de sa personne, tels que méritoient les qualités de beau-frère et légitime successeur de ladite couronne de France, et recevoir de lui tous les honneurs, avantages et bons traitemens que telles qualités et la bonne amitié qu’il lui portoit pouvoient requerir.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 153.

[203] This is evidently Busbecq’s verdict, which he cautiously assigns to others. Compare Motley’s sketch of Alençon, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part V. chap. v. Henry IV. expressed his opinion of Alençon as follows:—‘Un cœur double, un esprit malin, et tourné comme son corps mal bâti.’

[204] Navarre’s title to the succession was recognised in his marriage contract with Marguerite.—See Thuanus, iv. 3.

[205] I.e. Monsieur. ‘A nul appartient d’estre appellé en France simplement Monsieur, que le premier prince du sang ampres le Roy.’—Brantôme, iii. 83.

[206] Compare Thuanus, iii. 680.

[207] See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part VI. chap. vii.

[208] See Strada, ii. 306, 307. Motley, United Netherlands, i. 156.

[209] ‘Le 25^e juillet, le Roy, après avoir fait quelque séjour à Vincennes, pour y establir ses Hiéronimites, retourna à Fontainebleau, et de là prist le chemin de Lyon; où estant arrivé, osta le gouvernement de la ville au seingneur de Mandelot, et le bailla au seingneur du Bouchage, frère du duc de Joieuse.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 164.

[210] Des Pruneaux. See Motley, United Netherlands, i. 58 seq.

[211] See Motley, United Netherlands, i. 31, where this passage is quoted as Busbecq’s own opinion. Such, no doubt, it is, but, with his usual caution, he puts it in the mouth of others.

[212] A full account of Parma’s operations at Dendermonde is to be found Strada, ii. 308-11. Busbecq’s brother-in-law, Jacques de Yedeghem, had been captain, governor and high bailiff of Dendermonde (Tenremonde) during 1566 and 1567. He kept the town quiet during those troublous times, and gained the approval of the Governor-general of the Netherlands.—Dalle, Histoire de Bousbecque, p. 50.

[213] See Letter XXIX.

[214] See Letter XVIII., and note 3, p. 224.

[215] See Motley, United Netherlands, i. 113, and note p. 7.

[216] See Motley, United Netherlands, i. 21-23. Strada, ii. 317.

[217] ‘Le 19^e octobre, le Roy, de Blois, et les Roines, de Chenonceau, partirent en grand haste, pource que deux ou trois damoiselles de la Roine se trouvèrent frappées de peste; dont l’une, nommée Monmorin, en mourut. Et se trouvant Ruscellaï à Fontainebleau, au disner du Roy, et s’estant meu propos de ceste peste, et de la peur que le Roy et les Roines en avoient eue et avoient encores, il osa dire au Roy “que Sa Majesté ne devoit point craindre ceste maladie, pource que la Cour estoit une plus forte peste, sur laquelle l’autre ne pouvoit mordre.”’—De l’Estoile, ii. 172.

[218] Jean Baptiste Tassis (or Taxis) was one of Philip’s most able diplomatists. He was the son of Jean Baptiste de Tassis, who in 1545 was appointed Postmaster General throughout Germany and the Netherlands by Charles V., and whose uncle Francis had in 1516 established a riding post between Brussels and Vienna by order of the Emperor Maximilian. To his family, as Strada points out, the world is indebted for the first regular system of posting in modern times—even down to 1866 the Princes of Thurn and Taxis managed the posts of Würtemberg, Nassau, Hesse, the Hanse towns, and some other German principalities. This is the point of James I.’s complaint that ‘Spain sent him a postilion-ambassador.’ Motley seems to explain the remark by stating that Tassis was chief courier to Philip. It is hardly probable that a great ambassador would be employed in such an office. See also note, p. 28.

[219] The Kings of England claimed the same power. ‘The days on which this miracle was to be wrought were fixed at sittings of the Privy Council, and were solemnly notified by the clergy in all the parish churches of the realm. When the appointed time came, several divines in full canonicals stood round the canopy of state. The surgeon of the royal household introduced the sick. A passage from the sixteenth chapter of the Gospel of Saint Mark was read. When the words, “They shall lay hands on the sick, and they shall recover,” had been pronounced, there was a pause, and one of the sick was brought up to the King. His Majesty stroked the ulcers and swellings, and hung round the patient’s neck a white riband to which was fastened a gold coin.’—Macaulay, History of England, chap. xiv.

[220] Senlis.—Thuanus, iii. 714.

[221] The practical advantages of this plan are illustrated by the cases of Montmorency and Damville. See pp. 68, 69, 77.

[222] See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part VI. chap, iv., and Letter IX, note. He was a member of the house of St. Aldegonde, Seneschal to the King of Spain, and Lieutenant of the Royal bodyguard of Archers. He had been sent by Philip in 1578 to Don John of Austria and the States-General to negotiate peace.—Tassis, Mémoires.

[223] See Motley, United Netherlands, i. 95, note.

[224] Busbecq calls this nobleman de Herbei. This was the regular French spelling of the name. Noailles, the French ambassador to Queen Mary, always uses it. See Motley, United Netherlands, i. 98, and Froude, chap. lxvii.

[225] See Motley, United Netherlands, i. 67.

[226] His name was Ferrand. He was secretary to the King of Navarre, and asserted that he had made the attempt at the instigation of his Queen (Marguerite).—De l’Estoile, ii. 181.

[227] See Motley, United Netherlands, i. 139.

[228] See Ranke, History of Civil Wars and Monarchy in France, chap xxi.

[229] See Ranke, History of Civil Wars and Monarchy in France, chap. xxi.

[230] ‘Ligue sainte, dy-je, pourpensée et inventée par défunct Charles, Cardinal de Lorraine, voiant la lignée de Valois proche de son période, et l’occasion se présenter, sous ce beau masque et saint prétexte de religion, d’exterminer les premiers de la Maison de Bourbon et les plus proches de la Couronne, pour faire ouverte profession de ladite Religion Prétendue Réformée, et par ce moien empiéter la couronne de France, qu’ils disoient avoir esté ravie à Lotaire, dernier Roy de France de la race de Charlemagne, et à ses enfants, leurs prédécesseurs, par Hugues Capet, qui n’y pouvoit prétendre aucun droit que par la violente et injuste usurpation, par le moien de laquelle il s’en estoit emparé.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 184.

[231] This surmise was perfectly correct. See Motley, United Netherlands, i. 111.

[232] William Robert de la Marck, Duke of Bouillon and Prince of Sedan from 1574 to 1588. A Huguenot like his father. ‘Le Roy, adverti de tous ces remuemens de divers seingneurs et endroits de son roiaume, et mesmes par le duc de Bouillon, qui lui donna advis de la grande levée de gens de guerre que sous main faisoit le duc de Guise, pendant qu’il s’amusoit à baller et masquer, fist responce qu’il ne le croioit ni ne craingnoit.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 185.

[233] See Ranke, Civil Wars and Monarchy in France, chap. xxi.

[234] See Motley, United Netherlands, i. 117.

[235] They asked that the Estates should meet once every three years.—Ranke, Civil Wars and Monarchy in France, chap. xxi.

[236] Sixtus V. was elected Pope the day before this letter was written. Gregory XIII., who died on April 10, though he was reported to have approved of the Catholic Princes taking up arms in defence of their religion (see Sismondi, xx. 150), yet refused to issue any Bull in their favour. ‘Ce Pape n’avoit jamais adhéré à la levée des armes de la Ligue, et peu de jours avant sa mort, avoit dit au cardinal d’Est, que la Ligue n’auroit ni Bulle, ni Bref, ni Lettres de lui, jusques à ce qu’il vid plus clair en leurs brouilleries.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 190. The statement in the text must therefore be a canard started by the Leaguers.

[237] Compare vol. i. 219, 220. For the war between Turkey and Persia, see Creasy, History of the Ottoman Turks, chap, xii, and Von Hammer, bks. xxxviii. and xl. Peace was concluded in 1590, Persia ceding Tabriz, Shirwan, and Georgia.

[238] Philippe Emmanuel, Marquis de Nomeny, son of Nicolas Comte de Vaudemont and Duc de Mercœur, married Marie, daughter and heiress of Sebastian de Luxembourg, Vicomte de Martigues and Duc de Penthièvre. (See page 80.) He succeeded his father as Duc de Mercœur in 1577, and was appointed Governor of Brittany in 1582. During the civil wars after Henry III.’s death, he aspired to make himself independent. With this view he negotiated with Philip II., and introduced Spanish troops into Brittany. He maintained his position till 1598, when he was obliged to surrender to Henry IV. He then entered the service of the Emperor Rodolph, and fought in Hungary against the Turks. He died at Nuremberg on his way home in 1602. His only daughter and heiress was married to Cæsar, Duc de Vendôme, Henry IV.’s son by Gabrielle d’Estrées. In a caricature described by de l’Estoile (ii. 230) representing the chiefs of the League, the motto given to the Duc de Mercœur is ‘Symbolum ingratitudinis.’

[239] See Letter XXXVII.

[240] For Lansac’s piracies, see De l’Estoile, ii. 361.

[241] Charles de Cossé-Brissac, nephew of Maréchal Cossé (p. 8). He acted as Strozzi’s lieutenant (see note p 146). Froude in his account of the French expedition to the Azores calls him ‘the Huguenot de Brissac,’ whereas he was one of the chiefs of the League. For his attempted seizure of Angers, see Mezeray, iii. 769, 770. He was appointed Governor of Paris by Mayenne at the request of the Spanish Ambassadors in 1594. Mezeray, iii. 1101-2.

[242] See note 1, p. 260.

[243] See Ranke, Civil Wars and Monarchy in France, chap. xxii.

[244] The Marquis of Richebourg and the Seigneur de Billy, a distinguished Portuguese officer, were both killed. See Motley, United Netherlands, i. 191-196.

[245] See Thuanus, iv. 10.

[246] See Froude, chap. lxvii.

[247] The grant was made by the deputies of the Clergy assembled at the Abbey of Saint-Germain des Prés, on October 2, and on the 16th, a second Edict against the Huguenots was published ordering them to conform or leave the kingdom within fifteen days.—De l’Estoile, ii. 213.

[248] See Thuanus, iv. 50 seq.

[249] The Seigneur de Tavannes, appointed Governor by the League. See De l’Estoile, ii. 216.

[250] Dated August 28, 1585. Published in Paris towards the end of September.—De l’Estoile, ii. 210. See Motley, United Netherlands, i. 132.

[251] Brother of the Prince de Condé. After his uncle’s death he assumed the title of Cardinal de Bourbon, see note, page 7.

[252] M. Savary de Lancosme, nephew of M. de Villequier, one of the King’s favourites.

[253] ‘Paris est divisé comme en trois villes par la riviere de Seine qui passe au milieu.... L’autre partie, qui est à gauche de ladicte riviere, est nommée l’Université.’—Palma Cayet, Histoire de la Ligue, i. 251. The four faubourgs were those of St. Germain, St. Jacques, St. Marceau, and St. Victor.

The famous La Noue on this occasion attempted to enter Paris by wading along the side of the Seine immediately under the Tour de Nesle, so as to land on the Quai des Augustins. Unfortunately, he rashly led the way himself, and keeping too close to the foot of the tower, where the water happened to be deepest, suddenly got out of his depth, and was nearly drowned. The enterprise consequently proved a failure.

[254] The Cardinal de Bourbon, Henry IV.’s uncle, the Prince de Joinville, son and successor to Henry, Duke of Guise, and the Duc d’Elbœuf had been arrested by Henry III.’s orders, on December 23, 1588, the day of Guise’s assassination. Others, who had been arrested at the same time, had been executed, had escaped, or had been released, but these three still remained in close custody. The Cardinal was confined at Fontenay, and the two Dukes at Tours.

[255] Between this letter and the last intervenes a period of nearly four years. See vol. i. p. 69. From the purchase-deed of the Seigneury of Bousbecque and Parma’s Sauve-garde (see Appendix), we know that Busbecq continued to reside in France as the agent of Elizabeth. This letter was written three months after the assassination of Henry III. After that event Navarre had been obliged to retreat to Normandy pursued by the Duke of Mayenne. The latter, however, after his attack on Henry at Arques had failed, retired to Amiens and left the way open for his enemy to make a dash on Paris.

[256] The governor was de Maillé-Brezé, Seigneur de Benehart; and the monk was a cordelier named Robert Chessé or Jessé. Thuanus (v. 32) gives an account of their execution. The monk died like a brave man, the governor like a coward.

[257] Philippe de Lenoncourt, Bishop of Châlons-sur-Marne, and afterwards of Auxerre, Cardinal of San Onofrio. It is a disputed point whether he ever actually became Archbishop of Rheims. See Gallia Christiana, ix. 156.

[258] Henry, eldest son and successor of Charles, Duke of Lorraine. He sometimes bears the title of Duke of Bar. He married in 1599 Catherine, Henry IV.’s sister (see note, page 51). After her death he married Margaret de Gonzaga, daughter of the Duke of Mantua. He died in 1624. He had taken part in Mayenne’s autumn campaign against Henry, and was now on his way home from Amiens, where he had been detained some time by illness.

[259] ‘Mayenne exposa la nécessité d’établir un conseil général de l’union, dont l’autorité seroit reconnue par toute la France. Des désignations pour ce conseil suprême étoient déjà faites par le conseil particulier de la ville. Il en donna le rôle; on y trouvoit trois évêques, de Meaux, de Senlis et d’Agen, six curés de Paris, sept gentilshommes, vingt deux bourgeois de Paris; ce qui, avec lui-même pour président et un secrétaire, formoit quarante membres.’—Sismondi, xx. 472.

[260] He was Cardinal Caietano, brother of the Duke of Sermoneta. He arrived in Paris on January 5.

[261] The people of Dijon eleven years before had been desirous of having a separate bishopric, but were prevented by the opposition of the Bishop and Chapter of Langres, in which diocese Dijon was situated.—Gallia Christiana, iv. 637.

[262] These reports were not unfounded. Sultan Amurath had in fact written to Navarre promising protection against Spain, and offering to send a fleet of 200 sail to Aigues-Mortes.—Collection des Documents Inédits sur l’Histoire de France, Lettres Missives de Henri IV., iii. 364. Part of the letter is quoted by Motley, United Netherlands, iii. 48.

[263] The citadel of Rouen was actually betrayed to the Royalists on February 19, but was recovered by Aumale four days afterwards.

