83. CURRENT CONFUSIONS…

83. CURRENT CONFUSIONS

I could go on like this for years; but I think I have now told you enough about Socialism and Capitalism to enable you to follow the struggle between them intelligently. You will find it irritating at first to read the newspapers and listen to the commonplaces of conversation on the subject, knowing all the time that the writers and talkers do not know what they are writing and talking about. The impulse to write to the papers, or intervene in the conversation to set matters right, may be almost irresistible. But it must be resisted, because if you once begin there will be no end to it. You must sit with an air of placid politeness whilst your neighbors, by way of talking politics, denounce the people they do not like as Socialists, Bolshevists, Syndicalists, Anarchists, and Communists on the one side, and Capitalists, Imperialists, Fascists, Reactionaries, and Bourgeois on the other, none of them having an idea of the meaning of these words clear enough to be called without flattery the ghost of a notion. A hundred years ago they would have called one another Jacobins, Radicals, Chartists, Republicans, Infidels, and even, to express the lowest depth of infamy, Co-operators; or, contrariwise, Tories, Tyrants, Bloated Aristocrats, and Fundholders. None of these names hurt now: Jacobins and Chartists are forgotten; republics are the rule and not the exception in Europe as well as in America; Co-operators are as respectable as Quakers; Bloated Aristocracy is the New Pauperism; and the proletariat, with its millions invested in Savings Certificates and Savings Bank deposits, would not at all object to being described as having money “in the funds”, if that expression were still current. But the names in the mouths of the factions mean nothing anyhow. They are mere electioneering vituperation. In France at elections the Opposition posters always exhort the electors to vote against Assassins and Thieves (meaning the Cabinet); and the Government posters “feature” precisely the same epithets, whilst the candidates in their own homes call their pet dogs Bandits when pretending to scold them. It all means nothing. They had much better call each other Asses and Bitches (they sometimes do, by the way), because everyone knows that a man is not an ass nor a woman a bitch, and that calling them so is only a coarse way of insulting them; whereas most people do not know what the words Bolshevik, Anarchist, Communist, and so forth mean, and are too easily frightened into believing that they denote every imaginable extremity of violence and theft, rapine and murder. The Russian word Bolshevik, which has such a frightful sound to us, means literally nothing more than a member of a parliamentary majority; but as an English epithet it is only the political form of Bogey or Blackguard or the popular Bloody, denoting simply somebody or something with whom the speaker disagrees.

But the names we hurl at oneanother are much less confusing than the names we give ourselves. For instance, quite a lot of people, mostly a very amiable mild sort of people, call themselves Communist-Anarchists, which Conservatives interpret as Double-Dyed Scoundrels. This is very much as if they called themselves Roman Catholic Protestants, or Christian Jewesses, or undersized giantesses, or brunette blondes, or married maids, or any other flat contradiction in terms; for Anarchism preaches the obliteration of statute law and the abolition of Governments and States, whilst Communism preaches that all the necessary business of the country shall be done by public bodies and regulated by public law. Nobody could logically be in favor of both all the time. But there is a muddled commonsense in the name for all that. What the Communist-Anarchist really means is that she is willing to be a Communist as to the work and obedience to public law for everybody that is necessary to keep the community healthy and solvent, and that then she wants to be let go her own way. It is her manner of saying that she needs leisure and freedom as well as taskwork and responsibility: in short, as I have heard it expressed, that she does not want to be “a blooming bee”. That is the attitude of all capable women; but to apply the term Communist-Anarchism to it is so confusing, and so often perversely adopted by the kind of muddler who, being against law and public enterprise because she wants to be free, and against freedom because freedom of contracts is a capitalist device for exploiting the proletariat, spends her life in obstructing both Socialism and Capitalism and never getting anywhere, that, on the whole, I should not call myself a Communist-Anarchist if I were you.

The truth is, we live in a Tower of Babel where a confusion of names prevents us from finishing the social edifice. The Roman Catholic who does not know what his Church teaches, the member of the Church of England who would repudiate several of the Thirty-Nine Articles if they were propounded to her without a hint of where they came from, the Liberal who has never heard of the principles of the Manchester School and would not have understood them if she had, and the Tory who is completely innocent of De Quincey’s Logic of Political Economy: that is to say, the vast majority of Catholics, Protestants, Liberals, and Tories, have their counterparts in the Socialists, the Communists, the Syndicalists, the Anarchists, the Laborists, who denounce Capitalism and middle class morality, and are saturated with both all the time. The Intelligent Woman, as she reads the newspapers, must allow for this as best she can. She must not only remember that every professing Socialist is not necessarily a Trade Unionist, and cannot logically be an Anarchist, but is sometimes so little a Socialist that, when entrusted with public business enough to bring her face to face with the Conservative or Liberal leaders she has been denouncing, she will be flattered to find that these eminent persons are quite of her real way of thinking, and vote with them enthusiastically every time.

The name Communist is at the present moment (1927) specially applied to and adopted by those who believe that Capitalism will never be abolished by constitutional parliamentary means in the Fabian manner, but must be overthrown by armed revolution and supplanted by the Muscovite Marxist Church. This is politely called the policy of Direct Action. Conservative Diehards who advocate a forcible usurpation of the government by the capitalists as such call it a coup d’état. But a proletarian may be an advocate of Direct Action without being a bit of a Communist. She may believe that the mines should belong to the miners, the railways to the railwaymen, the army to the soldiers, the churches to the clergymen, and the ships to the crews. She may even believe that the houses should belong to the housemaids, especially if she is a housemaid herself. Socialism will not hear of this. It insists that industries shall be owned by the whole community, and regulated in the interests of the consumer (or customer), who must be able to buy at cost price without paying a profit to anybody. A shop, for instance, must not belong to the shop assistants, nor be exploited by them for their profit: it must be run for the benefit of the customers, the shop assistant’s safeguard against finding herself sacrificed to the customer being that she is herself a customer at the other shops, and the customer herself a worker in other establishments. When incomes are equal, and everyone is both a producer and a consumer, the producers and consumers may be trusted to treat each other fairly from self-love if from no more generous motive; but until then, to make any industry the property of the workers in it would be merely to replace the existing idle joint stock shareholders by working shareholders profiteering on a much larger scale, as they would appropriate the rent of their sites and make none of those contributions to a central exchequer for the benefit of the nation that now take place under parliamentary rule. The inequalities of income between, say, miners in the richest mines and farmers on the poorest soils would be monstrous. But I need not plague you with arguments: the arrangement is impossible anyhow; only, as several of the proletarian proposals, and cries of the day, including Trade Unionism, Producers’ Co-operation, Workers’ Control, Peasant Proprietorship, and the cruder misunderstandings of Syndicalism and Socialism, are either tainted or saturated with it to such an extent that it wrecked the proletarian movement in Italy after the war and led to the dictatorship of Signor Mussolini, and as it is often supposed to be part of Socialism, you had better beware of it; for it has many plausible pseudo-socialistic disguises. It is really only Poor Man’s Capitalism, like Poor Man’s Gout.

On their negative side the proletarian Isms are very much alike: they all bring the same accusations against Capitalism; and Capitalism makes no distinction between them because they agree in their hostility to it. But there is all the difference in the world between their positive remedies; and any woman who voted for Syndicalism or Anarchism or Direct Action disguised as Communism indiscriminately under the impression that she was voting for Socialism would be as mistaken as one who voted for Conservatism or Liberalism or Imperialism or the Union Jack or King and Country or Church and State indiscriminately under a general impression that she was voting against Socialism.

And so you have the curious spectacle of our Parliamentary Labor Party, led by Socialists who are all necessarily Communists in principle, and are advocating sweeping extensions of Communism, expelling the so-called Communist Party from its ranks, refusing to appear on the same platforms with its members in public, and being denounced by it as bourgeois reactionaries. It is most confusing until you know; and then you see that the issue just now between the rival proletarian parties in England is not Communism against Socialism: it is constitutional action, or Fabianism as it used to be called, against Direct Action followed by a dictatorship. And as Diehard Capitalism is now sorely tempted to try a British-Fascist coup d’état followed by a dictatorship, as opposed to Liberal constitutional Capitalism, the confusion and disunion are by no means all on the Labor side. The extremists of the Right and those of the Left are both propagandists of impatient disgust with parliament as an institution. There is a Right wing of the Right just as there is a Left wing of the Left; whilst the Constitutional Centre is divided between Capitalism and Socialism. You will need all your wits about you to find out where you are and keep there during the coming changes.

The proletarian party inherits from Trade Unionism the notion that the strike is the classic weapon and the only safeguard of proletarian labor. It is therefore dangerously susceptible to the widespread delusion that if instead of a coal strike here and a railway strike there, a lightning strike of waitresses in a restaurant today, and a lightning strike of match girls in a factory tomorrow, all the workers in all the occupations were to strike simultaneously and sympathetically, Capitalism would be brought to its knees. This is called The General Strike. It is as if the crew of a ship, oppressed by its officers, were advised by a silly-clever cabin boy to sink the ship until all the officers and their friends the passengers were drowned, and then take victorious command of it. The objection that the crew could not sail the ship without navigating officers is superfluous, because there is the conclusive preliminary objection that the crew would be drowned, cabin boy and all, as well as the officers. In a General Strike ashore the productive proletarians would be starved before the employers, capitalists, and parasitic proletarians, because these would have possession of the reserves of spare food. It would be national suicide.