[264] The siege began on January 9, and was raised in the middle of February. Aubigné, Histoire, vol. iii. bk. iii. ch. iv; Thuanus, v. 41-3.

[265] This letter is not dated, but from the mention of the Legate’s arrival and the siege of Meulan, it appears to have been written towards the end of the first half of January 1590. Busbecq was probably then at Mantes, the place from which the next letter was written. Mantes is about twenty-five English miles from Evreux, which corresponds roughly with ten of Busbecq’s miles. See vol. i. page 82, note.

[266] Pierre d’Espinac was born in 1540, and became Archbishop of Lyons in 1574. He was Speaker, or Prolocutor, of the States-General held at Blois in 1576. Catherine de Medici, when the Leaguers first took up arms, sent him to negotiate with them (see p. 246.) However, he went over to that party, and was thenceforth one of the strongest partisans of the League. According to his own account, he was forced to take this step by the insults he received from Epernon, the King’s favourite; his enemies, on the other hand, asserted that his motive was the hope of gaining a Cardinal’s hat. After the assassination of Guise, at Blois, in December 1588, the Archbishop was one of those arrested, and he shared the prison of the Cardinal, the brother of the murdered duke. Each expected to meet the same fate, and each confessed to the other, and received absolution at his hands. The Cardinal was put to death the following day without trial, but the Archbishop’s life was spared. On his trial he refused to answer when interrogated by the judges, on the ground that, as Archbishop and Primate, he was subject only to the jurisdiction of the Pope, or of delegates appointed by him. He was then imprisoned at Amboise. On his release he again joined the League, and was Mayenne’s strongest partisan. He died in 1599, refusing to the last to acknowledge Henry IV.—Thuanus, v. 855.

[267] Nanteuil-le-Haudoin, 49 kilometres, or about 31 English miles, from Paris. Busbecq’s ‘French miles’ must therefore be leagues. The château had been purchased by Schomberg from the Guises in 1578, and he derived from it his title of Comte de Nanteuil.

[268] The appointment of these commissioners, and the seizure of Mayenne’s letters, are mentioned by Busbecq, and, as far as we have been able to discover, by Busbecq alone. These facts are not noticed by Sismondi. As has been already remarked (vol. i. page 64, note), these letters have apparently entirely escaped the notice of historians.

[269] Little more than two years intervened between the date of this letter and the writer’s death. See vol. i. pp. 70, 71.

[270] See for example vol. i. p. 162, pp. 239-241, and p. 351.

[271] See vol. i. p. 94.

[272] See vol. i. pp. 94, 167, 407.

[273] Ferdinand and Louis had married each other’s sisters. Mary, the wife of the latter, was afterwards Regent of the Netherlands for her brother Charles V. See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part I. chap. i.

[274] See vol. i. p. 410.

[275] See vol. i. p. 409.

[276] See vol. i. p. 166.

[277] See vol. i. pp. 78, 79.

[278] See vol. i. p. 301.

[279] See vol. i. pp. 79, 176.

[280] See vol. i. p. 80.

[281] See vol. i. p. 236.

[282] See vol. i. pp. 111-118.

[283] See vol. i. p. 80.

[284] See vol. i. p. 81.

[285] See vol. i. p. 190.

[286] See vol. i. p. 85.

[287] See vol. i. pp. 237-239.

[288] See p. 282.

[289] See vol. i. p. 236.

[290] See vol. i. p. 348, note.

[291] See vol. i. p. 297.

[292] See vol. i. p. 386.

[293] This summary of the treaty is taken from a Latin version of the Turkish original made by John Spiegel, Ferdinand’s first interpreter, which is usually printed with Busbecq’s letters.

[294] See note 2, p. 73.

[295] Nonsuch Park, at Cheam, was a favourite residence of Queen Elizabeth.

[296] See pp. 271-2.

[297] The original of this patent of Knighthood is preserved in the Imperial Archives at Vienna.

[298] The blank supplies the place of a foul epithet.

INDEX TO THE LETTERS.

Aa, John Van der, member of Ferdinand’s privy council, presents Busbecq to Ferdinand, i. 78

Abbot of Turkish Monastery—his alleged miracles, i. 363-365

Achmet Pasha, appointed Grand Vizier, i. 118; his character, 119; Busbecq and his colleagues visit, 152; strangled, 176; details of his execution, 189-190; many of his retainers join Bajazet, 275

Aconite or Napellus, used by Turkish pilgrim, i. 362

Acorus calamus, plant sent by Busbecq to Mattioli, i. 415

Adrianople, town of, i. 107; Solyman’s winter residence, 198; Busbecq summoned thither, 199; earthquake there, 200

Affenstein, commander of German reiters, killed, ii. 104

Aga of the Janissaries, mentioned, i. 232, 285

Agiamoglans, name of a class among the Christian tribute children, i. 306, and note

Aigues-Mortes, seaport in Languedoc, surprised by the Huguenots, ii. 42, and note; Italian nobles captured by the Huguenots taken thither, 155

Akschehr, town in Asia Minor taken by Bajazet, i. 273

Albacar, Spanish physician sent by Busbecq to Lemnos, i. 416

Albanians, a Georgian tribe, i. 246

Albanians or Epirotes, ii. 143, and note

Aldegonde, St., a prisoner in the hands of the Royalists, ii. 4; said to be sent by the States as envoy to Alençon, 198; made burgomaster of Antwerp, 210

Alençon, Francis, Duke of, afterwards Duke of Anjou, waiting at Lyons for his brother, ii. 7; his constitution delicate, 43; at the Cardinal de Lorraine’s funeral, 46; at the ball given on the Marquis de Nomeny’s marriage, 81; his restless spirit, 95; supposed to have dealings with the Huguenots, 96; accompanies the Queen to the gates of Paris, ib.; his flight and his motives, 100-104, and note; expected to return to Blois, 105; demands that the negotiations be held at Blois instead of Poitiers, 114; supposed to have instigated du Guast’s murder, 116; interferes in his quarrel with Thoré, 118; takes possession of Châtelherault, 120; demands Bourges and other towns, ib.; will probably come to terms, 131; his expedition to the Netherlands, 141; intends ravaging Hainault, 143; sends to Italy to hire horse, ib.; a champion of the Catholics, 144; reinforcements for him, 147; witnesses the battle at Ghent, 148; disposition of his troops, 149; expects to visit England 156; prevails on citizens of Antwerp to admit 300 French noblemen, 162; his attempt to seize Antwerp, 166; retreats to the monastery of St. Bernard, 167; and thence to Dendermonde, 168; his probable course of action, ib.; blackness of his conduct, 170; excuses made for it, ib.; complete breach with citizens of Antwerp, 173; his ill-regulated mind, 174; proposed compromise with him, 174-175; chooses Dunkirk as his residence, 179; reported to be concerned in fresh disturbances, 180; ill at Dunkirk, 181; presents Fervaques with an abbacy, ib.; sends Pibrac to Antwerp, ib.; writes to stop his mother from coming, 182; meets her at La Fère, 185; has lost everything in Netherlands but Cambrai, 186; returns to France, ib.; said to be going to marry the daughter of the Duke of Lorraine, 194; said to have handed over Cambrai to his brother, 195; his probable plans, ib.; appointed by the king his Lieutenant with limited powers, 196; at Cambrai in great want of money, 198; envoys to him from the States, ib.; likely to come to Paris, 199; goes to Château Thierry, 201; intends to winter at Angers, 202; goes to Laon, ib.; will not come to court, 203; his rumoured negotiations with Spain for sale of Cambrai, 204; changes his plans, will winter at Château Thierry, 206; his humiliating position, ib.; suspected attempt to murder, 209; about to receive an embassy from the Netherlands, 210; urges his claim to be made Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, 212; visits his mother, 213; by her advice approaches the king submissively, ib.; advised to secure the favour of Joyeuse and Epernon, ib.; returns to Château Thierry, 214; his serious illness, 216; reported to be in a decline, 217; given over, 218; confined to his bed, 219; importance of his death for France, ib.; his death, 221; his character, ib.; preparations for his funeral, ib.; said to have bequeathed Cambrai to his mother, 222; his funeral, 223

Ali Pasha, second vizier, and afterwards Grand Vizier, his origin and character, i. 157, 342; banquet given by him to Persian ambassador, 157; his foolish speech, 234; becomes Grand Vizier, 334; grants Busbecq’s request to leave his house, ib.; sends a cavasse to him, 342; contrasted with Roostem, 343-345; his interviews with Busbecq, 345; his policy, 346; his accident, ib.; conversation with Busbecq about the invasion of Moldavia, 349-351; helps to procure the release of Busbecq’s servants, 368; sends him sweetmeats, 375; informs him of Bajazet’s death, 385; his presents to him on his departure, 388; what he wished in return, 391

Ali Pasha, the eunuch, appointed to the command in Hungary, i. 236; visited by Busbecq and his colleagues, 237; description of him, ib.; his operations in Hungary, ib.; his rashness checked by a Sanjak-bey, 238; his discomfiture and death, 239; his speech on the loss of Gran, 240

Alost, taken by Alençon, ii. 143

Alva, the Duke of, his death, ii. 162

Amasia, capital of Cappadocia, description of, i. 150-151; Bajazet ordered thither, 267

Amber, great quantities of it exported to Turkey and Persia, i. 257

Amiens, attempt to surprise, ii. 88

Amurath I., Sultan, his death, i. 153, and note

Ancyranum Monumentum, account of the, i. 142-143, and note

Angers, town of, demanded by Alençon, ii. 120; Alençon going to winter there, 202

Angers, citadel of, held by de Brissac, ii. 245; surprised by Huguenots, 248; its destruction ordered, 249

Angoulême, town of, demanded by Alençon, ii. 120

Angora, town of, description of the, i. 142; Bajazet occupies and raises forced loan from merchants of, 275

Angora goats, i. 137, and note; manufacture of mohair from their hair, 143

Annonay, town in the Vivarais, siege of, ii. 9, and note

Ant, Indian, as large as a dog, sent as a present by the Shah to Solyman, i. 375, and note

Antonio, Don, pretender to the crown of Portugal, his Constable killed, ii. 146; returns to France, 161; goes to Dieppe, ib.; engaged in equipping a fleet, 178; expenses of his household at Ruel, 183; his new fleet reaches the Azores, 188; said to be intended as the commander of the French forces in the Netherlands, 235

Antwerp, the French Fury at, ii. 164-168; tumult against Orange there, 176; strictly blockaded, 231; hard pressed, 236; equipment of fleet to relieve, 240; cutting the dykes near, ib.; the bridge destroyed, 247; gunpowder sent to Paris from, 254

Antwerp, inhabitants of, their kind treatment of the prisoners, ii. 169; their statement, 171; demand ransom, 173; complete breach between them and Alençon, ib.; demand the execution of Fervaques, 175; their confidence in Orange diminished, 185, 186; ready to suffer the worst rather than submit, 217; resolved to hold out, 229

Archery, Turkish skill in, i. 253

Aremberg, the Countess of, ii. 113, note; writes to announce her arrival at Nancy, 114; notice sent to her of date of the Queen’s departure, 126; delayed in reaching Nancy by a mistake, 130

Arslan Bey, Sanjak-bey of Stuhlweissenburg, his feud with Veli Bey, i. 244

Arundel, Earl of, arrested for conspiracy against Queen Elizabeth, ii. 212; will probably be pardoned, ib.; again arrested, 247

Athenæus, his statement as to the pinna and pinna guard referred to, i. 339

Aubigny, Comte d’, and Duke of Lennox, reported to be besieged in Scotland, ii. 148, and note

Auger, Edmund, the king’s confessor, rebuked by Catherine de Medici, ii. 182

Aumale, the Duke of, accompanies the Queen to Bourg-la-Reine, ii. 96; a leader of the League, 241; seizes places in Normandy, 245

Aumont, Maréchal d’, with Navarre, ii. 262

Auxonne, town in Burgundy, its inhabitants charge their governor with treason and pull down the fortifications, ii. 248-249

Axylos, woodless tract in Asia Minor, i. 215

Babocsa, a Hungarian fortress, i. 237

Baden, the Margrave of, meets the Queen, ii. 134

Bailen, the Comte de, Spanish ambassador, starts for Lyons, ii. 11; arrives at Paris, 22; leaves Paris, 28

Baily, title of the Venetian ambassador, i. 226, note; his interposition, 226; unable to help the imprisoned pilgrims, 352; his surprise at the release of Busbecq’s servants without a bribe, 368

Bairam, the feast of, parents allowed to see their married daughters at, i. 229, and note; description of its celebration by the Turkish army, 302-304

Bajazet I., Sultan, indignities he and his wife received from Tamerlane, i. 112

Bajazet II., Sultan, defeats his son Selim, i. 108

Bajazet, son of Solyman, his mother’s favourite, i. 179; implicated in the rising of Mustapha, the Pretender, 180, 185; his interview with his father, 187-189; his story continued, 264-281; conspires against his brother, 265; removed from Kutaiah to Amasia, 267; complains of his new government, ib.; accuses his brother, 268-269; prepares for war, 270; sends back Pertau Pasha, 271; his message to Solyman, 272; takes town of Akschehr, 273; occupies Angora, and raises a forced loan from the merchants, 275; his appearance and character, 275-276; marches on Koniah, 277; his speech to his army, 277-278; his gallant conduct, 278; defeated at Koniah, retreats to Amasia, 279; reputation acquired by him, 280; sounds his father’s disposition, 298; warned by his friends to beware of him, 301; one of his spies executed, ib.; starts on his flight to Persia, 302; his rapidity, 304; his stratagems to deceive the Pashas of Siwas and Erzeroum, 304-305; offers double pay to soldiers joining him, 306; crosses the Araxes and enters Persia, 306-307; his speech to the Shah’s envoys, 307; his reception by the Shah, 308; his message to his father, 309; atrocious speech of one of his officers, ib.; is seized and thrown into prison, 311; conjectures as to his probable fate, 311-312; the end of his story, 375, 378-381; his execution, 381; his four sons share his fate, ib.; execution of his infant son at Broussa, 382

Balagny, Governor of Cambrai, ii. 205, and note; his tyrannical conduct there, 227

Baldi, Philip, an Italian sent to Busbecq by the Emperor, i. 259; mentioned again, 263

Baldwin, Count of Flanders and Latin Emperor of Romania—taken and killed by the Bulgarians, i. 105, and note; mentioned, 130, note

Balsam, given by Ali Pasha to Busbecq, i. 388; its value, 389, and note; doubts thrown on its genuineness, 416

Balsam-tree, not now to be found in Asia Minor, i. 142

Basilicus, John, Greek adventurer—his story, i. 347, note; invades Moldavia, 347

Baths, intrigues carried on in them by Turkish women, i. 231

Bavaria, the Duke of, attends the coronation at Frankfort, i. 399, and note; his health, ii. 134; his handsome reception of the Queen, ib.; thinks the Danube her best route, ib.; presses her to remain, ib.