Obvious as this is, the General Strike has been attempted again and again, notably on one occasion in Sweden, when it was very thoroughly tried out; and though it has always necessarily collapsed, it is still advocated by people who imagine that the remedy for Capitalism is to treat labor as the capital of the proletariat (that is, the spare money of those who have no money), and to hold up the Capitalists by threat of starvation just as the Capitalists have hitherto held up the proletariat. They forget that the capitalists have never yet been so absurd as to attempt a general lock-out. It would be much more sensible to support a particular strike by calling all other strikes off, thus isolating the particular employers aimed at, and enabling all the other workers to contribute to the strike fund. But we have already discussed the final impossibility of tolerating even particular strikes or lock-outs, much less general ones. They will pass away as duelling has passed away. Meanwhile be on your guard against propagandists of the General Strike; but bear in mind too that the term is now being used so loosely in the daily papers that we see it applied to any strike in which more than one trade is concerned.

A favorite plea of the advocates of the General Strike is that it could prevent a war. Now it may be admitted that the fear of an attempt at it does to some extent restrain governments from declaring unpopular wars. Unfortunately once the first fellow-countryman is killed or the first baby bombed, no war is unpopular: on the contrary, it is as well known to our Capitalist governments as it was to that clever lady the Empress Catherine of Russia that when the people become rebellious there is nothing like “a nice little war” for bringing them to heel again in a patriotic ecstasy of loyalty to the Crown. Besides, the fundamental objection to the general strike, that when everybody stops working the nation promptly perishes, applies just as fatally to a strike against war as to a strike against a reduction of wages. It is true that if the vast majority in the belligerent nations, soldiers and all, simultaneously became conscientious objectors, and the workers all refused to do military service of any kind, whether in the field or in the provisioning, munitioning, and transport of troops, no declaration of war could be carried out. Such a conquest of the earth by Pacifism seems millennially desirable to many of us; but the mere statement of these conditions is sufficient to shew that they do not constitute a general strike, and that they are so unlikely to occur that no sane person would act on the chance of their being realized. A single schoolboy militarist dropping a bomb from an aeroplane into a group of children will make an end of local pacifism in an instant until it becomes certain that the bomber and his employers will be called to account before a competent and dreaded tribunal. Meanwhile the fear of a so-called General Strike against war will never deter any bellicose Government from equipping and commissioning such adventurous young aces. But no Government dare send them if it knew that it would be blockaded by a combination of other nations sufficiently strong to intimidate the most bellicose single nation.

The formation of such a combination is the professed object of the present League of Nations; and though there is no sign so far of the leading military Powers even consulting it, much less obeying and supporting it, when they have any weighty military interests at stake, still even their military interests will force them sooner or later to take the League seriously, substitute supernational morality, law, and action, for the present international anarchism, according to which it is proper for nations, under certain forms, to murder and plunder foreigners, though it is a crime for them to murder and plunder oneanother. No other method of preventing war so far discovered is worth your attention. It is very improbable even that our quaint and illogical toleration of conscientious objection during the last war will ever be repeated; and in any case the experiment proved its futility as a preventive of war. The soldier in the trenches will always ask why he should be shot for refusing to go “over the top” when his brother at home is spared after refusing even to enter the trench. The General Strike is still more futile. War cannot be stopped by the refusal of individuals or even of whole trades to take part in it: nothing but combinations of nations, each subordinating what they call their sovereign rights to the world’s good, or at least to the good of the combination, can prevail against it.

This subordination of nationalism is called supernationalism, and might be called catholicism if that word could be freed from misleading historical associations. It already exists in the United States of America, which are federated for certain purposes, including currency and a pax Americana which was established at the cost of a fierce war. There is no reason except pure devilment why the States of Europe, or, to begin with, a decisive number of them, should not federate to the same extent for the same purposes. The Empires are changing into Commonwealths, or voluntary federations, for common human purposes. Here, and not in local antipatriotic strikes, are the real hopes of peace.

You will find constitutional changes specially bothersome because of the continual clashing between the tightening-up of social discipline demanded by Socialism and the jealousy of official power and desire to do what we like which we call Democracy. Democracy has a very strong hold on organized labor. In the Trade Unions every device is tried to make the vote of the whole union supreme. When delegates vote at the Union Congresses they are allowed a vote for every member of their respective unions; and as far as possible the questions on which they cast their hundreds of thousands of votes are settled beforehand in the unions by the votes of the members; so that when the delegates go to Congress they are not representatives but mere spokesmen handing in the decisions of their unions. But these crude democratic precautions defeat their own object. In practice, a Trade Union secretary is the nearest thing on earth to an irremovable autocrat. The “card vote” is not called for except to decide questions on which the decisions could not be carried out unless the delegates of the Big Powers of trade unionism (that is, the unions whose membership runs into millions) could outvote the delegates of the Little Powers; and as in the ranks of Labor not only is “the career open to the talents” but absolutely closed to nonentities, the leaders are much more arbitrary than they would be in the House of Lords, where the hereditary peers may include persons of average or less than average ability. Even the humblest Trade Union secretary must have exceptional business ability and power of managing people; and if anyone but a secretary obtains a delegation to a Congress he must have at least a talent for self-assertion. He may be for all public purposes an idiot; but he must be a fairly blatant idiot, and to some extent a representative one, or he could never persuade large bodies of his equals to pick him out from the obscurity of his lot.

Now as this oligarchy of bureaucrats and demagogues is the result of the most jealous democracy, the oligarchs of labor are determined to maintain the system which has placed them in power. You must have noticed that some of the most imperiously wilful women, unable to bear a moment’s contradiction, and tyrannizing over their husbands, daughters, and servants until nobody else in the house can call her soul her own, have been the most resolute opponents of Women’s Rights. The reason is that they know that as long as the men govern they can govern the men. Just so a good many of the ablest and most arbitrary of the leaders of Trade Unionism are resolutely democratic in Labor politics because they know very well that as long as the workers can vote they can make the workers vote as they please. They are democrats, not because of their faith in the judgment, knowledge, and initiative of the masses, but because of their experience of mass ignorance, gullibility, and sheepishness. It is only the idealists of the propertied and cultivated middle classes who believe that the voice of the people is the voice of God: the typical proletarian leader is a cynic in this matter, believing secretly that the working folk will have to be born again and born differently before they can be safely allowed to have their own silly way in public affairs: indeed it is to make this rebirth possible that the leaders are Socialists. They have often been strongly anti-Socialist. Thus both the cynics and the idealists are strenuous defenders of democracy, and regard the series of enfranchisements of the people which began with the Conservative Act of 1867 and culminated in Votes for Women, as a glorious page in the history of the emancipation of mankind from tyranny and oppression, instead of a reduction to absurdity of the notion that giving slaves votes to defend their political rights and redress their wrongs is much wiser than giving razors to infants for the same purpose.

The naked truth is that democracy, or government by the people through votes for everybody, has never been a complete reality; and to the very limited extent to which it has been a reality it has not been a success. The extravagant hopes which have been attached to every extension of it have been disappointed. A hundred years ago the great Liberal Reform Bill was advocated as if its passage into law would produce the millennium. Only the other day the admission of women to the electorate, for which women fought and died, was expected to raise politics to a nobler plane and purify public life. But at the election which followed, the women voted for hanging the Kaiser; rallied hysterically round the worst male candidates; threw out all the women candidates of tried ability, integrity, and devotion; and elected just one titled lady of great wealth and singular demagogic fascination, who, though she justified their choice subsequently, was then a beginner. In short, the notion that the female voter is more politically intelligent or gentler than the male voter proved as great a delusion as the earlier delusions that the business man was any wiser politically than the country gentleman or the manual worker than the middle class man. If there were any disfranchised class left for our democrats to pin their repeatedly disappointed hopes on, no doubt they would still clamor for a fresh set of votes to jump the last ditch into their Utopia; and the vogue of democracy might last a while yet. Possibly there may be here and there lunatics looking forward to votes for children, or for animals, to complete the democratic structure. But the majority shows signs of having had enough of it. Discipline for Everybody and Votes for Nobody is the fashion in Spain and Italy; and for some years past in Russia the proletarian Government has taken no more notice of an adverse vote than the British Raj of an Indian jury’s verdict, except when it turns the majority out of doors in the manner of Bismarck or Cromwell.

These reactions of disgust with democracy are natural enough where Capitalism, having first produced a huge majority of proletarians with no training in management, responsibility, or the handling of big money, nor any notion of the existence of such a thing as political science, gives this majority the vote for the sake of gaining party advantages by popular support. Even in ancient Greece, where our proletarians were represented by slaves, and only what we call the middle and upper classes voted, there was the same reaction, which is hardly surprising in view of the fact that one of the famous feats of Athenian democracy was to execute Socrates for using his superior brains to expose its follies.

Nevertheless, I advise you to stick to your vote as hard as you can, because though its positive effects may do you more harm than good, its negative effect may be of great value to you. If one candidate is a Socratic person and the other a fool who attracts you by echoing your own follies and giving them an air of patriotism and virtuous indignation, you may vote for the fool, that being as near as you can get to executing Socrates; and so far your vote is all to the bad. But the fact that your vote, though only one among many thousands, may conceivably turn the scale at an election, secures you a consideration in Parliament which it would be mad and cowardly for you to relinquish as long as inequality of income prevents you from being really represented by the members of the Government. Therefore cling to it tooth and nail, however unqualified you may be to make a wise use of it.