Bavaria, the Duchess of, sends messages and letters to the Queen, ii. 3

Bavaria, Ferdinand, Duke of, meets the Queen, ii. 134

Bavaria, William, Duke of, with his wife meets the Queen at Nancy, ii. 129; consulted as to her route, 133, 137; his kindness to her, 135; goes to Vienna, 137

Belgrade, town of, described, i. 93; sieges and capture of, by the Turks, 94; fertility of the neighbourhood, 165

Bellegarde, Roger de Saint-Lary de, Marshal, sent as ambassador to Poland, ii. 61, and note; said to have fallen sick, 66

Bellièvre, Pomponne de, Ambassador of Charles IX. in Poland, ii. 49, and note; likely to be sent to the Netherlands, 169; sent to Alençon, 172; stays behind to arrange matters, 174; returns from Antwerp, 181; sent to King of Navarre, 203

Belon (Bellonus), Pierre, French traveller and physician, his mistake about the hyena, i. 140; referred to for figure of the pinna, 339

Bergen, town in Brabant, taken by the Hollanders under their protection, ii. 217

Bernard, Monastery of St., outpost established there by garrison of Lier, ii. 148; Alençon passes the night there after the French Fury, 167

Berry, Duchy of, the Queen’s dower partly charged on it, ii. 109

Besançon, attempt to surprise, ii. 88

Besme, murderer of Coligny, taken prisoner by the Huguenots, ii. 99, and note

Beyler-bey of Greece, the, sent to Selim’s assistance, i. 271; sent in pursuit of Bajazet, 305; in command of the troops on the Persian frontier, 378

Billy, Seigneur de, killed at the Antwerp bridge, ii. 247

Birague, Cardinal de, Chancellor of France, ii. 39; Busbecq’s interview with him, 87; contributes to forced loan, 98; his death and character, 208, and note

Biron, Marshal, the probable commander in the Netherlands, ii. 147; takes the command there, 149-150; asks for more cavalry, ib.; halts on the Somme, 154; joins Alençon, 156; his army, 157; going to the Campine, 162; said to be the author of the attempt on Antwerp, 165; clears himself of all blame, 175; his letter pressing Alençon to abandon the scheme discovered, 181; retakes some small forts, 182; defeated at Steenbergen, and wounded, 184; at Antwerp pressing for money, 186; returns to France, 195; his attack on Cateau Cambrésis repulsed, 202; with Navarre, 262

Black Sea, Busbecq’s visit to it, i. 129, 131; Polybius wrong in supposing it was silting up, 132

Blaye, town near Bordeaux, garrisoned by the younger de Lansac, ii. 245

Blois, Busbecq obliged to go thither, ii. 141; king there, 229; Busbecq goes thither to condole with him in the Queen’s name on Alençon’s death, 230

Blot, Hugo de, recommended by Busbecq to Maximilian as librarian, ii. 73-74, and note

Bodin, Jean, paper relating to French Fury attributed to him, ii. 171, and note

Bokhara, city of, visited by Turkish pilgrim, i. 360

Bonnivet, de, defends Endhoven, ii. 182

Bosphorus, description of the Thracian, i. 129, 131; for distinction between it and the Cimmerian Bosphorus, see 111, note

Bouchain, taken by Alençon, ii. 144

Bouillon, Godfrey de, first King of Jerusalem, mentioned, i. 250

Bouillon, the Duc de, warns the King of the Guises’ preparations, ii. 241, and note

Bourbon, Charles, Cardinal de, claims to be successor to the throne, ii. 228; reported to intend to give up his orders and to marry the Duchesse de Montpensier, ib.; joins the Guises, 239; nominally their chief leader, 241; claims the succession to the throne, 242; changes his cardinal’s robes for a soldier’s dress, 243; with the Duke of Guise, 246; a prisoner, 253, and note; Parliament issues decrees in his name as Charles X., 256; the Legate summons the people of Langres to acknowledge him as their king, 257

Bourbon, House of, its position, ii. 40; will be heirs presumptive to the crown on Alençon’s death, 218

Bourges, demanded by Alençon, ii. 120; likely to surrender to Navarre, 255

Brabant, people of, pronounce sevene differently from the Flemings, i. 358; arrival of ambassadors from them, ii. 214; all except Antwerp and Bergen likely to submit, 217

Breda, peace negotiations opened there, ii. 54

Brissac, de, a Leaguer, seizes the citadel of Angers, ii. 245, and note

Broussa, execution of Bajazet’s infant son there, i. 382

Bruges, obliged to call in garrison of Menin for its protection, ii. 194; said to have submitted, 219; receives a Spanish garrison, 222

Brussels, to be Alençon’s residence, ii. 175; declined by him, 179; threatened by Parma, 182; inclined to go over to him, 183; thinking of surrendering, 229; surrenders, 236

Buda, city of, description of the, i. 89; hot springs there, 90

Buda, the Pasha of, Busbecq’s interviews with, i. 169, 396; see also Touighoun Pasha

Bulgarians, their bread, i. 103; dress of their women, ib.; their origin, history, and language, 105, and note

Buren, town in Gelderland, taken, ii. 90, and note

Burgundian secretary, letter from him to Busbecq, i. 233

Busbecq, Ogier Ghiselin de, at marriage of Philip and Mary, i. 77; summoned to Vienna, ib.; bids his family farewell, ib.; sees Don Pedro at Brussels, ib.; travels to Vienna, ib.; interview with Ferdinand, 78; visits Malvezzi, ib.; returns to Vienna, 82; prepares for journey and starts, ib.; reaches Komorn, ib.; Gran, 83; Buda, 85; makes acquaintance with the Janissaries, 86-87; his interview with the Pasha, 91; embarks for Belgrade, 92; collects coins, 93, 94, 139, 141; journeys through Servia, 95; disgusted with Turkish inns, 98; lodges in a stable, 99; how he got wine, 100; reaches Sophia, 102; Philippopolis, 106; Adrianople, 107; Constantinople, 111; visits the ex-vizier Roostem, ib.; sees the sights of Constantinople, 122, et seq.; has a dead giraffe dug up for examination, 128; visits the Bosphorus and Black Sea, 129, 131; starts for Amasia, 133; passes through Nicomedia, 134; Nicæa, 135; Angora, 139; enjoys sherbet and preserved grapes, 147; reaches Amasia, 150; visits Achmet Pasha and the other viziers, 152; his first audience of Solyman, 152-153; his second, 158; leaves Amasia, 159; ill of fever, 161; reaches Constantinople, ib.; leaves, 162; finds scordium, 164; has another fever, 166; in danger from brigands, 167-8; visits Pasha of Buda, 169; compensates a Turk for his nose, 171; recovers from his fever, ib.; reaches Vienna, ib.; effects on him of his hardships, ib.; sent back to Constantinople, 175; arrives there, 176; unfavourably received by the Pashas, 176-178; left alone at Constantinople, 193; his politic conduct, 194-197; summoned to Adrianople, 199; alarmed by an earthquake, 200; returns to Constantinople, 201; hires a house, ib.; sent back to his former lodging, ib.; his menagerie, 204; shoots kites, 212; his partridges, ib.; his horses, 214; his camels, 218; complains of his letters being intercepted, 234; Roostem tries to convert him, 235; his interview with Ali Pasha, the eunuch, 237; his amusements and occupations, 252; practises the Turkish bow ib.; his visitors, 257; his retort on Roostem, 264; sees the Sultan leave Constantinople, 281-287; his retorts on his cavasse, 287; summoned to the Turkish camp, ib.; his sojourn and observations there, 287-297; presents Ferdinand’s gifts to the Sultan, 297; witnesses the celebration of the Bairam, 302-304; his policy influenced by Bajazet’s fortunes, 313; apologises for his long letter, 314; overwhelmed by the news of the Spanish defeat, 316; rescues the standard of the Neapolitan galleys, 322; becomes surety for Don Juan de Cardona, 325; his charity to the Spanish prisoners, 326-330; fears he will lose the money advanced to them, 329; good effects of his example, 330; the plague in his house, ib.; allowed to import wine for his private use, 332; his request to leave his house on account of the plague refused by Roostem, 333; granted by Ali, 334; visits Quacquelben on his death-bed, 335-336; erects a monument to him, 337; goes to Prinkipo, ib.; his fishing there, ib.; his walk with the friar, 340; his acquaintance with the Metropolitan Metrophanes, 341-342; Pashas afraid he may escape, 342; returns to Constantinople, ib.; interview with Roostem, 343; Ferdinand’s bounty to him, 344; his inquiries for Ali, 347; alarmed by the invasion of Moldavia, 349; interview with Ali on the subject, 349-351; sends home the released pilgrims, 353; accused by Lavigne as a Spanish spy, 354; his interview with Goths from the Crimea, 355-359; with Turkish pilgrims, 359-364; feats of a mountebank he saw at Venice, 365; his confinement relaxed, ib.; refuses to appease the Cadi by a bribe, 368; writes to encourage de Sandé, 372; asks Ferdinand to intercede for the Spanish prisoners, 373; argues with his cavasse on predestination, 383-384; fears the effect of Bajazet’s death on his negotiations, 385; hears of his death from Ali, ib.; makes inquiries of his friends, ib.; his precautions in concluding peace, 387; his presents from Ali, 388-389; starts for home, 390; a good walker, 391; recovers his appetite, ib.; his application to Ibrahim, 395; reaches Buda, 396; visits the Pasha, ib.; reaches Gran and Vienna, 397; informs Ferdinand of his arrival, ib.; is graciously received by him, 398; longs for home, 399; prefers retirement to a court, 399-400; his high opinion of Hannibal, 408; books, plants, animals, &c., brought back by him, 414-417; sent a physician to Lemnos, 416; his journey to Paris, ii. 3; stays at Speyer from illness, ib.; his second visit to Spain, 4, note; reaches Paris, 5; his interviews with Queen Elizabeth, 5-7; dissatisfied with the dower business, 14; asks for instructions, ib.; his forecast of the future, 15; his conversation at Kaiserslautern, ib.; complains of Paris prices, 19; intends going to the Netherlands, ib.; his interview with Pibrac, 29; his conversation about the dower with the Bishop of Paris and others, 33; asks for credentials, 34; goes to Lyons and sees the Spanish ambassador, ib.; sails to Avignon, 35; visited by Bishop Montluc at Valence, 36; his interviews with the King and Queen-Mother, 36, 37; with the Bishops of Orleans and Limoges, 37; sees the siege of Livron, 44; draws up ciphers, 48; asks for his salary, 50, 58, 93, 112; hopes Maximilian will pardon his being addressed as ambassador, 50; asks for instructions and a speedy answer, 51, 52; intends going to Brussels, 52; at Brussels, 53; returns to Paris and delivers Maximilian’s letter to the King, 55; his audiences of the Queen-Mother, the Queen and the King, 59; recommends Hugo de Blot as librarian, 73; asks Maximilian in the Queen’s name to intercede for Montmorency, 75; his interview with the Portuguese ambassador, 76; suggests, if the Queen marries the King of Portugal, the economy of sending her direct from Paris, 78; suggests his recall, 83; asks for new credentials, 84; also for watches as presents, 84, 93; which are refused, 115; his audience of the King, 85; his interviews with Birague and de Morvilliers, 87; requested by Maximilian to remain in Paris, 93; his answer to the Duke of Brunswick’s envoy, 94; hopes the Queen will not be long in Paris, 97; his audiences of the King, 106, 107; is to accompany the Queen as her chief chamberlain, 128; complains of the non-payment of de Vulcob’s advances, 132; writes to Governor of Upper Austria, 136; obliged to go to Blois on the Queen’s business, 141; his audience of the King, ib.; asks for settlement of the purchase of the Greek books, 163, 188, 200; his account of the French Fury at Antwerp, 164-168; asks for St. Hilaire’s discharge, 188; goes to Blois to condole with the King in the Queen’s name on Alençon’s death, 230; fears his despatches will be stopped, 247; some actually missing, 250; seldom has opportunity of sending a letter, ib.; fears the town where he will be attacked, 255; calls the Emperor’s attention to the Queen’s position, 256; his description of Navarre and Parma and their respective armies, 261-264

Busbecq’s house at Constantinople, description of, i. 201-203

Busbecq’s servants, their first taste of Turkish luxury, i. 84; wine as good as feather-beds to them, 100; their practical joke, 124; quarrel between them and some Janissaries, 295-296; quarrel of two of them with the Cadi of Pera, 365-368; scuffle of one with a Janissary, 393

Bussy d’Amboise, notorious duellist, his end, ii. 191, and note

Cadi of Pera, his quarrel with Busbecq’s servants, and its consequences, i. 365-368

Caen, seaport in Normandy, held by the Marquis of Elbœuf, ii. 245

Cæsar. See Julius Cæsar

Calloo, fort of, near Antwerp, held by Parma, ii. 226

Calvi, of Genoa, and Capello, of Milan, sent out of France on suspicion of sending money to Parma, ii. 151

Cambrai, its restoration demanded by the States, ii. 173; besieged by Parma, 183; hard pressed, 186; said to be handed over to the King of France, 195; Alençon there, 198; its unsafe state, 202; reported disturbances there, 203; origin of reports, 204; Alençon thinks of selling it to Philip, ib.; held by Balagny, 206 and 205, note; King about to take it under his protection, 214; said to be bequeathed by Alençon to his mother, 222; a thorn in the side of Artois and Hainault, ib.; said to be made to swear allegiance to the Queen-Mother, 225; its restoration to Spain one of the terms demanded by the League, 246

Camelopard, dead, dug up and described by Busbecq, i. 128

Camels, description of, i. 218; numbers of them in the Sultan’s baggage-train, 219

Campine, district in the Netherlands, Biron going to the, ii. 162

Cape Sheep, i. 138, and note

Capello. See Calvi

Caravanserai, description of a, i. 97

Carestran, the meeting-place between Bajazet and his father, i. 187

Cardona, Don Juan de, Spanish officer, manages to get left at Chios, i. 323; is ransomed by his brother-in-law, with Busbecq’s help, 325

Casimir, John, son of the Elector Palatine, sketch of him, ii. 15, note; king undertakes to pay him 500,000 francs, 127; his covenant for mutual defence with Condé, ib.; sends one of his officers to Elizabeth, 130; will not hear of a truce, 131; sends to Queen of England about the Cologne business, 184; application to him suggested in congress of Middelburg, 202

Castella, Don Juan de, Spanish officer, his gallant conduct, i. 320

Cat, the, preferred by Turks to the dog, i. 225; Mahomet’s, ib.