The Labor Party is in a continual dilemma on this point. At the election of 1918 the leader of the Labor Party, a steadfast supporter of votes for women, knew quite well that he would be defeated in his old constituency by the vote of the suburban ladies; and he was. The Labor Party, confronted by a scheme for making Parliament more representative of public opinion by securing due representation for minorities (called Proportional Representation), finds itself forced to oppose it lest it should break Parliament up into a host of squabbling groups and make parliamentary government impossible. All reformers who use democracy as a stepping stone to power find it a nuisance when they get there. The more power the people are given the more urgent becomes the need for some rational and well-informed superpower to dominate them and disable their inveterate admiration of international murder and national suicide. Voltaire said that there is one person wiser than Mrs Anybody, and that is Mrs Everybody; but Voltaire had not seen modern democracy at work: the democracy he admired in England was a very exclusive oligarchy; and the mixture of theocracy and hereditary autocracy that disgusted him in France was not a fair test of aristocracy, or government by the best qualified. We now know that though Mrs Everybody knows where the shoe pinches and must therefore have a say in the matter, she cannot make the shoe, and cannot tell a good shoemaker from a bad one by his output of hot air on a platform. Government demands ability to govern: it is neither Mrs Everybody’s business nor Mrs Anybody’s, but Mrs Somebody’s. Mrs Somebody will never be elected unless she is protected from the competition of Mrs Noodle and Mrs Bounder and Mrs Noisy Nobody and Mrs King-and-Country and Mrs Class War and Mrs Hearth-and-Home and Mrs Bountiful and Mrs Hands-off-the-Church and Mrs Please-I-want-everybody-to-love-me. If democracy is not to ruin us we must at all costs find some trustworthy method of testing the qualifications of candidates before we allow them to seek election. When we have done that we may have great trouble in persuading the right people to come forward. We may even be driven to compel them; for those who fully understand how heavy are the responsibilities of government and how exhausting its labor are the least likely to shoulder them voluntarily. As Plato said, the ideal candidate is the reluctant one. When we discover such a test you will still have your electoral choice between several Mrs Somebodys, which will make them all respect you; but you will not be taken in by Mrs Noodle and Co. because they will not be eligible for election. Meanwhile, Heaven help us! we must do the best we can.

84. PERORATION

And now a last word as to your own spiritual centre. All through this book we have been thinking of the public, and of our two selves as members of the public. This is our duty as citizens; but it may drive us mad if we begin to think of public evils as millionfold evils. They are nothing of the kind. What you yourself can suffer is the utmost that can be suffered on earth. If you starve to death you experience all the starvation that ever has been or ever can be. If ten thousand other women starve to death with you, their suffering is not increased by a single pang: their share in your fate does not make you ten thousand times as hungry, nor prolong your suffering ten thousand times. Therefore do not be oppressed by “the frightful sum of human suffering”: there is no sum: two lean women are not twice as lean as one nor two fat women twice as fat as one. Poverty and pain are not cumulative: you must not let your spirit be crushed by the fancy that it is. If you can stand the suffering of one person you can fortify yourself with the reflection that the suffering of a million is no worse: nobody has more than one stomach to fill nor one frame to be stretched on the rack. Do not let your mind be disabled by excessive sympathy. What the true Socialist revolts against is not the suffering that is not cumulative, but the waste that is. A thousand healthy, happy, honorable women are not each a thousand times as healthy, happy, or honorable as one; but they can co-operate to increase the health, happiness, and honor possible for each of them. At present nobody can be healthy, happy, or honorable: our standards are so low that when we call ourselves so we mean only that we are not sick nor crying nor lying nor stealing (legally or illegally) oftener than we must agree to put up with under our Capitalist Constitution.

We have to confess it: Capitalist mankind in the lump is detestable. Class hatred is not a mere matter of envy on the part of the poor and contempt and dread on the part of the rich. Both rich and poor are really hateful in themselves. For my part I hate the poor and look forward eagerly to their extermination. I pity the rich a little, but am equally bent on their extermination. The working classes, the business classes, the professional classes, the propertied classes, the ruling classes, are each more odious than the other: they have no right to live: I should despair if I did not know that they will all die presently, and that there is no need on earth why they should be replaced by people like themselves. I do not want any human child to be brought up as I was brought up, nor as any child I have known was brought up. Do you?

And yet I am not in the least a misanthrope. I am a person of normal affections, as you probably are; but for that very reason I hate to be surrounded, not by people whose interests are the same as my own, whom I cannot injure without injuring myself, and who cannot injure me without injuring themselves, but by people whose interest it is to get as much out of me as they possibly can, and give me as little for it as possible (if anything). If I were poor, my relatives, now that I am old, would have to support me to keep me out of the workhouse, which means that they would have a strong interest in my death. As I am rich enough to leave some property, my children, if I had any, would be looking forward impatiently to my funeral and the reading of my will. The whole propertied class is waiting for dead men’s shoes all the time. If I become ill and send for a doctor I know that if he does not prolong my illness to the utmost, and send me to expensive nursing homes to submit to still more expensive operations, he will be taking bread out of his children’s mouths. My lawyer is bound by all his affections to encourage me in litigation, and to make it as protracted and costly as he can. Even my clergyman, partly State supported as he is, dare not if I belong to the Church of England rebuke me for oppressing the poor any more than he dare champion me against the oppression of the rich if I were poor. The teacher in the school where my neighbors’ children have their morals formed would find herself in the gutter if she taught any child that to live on what is called an independent income without working is to live the life of a thief without the risks and enterprise that make the pirate and the burglar seem heroic to boys. My tradesmen’s business is to overcharge me as much as they can without running too great a risk of being undersold by trade rivals. My landlord’s business is to screw out of me the uttermost extractable farthing of my earnings for his permission to occupy a place on earth. Were I unmarried I should be pursued by hordes of women so desperately in need of a husband’s income and position that their utmost efforts to marry me would be no evidence of their having the smallest personal regard for me. I cannot afford the friendship of people much richer than myself: those much poorer cannot afford mine. Between those who do the daily work of my house, and are therefore necessary partners in my work, and me there is a gulf of class which is nothing but a gulf of unequal distribution of wealth. Life is made lonely and difficult for me in a hundred unnecessary ways; and so few people are clever and tactful and sensible and self-controlled enough to pick their way through the world without giving or taking offence that the first quality of capitalistic mankind is quarrelsomeness. Our streets are fuller of feuds than the Highlands or the Arabian desert. The social friction set up by inequality of income is intense: society is like a machine designed to work smoothly with the oil of equality, into the bearings of which some malignant demon keeps pouring the sand of inequality. If it were not for the big pools of equality that exist at different levels, the machine would not work at all. As it is, the seizings-up, the smashings, the stoppages, the explosions, never cease. They vary in magnitude from a railway worker crushed in the shunting-yard to a world war in which millions of men with the strongest natural reasons for saving each others’ lives destroy them instead in the cruellest manner, and from a squabble over a penny in a one-room tenement to a lawsuit lasting twenty years and reducing all the parties to it to destitution. And to outface this miserable condition we bleat once a year about peace on earth and good-will to men: that is, among persons to whom we have distributed incomes ranging from a starvation dole to several thousands a day, piously exhorting the recipients to love oneanother. Have you any patience with it? I have none.

Now you may, for all I know, be a sharp, cynical sort of person; or you may be a nice, mushy, amiable, goodnatured one. If the latter you will tell me that people are not governed so much by money considerations as I make out: that your doctor hates to see you ill and does his best to cure you; that your solicitor keeps you out of litigation when you lose your temper and want to rush into it; that your clergyman calls himself a Christian Socialist and leads all the popular agitations against the oppression of the rich by the poor; that your children were heartbroken when their father died and that you never had a cross word with him about his property or yours; that your servants have been with you for forty years and have brought you up from your childhood more devotedly and affectionately than your own parents, and have remained part of the family when your children flew away from the nest to new nests of their own; that your tradesmen have never cheated you, and have helped you over hard times by giving you long and forbearing credit: in short, that in spite of all I may say, this Capitalist world is full of kindliness and love and good-fellowship and genuine religion. Dr Johnson, who described his life as one of wretchedness; Anatole France, who said he had never known a moment’s happiness; Dean Swift, who saw in himself and his fellowmen Yahoos far inferior to horses; and Shakespear, to whom a man in authority was an angry ape, are known to have been admired, loved, petted, entertained, even idolized, throughout lives of honorable and congenial activity such as fall to the lot of hardly one man in a billion; yet the obscure billions manage to get on without unbearable discontent. William Morris, whose abhorrence of Capitalism was far deeper than that of persons of only ordinary mental capacity and sensibility, said, when he was told that he was mortally ill, “Well, I cannot complain: I have had a good time”.