Cateau Cambrésis, treaty of, Turks indignant at, i. 369

Cateau Cambrésis, town of, taken by Parma, ii. 157; annoyance caused by its garrison, 162; Biron’s attempt on it repulsed by Parma, 202

Cathay, or China, account of, given by a Turkish pilgrim, i. 359-362

Catherine de Medici, Queen of France, waits for her son at Lyons, ii. 7; offended at Pibrac’s advice, 10; supposed to favour war in order to keep her power, 11, 50; threatens execution of Montmorency, if his brothers invade France, 16; grants Busbecq an audience, 36; her power over the King, 37; given good advice by Maximilian, 38; her illness from walking in a procession at night, 45; fancies she sees the Cardinal’s ghost, 46, and note; offers the Queen her services, 55; her unpopularity, 57; her regard for Maximilian, 59; tries to keep Alençon quiet, 95; follows him, 102; interview between them, 103; regrets she cannot bid Elizabeth farewell, 122; concludes a six months’ truce with Alençon, 126; intends visiting certain towns to persuade them to admit him, 127; invested with the government in the King’s absence, 145, 183; grants Don Antonio an audience, 161; her claims on Portugal, ib. and note; her exclamation on hearing of the French Fury, 167; intends visiting Alençon, 180; indignant at his folly, 181; disgusted at the King’s neglect of his duties, 182; rebukes his confessor, ib.; Alençon puts off her visit, ib.; goes to Boulogne to see him, 184; meets him at La Fère, 185; incensed with her daughter for her conduct, 193; returns to La Fère, 194; goes to Alençon at Château Thierry, 202; and then to Laon, ib.; returns to Paris, 203; again goes to Alençon, 209; visited by him, 213; her advice to him, ib.; visits him, 217; said to be sick with grief, 218; her grief for Alençon genuine, 221; importuned by Netherland ambassadors, 224; strongly supports their appeal to the King, 225; resolved to keep Cambrai, 228; goes to the Loire, ib.; her hatred of Spain, 235; her answer to the Netherland ambassadors, 237; with the Duke of Guise, 246

Cavasses, nature of their office, i. 85, 201; Busbecq’s cavasse induces the Pashas to confine him in his old quarters, 201; their general behaviour to Busbecq, 258; rudeness of one, and Busbecq’s retaliation, 259-260; one tries to prevent Busbecq seeing the Sultan’s departure, 281; Busbecq retorts on him, 287; Busbecq’s argument with his cavasse on predestination, 383-384.

Champagny, M. de, brother of Cardinal Granvelle, in danger at Ghent on account of alleged conspiracy ii. 209

Chanvallon, M. de, former favourite of Alençon, and lover of the Queen of Navarre, flies to Germany, ii. 193; his manners and appearance, ib.

Charité, La, town of, demanded by Alençon, ii. 120

Charlemagne, the Emperor, dispersed the Saxons, i. 359; House of Guise said to be descended from him, ii. 238

Charles V., the Emperor, his truce with the Turks, i. 78; Turkish recollection of his victories, 318; standard with his arms rescued by Busbecq, 322-323; etiquette at his court, ii. 159-160

Charles IX., King of France, questions as to his leaving a will, ii. 33; had appointed his brother Henry his Lieutenant, 104

Charlotte de Bourbon, daughter of the Duke of Montpensier, her marriage with the Prince of Orange, ii. 66, and note; her death, 142

Chartres, attempt on town of, ii. 98; Nevers’ head-quarters, 102; said to have gone over to Navarre, 255

Chattes, M. de, a Knight of Malta, commanding Don Antonio’s fleet, ii. 188

Chederle, fabulous hero identified by the Turks with St. George, legend of, i. 148-150

Chios, tame partridges from, i. 212; how reared, 213; its Genoese inhabitants, and its form of government, 323, and note; Spanish officers left there, ib.

Cicero, his statements as to the pinna and pinna-guard referred to, i. 339

Ciphers, Pashas puzzled by supposed, i. 233; Busbecq draws some up, ii. 48

Claudius, the Emperor, the story of his murder alluded to, i. 172

Clervant, M. de, Huguenot leader, taken prisoner, ii. 104, and note

Cocq, Jerome de, Busbecq asks his salary to be paid to, ii. 50

Codignac, M. de, French Ambassador at Constantinople, his quarrel with his successor, i. 370

Coins, ancient, found by Busbecq, i. 94, 139, 141

Colchians. See Mingrelians

Cologne, disturbances at, ii. 162, and note; King hopes to profit by them, 185

Compiègne, attempt to surprise, ii. 88

Condé, Prince de, expected to take the field, ii. 32; messenger from him at Avignon, 41; some wish him sent to Hungary against the Turk, 49; likely to invade France, 68; terms of peace to be referred to him, 70; suggestion that he should go to assist Orange, 72; said to be coming with an army, 88; Mezières appointed as his residence, 127; his covenant for mutual defence with Casimir, ib.; will not hear of a truce, 131; spoken of for the command in the Netherlands, 233; marriage reported between him and Navarre’s sister, ib.; report of a bull declaring him disqualified to succeed to the throne, 243, 249; marches on Angers, but fails in his enterprise, 248

Constantinople, description of, and its antiquities, &c., i. 122-127; the Sultan’s sons not allowed to enter, 187; entry of Turkish fleet into, 321

Cossé, Maréchal de, imprisoned in the Bastile, ii. 8; sketch of him, ib., note; his illness, 19; will probably go with Montmorency to Alençon, 105

Crane, story of a Balearic, i. 207

Cratevas, a Greek herbalist, fragments of, in Busbecq’s MS. of Dioscorides, i. 417, and note

Dadian, King of the Mingrelians, his appearance and character, i. 245; his capture and escape, 246-247; his presents to Solyman, 251-252

Dalmatian horseman, his objection to fire-arms, i. 241-242

Damville, Comte de, afterwards Duc de Montmorency, sketch of him, ii. 11, note; summoned by the King, ib.; said to have caused Montpellier to revolt, 22; to have made an attempt on Avignon, 23; prepares to defend himself, 32; carries war through Languedoc and Guienne, 56; report of his death, 68, and note; terms of peace to be referred to him, 70; comes to life again, 77; King wishes to deprive him of his government, 187; intended campaign against him, 214; pronounced contumacious by the Parliament, ib.; campaign given up, 218; said to be appointed Constable of France by Navarre, 255.

Dantzic, amber merchant of, at Constantinople, i. 257

Dauphin, the Prince. See Montpensier

Delegates from the rebels expected in Paris, and their demands, ii. 57, 60; sent back with the King’s answer, 60

Dendermonde, Alençon withdraws thither, ii. 168; attacked by Parma, 226

Denmark, King of, application to the, suggested in Congress of Middelburg, ii. 202; his eldest daughter married to King James of Scotland, 258

Derby, Earl of, comes to Paris as the bearer of the Order of the Garter from Queen Elizabeth to the King, ii. 234; his magnificent reception, 237; his departure, ib.

Diest, town belonging to Prince of Orange, blockaded by Parma, ii. 157; surrenders to him, 162; recovered by him, 183

Dietrichstein, Adam von, Austrian Baron, i. 325, note; ransoms his brother-in-law, ib.

Dijon, the Pope’s legate summons people of Langres to, ii. 257; transfers their bishopric to, ib.

Dioscorides, famous MS. of, found by Busbecq at Constantinople, i. 417, and note

Divan, custom of entertaining ambassadors on leaving in the, i. 159, 387; meaning of the word, 197; Busbecq and his colleagues summoned thither, ib.; scene there, 232-234; de Sandé brought before, 325; debate there as to whether Busbecq should be allowed to bring wine into Constantinople, 332

Divorce, Turkish laws about, i. 230

Dixmude, hard pressed, ii. 194

Djerbé, account of the Spanish defeat at, i. 317, note, and 317-321

Dodona, the oak of, alluded to, i. 272

Dorothea, sister of the Duke of Lorraine, her marriage, ii. 124, 129

Dower, the Queen’s, Duchy of Berry said to be assigned as, ii. 20; further reports about it, 26; Pibrac’s statement about it, 30; impossible to get the whole charged on Crown Lands, 53, 56; two proposals as to settlement thereof, 85; valuation made of property assigned for it, 108; final arrangement about it, 109

Duck, species of, whose cry was like a post horn, i. 139

Duel, a, in France, ii. 188-191

Duelling, Turkish opinion about, i. 244

Earthquake, at Adrianople, i. 200; at Constantinople, ib.

Egmont, Count, Louise de Vaudemont his niece, ii. 51; his brother compromised by Salceda’s evidence, 154

Egypt, eggs artificially hatched in, i. 214; disaffected to the Turks, 273

Elbœuf, Marquis of, cousin of the Duke of Guise, one of the leaders of the League, ii. 241; seizes Caen, 245

Elephant, that danced and played ball, i. 128

Elizabeth, Queen of England, peace renewed between her and France, ii. 60; anecdote of her, 61; said to have sent Alençon money, 143; conspiracy against her, 212; sends the Garter to the King, 235; reported attempt on her life, 240; offers the King 6,000 horse, 246; fresh conspiracy against her, 247; openly takes Holland and Zealand under her protection, 251

Elizabeth, daughter of Maximilian, widow of Charles IX., sends her carriages for Busbecq, ii. 5; her proposed marriage to Henry III., 6; the general topic of conversation, 11; her uncomfortable position in Paris, 14; difficulties about her dower, ib.; her illness apprehended, 22; her recovery, 24; questions as to her future arrangements, 25; report of her marriage to Henry III. discredited, 27; her health, 29; marriage with King of Portugal talked of, 30, 77; arrangements as to her establishment and return, 31, 32; wishes Busbecq to go to the King, 33; her escort home, 47; consults Busbecq as to her conduct to the new Queen, 51; shows him the Queen-Mother’s letter, ib.; suggested for the governorship of the Netherlands, 54; how her current expenses are to be provided, ib.; intends going to Amboise after Easter, 58; anxious to see her daughter, but prevented by want of funds, 64; no money to pay her servants, 65; her position intolerable, 67; longs to return and also to see her daughter, 78; her poverty, ib.; her illness caused by anxiety, 79; arrangements about her journey, 84, 115, 119, 123; the municipality of Paris inclined to defray her expenses, 91; requires money, 92; receives proposal from Duke Eric of Brunswick, 94; starts for Amboise, 96; arrives there, 97; the date of her departure, 109; questions about her route, 110-111; her anxiety to leave, 113; sends Orleans wine to her father, 124; starts from Paris, 128; arrives at Nancy, 129; present at the Duke of Brunswick’s wedding, ib.; sends courier to Madame d’Aremberg, 130; arrives at Bâle, Augsburg, and Munich, 133, 134; whether her route is to be by land or water, 133; her health, 135; anxious to reach her father, 136; her life and character, ib. note; business relating to her, 141; her rights disregarded, 172; curtailment of her income from the troubles in France probable, 256

Elizabeth, daughter of the preceding, probably will not be allowed to leave France, ii. 56; is delicate, 58; description of her, 97, and note

Elkass Mirza, assisted by Solyman against his brother, Shah Tahmasp, i. 301

Endhoven, town in Brabant, capitulates, ii. 182

English ambassador suspected of intriguing with Alençon, ii. 99-100.; See also Derby, Earl of

Epernon, Duke of, favourite of the King, applies for governorship of Brittany, ii. 172; King wishes the Duke of Lorraine to give him his daughter, 176; description of him, 177; King wishes to make him governor of Metz, 184; Alençon advised to secure his interest, 213; escorts Alençon on his departure, 214; sent to the King of Navarre, 220; honourably received by him, 223; ill of scrofula, 230; his reported marriage to Navarre’s sister, 242; finds out where his hat is, 246; sent to his command at Metz, 251

Eric, Duke of Brunswick, proposes for Elizabeth, ii. 94, and note; reported preparations for his marriage to Dorothea, the Duke of Lorraine’s sister, 124; his wedding, 129

Ernest, the Archduke, suspected of being concerned in the affair of Antwerp, ii. 168; Philip II.’s daughter said to be betrothed to him, ib.

Erzeroum, the Pasha of, how deceived by Bajazet, i. 304-305; afterwards put to death by Selim, 305

Espinoy, Prince of, accompanies the Netherland ambassadors to France, ii. 234

Essek, town of, famous battle there, i. 166

Este, the Cardinal of, applies for the honour of escorting the Queen, ii. 55, and note; accompanies her to Bourg-la-Reine, 96; appointed to escort her, 126; returns to Paris on account of plot to waylay him, 130

Estrées, d’, family of, banished from Court, ii. 13

Etampes, town of, taken by Navarre, ii. 252

Eunuchs of Solyman’s bed-chamber, the chief of the, procures Pialé Pasha’s pardon, i. 324; de Sandé recalled at his wish, 326. See also Hassan Aga

Evreux, town of, threatened by Navarre, ii, 258

Fast, the Turkish, how kept, i. 290-291

Ferdinand, King of Hungary and Bohemia, King of the Romans and afterwards Emperor, summons Busbecq to Vienna, i. 77; Busbecq’s interview with him, 78; sends Malvezzi to the Porte, ib.; recovers Transylvania, 79; sends Zay and Wranczy to the Porte, 80; engaged at the Imperial Diet, 172; sends Busbecq back to Constantinople, 175; his bounty to Busbecq, 344; at Frankfort, 397; receives Busbecq graciously, 398; panegyric on him, 401-414; his Fabian tactics, 409; his difficulties, 411

Ferdinand, the Archduke, sees Busbecq at Vienna, i. 171-172; commands at the relief of Szigeth, 237; honour he thereby acquired, 239; declines to give Ibrahim an audience except incognito, 398

Ferrara, the Duke of, a candidate for the Polish crown, ii. 43

Ferrier, M. de, formerly Ambassador at Venice, sent by the King to the King of Navarre, ii. 182

Fervaques, officer of Alençon, said to be the suggester of the French Fury, ii. 169; a prisoner, ib.; his execution demanded by the Antwerp citizens, 175; presented by Alençon with an abbacy, 181; attempt to assassinate him, 209

Fiesco, the Comte de, account of him, ii. 26, and note; mentioned 33; refuses to leave the Queen’s service, 52

Fire-arms, objection of the Turks to, i. 242-243

Flagellants, guilds of, ii. 45; new guild of, instituted by the King, 179; punishment of footmen who mocked, 180

Flushing, town of, bought by Orange, ii. 183

Foix, François de, Comte de Candale and Bishop of Aire, dedicates a translation of Hermes Trismegistus to Maximilian, ii. 17, and note

Fontenay, town in Poitou, besieged, ii. 10; taken, 12

Forez, county of Le, the Queen’s dower partly charged on, ii. 109

France, M. de, the Queen’s first steward, ii. 33

France, state of, ii. 38-42, 48-50, 67-68, 70-73, 77, 87-89; no money but French or Spanish allowed in, 151; dreadful weather in, 163; on the brink of war, 241

Francis I., influences the Sorbonne to decide in Henry VIII.’s favour, ii. 27

Franciscan friar, story of a, i. 340

Frederic III., Emperor, his alliance with the House of Portugal, ii. 77, and note

Frederic III., Elector Palatine, his reception of Henry III., ii. 15 note

Fregosi, a great Genoese family, ii. 89, and note

French gentlemen, their characters, ii. 72, 92

Fünfkirchen, Bishop of, defeated by Ali Pasha, i. 236

Gannat, town in the Bourbonnais, added to the Queen’s dower, ii. 109

Gaston, Don. See Medina-Celi, Duke of.