To all this consolation I have been able in this book to add that Capitalism, though it richly deserves the very worst that Karl Marx or even John Ruskin said of it and a good deal more that they never thought of, was yet, in its origin, thoroughly well intentioned. It was indeed much better intentioned than early Christianity, which treated this world as a place of punishment for original sin, of which the end was fortunately at hand. Turgot and Adam Smith were beyond all comparison more sincere guides to earthly prosperity than St Paul. If they could have foreseen the history of the practical application of their principles in the nineteenth century in England they would have recoiled in horror, just as Karl Marx would have recoiled if he had been foreshewn what happened in Russia from 1917 to 1921 through the action of able and devoted men who made his writings their Bible. Good people are the very devil sometimes, because, when their good-will hits on a wrong way, they go much further along it and are much more ruthless than bad people; but there is always hope in the fact that they mean well, and that their bad deeds are their mistakes and not their successes; whereas the evils done by bad people are not mistakes but triumphs of wickedness. And since all moral triumphs, like mechanical triumphs, are reached by trial and error, we can despair of Democracy and despair of Capitalism without despairing of human nature: indeed if we did not despair of them as we know them we should prove ourselves so worthless that there would be nothing left for the world but to wait for the creation of a new race of beings capable of succeeding where we have failed.

Nevertheless I must warn my amiable optimist and meliorist readers not only that all the virtues that comfort them are operating in spite of Capitalism and not as part of it, but that they are baffled by it in ways that are hidden from people who have not examined the situation with a good deal of technical knowledge and some subtlety. Take your honest and kindly doctor, and your guardian angel solicitor. I quite admit that there are plenty of them: the doctor who is a mercenary scoundrel and the lawyer who is a mischievous and heartless rascal is as exceptional as any other sort of criminal: I myself have never chanced to come across one, and most likely you have not either. But I have come across honest doctors whose treatment has been fatal, and honest lawyers whose advice has been disastrous. So have you, perhaps.

You know the very true saying that where there is a will there is a way. Unfortunately the good will does not necessarily find the right way. There are always dozens of ways, bad, good, and indifferent. You must know some bad women who are doing the right thing from bad motives side by side with good women who are doing the wrong thing from the best motives in the world. For instance, the number of children, especially first children, who are guarded and swaddled and drugged and doctored to death by the solicitude of their ignorantly affectionate mothers, must be greater than that of the children who die of maternal dislike and neglect. When silly people (writers, I regret to say, some of them) tell you that a loving heart is enough, remind them that fools are more dangerous than rogues, and that women with loving hearts are often pitiable fools. The finding of the right way is not sentimental work: it is scientific work, requiring observation, reasoning, and intellectual conscientiousness.

It is on this point of intellectual conscientiousness that we all break down under pecuniary temptation. We cannot help it, because we are so constituted that we always believe finally what we wish to believe. The moment we want to believe something, we suddenly see all the arguments for it, and become blind to the arguments against it. The moment we want to disbelieve anything we have previously believed, we suddenly discover not only that there is a mass of evidence against it, but that this evidence was staring us in the face all the time. If you read the account of the creation of the world in the book of Genesis with the eye of faith you will not perceive a single contradiction in it. If you read it with the eye of hostile critical science you will see that it consists of two successive accounts, so different that they cannot both be true. In modern books you will be equally baffled by your bias. If you love animals and have a horror of injustice and cruelty, you will read the books of wonderful discoveries and cures made by vivisectors with a sickened detestation of their callous cruelty, and with amazement that anyone could be taken in by such bad reasoning about lies which have been reduced to absurdity by force of flat fact every few years, only to be replaced by a fresh crop. If, however, you have only a dread of disease for yourself or your family, and feel that in comparison to relief from this terror the sufferings of a few dogs and guinea-pigs are not worth bothering about, you will find in the same books such authentic and convincing miracles, such marvellous cures for all diseases, such gospels of hope, monuments of learning, and infallible revelations of the deepest truths of Science, that your indignation at the derisive scepticism of the humanitarians may develop into an enmity (heartily reciprocated) that may end in persecutions and wars of science like the persecutions and wars of religion that followed the Reformation, and were not new then.

But, you will ask, what have Socialism and Capitalism to do with the fact that belief is mostly bias. It is very simple. If by inequality of income you give your doctors, your lawyers, your clergymen, your landlords, or your rulers an overwhelming economic interest in any sort of belief or practice, they will immediately begin to see all the evidence in favor of that sort of belief and practice, and become blind to all the evidence against it. Every doctrine that will enrich doctors, lawyers, landlords, clergymen, and rulers will be embraced by them eagerly and hopefully; and every doctrine that threatens to impoverish them will be mercilessly criticized and rejected. There will inevitably spring up a body of biassed teaching and practice in medicine, law, religion, and government that will become established and standardized as scientifically, legally, religiously, constitutionally, and morally sound, taught as such to all young persons entering these professions, stamping those who dare dissent as outcast quacks, heretics, sedition mongers, and traitors. Your doctor may be the honestest, kindliest doctor on earth; your solicitor may be a second father or mother to you; your clergyman may be a saint; your member of Parliament another Moses or Solon. They may be heroically willing to put your health, your prosperity, your salvation, and your protection from injustice before their interest in getting a few extra pounds out of you; but how far will that help you if the theory and practice of their profession, imposed on them as a condition of being allowed to pursue it, has been corrupted at the root by pecuniary interest? They can proceed only as the hospitals and medical schools teach them and order them to proceed, as the courts proceed, as the Church proceeds, as Parliament proceeds: that is their orthodoxy; and if the desire to make money and obtain privileges has been operating all the time in building up that orthodoxy, their best intentions and endeavors may result in leaving you with your health ruined, your pocket empty, your soul damned, and your liberties abrogated by your best friends in the name of science, law, religion, and the British constitution. Ostensibly you are served and protected by learned professions and political authorities whose duty it is to save life, minimize suffering, keep the public health as tested by vital statistics at the highest attainable pitch, instruct you as to your legal obligations and see that your legal rights are not infringed, give you spiritual help and disinterested guidance when your conscience is troubled, and make and administer, without regard to persons or classes, the laws that protect you and regulate your life. But the moment you have direct personal occasion for these services you discover that they are all controlled by Trade Unions in disguise, and that the high personal honor and kindliness of their individual members is subject to the morality of Trade Unionism, so that their loyalty to their union, which is essentially a defensive conspiracy against the public, comes first, and their loyalty to you as patient, client, employer, parishioner, customer or citizen, next. The only way in which you can set their natural virtues free from this omnipresent trade union and governing class corruption and tyranny is to secure for them all equal incomes which none of them can increase without increasing the income of everybody else to exactly the same amount; so that the more efficiently and economically they do their work the lighter their labor will be and the higher their credit.

Under such conditions you would find human nature good enough for all your reasonable purposes; and when you took up such books as Gulliver’s Travels or Candide which under Capitalism are unanswerable indictments of mankind as the wickedest of all known species, you would see in them only terribly vivid clinical lectures on extinct moral diseases which were formerly produced by inequality as smallpox and typhus were produced by dirt. Such books are never written until mankind is horribly corrupted, not by original sin but by inequality of income.

Then the coveted distinction of lady and gentleman, instead of being the detestable parasitic pretension it is at present, meaning persons who never condescend to do anything for themselves that they can possibly put on others without rendering them equivalent service, and who actually make their religion centre on the infamy of loading the guilt and punishment of all their sins on an innocent victim (what real lady would do so base a thing?), will at last take on a simple and noble meaning, and be brought within the reach of every ablebodied person. For then the base woman will be she who takes from her country more than she gives to it; the common person will be she who does no more than replace what she takes; and the lady will be she who, generously overearning her income, leaves the nation in her debt and the world a better world than she found it.

By such ladies and their sons can the human race be saved, and not otherwise.

AYOT ST LAWRENCE, 16th March 1927.

Appendix

INSTEAD OF A BIBLIOGRAPHY

This book is so long that I can hardly think that any woman will want to read much more about Socialism and Capitalism for some time. Besides, a bibliography is supposed to be an acknowledgment by the author of the books from which his own book was compiled. Now this book is not a compilation: it is all out of my own head. It was started by a lady asking me to write her a letter explaining Socialism. I thought of referring her to the hundreds of books which have been written on the subject; but the difficulty was that they were nearly all written in an academic jargon which, though easy and agreeable to students of economics, politics, philosophy, and sociology generally, is unbearably dry, meaning unreadable, to women not so specialized. And then, all these books are addressed to men. You might read a score of them without ever discovering that such a creature as a woman had ever existed. In fairness let me add that you might read a good many of them without discovering that such a thing as a man ever existed. So I had to do it all over again in my own way and yours. And though there were piles of books about Socialism, and an enormous book about Capitalism by Karl Marx, not one of them answered the simple question, “What is Socialism?” The other simple question, “What is Capital?” was smothered in a mass of hopelessly wrong answers, the right one having been hit on (as far as my reading goes) only once, and that was by the British economist Stanley Jevons when he remarked casually that capital is spare money. I made a note of that.

However, as I know that women who frequent University Extension lectures will not be satisfied until they have choked their brains by reading a multitude of books on the subject; and as the history of Socialist thought is instructive, I will say just a word or two in the customary pedantic manner about the literary milestones on the road from Capitalism to Socialism.

The theory of Capitalism was not finally worked out until early in the nineteenth century by Ricardo, a Jewish stockbroker. As he had a curious trick of saying the opposite of what he meant whilst contriving somehow to make his meaning clear, his demonstration was elegantly and accurately paraphrased by a first rate literary artist and opium eater, Thomas De Quincey, who could write readably and fascinatingly about anything.

The theory was that if private property in land and capital, and sanctity of free contract between individuals, were enforced as fundamental constitutional principles, the proprietors would provide employment for the rest of the community on terms sufficient to furnish them with at least a bare subsistence in return for continuous industry, whilst themselves becoming rich to such excess that the investment of their superfluous income as capital would cost them no privation. No attempt was made to disguise the fact that the resultant disparity between the poverty of the proletarian masses and the riches of the proprietors would produce popular discontent, or that as wages fell and rents rose with the increase of population, the contrast between laborious poverty and idle luxury would provide sensational topics for Radical agitators. Austin’s Lectures on Jurisprudence and Macaulay’s forecasts of the future of America prove that the more clear-headed converts of the theory of Capitalism had no millennial illusions.

But they could see no practicable alternative. The Socialist alternative of State organization of industry was inconceivable, because, as industry had not yet finished the long struggle by which it extricated itself from the obsolete restrictions and oppressions of medieval and feudal society, State interference, outside simple police work, still seemed a tyranny to be broken, not a vital activity to be extended. Thus the new Capitalist economic policy was put forward in opposition, not to Socialism, but to Feudalism or Paternal Oligarchy. It was dogmatically called Political Economy absolute, complete, and inevitable; and the workers were told that they could no more escape or modify its operation than change the orbits of the planets.

In 1840 a French proletarian, Proudhon, published an essay with the startling title “What is Property? Theft”. In it he demonstrated that a rentier, or person living, as we now put it, by owning instead of by working, inflicts on society precisely the same injury as a thief. Proudhon was a poor Frenchman; but a generation later John Ruskin, a rich Englishman of the most conservative education and culture, declared that whoever was not a worker was either a beggar or a robber, and published accounts of his personal activities and expenditure to prove that he had given good value for his rents and dividends. A generation later again Cecil Rhodes, an ultra-imperialist, made a famous will bequeathing his large fortune for public purposes, and attaching the condition that no idler should ever benefit by it. It may be said that from the moment when Capitalism established itself as a reasoned-out system to be taught at the universities as standard political economy, it began to lose its moral plausibility, and, in spite of its dazzling mechanical triumphs and financial miracles, steadily progressed from inspiring the sanguine optimism of Macaulay and his contemporaries to provoking a sentiment which became more and more like abhorrence among the more thoughtful even of the capitalists themselves.

All such moral revolutions have their literary prophets and theorists; and among them the first place was taken by Karl Marx, in the second half of the nineteenth century, with his history of Capital, an overwhelming exposure of the horrors of the industrial revolution and the condition to which it had reduced the proletariat. Marx’s contribution to the abstract economic theory of value, by which he set much store, was a blunder which was presently corrected and superseded by the theory of Jevons; but as Marx’s category of “surplus value” (Mehrwerth), meaning rent, interest, and profits, represented solid facts, his blunder in no way invalidated his indictment of the capitalist system, nor his historical generalization as to the evolution of society on economic lines. His so-called Historic Materialism is easily vulnerable to criticism as a law of nature; but his postulate that human society does in fact evolve on its belly, as an army marches, and that its belly biases its brains, is a safe working one. Buckle’s much less read History of Civilization, also a work of the mind changing sort, has the same thesis but a different moral: to wit, that progress depends on the critical people who do not believe everything they are told: that is, on scepticism.

Even before Karl Marx the Capitalist economists had lost their confidence, and its ordinary exponents become disingenuously evasive. Not so the bigger men. John Stuart Mill began as a Ricardian and ended as an avowed Socialist. Cairnes still saw no practicable alternative to Capitalism; but his contempt for the “drones in the hive” who live by owning was as thorough and outspoken as Ruskin’s. Their latest academic successor, Mr Maynard Keynes, dismisses Laisser-faire contemptuously as an exploded fallacy.

After Cairnes a school of British Socialist economists arose, notably Sidney and Beatrice Webb of the Fabian Society, who substituted the term Political Science for Political Economy. They gave historical consciousness to the proletarian movement by writing its history with the intimate knowledge and biographical vivacity needed to give substance to the abstract proletariat described by Marx. The evolution of Trade Unionism, Co-operation, and proletarian politics (Industrial Democracy) was reasoned out and documented by them. Their histories of English local government and of the Poor Law cover a huge part of the general field of British constitutional and administrative activity, past and present. They cured Fabianism of the romantic amateurishness which had made the older Socialist agitations negligible and ridiculous, and contributed most of the Fabian Society’s practical proposals for the solution of pressing problems. They shattered the old Capitalist theory of the impotence of the State for anything but mischief in industry, and demonstrated not only that communal and collective enterprise has already attained a development undreamt of by Ricardo and his contemporaries, but that Capitalism itself is dependent for its existence on State guidance, and has evolved collective forms of its own which have taken it far beyond the control of the individual private investor, and left it ripe for transfer to national or municipal ownership. Their volume on the decay of Capitalism has completed Marx’s work of driving Capitalism from its old pretension to be normal, inevitable, and in the long run always beneficial in modern society, to a position comparable to that of an army digging itself into its last ditch after a long series of surrenders and retreats. They estimate roughly that in its hundred years of supremacy Capitalism justified its existence, faute de mieux, for the first fifty years, and for the last fifty has been collapsing more and more on its crazy foundation.

Beatrice Webb’s curious mixture of spiritual and technical autobiography, entitled My Apprenticeship, describes how an intelligent girl-capitalist, with a sensitive social conscience and a will of her own, critically impervious to mere persuasion, and impressible by first hand evidence and personal experience only, was led to Socialism by stubbornly investigating the facts of Capitalist civilization for herself. The Intelligent Woman with a turn for investigation or an interest in character study, or both, should read it.

Between Karl Marx and the Webbs came Henry George with his Progress and Poverty, which converted many to Land Nationalization. It was the work of a man who had seen that the conversion of an American village to a city of millionaires was also the conversion of a place where people could live and let live in tolerable comfort to an inferno of seething poverty and misery. Tolstoy was one of his notable converts. George’s omission to consider what the State should do with the national rent after it had taken it into the public treasury stopped him on the threshold of Socialism; but most of the young men whom he had led up to it went through (like myself) into the Fabian Society and other Socialist bodies. Progress and Poverty is still Ricardian in theory: indeed it is on its abstract side a repetition of De Quincey’s Logic of Political Economy; but whereas De Quincey, as a true-blue British Tory of a century ago, accepted the Capitalist unequal distribution of income, and the consequent division of society into rich gentry and poor proletarians, as a most natural and desirable arrangement, George, as an equally true-blue American republican, was revolted by it.

After Progress and Poverty the next milestone is Fabian Essays, edited by myself, in which Sidney Webb first entered the field as a definitely Socialist writer with Graham Wallas, whose later treatises on constitutional problems are important, and Sydney Olivier (Lord Olivier) whose studies of the phenomenon of the “poor white” in Africa and America, facing the competition of the black proletariats created by negro slavery, should be read by Colonial Ministers. In Fabian Essays Socialism is presented for the first time as a completely constitutional political movement, which the most respectable and least revolutionary citizen can join as irreproachably as he might join the nearest Conservative club. Marx is not mentioned; and his peculiar theory of value is entirely ignored, the economic theories relied on being Jevons’ theory of value and Ricardo’s theory of the rent of land, the latter being developed so as to apply to industrial capital and interests as well. In short, Socialism appears in Fabian Essays purged of all its unorthodox views and insurrectionary Liberal associations. This is what distinguished the volume at that time from such works as the England For All of Henry Mayers Hyndman, the founder of the Social-Democratic Federation, who, until 1918, when the Russian Marxists outraged his British patriotism by the treaty of Brest Litovsk, clung to Marx’s value theory, and to the Marxian traditions of the barricade Liberalism of 1848, with a strong dash of the freethinking gentlemanly cosmopolitanism of the advanced republican littérateurs of the middle of the nineteenth century.

After Fabian Essays treatises on Socialism followed, first singly, then in dozens, then in scores, and now in such profusion that I never read them unless I know the writers personally, nor always, I confess, even then.

If you read Sociology, not for information but for entertainment (small blame to you!), you will find that the nineteenth-century poets and prophets who denounced the wickedness of our Capitalism exactly as the Hebrew prophets denounced the Capitalism of their time, are much more exciting to read than the economists and writers on political science who worked out the economic theory and political requirements of Socialism. Carlyle’s Past and Present and Shooting Niagara, Ruskin’s Ethics of the Dust and Fors Clavigera, William Morris’s News from Nowhere (the best of all the Utopias), Dickens’s Hard Times and Little Dorrit, are notable examples: Ruskin in particular leaving all the professed Socialists, even Karl Marx, miles behind in force of invective. Lenin’s criticisms of modern society seem like the platitudes of a rural dean in comparison. Lenin wisely reserved his most blighting invectives for his own mistakes.

But I doubt whether nineteenth-century writers can be as entertaining to you as they are to me, who spent the first forty-four years of my life in that benighted period. If you would appreciate the enormous change from nineteenth-century self-satisfaction to twentieth-century self-criticism you can read The Pickwick Papers (jolly early Dickens) and then read Our Mutual Friend (disillusioned mature Dickens), after which you can try Dickens’s successor H. G. Wells, who, never having had any illusions about the nineteenth century, is utterly impatient of its blunderings, and full of the possibilities of social reconstruction. When you have studied nineteenth-century county gentility in the novels of Anthony Trollope and Thackeray for the sake of understanding your more behind-hand friends, you must study it up-to-date in the novels of John Galsworthy. To realize how ignorant even so great an observer as Dickens could be of English life outside London and the main coaching routes you can compare his attempt to describe the Potteries in Hard Times with Arnold Bennett’s native pictures of the Five Towns; but to appreciate his much more serious and complete ignorance of working-class history and organization in his own day you would have to turn from fiction to the Webbs’ History of Trade Unionism.