Genoa, a safety-valve for restless Frenchmen, ii. 89

George, St., identified by the Turks with their hero, Chederle, i. 148; how painted by the Greeks, 150; greatly venerated by the Mingrelians, 251

Georgians, their prudent answer when asked to attack the Shah, i. 377

Germain, St., en Laye, King at, ii. 211; reforms of assembly at, ib.; King returns thither, 230

German reiters, report that 2,000 are coming to join Damville, ii. 96; defeated by Guise, 104; more reported to be coming, 110, 113, 119; said to have crossed the Rhine, 127; scouring the country, 129; seen from the ramparts of Nancy, 131; 1,500 hired by Alençon, near Cambrai, 143; Navarre said to be hiring, 212; rumours of some being brought to France, 239; much dreaded in France, 249

Ghent, battle before, ii. 148; alleged conspiracy detected there, 209; Parma’s envoys courteously received there, 217; said to have come to terms with him, 219; admits the troops of Orange, 222; submits to Parma, 229

Ghourebas, name of a regiment of the Imperial guard, i. 154, and note; mentioned, 283

Gienger, Cosmo, governor of Upper Austria, ii. 138, and note

Gilles, or Gyllius, Peter, French traveller, referred to, i. 132, and note

Goatsucker, cruel treatment of a, by a Venetian goldsmith, i. 226, and note

Goigny, Seigneur de, officer of King of Spain, seen at Cambrai, ii. 204

Goldfinches, tricks of trained, i. 228

Goldsmith, story of a Venetian goldsmith and a bird, i. 226

Goths remaining in the Crimea, i. 355-359, and 355 note; vocabulary of their language, 357-359

Gotzen, Dr. Joachim, sent by Duke Eric of Brunswick to propose for the Queen, ii. 94

Gran, city of, description of, i. 83; surprised by the Imperial troops, 239

Grapes, Turkish mode of preserving, i. 147-148

Greeks, their superstitions about unclean food, i. 124; test Solyman’s prohibition of wine, 332-333

Guadagni, an Italian in the French service, seneschal of Lyons, ii. 40; sent to Maximilian, 31; his statement to him, 47

Guast, Louis du, one of the King’s favourites, his murder, ii. 116. and note; his quarrel with Thoré, 117; his splendid mode of life, 118; debts left by him, 119

Guise, Henry, Duke of, le Balafré, hostile to Alençon, ii. 95; accompanies the Queen to the gates of Paris, 96; appointed the King’s Lieutenant, 98; defeats the German reiters, 104; wounded, 105; his triumphal return to Paris, 121; offers to go to Alençon’s rescue, 167; one of the leaders of the League, 241; declares he is simply a private gentleman fighting for the League, 246; takes Verdun, 247

Guise, the young Duke of, a prisoner, ii. 253, and note

Guise, House of, its position, ii. 40; its hereditary feuds with House of Navarre, 176-177; sets the League on foot, 238; its claims to the throne, ib.; understanding with the Pope and the King of Spain, 239; prepares for a campaign, 241; its reasons for offence, 242

Guises, their party striving to make themselves masters of France, ii. 224

Güns, town in Styria, taken by Solyman, i. 409

Halys (Kizil Irmak), the river, fishing in, i. 145

Harrach, Rodolph von, a minister of Ferdinand’s, i. 412

Hassan Aga, chief of the eunuchs of the bed-chamber, sent as ambassador to Persia, i. 380; and again as Bajazet’s executioner, 381

Havre de Grâce, likely to surrender to Navarre, ii. 255

Hawking, Solyman’s taste for it, i. 198

Hebrus, or Maritza, the river, i. 106, 107

Henry, one of Busbecq’s servants, his quarrel with the Janissary of Tolna, i. 392-396; does not take de Sandé’s remonstrance in good part, 394

Henry VIII., King of England, decision of the Sorbonne on the validity of his marriage, ii. 27, and note

Henry III., King of France, his obligations to Maximilian, ii, 6, note; expected at Lyons, 7; hires Swiss and other troops, 8; arrives at Lyons, 9; resolves to continue the war, 12; and begins it with a light heart, 13; offers an amnesty, ib.; cedes certain towns to the Duke of Savoy, ib.; his reception by the Elector Palatine, 15, note; his return to Paris uncertain, 20; publishes a second edict, 23; report of his marriage to his brother’s widow discredited and why, 27; likely to go to Avignon, 28; said to have fallen in love with Louise de Vaudemont, 32; gives Busbecq an audience, 36, 55, 59, 85, 106, 107; under his mother’s influence, 37; sets out for Rheims, 38; his character, 43; wishes to keep Poland for one of his children, ib.; at the Cardinal de Lorraine’s funeral, 46; orders his ambassador at Constantinople to support Maximilian’s interests, 49, and note; about to marry Louise de Vaudemont, 51; his unpopularity 57; gives away all Damville’s offices, 69; cannot digest the rebel demands, 70; suffering from influenza, 74; raises fresh cavalry, 81; promises an escort for Elizabeth, 84, 86; his goodwill to Maximilian, 86; hopes Montmorency is innocent, ib.; convenes a mock States-General, 87; orders the crops in Languedoc to be burnt, 88; his amusements, 91; wishes to keep Poland, 92; accompanies the Queen to the gates of Paris, 96; his military preparations, 97; appoints Guise his lieutenant, 98; orders the ambassadors to move into Paris, 100; sends Nevers in pursuit of Alençon, 102; his remarks on Alençon’s conduct, 107; his interference in the quarrel between du Guast and Thoré, 118; regrets the Queen’s departure, 123; sends Maximilian a present of grey-hounds and lime-hounds, 124; undertakes to pay Casimir and his troops 500,000 francs, 127; pledges jewels to Duke of Lorraine, ib.; his unwilling consent to the truce, 128; disclaims all responsibility for Alençon, 141; goes to Lyons, 145; his fondness for pilgrimages, 145, 156, and note; goes to Bourbon-les-Bains, 149; more favourable to Alençon’s enterprise, 150; witnesses Salceda’s execution, 153; his interview with him, 154; his reply to the Spanish ambassador, 155; makes a pilgrimage to Nôtre Dame de Liesse, 156; commands the Bretons to build fifty galleys, ib.; orders money to be paid to Alençon, ib.; expected in Paris, 158; sends commissioners through France, ib.; who returned without success, 172; his financial expedients, 160; his extravagance, 172, 178; his conduct unfavourably criticised, 173; moves troops to the frontier, ib.; presses the Duke of Lorraine to betroth his daughter to Epernon, 176; his affection for Joyeuse and Epernon, 178; institutes a new order of Flagellants, 179; orders footmen who mimicked the Flagellants to be whipped, 180; his devotion to religious observances, 182; sends M. de Ferrier to the King of Navarre, ib.; going to Foullenbraye to drink the Spa waters, 183; in bad health, ib.; urged by the Pope to accept and publish the decrees of the Council of Trent, 184; wishes to make Epernon governor of Metz, ib.; hopes to profit by the troubles at Cologne, 185; will go to Lyons, ib.; sends a courier with an autograph letter to Joyeuse, 187; hurries back to Paris, ib.; going to Lyons, ib.; his outbreak against his sister, 192; writes to Navarre accusing her, 193; sets out for Lyons to meet Joyeuse, 194; his demands from the Pope through Joyeuse, 197; refused, 198; goes to Saint-Germain en Laye on account of the plague, 201; his financial difficulties, ib.; not sorry for Alençon’s absence, 203; regrets his outburst against his sister, ib.; said to have written to Alençon cautioning him, 205; holding assemblies at Saint-Germain, 206; attempts to enforce his sumptuary laws about dress, 207; intends to reform, 210; in retirement at Saint-Germain, 211; returns to Paris, 213; meets Alençon, ib.; going to take Cambrai under his protection, 214; resolved to make Joyeuse’s father governor of Languedoc, ib.; his attack on the Prior of Champagne, 215-216, and note; gives up his campaign against Damville, 218; estranged from his wife, 219; said to be thinking of a divorce, 220; sends Epernon to Aquitaine, ib.; intends going to Lyons, ib.; wears black mourning for Alençon, 221; goes to Lyons, 224; asks Navarre to come to him, offering to make him Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, ib.; returns from Lyons, 227; building a church for himself and his penitents, ib.; his campaign against vice, ib.; goes to the Loire, 228; is driven away from Blois by the plague and returns to Saint-Germain, 230; has a chance of trying his power of healing scrofula, 231; undecided as to assisting the Netherlanders, 232; grants their ambassadors a private audience, 234; invested with the Garter, 235; reluctant to take up the cause of the Netherlands, ib.; distressed at attempt to assassinate Navarre, 236; his final answer to the Netherland ambassadors, 237; suspected of secretly approving of the Guises’ plans, 240; neglects the Duke of Bouillon’s warning, 241; difficulties of his position, 244; sends deputies in vain, 246; on condition of receiving 100,000 crowns a month from the clergy, orders the Huguenots to leave France within fifteen days, 247-248, and note; recalls his army, 248; sequestrates Navarre’s property, 249; resolves not to let a Huguenot remain in France, 250; sends some Huguenot women to England under his safe conduct, ib.; given up to his devotions and living like a hermit, ib.; Parliament removed to Tours by him, 256

Henry, King of Navarre and Duke of Vendôme, afterwards King of France, his position and family, ii. 7, note; waits at Lyons for the King, 7; attends the Cardinal of Lorraine’s funeral, 46; accompanies the Queen to the gates of Paris, 96; receives his wife courteously, 203; demands her punishment if guilty, otherwise that of her accusers, 204; said to have sent to Germany to hire reiters, 212; given the duchy of Alençon, 222; receives Epernon honourably, 223; well qualified to lead an army to the Netherlands, 233; likely to give his sister to Condé, ib.; attempt to assassinate him, 235-236, and note; his accession dreaded by the Guises, 238; on his guard, 240; reported Bull declaring him disqualified for the throne, 243, and note; offers assistance to the King, 246; Bull declaring him and Condé disqualified to succeed, 249, and note; his property sequestrated by the king, ib.; attacks the faubourgs of Paris, 251; retreats after offering battle, 252; retakes Etampes, ib.; his plans for the winter, 253; takes Vendôme and Le Mans, 254; his reported coronation, ib.; his declaration about religion, 255; said to have made Montmorency Constable, ib.; convenes the States-General at Tours, 257; attacks Evreux, 258; summons Rouen, 259; besieges Paris, ib.; Cardinal de Gondi and the Archbishop of Lyons sent to him, 260; threatens to break off negotiations, 261; places his cannon at St. Denis, ib.; contrasted as a general with Parma and comparison of their armies, 262-264

Hermes Trismegistus, reputed work of, translated by François de Foix, ii. 18, and note

Heydons, kind of banditti, i. 92; Busbecq escapes an attack from them, 167; their insolence inveighed against by Solyman, 390

Hilaire, St., French cadet in Rodolph’s service, his discharge requested, ii. 188

Horses, Busbecq’s, i. 214; account of Turkish, how they are reared, trained, &c., 215-217

Humayoum, Mogul Emperor of Delhi, i. 299, and note

Hungarian nobles, certain, go over from the Voivode to Ferdinand, i. 386

Hungary, its great fertility, i. 165; events there, 236-242

Hyena, account of the, i. 140; used for love-charms, ib.; story about it, 141

Ibrahim Pasha, a eunuch, governor of Constantinople, i. 111; sent to Ghemlik to execute Mustapha’s son, 120-121; his escape from the women of Ghemlik, 122

Ibrahim, the interpreter, a Polish renegade, his notion of a cipher, i. 233; disgraced by Lavigne’s and restored by Busbecq’s influence, 370; his gratitude, ib.; encourages Busbecq to ask for de Sandé’s release, 372; appointed to go to the Emperor with Busbecq, 387; rates the Janissary of Tolna for his conduct, 395; is to go to Frankfort, 398; wishes to visit the Archduke Ferdinand, ib.; witnesses the coronation, has an audience of the Emperor, and is sent home, 399

Ilsing, ii. 64, note; notice of the Queen’s departure to be given to him, 120; notice sent to him, 124

Imaret, Turkish word for hostel, i. 110

Imbize, accuses nobles at Ghent of conspiracy against the authorities of the city, ii. 209, and note

Imeritians, a Georgian tribe, i. 246; their feuds with the Mingrelians 246-247

Isabella, widow of John Zapolya, returns to Transylvania, i. 236

Ismael, son of Shah Tahmasp, a deadly enemy of the Turks, i. 300-301

Italian merchants of Pisa, their charity to the Spanish prisoners, i. 330

Italian-Greek, his reasons for refusing to help the prisoners, i. 330

Italian renegadoes, i. 294-296

Italians, strong feeling in France against Italians in the French service, ii. 39-40

Jackals, i. 135

Jagodin, Servian village, Busbecq sees a Servian funeral there, i. 95

James, King of Scotland, said to be a prisoner, ii. 148; said to be about to attack England, and also to marry a Spanish princess, ib.; marries daughter of the King of Denmark, 258

Janissaries, account of the i. 86-87, and note; a few stationed in each town as police, 86, 392; employed as firemen, 151; suspected of incendiarism, ib.; how Busbecq put his escort of Janissaries in good humour, 199; their tents, 222; their equipment and mode of fighting, 223; help Busbecq to get out, 282; procession of, 285; defend their conduct against Busbecq’s cavasse, 287; frugal dinner of one, 289; their punishments, 293; quarrel of some with Busbecq’s servants, 295-296; how they are regarded by the Sultan, 296; entitled to the Sultan’s dinner on the day of Bairam, 304.

Janissary stationed at Tolna, his quarrel with Busbecq’s servants, i. 392-396

Jehangir, Solyman’s youngest son, his appearance, character, and death, i. 178-179

Jews, Busbecq finds himself in a house full of, i. 282; two sent by Janissary of Tolna to Busbecq, 395

Jorneton, mentioned, ii. 74

Joyeuse, account of the Duke of, a favourite of the King, ii. 177-178; his pilgrimage to Loreto, and visit to the Pope, 185; given the governorship of Normandy, 188; his instructions on going to Italy, 197; Alençon advised to secure his interest, 213; escorts Alençon in his departure, 214; King wishes to make his father governor of Languedoc, ib.; his quarrel with the Duc de Mercœur, 219; its origin, 220, 245; marches to recover places seized by the Duc d’Aumale, 245

Juliers, Duke of, at the coronation at Frankfort, i. 399, and note

Julius Cæsar, his opinion of his soldiers, i. 223; his intention in mounting the tenth legion, 224; his despatch of Veni, vidi, vici, 408

Junius, secretary to the late Elector Palatine, sent by the States to Alençon, ii. 198, and note

Juppenbier (spruce beer), a barrel of, presented to Busbecq, and its effect on his guests, i. 257-258

Kanûns, or Turkish Domesday Book, i. 142, and note

Katzianer, Austrian General, his defeat alluded to, i. 166

Kevi, Island in the Danube, i. 167

Khodja, story of a, at a Pasha’s table, i. 377-378

Khuen, Don Rodolph, Master of Horse to Maximilian, Busbecq asks his salary to be paid to him, ii. 58, and note

Kinsky, John, his business with Schomberg, ii. 112, 125

Kites, the scavengers of Constantinople, i. 212; Busbecq shoots, ib.

Kizilbash, name given by Turks to the Shah, i. 219

Koniah, the ancient Iconium, Selim ordered to, i. 267; its strategic importance, 273; Selim posts himself there, 274; battle of, 278-279

Koran, any Christian sitting on a, punished with death, i. 111; copy of the, presented to the Sultan by the Persian Ambassador, 157, 375

Kurds, their origin, i. 275, and note; body of, hired by Bajazet, 274; their sham fight, 275

Langres, Guise raises troops near, ii. 98; bishopric of, removed to Dijon, 257

Languedoc and Guienne, the chief Huguenot region, ii. 41; the crops in, ordered to be burnt, 88

Lansac, de, seizes Blaye, ii. 245, and note

La Noue, Huguenot leader, account of him, ii. 21, note; at Rochelle, 21; a prisoner, 155, and note; attempts to surprise Paris, 252, note; with Navarre before Paris, 262

Laon, Alençon goes there, ii. 202

Lasso de Castilla, Don Pedro, Ambassador of Ferdinand at the marriage of Philip and Mary, urges Busbecq to hasten to Vienna, i. 77, and note

Laval, the Comte de, son of d’Andelot, and nephew of Coligny, goes to the Netherlands, ii. 147, and note; Orange intends giving him his daughter, 179; to be governor of Antwerp, ib.

Lavigne, the French Ambassador, procures the release of the Venetian prisoners, i. 353; had formerly calumniated Busbecq, ib.; dreaded by Roostem on account of his bluntness, 354; story of an interview between them, ib.; hates Ibrahim the interpreter, and procures his disgrace, 370; his quarrel with de Codignac, ib.

Lazarus, an Albanian chief, recaptured after escaping, and impaled, i. 131-132

Legate, from the Pope (Cardinal Caietano), summons people of Langres to Dijon, ii. 257; lays them under an Interdict for refusing to acknowledge the Cardinal de Bourbon, ib.; encourages the Parisians to hold out, 260

Le Mans, town of, taken by Navarre, ii. 254, 255

Lemnian Earth, a medicine used by Quacquelben, i. 164; how procured, 256, and note; Busbecq sends a physician to Lemnos to make inquiries about it, 416

Lenoncourt, Cardinal de, said to have crowned Navarre at Tours, ii. 254, and note

Leonora, sister of Charles V., widow of Francis I., difficulties about arranging the settlement of her dower, ii. 53, 83

Leyden, reports about the siege of, ii. 4

Leyva, Don Sancho de, Spanish Admiral, commander of the Neapolitan galleys, brought prisoner to Constantinople, i. 321; imprisoned in the tower of Pera, 326; how Busbecq procured his release, 369-373; hates de Sandé, 373; asks permission to return by Ragusa and Venice, 390

Lier, its garrison erect an outpost at the monastery of St. Bernard, ii. 148

Lillo, fort near Antwerp, besieged, ii. 224

Limoges, de l’Aubespine, Bishop of, ii. 37

Listhius, John, Hungarian noble, Bishop of Wessprim, ii. 73, and note

Livron, siege of, ii. 44; turned into a blockade, 46

Livy, thought Alexander would have been defeated if he had attacked Rome, i. 408

Lorraine, Charles, Cardinal de, his illness, death, and character, ii. 45, and note; his funeral, 46; blamed as the cause of the war, 50; formerly absolute master of France, 53

Lorraine, Cardinal de, brother of the Duke of Guise, one of the chiefs of the League, ii. 241

Lorraine, Christina, Duchess Dowager of, her portrait taken for Henry VIII., ii. 63, note; sends a message to Maximilian, 132

Lorraine, Duke of, expected in Paris, ii. 63, 70; at the Marquis de Nomeny’s marriage, 80; asked to allow the passage of Spanish troops through Lorraine, 91; accompanies Elizabeth to Bourg-la-Reine, 96; his conversation with Busbecq at dinner, ib.; notice of the Queen’s departure sent to him, 124; jewels sent by Henry III. to induce him to be security to Casimir, 127; comes to meet Elizabeth, 129; expected in Paris, 158; arrives, 163; demands Navarre’s sister for his son, ib.; his horror at the notion of giving his daughter to Epernon, 176; his subterfuges, ib.

Lorraine, House of, King devoted to, ii. 32; its connection with Maximilian, 59, and note

Luc, St., his outrageous behaviour in Alençon’s chamber, ii. 159, and note; his repartee to Orange, 160

Lusignan, castle of, account of the, ii. 12, note; its siege expected, ib.; commenced, 21; continues, 28; raised, 32; surrenders, 46

Luxembourg, M. de, mentioned as likely to escort Elizabeth, ii. 126

Lynx, story of an Assyrian, i. 206

Lyons, inhabitants of, demolish their citadel, ii. 249

Lyons, Pierre d’Espinac, Archbishop of, ii. 260, note; sent as ambassador to the Guises, 246; sent by the Parisians to treat with Navarre, 260

Mahomet, story of and his cat, i. 225; why he forbade the use of wine, 292-294

Mahomet II., Sultan, builder of the castle of Europe on the Bosphorus, i. 131

Mahomet, son of Solyman, who died young, i. 178

Malvezzi, John Maria, former ambassador to the Porte, Busbecq visits him, i. 78; his embassy and imprisonment, 79-80; his death, 81

Mamelukes, their ancient dominion in Egypt, i. 273, and note

Mancup, town of Goths in the Crimea, i. 356

MSS., Greek, collected by Busbecq at Constantinople, i. 416-417

Marasch, the Pasha of, sent as ambassador to Persia, i. 380

Marche, La, the Queen’s Dower partly charged upon, ii. 109

Marguerite de Valois, wife of Henry of Navarre, catches cold when walking in procession of Flagellants, ii. 45; Alençon’s confidante and on bad terms with Henry III. and her husband, 96; as yet childless, 176; assailed by the King, 192; leaves Paris for Vendôme, ib.; King said to intend to imprison her, 193; declares she and the Queen of Scots are the most unhappy beings in the world, 194; joins her husband, 203; to live apart from him till her case has been investigated, ib.; expected to revenge the insult, 204; said to be reconciled to her husband, 212; refuses to see Epernon, 223

Marseilles, attempt to seize, ii. 245

Martigues, the Vicomte de, his daughter about to marry the Marquis de Nomeny, ii. 64

Mary, sister of Henry VIII. and widow of Louis XII., her marriage with the Duke of Suffolk, ii. 76

Mary, Queen of England, her marriage, i. 77

Mary, Queen of Scots, her pension so settled as to be worthless, ii. 34; expenses of her return home defrayed by Charles IX., 48; her whole dower not secured on crown lands, 53; remark of Marguerite de Valois about her, 194; in danger for conspiring against Queen Elizabeth, 212

Matarieh, gardens of, near Cairo, the true balsam grown there, i. 416

Mattioli, Italian physician and botanist, specimens sent him by Busbecq, i. 415, and note

Maximilian, King of Bohemia, afterwards King of Hungary and Emperor, receives Busbecq graciously on his return to Vienna, i. 171; his election as King of the Romans, 397; his coronation, 399; his advice to Henry III., ii. 50; asked to intercede for Montmorency, 75; his views as to the settlement of the Dower, 85; wishes Busbecq to remain in Paris, 93

Mayenne, the Duke of, accompanies Elizabeth to Bourg-la-Reine, ii. 96; likely to escort Elizabeth, 126; a Leaguer, 241; hurries to relieve Angers, 248; his troops in contact with the enemy, 250; enters Paris, 252; has large forces embodied but no means to pay them, ib.; attacks the fort of Meulan, 258; arrives at Meaux, 259; his letters intercepted, 261; an unlucky general, 262

Medina Celi, Duke of, commander of the expedition to Djerbé, retires to citadel and escapes by night, i. 319; his son Don Gaston a prisoner, 323; his agents search for Don Gaston unsuccessfully, 324; Don Gaston probably murdered by Pialé Pasha, ib.

Medina de Rio Sicco, Duke of, coming from King of Spain to congratulate Henry III. on his marriage, ii. 74

Mehemet Sokolli Pasha, third of the Vizierial Pashas, afterwards Grand Vizier, despatched by Solyman to Selim, i. 270; returns and is sent to Asia, 271; sent in pursuit of Bajazet, 305; in command of the troops on the Persian frontier, 378

Melun, town of, said to have surrendered to Navarre, ii. 255

Menagerie, Busbecq’s, stories of animals in, i. 204-208

Mendoza, Don Bernardino de, implicated in conspiracy against Queen Elizabeth, ii. 212; ordered to leave England, 213; arrives in Paris, 216; appointed Spanish ambassador to France, 230; induces the Parisians to hold out, 260

Menin, evacuated, and then plundered and sacked, ii. 194

Meninx, island of. See Djerbé

Mercœur, Duc de and Marquis de Nomeny, the king’s brother-in-law, ii. 244, note; his approaching marriage, 64; his marriage, 80; accompanies Elizabeth to Bourg-la-Reine, 96; governor of Brittany, 172; report of his death, ib.; untrue, 173; his quarrel with the Duke of Joyeuse, 219; its cause, 220; a Leaguer, 241; his ingratitude, 244

Méru, M. de, younger son of the Constable Montmorency, ii. 16, note

Metrophanes, the Metropolitan, a friend of Busbecq’s, anxious for a union between the Greek and Latin churches, i. 341-342

Metz, great Protestant disturbances at, ii. 251

Meulan, fort on the Seine, attacked by Mayenne, ii. 258, 259

Mezières, appointed as Condé’s residence, ii. 127

Michel, Giovanni, Venetian ambassador, visits Busbecq, ii. 121, and note

Middelburg, Congress of Netherland States at, ii. 202

Milan, useful as a training school for French soldiers, ii. 72, and note

Minarets, serve the purpose of our belfries, i. 291

Mingrelians, account of the, i. 245-252; their monarch, 245; their feuds with the Imeritians, 246

Mirambeau, brother of Lausac, sent to Alençon, ii. 171; thinks there is little hope of an arrangement, 173

Mohacz, battle of, i. 167, 407, and note

Mohair goat. See Angora goat

Mola, of Augsburg, a courier, ii. 119

Mondragon, Spanish officer, his projects, ii. 90, and note

Montal, notorious bravo, his end, ii. 190, and note

Montbéliard, Pibrac waylaid near, ii. 62, and note

Montbrun, Vicomte de, Huguenot chieftain, said to be with Damville, ii. 23; seizes towns in Dauphiny, 41; throws reinforcements into Livron, 44; defeats Swiss in Dauphiny, 78, and note; wounded and taken prisoner, 79-80; his character, 80, and note; beheaded at Grenoble, 99

Montluc, Jean de, Bishop of Valence, i. 389, note; ii. 35, and note

Montmorency, Duc de, Marshal of France, his imprisonment in the Bastille, ii. 8; account of him, ib. note; his execution threatened, 16; guarded more strictly, 67, 68, and note; better treated, 77; offers to stand his trial, 86; considered innocent by Vaudemont, 91; his release decided on, 103; sets out to Alençon, 114; a notable instance of the fickleness of fortune, 115

Montmorency, Madame de, asks Elizabeth to request Maximilian to intercede for her son, ii. 75; contributes to the forced loan, 98

Montpellier, said to have revolted at Damville’s instigation, ii. 22

Montpensier, Louis de Bourbon, Duc de, account of, ii. 9, note; besieges Fontenay, 10; and Lusignan, 21, 32; his son the Prince Dauphin, 147; his death, 152

Montpensier, Duc de, son of the preceding, intends going to the Netherlands, ii. 147; in spite of his father’s death, 152; joins Alençon, 156

Morvilliers, Jean de, Bishop of Orleans, ii. 37, note; his interview with Busbecq, 87; arrangement by which Busbecq receives his salary through him, 93, 112, 122; contributes to the forced loan, 98

Mufti, Turkish chief priest, consulted by Solyman, i. 116, 272, 374

Mustapha, Solyman’s eldest son, his high character and popularity, i. 113; summoned to appear before his father, 115; his execution, 117-118; his only son shares his fate, 119-122; many of his retainers join Bajazet, 275

Mustapha, the Pretender, his first appearance, i. 179; his story, 181-182; threatening aspect of his rising, 183; deserted by his followers, 184; taken prisoner and executed, 185

Nanteuil, fortress of, appointed for the meeting of the Peace Commissioners, ii. 260

Napellus. See Aconite

Napoli di Romania, its surrender by the Venetians, i. 261-263

Navarre. See Henry IV.