The earlier nineteenth-century literature, for all its invective, satire, derision and caricature, made amiable by its generous indignation, was not a literature of revolt. It was pre-Marxian. Post-Marxian literature, even in its most goodhumored pages by men who never read Marx, is revolutionary: it does not contemplate the survival of the present order, which Thackeray, for instance, in his bitterest moods seems never to have doubted.

For women the division is made by Marx’s Norwegian contemporary Ibsen rather than by Marx. Ibsen’s women are all in revolt against Capitalist morality; and the clever ladies who have since filled our bookshelves with more or less autobiographical descriptions of female frustration and slavery are all post-Ibsen. The modern literature of male frustration, much less copious, is post-Strindberg. In neither branch are there any happy endings. They have the Capitalist horror without the Socialist hope.

The post-Marxian, post-Ibsen psychology gave way in 1914-18 to the post-war psychology. It is very curious; but it is too young, and I too old, for more than this bare mention of its existence and its literature.

Finally I may mention some writings of my own, mostly in the form of prefaces to my published plays. One of the oddities of English literary tradition is that plays should be printed with prefaces which have nothing to do with them, and are really essays, or manifestoes, or pamphlets, with the plays as a bait to catch readers. I have exploited this tradition very freely, puzzling many good people who thought the prefaces must be part of the plays. In this guise I contended that poverty should be neither pitied as an inevitable misfortune, nor tolerated as a just retribution for misconduct, but resolutely stamped out and prevented from recurring as a disease fatal to human society. I also made it quite clear that Socialism means equality of income or nothing, and that under Socialism you would not be allowed to be poor. You would be forcibly fed, clothed, lodged, taught, and employed whether you liked it or not. If it were discovered that you had not character and industry enough to be worth all this trouble, you might possibly be executed in a kindly manner; but whilst you were permitted to live you would have to live well. Also you would not be allowed to have half a crown an hour when other women had only two shillings, or to be content with two shillings when they had half a crown. As far as I know I was the first Socialist writer to whom it occurred to state this explicitly as a necessary postulate of permanent civilization; but as nothing that is true is ever new I daresay it had been said again and again before I was born.

Two Fabian booklets of mine entitled Socialism and Superior Brains and The Common Sense of Municipal Trading are still probably worth reading, as they are written from personal experience of both.

INDEX

BY BEATRICE WHITE, M.A.

Abatement, smoke, 145

Aberdeen, 262

Abernethy, John, 203

Ability, managerial, 67, 181; to maintain discipline, 334, 335; necessary to nationalize, 341

Abortion, 88; surgical, 410

Abraham, 410

Access to rare books and pictures, 388

Accountants, 173, 176, 179, 225, 328

Acrobats, 205

Actors, 23, 169, 205, 419

Actresses, 22; popular, 331

Acts of Parliament, 254, 299, 309, 322, 356, 371, 384, 412

Admiralty, the, 32, 274, 276

Adoption, compulsory, 413

Adulterators, 203

Adults, dysgenic, 436

Adventurers, 310

Advertisements, 135, 203, 310

Aerodromes, 402

Aeroplane lines, the, 388

Aeroplane pilots, 397

Aeroplanes, 313, 345, 402

Affiliation allowances, 200

Afforestation, 281

Africa, 52, 143, 150, 152, 154, 157, 409

African markets, 154

African “medicine”, 367

Agents, 166

Agitators, Socialistic, 305

Agnostics, 436, 438

Agricultural harvests, 240

Agricultural laborers, 204

Air services, 312, 313

Airships, 402

Albert Hall, the, 333

Alcohol, 395, 396, 397, 398

Alexander the Great, 54

Alfonso, King, 318, 371, 379

Alfred, King, 40, 309

Algeria, 152

Allah, 367

Alliances, 153

Allotment holders, 340

Almsgiving, 95

Ambassadors, 75

Ambulance porters, 52

America, 8, 57, 98, 120, 124, 142, 144, 154, 176, 188, 193, 194, 225, 275, 293, 294, 296, 306, 307, 314, 370, 374, 401, 409, 430, 431, 444, 466

America, United States of, 141, 369, 381, 396, 450; anti-British feeling in, 158-159

American dollars, 256; employers and financiers, methods of, 306, 307; hotheads, 396; plantations, 215; presidents, 328, 381; State Legislatures, 436; statistics, 397; villages, 217

Americans, the, 410

Amsterdam, 259

Amusements, 165

Ananias and Sapphira, 12

Anarchism, 445, 447

Anarchists, 94, 203, 220, 444, 446

Anarchy, 29-30, 381

Andes, the, 235

Anglican Churches, the, 404

Anglo-Catholics, 219, 346, 360

Anne, Queen, 139

Anti-clericalism, 439

Anti-clericals, 345

Anti-Russian scare, the 1924, 346

Anti-Socialists, 346

Apostles, the, 12, 13, 14, 19

Apostles’ creed, the, 308, 426

Apothecaries, 419

Apprentice, The Sorcerer’s, 157-61

Appropriation Act, the, 113

Arabian desert, the, 457

Arabs, the, 87

Archbishop Laud, 374, 430, 431, 439

Archbishops, 28, 93, 340, 436, 439

Architects, 169

Arcos, raid on, 223

Aristocracy, the landed, 214

Aristotle, 94

Armada, the, 321

Armaments, 144; the race of, 154

Armistice, the, 156

Army, the, 31, 289

Arnold, Matthew, 98

Arnold, Whately, 272

Art, 30, 31, 39, 48, 157

Art of living, the, 60

Articles, the Thirty-nine, 425, 441, 445

Artificial happiness, 395, 398

Artificial overpopulation, 357, 409

Artists, 78, 81, 386

Asia, 89, 152; British Empire in, 431

Asquith, Herbert Henry, 218

Assaults in school, 416

Assistants, shop, 78, 145, 163, 177, 334, 397, 446

Associated work, 73

Astor property, the, 8

Astronomer Royal, the, 3, 17

Astronomers, 16, 169, 327, 341

Astronomy, Copernican, 361

Asylums, lunatic, 33

Athanasian creed, the, 426

Atheists, 215, 345, 435

Athenian democracy, 453

Athens, 297

Athletes, champion, 398, 429

Atlantic, the, 106, 312

Attendants, picture gallery, 79

Augury, ancient, 367

Augustine, Saint, 92, 93, 441

Austin’s Lectures on Jurisprudence, 466

Australasia, 409

Australia, 89, 193, 194, 361; uncles in, 67

Australians, the, 410

Austria, 263

Austrian Government, the, 255

Authority, 37-8; and subordination, 337

Authors, 169, 172, 225

Averaging. See Nationalization

Babies, 6, 384, 433; superfluous, 410

Babylon, 372

Bachelors, 349

Baghdad, 314

Bagmen, 343

Baked-potato men, 184

Bakers, 9, 52, 266

Baldwin, Stanley, 218, 222

Balfour, Arthur James, 218

Bank of England, 167, 231, 244, 248, 249, 250, 259, 261, 292

Bank Holiday, 77, 81

Bank Holiday Acts, 322

Bank managers, 55, 268

Bank rate, the, 244, 249, 295

Bank transactions, 245

Banker-General, 273

Bankers, 131, 178, 181, 266, 268, 297

Banking, 243-51; nationalization of, 35, 140, 181, 264-8, 386

Banks, 278; Scottish and Irish, 259; national and municipal, 140, 266

Baptism, 4, 424, 433

Barbers, 419

Bargemen, 21

Barges, 401

Barristers, See Lawyers

Baronets, surgical, 332

Bass Rock ideal, the, 412

Bastille, the, 413

Battlefields, 87, 292

Battleships, 349

Beachcombers, 151

Beaconsfield, Earl of, 217

Becket, Thomas à, 430

Bedford, endowed schools of, 300

Bees, 86, 90

Beethoven, 414

Behaviour, 172, 173

Belgium, 153

Belief, differences of, 366, 367; mostly bias, 460, 461

Bell, answering the, 78

Bench, the, 339

Bennett, Arnold, 469

Betterton, 419

Biarritz, 280

Bible, the, 189, 203, 233, 361, 374, 403, 424, 432, 459; astronomy and biology of, 361; of the working classes, 441