Netherland Ambassadors with Alençon, ii. 212; try to gain the King’s support, 225; their offers, ib.; come with fresh proposals to the King, 231; granted a private audience, 234; attend the investiture of the King with the Garter, 235; return home, 237; the King’s reply to them, ib.

Netherlands, news from the, ii. 4, 90, 195; dykes opened in the, 205

Nevers, Louis Gonzaga, Duc de, ii. 82, note; suggestion of placing Elizabeth’s affairs under his protection, 82; sent in pursuit of Alençon, 102; asks for governorship of Brittany, 172; indignant at being refused, 173; brings reinforcements to Navarre, 261

Nicæa (Isnik), description of, i. 136

Nicomedia (Ismid), ruins of, i. 134

Nicopolis, battle of, i. 407, and note

Niort, town of, given to Alençon, ii. 126

Nissa or Nisch, town of, i. 96

Nocle, Beauvois de la, deputy from Condé, ii. 89, and note

Nogarola, Count, Commander of German horse, ii. 44; returns to Vienna, 58

Nomeny, Marquis de. See Mercœur, Duc de

Northumberland, Earl of, arrested for conspiracy against Queen Elizabeth, ii. 212, note

O, Monsieur d’, holds the citadel of Caen for the League, ii. 245

Olympus, Mount, in Asia, view of, from Constantinople, i. 123, 202; Busbecq travels along its slopes, 136; furnishes Constantinople with snow, 291

Orange, William, Prince of, peace negotiations opened with him, ii. 4; his plan of misleading the Spanish fleet by false beacons, ib.; his marriage to Mademoiselle de Bourbon, 66; suggestion that Condé should lead troops to his assistance, 72; if beaten, will hand over the Netherlands to a foreign power, 90; recovers from his wound, 142; likely to secure Holland and Zealand for himself, 145; rebukes St. Luc, 159; prayed for during his illness by the reformed churches in France, 162; excused himself from going with Alençon to the camp, 169; to be appointed Alençon’s Lieutenant, 175; mobbed in Antwerp, 176; intends to marry Teligny’s widow, and to give his own daughter to Laval, 179; buys Flushing, 183; his influence declining, 185, 196; tries to arouse the men of Antwerp, 186; crosses to Zealand, ib.; reinforces Ostend, 194; in retirement at Flushing, 196; likely to be soon made Count of Holland and Zealand, 205; schemes to recover Zutphen, 208; Hollanders said to have sworn allegiance to him, 210; assassinated, 224

Orchan, son of Bajazet, a marriage suggested between him and the Shah’s daughter, i. 308

Orleans, declares for the Guises, ii. 245

Ostend, resists Parma, ii. 194; said to have come to terms with him, 219

Othman, founder of the Turkish royal family, i. 137

Oudenarde, besieged, ii. 143; surrenders, 144

Ouloufedgi, name of a regiment of the Imperial guard, i. 154, and note; mentioned, 283

Palyna, Paul, fails to keep his appointment with Busbecq, i. 82; overtakes him at Buda, 86

Paper, Turkish reverence for, and the reason of it, i. 110

Paris, proposal in the municipality of Paris to defray Elizabeth’s expenses, ii. 91; regret of the inhabitants at her departure, 128, and note; émeute there in consequence of the King’s enforcing his sumptuary law, 207; the faubourgs taken by Navarre, 251-252; besieged, 259-261; dreadful famine in, 259

Paris, Pierre de Gondi, Bishop of, and Chancellor to Elizabeth, ii. 33; his views about the dower, 85; likely to escort the Queen, 126; starts home from Nancy with an escort, 130; wounded in the council-chamber, 216; sent as ambassador to Rome, 249; sent by the Parisians to treat with Navarre, 260

Parma, Alexander Farnese, Prince of, besieges Oudenarde, ii. 143; takes it, 144; encamps at Arras, 149; threatens to attack St. Quentin in case of a French invasion, 150; sickness of his troops, 157; retakes Cateau Cambrésis, and blockades Diest, ib.; takes Diest, 162; prepares to besiege Alost and threatens Brussels, 182; besieges Cambrai, 183; sends the governor of Namur to the King, 184; takes Dunkirk, 186; checked at Ostend, 194; relieves Cateau Cambrésis, 202; master of nearly all the country but Ghent and Antwerp, 205; receives overtures from Flanders, 217; removes to Dendermonde, 226; said to be dangerously ill, 256; in retirement, 258; comes to the relief of Paris, 260; he and his army contrasted with Navarre and his army, 262-264; his devices for encountering the French cavalry, 263

Partridges, from Chios, i. 212; how reared, 213

Pashas, keep open house before Ramazan, i. 376

Patriarch of Constantinople, consulted in vain by the Pashas, i. 234

Pax, John, commander at Komorn, i. 83

Pernantius, of Lorraine, said to have reconciled the Queen of Navarre to her husband, ii. 212

Persia, its barrenness, i. 219; creates a diversion in favour of Christendom, 221-222; account of the country and its monarchs, 298-301, and note

Persians, their religious differences with the Turks, i. 161-162, and 236, note; complain of the violation of their territory, 307

Persian Ambassador, his arrival at Amasia, i. 156; peace concluded with, 157; and honours paid to him, ib.; his departure from Amasia, 160

Persian Ambassadors bring presents to Solyman, i. 156-157, 375

Pertau Pasha, fourth Vizierial Pasha, and married to the widow of Mahomet, the Sultan’s son, i. 183; despatched by Solyman against Mustapha the Pretender, 183-184; despatched by Solyman to Bajazet, 270; sent back by him, 271

Pescara, Marquis of, report of his brother’s capture by the Huguenots, ii. 155

Peter, the courier, mentioned, ii. 58, 65, 67, 112, 119

Philip II., King of Spain, his marriage, i. 77; Turkish reports of his power, 318; said to have promised his daughter to the King of Scotland, ii. 148; supports the League, 239; sends money to Paris, 254

Philippopolis, town of, i. 106

Pialé Pasha, the admiral, sent in command of the Turkish fleet to Djerbé, i. 318; sends a galley to Constantinople to announce his victory, 319; conceals Don Gaston in hopes of a large ransom, 324; his consequent peril, ib.; is forgiven by Solyman, ib.

Pibrac, Guy du Faur, Seigneur de, account of him, ii. 10, note; offends the Queen-Mother by advising the King to dismiss his Italian troops, 10; reported to be coming from Lyons, 23; arrives in Paris, 28; his conversation with Busbecq, 29; the advocate of peace, 50; starts for Poland as ambassador, 61; waylaid near Montbéliard, 62, and note; is to visit the Polish Palatines, 79; his opinion of Polish affairs, 81; his return expected, 122; his unpleasant position in Poland, ib.; returns, 126; what he thinks the Poles have gained from France, 132; will probably be sent to the Netherlands as Alençon’s chancellor, 169; sent to Antwerp by Alençon, 181

Pignerolo, town and fortress in Piedmont, ceded by Henry III. to the Duke of Savoy, ii. 13

Pigs, Turkish prejudice against them turned to account by Busbecq’s friend, i. 205

Pilgrimages, fashion of making, in France, ii. 199

Pilgrims to Jerusalem, seized by the Syrians and imprisoned at Constantinople, i. 352; their release procured by the French ambassador, 353; sent home by Busbecq, ib.

Pinnas, a kind of mollusc, caught by Busbecq, i. 339; account of them and their guards, 339-340

Plague, the, Busbecq’s suite attacked by, i. 163; outbreak of, in Busbecq’s house, 330-335; death-rate from, at Constantinople, 341; appears in France, ii. 183; spreading, 188; raging in Paris, 199; prevents the King entering Paris, 201; carries off one of the ladies of the Queen’s bed-chamber, 230

Plane-tree, great, opposite Busbecq’s house, i. 227; the cavasse when shut out ties his horse to it, 260

Pliny, his statements as to the pinna and pinna-guard referred to, i. 339

Poitiers, attempt to surprise, ii. 88

Poland, account of affairs in, ii. 29; French hope to keep, 78, 92; affairs there, 81

Pont-à-Musson, Marquis of, eldest son of the Duke of Lorraine, goes to Flanders on his way home, ii. 255-256

Pope, the, offers the King 3,000 Swiss, ii. 122; urges him to accept the Tridentine Decrees, 184; visited by Joyeux, 185

Portugal, Sebastian, King of, account of him, ii. 30, note; marriage between him and Elizabeth spoken of, ii. 30, 76-78

Portuguese Ambassador arrives in Paris, ii. 70; expected, 74; Busbecq’s interview with him, 76-77; suggests a marriage between Elizabeth and the King of Portugal, ib.; takes a house in Paris, 82

Poussin, Huguenot fortress, besieged, ii. 21; taken, 23

Predestination, Turkish notions about, i. 341, 382-383

Prinkipo, the largest of the Princes’ Islands in the sea of Marmora, Busbecq allowed to retire thither, i. 334; account of it, 337-340

Puygalliard, M. de, acting governor at Cambrai for the King of France, ii. 195; leaves the town, 205

Quacquelben, native of Courtrai, Busbecq’s physician, attends the Pasha of Buda, i. 86; shares Busbecq’s taste for ancient coins, 94; his treatment of intermittent fever, 161; of the plague, 164; is attacked by the plague, 335; his opinion of the plague, ib.; Busbecq’s last visit to him, 335-336; his death, 336; his high character and abilities, ib.; examines aconite brought by Turkish pilgrim, 362

Quesnoy, Le, town in Hainault, failure of Alençon’s attempt on, ii. 198

Quentin, St., town in Picardy, garrisoned against any attack by Parma, ii. 150; Marshal de Retz there, 227

Raab, Busbecq’s escort attacked by soldiers from its garrison, i. 170

Rakos, plain near Pesth, the former meeting-place of the Hungarian Diet, i. 168

Rambouillet, family of, ordered to leave the Court, ii. 13, and note

Ramée, Pierre de la, his method, i. 99, note

Rascians, their language, i. 105; extent of their country, 166; their character, ib.

Remorantin, a château, suggested by Busbecq as a residence for Elizabeth, ii. 25; assigned as part of her dower, 109

Requesens, Don Berenguer de, Spanish Admiral, commander of the Sicilian galleys, brought a prisoner to Constantinople, i. 321; imprisoned in the tower of Pera, 326; how Busbecq procured his release, 369-373; asks leave to return by Ragusa, 390; his death, ib.

Retz, Comte de, Marshal of France, ii. 39, note; some of his troops cut to pieces by Damville, 32; supports Elizabeth’s interests, 82; attends the Queen-Mother to Boulogne, 184; commands in Picardy, 223; makes the people of Cambrai swear allegiance to the Queen-Mother, 225; at St. Quentin negotiating with Balagny, 227; still in Picardy, 228

Retz, Comtesse de, likely to be one of Elizabeth’s escort, ii. 126

Rhodope, Mount, i. 106

Richardot, Councillor, sent to King of Spain, on account of Parma’s conduct, ii. 258

Richebourg, Marquis of, formerly resident at the Court of Maximilian, ii. 234; killed at the Antwerp bridge, 247

Rimini, the Bishop of, the Apostolic Nuncio, his death, ii. 198

Rochefoucauld, goes to the Netherlands, ii. 147

Rodolph II., Emperor, suspected of being concerned in the affair of Antwerp, ii. 168; said to be betrothed to Philip II.’s daughter, ib.

Roland, mythic Carlovingian hero, the legend said to be known to the Mingrelians, i. 250, and note

Roostem, Grand Vizier, Busbecq and his colleagues visit him, i. 111; his origin, character, and abilities, 113-114, 343; sent in command against the Shah, 115; his dismissal from office, 118; restored to office, 176, 190; urges Busbecq to remain, 196; complains of Hungarian raids, 199; his opinion of Busbecq, 234; tries to convert him, 235; his orthodoxy suspected, ib.; his conversation with Busbecq, 235-236; his exultation at his kinsman’s raid, and sorrow at his death, 240-241; raises a troop of dragoons from his household servants, 242; failure of the experiment, 243; his remarks on Busbecq’s obstinacy, 261; his emblematic present, 263-264; warns Busbecq not to quarrel with the Janissaries, 296; excites Solyman’s wrath against Pialé, 324; his conversation with de Sandé in the Divan, 325; refuses to let Busbecq leave his house on account of the plague, 333; his death, 334; contrasted with Ali, 343, 345; story of him and Busbecq, 344; dreaded interviews with Lavigne, 354; scene at one, 355; his conduct towards Busbecq’s servants when falsely accused, 367-368

Rouen, threatened by Navarre, ii. 257, 259

Roxolana, Solyman’s wife, her real name Khourrem, account of her, i. 111-112, and note; her intrigues against Mustapha, 113; and his only son, 119; her affection for Bajazet, 179; appeases his angry father, 185; encourages him, 187; how she induced Solyman to marry her, 229, and 112, note; her death, 265

Ryhove, Flemish noble, accused by Imbize of conspiracy, ii. 209

Salceda, implicated in a plot, ii. 148; a prisoner, 149; his terrible execution, 152-153, and notes; his wickedness and audacity, 154; his head sent to Antwerp and stuck on the highest pinnacle, 154, 155

Saluzzo, the marquisate of, proposal to sell or pawn, ii. 61; 200,000 crowns borrowed on security of it, 79

Salviati, his mission to procure de Sandé’s release, and its failure, i. 371, 374, note

Samarcand, city of, visited by a Turkish pilgrim, i. 360

Sandé, Don Alvaro de, commander of the citadel at Djerbé, attempts to escape and is captured, i. 320; exhibited on Pialé’s galley, 321; before the Divan, 325; imprisoned in the fortress of Caradenis, 326; how Busbecq procured his release, 369-373; his hatred of Leyva, 373; his speech to the steward of the French representative, ib.; his journey home with Busbecq, 390-397; his jokes, 391; fears he will be sent back to Constantinople, 393; chides Busbecq’s servant for his temper, 394; his gratitude to Busbecq, 397

Sanjak-bey, derivation of the word, i. 84, and note; Turkish army preserved by the advice of a Sanjak-bey, and his subsequent treatment, 238-239; story of a Sanjak-bey and a Khodja, 377-378

Sanjak-bey of Gran, Busbecq’s interviews with the, i. 84, 170

Saumur, town of, given to Alençon, ii. 126

Savigliano, town and fortress in Piedmont, ceded by Henry III. to the Duke of Savoy, ii. 13