Bibles, 50, 143

Big business, 225; capitalist, 308

Billiard markers, 397

Birmingham, 146, 214, 266, 271, 336; municipal bank of, 266

Birth control, See Contraception

Bishops, 434

Bismarck, 54, 165, 380, 381, 453

Blacklegs, 207

Blacksmiths, 27, 138; village, 167, 386

Bloated aristocrats, 444

Blocks, parliamentary, 351

Blockmakers, parliamentary, 351

Boards, 353

Boatswains, 335

Boer ideal, the, 412

Bogey Bolshevism, 14

Bogies, 95

Bolsheviks, 65, 94, 110, 208, 270, 343, 368, 374, 444; Communist, 375

Bolshevism, 113

Bombay Ginning Mills, 191

Bombing aeroplanes, 380

Bonar Law, Mr, 218

Bond Street, 278, 280, 399, 429

Book of Common Prayer, 406

Bookkeepers, 173, 225, 328, 397

Bookkeeping, 184

Bookmakers, 242

Bootle, 280

Bootlegging, 142

Bootmakers, 357

Boots, broken, 50

Borneo, 313

Borough Councils, 351

Borrovians, 220

Borrow, George, 219

Borrowing and hiring, 231, 232

Borrowing from and taxing capitalists, 290

Bound feet, 427

Bounderby, 303

Bountiful ladies, 65

Bourgeois, the, 369, 444

Bournemouth, 146, 278, 280, 372

Bourneville, 307, 375

Bourrienne, memoirs of, 328

Bourses, Continental, 243

Boy Scouts, 413

Bradlaugh, Charles, 435

Brahma, 367

Brains, proper social use of, 331

Bread, communization of, 15

Bread and circuses, 96

Breadwinning, 164, 197

Breaking a bank, 246

Breakwaters, 135

Bremerhaven, 154

Brewers, 177

Briand, Aristide, 351

Bricklayers, 167, 205, 208, 224, 356

Brickmakers, 23

Bridges, 391

Brigadiers, 357

Brigham Young, 380, 410, 411; a Mormon Moses, 431

Bright, John, 190

Brighton, 134

Bristol, 143, 272

Britain, 311, 379, 431

British army and navy, 313; brains, 311; Commonwealth, 313; courage, 311; Empire, 253, 259, 313, 367; in Asia, 431; flag, 313; genius, 311; human nature, 330; husbands, 406; people, 313; proletariat, 359; proletarian voters, 369; Museum, 16; anti-Socialist governments, 287; employers, 306; Government, 255, 306; race, 310; Raj, 453; religions, variety and incompatibility of, 425; taxpayers, 313; workman, 219; turf, 236; Socialists, 141; Isles, 141; Trade Unionists, 306

Brobdingnag, the King of, 155

Brummagem buttons, 214

Brunswick, Duke of, 369

Buccaneers, capitalist, 417

Bucket shops, 242

Buckingham Palace, 37, 118, 426

Buckle’s History of Civilization, 467

Budget, the, 285; annual debates on, 286

Budgets, 384

Building societies, 129; trades, 205

Bullion, 259

Bulls and bears, 241

Bumble, Mr, 413

Bunyan, John, 5, 298, 329; his Simple, Sloth, and Presumption, 318

Bureaucracy. See Civil Service Burglars, 457

Bus conductors, 251

Business, wholesale, 386; private, 387, 388

Business ability, 131

Business man, the practical, 226, 249

Business men, 24, 130, 170, 171, 248

Business principles, 208

Butchers, 422

Butler, Samuel, 140

Byron, Lord, 344

Cabinet, the, 353, 354

Cabinet Ministers, 216, 348, 353

Cabinets, British, 348

Cablegrams, 136

Ca’canny, 208, 211

Cadbury, Mr, 307

Cæsar, Julius, 54, 380

Cæsars, 348

Cairnes, John Elliot, 467

Calculus, the, 422, 428

Calcutta Sweep, the, 67

Calvin, John, 431

Cambridge University, 169, 418, 429

Campbell-Bannerman, Sir Henry, 218

Canada, 89

Canadians, French, 159

Canals, 401

Candidates, the No-Compensation, 271

Candide, 462

Canossa, 430, 442

Canterbury, 430

Capel Court, 243

Capital, 33, 115, 127-31, 133; export of, 140-44, 150; definition of, 100; driven abroad, 34-5; homeless and at home everywhere, 140; party of, 218; levy, 227, 229, 230; investing and “realizing”, 228; taxation of, 277, 294; domestic, 225-31

Capitalism, 10, 100-104, 185, 233, 368, 378, 459; adventurous and experimental, 312; diehard, 447; Liberal constitutional, 447; limitations of, 133-7; mammonist morality of, 374; in perpetual motion, 308-14; on paper, 310; a principle of, 331; provides selfish motives for doing good, 300; secular, 443; ruthless, 314; uncontrollable, 317; well-established method of, 300; runaway car of, 314-19

Capitalist and genius, the, 311

Capitalist morality, 200, 291, 359, 360; law, 325; system, one of worst vices of, 337; papers, 116, 342; Government and Opposition, 344; crusade, 369; exploitations of the taxpayers, 388, 389; oligarchy, 431; mankind detestable, 456; and Socialist Governments, difference between, 390

Capitalists, 444; dictatorship of, 376

Captains, navy, 70; sea, 422

Cardinals, 436

Careerists, 95

Careers open to women, 174

Carlyle, Thomas, 5, 93; his Past and Present, 424, 469; Sartor Resartus, 425; Shooting Niagara, 469

Carnegie, Andrew, 37, 332

Carnegie charities, 160

Carpenters, 23, 69, 205, 356, 399; village, 167

Carriage of mails oversea, 388

Carriers, village, 387, 388, 389

C.O.D. parcel post, 271, 272

Casual labor, 118-20

Casual people, 73

Cathedrals, the, 438

Catholic Church, the, 441

Catholic theoracy, 442

Catholicism, 185

Catholics, 68, 93, 445

Celibacy, 407

Chambermaids, 149

Chancellor of the Exchequer, 113, 121, 227, 276, 281, 285, 287, 290, 295

Chanceries, 353

Change, continuous, 2; constructive, must be parliamentary, 380-86

Changes, social, 39

Chaplains, 185

Charabancs, 164, 165, 312

Character, 26

Charity, 95, 144

Charlemagne, 433

Charles I, King, 321, 345, 371, 405

Charles, II, King, 305, 329, 345

Chartists, 444

Charwomen, 17, 35, 78, 79, 84, 105, 118, 119, 146, 198, 234, 342, 420

Chauffeurs, 75

Cheap and nasty, 139

Cheltenham, 146

Chemists, 310, 312, 327, 341

Cheques and clearing houses, 261

Cheques and Bills, 265

Chicago municipal elections, 159

Chicago pork kings, 343

Child-bearing, 74, 88, 176, 196

Child fanciers, 415

Child farming, 415

Child labor, 192

Child life, organization of, 413

Children, 53, 76, 360, 361, 362, 363, 392, 393, 423, 428, 436, 460; and parents, 134, 193, 364, 366, 408; and young persons overworked, 309; bearing and rearing of, 74, 196, 326; cost of, 87-8; exposure of female, 89; illegitimate, 200, 410; institutional treatment of, 413; matter-of-fact, 363; Roman Catholic, 365; ugly, 55

Children’s ordinary human rights, disregard of, 415

Children’s religion, dictated by parents, 360

Children’s wages, 196

China, 34, 142, 151, 194, 365, 374, 406

Chocolate creams, 145, 146

Cholera epidemics, 189, 427

Christ, 4, 54, 69, 94, 98, 367, 368, 424, 433, 441; the mother of, 432

Christ Scientist, the Church of, 329, 431, 433

Christian Science, 433

Christian Scientists, 432

Christian Socialists, 458

Christianity, 89, 92, 143; early, 459

Christians, 93, 313, 367, 369; early, 89, 92

Christmas, 63; cards, 156

Church, the, 32, 49, 64, 174, 254, 429, 461

Church Catechism, 424, 425

Church of England, the, 15, 17, 28, 32, 49, 215, 329, 360, 366, 374, 425, 434, 435, 438, 439, 441, 445, 457

Church of Jenner and Pasteur Scientists, the new, 433

Church livings, 215

Church rates, 436

Church of Rome, 431, 433, 434, 442

Church, school and Press, 63-5

Church schools, 204

Church and State, quarrel between, 429

Churches, the, 218, 407, 409, 410, 412; attitude towards marriage, 89; dangerous pretensions of, 432

Churches, the Free, 176, 435

Churchill, Winston, 317

Churchmen, 54, 190, 218, 345, 434

Cinemas, 163, 164

Cinematography, 175

Circumcision, 4, 433

Citizens, 391

City bosses, 346

City corporations, 351

City offices, 176, 324

Civil servants, 170, 171, 174, 262, 282, 340, 375, 382

Civil Service, the, 32, 60, 97, 105, 174, 185, 274, 384, 391

Civilians no longer spared in war, 175

Civilization a disease, 127

Clandestine Communism and confiscation, 287

Clares, the Poor, 41

Class distinctions, 420

Class hatred, 456

Class splits in the professions, 205

Class struggle, the, 58, 218

Class war, the, 187, 218, 372, 373

Clearing houses, 261

Cleopatra, 333

Clergymen, 23, 27, 35, 36, 52, 63, 169, 173, 176, 185, 194, 215, 425, 434, 446, 456, 458, 461

Clerical staffs, 356

Clerks, 75, 80, 173, 176, 182, 184, 203, 210, 245, 264, 404; and clerking, 182

Clever women, 23

Clothes, 66, 163, 404; Sunday, 156

Clubs, 418

Clydeside Scots, 441

Coal, cost under capitalism, 107-9; how to cheapen, 109; harvests, 240; commission, 274; mines, 133; nationalization of, 266, 274, 297, 383, 386, 388; owners, 274, 276, 297, 313, 322; supply, 375