Savona, reported capture of, by the Duke of Savoy, ii. 74

Savoy, Emanuel Philibert, Duke of, receives Savigliano, and Pignerolo from Henry III., ii. 13 and 14, note; death of his wife, 14; said to have taken Savona, 74; lends 200,000 crowns on security of Saluzzo, 79

Savoy, Charles Emmanuel, Duke of, son of the preceding, said to be estranged from Spain, and likely to marry Navarre’s sister, ii. 148; about to be betrothed to the Duke of Lorraine’s daughter, 163

Saxon colonists in Transylvania, i. 359

Saxony, the Elector of, attends the coronation at Frankfort, i 399, and note

Schomberg, Gaspard de, Comte de Nanteuil, ii. 124, note; his dealings with Kinsky, 112, 125; going to Germany, 155; his château of Nanteuil mentioned, 260, and note

Schwartzenberg, Count von, meets Elizabeth at Nancy, ii. 129; consulted by Busbecq about her route, 133, 137

Schwendi, Lazarus von, an Alsatian seigneur, a scholar and a soldier, ii. 73, and note; prevented by illness from coming to Nancy, 129

Scivarin, Gothic town in the Crimea, i. 356

Scordium, or water germander, a remedy for the plague, i. 164, and note

Scotland, news of disturbances in, ii. 148; King of Scotland. See James, King of Scotland

Scutari, town of, i. 133

Scuter, Lawrence, a courier, ii. 119

Sebastian, King of Portugal. See Portugal, Sebastian, King of

Selim I., the father of Solyman, his defeat by his father at Tchourlou, i. 108, and note; picture of his defeat of the Persians at Tschaldiran, 129; referred to, 299; his conduct alluded to, 276-277, 279, 383

Selim, Solyman’s son, afterwards Sultan Selim II., destined by his father as his successor, i. 179; warns his father against Bajazet, 265; removed to Koniah from Magnesia, 267; marches on Ghemlik, 268; occupies Koniah, 273; his appearance and character, 275-276; awaits his brother’s attack, 277; puts the Pasha of Erzeroum to death, 305; his succession advantageous to the Shah, 312; procures Pialé Pasha’s pardon, 324

Selimbria, town of, i. 109

Selles, M. de, a prisoner in Zealand, ii. 233, and note

Semendria, formerly a fortress of the despots of Servia, i. 95

Servians, the, their funeral customs, i. 95; their marriage customs, 96; their language, 105; extent of their country, 165

Seure, Michel de, Prior of Champagne, his quarrel with the King, ii. 215-216, and note

Sforzia Palavicini, defeated by Ali Pasha at Fülek, i. 236

Shad, the common Danube, found also in the Halys, i. 145

Sherbet, mode of making, i. 147

Silihdars, name of a regiment of the Imperial guard, i. 153, note; mentioned, 283

Siwas, the Pasha of, deceived by Bajazet, i. 304

Slavery, its advantages discussed, i. 210-211, and note

Slaves, Christian, met by Busbecq, i. 162

Slaves, use made by the Turks of the numerous slaves captured by them, i. 209-211

Sluys, town of, holds out against Parma, ii. 219

Snakes, in Busbecq’s house, i. 203-204

Solyman, Sultan, takes Belgrade, i. 94; induced by Roxolana to marry her, 112; goes to the army and summons Mustapha, 115; consults the mufti, 116; rebukes the mutes for their slackness, 117; mohair his usual dress, 144; Busbecq’s first and second interviews with him, 152, 158; his appearance and character, 159-160; avenges an insult, 162; sends Pertau Pasha against the false Mustapha, 183; his anger against Bajazet appeased by Roxolana, 185-186; interview with Bajazet, 187-188; goes to Adrianople, 198; remonstrates with Bajazet, 266; changes his sons’ governments, 267; refuses to listen to Bajazet’s complaints, 270; consults the mufti about him, 272; his appearance, 285; his opinion of the Janissaries, 296; is presented by Busbecq with Ferdinand’s gifts, 297; pretends to be inclined to pardon Bajazet, 298; orders the execution of one of his spies, 301; orders his army to return to Constantinople, 302; orders Bajazet’s child to be brought up at Broussa, ib.; sends Pashas and Sanjak-beys in pursuit of Bajazet, 305; removes Pasha of Erzeroum from office, ib.; alarmed at Bajazet’s flight to Persia, ib.; wishes to pursue him, but is restrained by the Pashas, 306; deeply hurt at the loss of Djerbé, 318; sends an armament thither, ib.; sees the triumphal entry of his fleet, 321; his demeanour, 322; his increasing superstition, 331; his prohibition of wine tested by some Greeks, 332-333; his reply to Busbecq’s request to leave his house, 333; releases pilgrims at Lavigne’s request, 353; his letter to the King of France, 369; tries to induce the Shah to surrender Bajazet, 378; sends messages to the Georgians and Turkomans, 379; persuades the Shah to permit Bajazet to be executed, 380-381; orders Bajazet’s child to be executed at Broussa, 382; his parting speech to Busbecq, 390; a terrible enemy, 405-407; his attacks on Hungary and Austria, 409; his three wishes, 410

Sophia, town of, i. 102

Sorbonne, decision of the, about Henry VIII.’s marriage, ii. 27, and note

Spahis, name of a regiment of the Imperial guard, i. 154, and note; mentioned, 283

Spain, the posts to, stopped, ii. 151; threatens the liberties of Europe, 226

Spaniards, the, take Djerbé, i. 317-318; their fleet defeated by the Turks, 318; their sufferings during the siege, 320-321; their sufferings in prison alleviated by Busbecq, 326-328

Spanish ambassador, his remonstrances about Salceda’s head, ii. 155

Spanish officer employed as gooseherd, i. 209

Stag, fierceness of a, i. 208

Standing armies, dangers of, i. 296-297

States-General, their meeting demanded, ii. 57; mock States-General convened, 87; summoned, 257

Sterckenburg, officer sent by Casimir to Elizabeth, ii. 130

Strasburg, the Bishop of, notice of Elizabeth’s departure sent to him, ii. 124, and note; prevented from coming to Nancy by fear of the German reiters, 129; his return home, 133; remains at Bâle, 135

Strozzi, Philippe, Marshal of France, ii. 39; killed at the Azores, 146

Sunnites and Schiis, the two great sects of Mohammedans, i. 161, note

Sweden, marriage between the daughter of the King of, and Henry III. spoken of, ii. 43; her portrait, 63

Swiss Ambassadors at Paris, ii. 63; entertainments and presents to them, 158, 160

Swiss troops defeated by Montbrun, ii. 78

Symplegades or floating islands at the mouth of the Bosphorus, i. 132

Szigeth, fortress in Hungary, attacked by Ali Pasha, i. 236; relieved by the Archduke Ferdinand, 237-238

Tahmasp, Shah, at war with Solyman, i. 115; his character and mode of life, 300; sends envoys to Bajazet, 307; invites him to visit him, 308; his treachery towards him, ib.; and his motives, 309; causes him to be arrested at his table and his followers to be murdered, 311; prefers that Selim should succeed to the throne, 312; his treacherous conduct, 378; consents to Bajazet’s execution, 381

Tamerlane, indignities inflicted by him on Bajazet and his wife, i. 112; his descendants, 379

Tartar, a, his hair his only head covering, i. 85

Tartars in the Crimea, account of the, i. 356

Tashkend, city of, visited by Turkish pilgrim, i. 360

Tassis (or Taxis), J. B., Spanish ambassador in Paris, superseded and sent to the Netherlands, ii. 230, and note

Taxis, Leonhard de, Postmaster-General in the Netherlands, ii. 28, and note

Tchekmedjé, Buyuk and Kutchuk, bays near Constantinople, i. 109, note

Tchourlou, town of, famous for the defeat of Selim, i. 108

Thoré, M. de, younger son of the Constable Montmorency, ii. 16, note; escapes from the defeat of Germans and reaches the Loire, 106; joins Alençon, 115; his quarrel with du Guast, 117

Tolna, a Hungarian town, its good wine and civil inhabitants, i. 93; quarrel between the Janissary there and Busbecq’s servant, 392-396

Tortoises, i. 134

Touighoun, Pasha of Buda, meaning of the name, i. 85; his illness and reputation, 85, 86; Busbecq’s interview with him, 91

Tours, attempt on, ii. 98; reported coronation of Navarre there, 254; Parliament removed thither by Henry III., 256; the States-General convened there by Navarre, 257

Trajan’s Bridge, remains of, i. 95

Trajan’s Gate, or pass of Ichtiman, i. 106, and note

Transylvania, recovered by Ferdinand, i. 79, 80; Hungarian nobles revolt from the Voivode of, 386; the Voivode’s ambassadors try to hinder the conclusion of peace, 387

Transylvanian, the most popular candidate for the Polish crown, ii. 43, and note

Trautson, John von, Ferdinand’s minister, i. 412

Tschaldiran, battle of, alluded to, i. 299

Tulips, i. 107

Turenne, the Vicomte de, brings reinforcements to Navarre, ii. 261

Turkish ambassador intervenes at the Polish Diet. ii. 29

— army at Amasia, described, i. 155-156

— beggars, i. 209

— camp, described, i. 288, 289

Turkish cavalry, Busbecq’s first sight of, i. 83

— commissariat, i. 219-221, 289

— fanatics at Buda, i. 396

— fleet, reported arrival of a, ii. 257

— horseman, a, described, i. 283-284

— horses, their rearing, training, &c., i. 215-217

— hostels, described, i. 98

— inns. See Caravanserai

— military punishments, i. 293-294

— officer induced by Busbecq to give up the royal standard of the Neapolitan galleys, i. 322

— old woman, her romantic story, 231-232

— pilgrim gives Busbecq an account of his journey to Cathay and of that country, i. 359-362; feats performed by another, 362-363

— soldiers contrasted with Christian, i. 221; their clothing and its distribution, 222

— women, their treatment and mode of life, i. 228-229

Turkoman chiefs invited to attack the Shah, i. 379

Turks, their notions about wine-drinking, i. 88; about houses, 90; consider the left-hand the place of honour, 92; their methods of dividing time, 101; attach no distinction to birth, i. 104, 154; their fondness for flowers, 108; and money, ib.; their reverence for paper and the reasons for it, 110; their superstitions as to unclean food, 124, 134; their favourite colours, 144; their notions about omens, ib., 269; surprised at the Germans’ fishing, 145; their frugal fare, 146; their notions of chronology, 149; how promotion is regulated among them, 155; their dress, ib.; their horror of pigs, 205; slavery among them, 209-211; their kindness to animals, 224; prefer cats to dogs and why, 225; ransom birds from bird-catchers, 227; some think it wrong to keep birds in cages, ib.; their marriage laws, 229; do not inquire closely into crimes, but punish them severely if detected, 232; think it their duty to make one offer to a Christian of conversion to their religion, 235; their religious differences with the Persians, ib.; their skill in archery and mode of shooting and practising, 253-255; their readiness to accept foreign inventions and to adopt various Christian customs, 255-256; their Parthian tactics, 257; their treatment of ambassadors, 261; believe that the souls of those killed in battle ascend to heaven, 289; their notions of the Carnival, 290; their fast, ib.; dislike to eat or drink standing, 291; their endurance under the bastinado, 294; their reverent behaviour at their prayers, 303; impression made on them by the Spanish successes, 318; their exultation at their victory, 319; their taunts of the prisoners, 322; how they treat prisoners, 326; their recklessness about infection, 341; disturbed at Basilicus’ invasion of Moldavia, 349; at dinners carry off things for their wives and children, 375; their notions about predestination, 341, 382-383; pray for Busbecq’s conversion, 384; league against them suggested to divert the restless spirits of France, ii. 49; their victories over the Persians render them formidable, 243-244, and note; offer to assist Navarre, 257, and note

Uzes, Duc de, commands for the King at Aigues-Mortes, ii. 42

Varna, battle of, i. 407, and note

Vaudemont, Louise de, afterwards Queen of France, Henry III. in love with her, ii. 32; about to marry her, 51; is a niece of Count Egmont, ib.; Elizabeth’s attendants ordered to enter her service, 52, and note; no favourite with the Queen-Mother, 57; congratulated by Busbecq in Maximilian’s name, 59; estranged from her husband, 219

Vaudemont, Nicolas, Comte de, the King’s father-in-law, a probable peacemaker, ii. 63; his arrival expected, 63, 70; at his son’s marriage, 80; visits Montmorency and thinks him innocent, 91

Veli Bey, Sanjak-bey of Hatwan, his feud with Arslan Bey, i. 244

Veltwick or Velduvic, Gerard, ambassador of Charles V. to the Porte, i. 79, and note; his detention by the Turks referred to, 263

Vendôme, Cardinal de, brother of Condé, Navarre’s sequestrated property placed in his hands, ii. 249

Vendôme, Duc de. See Henry IV.

Vendôme, House of, its position, ii. 40

Vendôme, retaken by Navarre and the governor executed, ii. 254

Vendôme’s sister Catherine, rumours of her intended marriage to Alençon, ii. 51, and note; to the Duke of Savoy, 148, 194; to the Duke of Lorraine’s son, 163; to Condé, 233; to Duke of Epernon, 242; her great prospects, 176

Venetian Baily. See Baily

Venetian goldsmith, adventure of a, i. 224

Verdun, town of, taken by Guise, ii. 247

Vimioso, the Count of, Don Antonio’s Constable, killed off the Azores, ii. 146

Viteaux, the Baron de, a famous duellist, murders du Guast, ii. 116, note; account of his death, 189-191, and notes

Vopiscus, quoted, i. 214

Vulcob, M. de, French Ambassador at Vienna, ii. 36, and note, 85; arrangement by which Busbecq received his salary through him, 112, 122

Weasels, stories of, i. 203

Wranczy or Verantius, Antony, Bishop of Fünfkirchen, afterwards of Erlau and finally Archbishop of Gran, sent as ambassador to the Porte, i. 80; Busbecq finds him at Constantinople, 111

Wyss, Albert de, comes with presents from Ferdinand to the Sultan, i. 297

Ypres, given up for lost, ii. 194; still blockaded by Parma, 199

Zay, Francis, commander of the Danube flotilla known as Nassades, afterwards governor of Kaschau, sent as ambassador to the Porte, i. 80; Busbecq finds him at Constantinople, 111; his fishing in the Halys, 145

Zutphen, town in Gelderland, taken by the Spaniards, ii. 208

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