Coalmaster-General, wanted a, 109

Cocktails, 341

Coinage, debasement of, 253, 254; value of gold coinage fixes itself, 259

College education, 36

Colonels, 37, 357

Colonies, British, 159

Colored labor, 146

Colored persons, 75

Columbus, 139

Combinations of workers, 204

Commandments, the Ten, 97, 127, 308, 384

Commercial civilization, 319; profiteers, 383

Commercialism, 399

Commissioners of Inland Revenue, 394

Commissions fixing prices, 224

Common creed of the nation, formation of the, 426

Common people, the, 317

Common sense and prejudice, 426

Commonwealths, 158, 450

Communisms, 11-13, 14, 113, 117, 134, 185, 368, 445; clandestine, 16; reduces need for pocket money, 262; parochial, 302; Christian morality of, 374; a development of existing economic civilization, 375

Communist, present connotation of, 446

Communist schools, 360

Communist-Anarchists, 445

Communistic monstrosities, our, 287

Communists, 94, 444, 446; pseudo-Bolshevist, 345

Companies and trusts, 231

Companions, lady, 174

Company promotion, 237

Compensation for expropriation, 113

Compensation for nationalization, 268-274

Compensation really distributed confiscation, 270-71

Competitive method in industry, wasteful, 271, 272; inadmissable in case of ubiquitous services, 273

Composers, 339

Compromisers, timid, 346

Compulsory schooling, 375

Compulsory social service, 356, 357, 358

Conduct, difficulty of teaching, 363

Confectionery, 165

Confidence tricksters, 395

Confiscated income must be immediately redistributed, 288

Confiscation, 113; without compensation, 276-7; with a vengeance, 290

Conscience, the national, 393

Conscientious objectors, 449; objection, 450

Conscription, 154, 156, 289

Conservatism, 313, 447

Conservative Act of 1867, 452

Conservative Governments, 389

Conservative Party, 38, 103, 184

Conservatives, 93, 216, 217, 218, 220, 344

Consols, 177

Conspiracies alias Trade Unions, 209

Constables, police, 38

Constantinople, 314

Constitution for the Socialist Commonwealth of Great Britain, 354

Constitutional Monarchists, 345

Constructive problem solved, the, 297-9

Contraception, 61, 87, 88-9, 90, 91, 148, 165, 175, 410

Contractors, 116

Contracts, civil, 57

Convalescent homes, 33

Conventions, 405

Cooks, 24-5, 36, 145

Co-operative societies, 33, 129

Co-operators, 444

Copper harvests, 240

Copyright conventions, 157

Copyrights, 403

Cost price, 107-11. See Nationalization

Cottage handicrafts, 140; hospitals, 65; industry, 163

Cotton lords, 178; spinners, 205

Country gentlemen, 75, 166, 286, 346

Country houses, 131

County Councils, 32, 351

County ladies, 166

Covetousness, human, 160

Cowper, William, 328

Cowper-Temple Clause, the, 361

Crabbe, George, 5

Craft Unions, 356

Craftsmen, 386

Creative work, 327

Credit, 247; real, 247; tax on, 249

Crews, 446

Crime, 58

Crimean War, 61

Criminal Courts, 395; Law, 57

Cromer, 272

Cromwell, Oliver, 316, 318, 345, 371, 379, 381, 453

Crusoe, Robinson, 21, 85, 121

Culture, 30, 48; reserves of now rather commercial than professional, 171

Currencies, private, 265

Current confusions, 433-55

Cynicism, not justified by the horrors of Capitalism, 155

Daily routine, 321

Dairymaids, 419

Dancing partners, fascinating male, 202, 331

Dartmoor, 328

Dartmoor hunt, the, 328

Daughters, 174, 197; unmarried, 176

Day of Judgment, 89

Daylight in winter, 77

Dealers in pit props, 304

Dean Swift, 62, 458

Death duties, 113; stupid, 230

Death-rate, high, 407

Debasement of currency, called inflation, 256

Debentures, 235

Debt, municipal, 117

Debt, the National, 114, 115, 117, 289, 291, 294-7, 402

Debt redemption levy, 296

Deceased Wife’s Sister Act, 1

Declaration of Rights, 320

Decline of the employer, the, 177-82

Deer forests, 124

Deflation, 256

Defoe, Daniel, 182

Deists, 345

Demagogues, plebeian, 348

Demand, effective, 51; money market sense of, 248-9

Democracy, 164, 451, 452, 453, 459; result of, 317

Democratic Prime Ministers, 315

Dens, sweaters’, 378

Dentists, 194

Department of Mines, creation of, 274

Department of Woods and Forests, 274

Depopulation, 148

Deposit at elections, 57

De Quincey, Thomas, 445, 465, 468

Derby, the, 154, 426

Descartes, 414

Destitute persons, 119

Detective stories, 415

Devil, the, 199, 367

Diagnostic of Socialism, the, 92-5

Diamonds, 9, 51, 66, 341

Dickens, Charles, 174, 303, 414; his Hard Times, Little Dorrit, Pickwick Papers, Our Mutual Friend, 469

Dictators, 315; Italian, 348

Diehard coercionists, 346

Diminishing Return, Law of, 91

Diplomacy, 60-61

Diplomatic service, the, 46, 60

Direct Action men, 371

Direct Action, policy of, 446, 447

Dirty work, 74-6

Disablement above and below, 164-8

Discoveries, 172, 310, 341

Disease, venereal, 43, 54, 200; hereditary, 54

Disguised Church, the, 433

Disraeli, Benjamin, 217, 218. See Beaconsfield, Earl of

Dissenters, the, 93, 204, 215, 218, 360

Distilleries, 135, 137, 312

Distribution, traumatic, not spontaneous, 1; anomalous, 5; seven ways of, 19; by class, 35-8

District Councils, 32, 351

Divide and govern, 213-25

Dividing-up, 6, 7, 8, 21

Division of labor, 24, 85, 161

Divisions within the Labor Party, 354-9

Divorce, 57, 349, 409

Dock companies, 119

Dock labor, 119

Dockers, 219

Dockyards, 105

Doctors, 22, 23, 35, 36, 46, 52, 105, 169, 173, 176, 194, 203, 225, 250, 327, 370, 398, 399, 400, 419, 432, 436, 456, 458, 459, 461

Doctrinaires, Marxist, 372

Doles, 8, 96, 119, 147, 279

Doles, depopulation and parasitic paradises, 145-50

Domestic capital, 225-31

Domestic debt redemption levies, objection to, 297

Domestic servants. See Servants

Domestic work woman’s monopoly, 176

Dominic, Saint, 441

Dominions, the, 437

Dope, 374

Downing tools, 206

Drainage, 137, 391

Drawingroom amusements, 74

Dress, 46, 145, 172, 173

Dress question, the, 404

Dressing, 77

Dressmakers, 52, 145; jobbing, 84

Dressmaking, 420

Drink, 15, 17, 42, 83, 120, 135, 141, 203, 395

Drones, 58

Drugging, 42

Drugs, 396

Drunkards, 93, 195, 395

Dublin, 184, 380

Ducal estates, 167

Duchesses, 403, 419

Dukes, 55, 75, 419

Dustmen, 35, 55, 75

Dwarfs, 69

Dysgenic reactions of inequality, 54-6, 150; adults, 436

Earthquakes, 156

Eastern Europe, 437

Eastern women, 427

Eclipses, 365

Eddy, Mrs, 431, 432, 433, 441

Education, 27, 36, 173, 388; college, 36; a failure, 417; impracticable, 362; middle-class monopoly of, 177-82; secular, 361, 423; stupidities about, 413; technical, compulsory and liberal, 422; Socialist idea of, 428

Education Act of 1870, the, 361; of 1902, 15

Egypt, 34, 222, 392; self-government in, 159

Egyptian fiasco, the, 223

Eight hours day, the, 77

Einstein, Albert, 170, 343, 414

Election of 1918, the, 454

Electric Lighting Committees, 352

Electric lighting, municipal, 121, 122

Electric power, 76, 386

Electricians, 355

Electrocution, 57

Electronic physics, 361

Elementary schools, 169

Elizabeth, Queen, 44, 311, 316, 317, 329, 403, 425, 426, 442

Elizabeth, statute of, 44, 119, 195

Emigration, 144, 148, 193, 194

Emotional Socialism, 189

Empire, the medieval, 442

Empire insurance, 346

Empires, in collision, 152-7; their origin in trade, 151; ruins of, 146; shifting centres of, 152

Employees, badly sweated, 309. See Trade Union Capitalism

Employers, 177, 187, 195; industrial, 214; and financiers, 358; petty, 309; Victorian, 199. See Trade Union Capitalism

Employers’ Federations, 211, 212

Employment of first-rate business brains by Trade Unions, 307

Empress Catherine II of Russia, the, 449

Encyclopedias, 163

Engels, Friedrich, 185, 218

Engine drivers, 36, 73, 76

Engineers, 310, 312, 401

England, 124, 329, 330, 342, 371, 375, 376, 410, 430, 431, 436, 438, 454, 459; Protestant, 406

English big business, Americanized, 307

English Church, the, 347

English ladies, 95

English market, the, 255

English nation, the, 366

English Parliament, the, 371

English pound, the, 263

English State, the, 442

English statesmen, 347

English Trade Unions, Americanized, 307

Englishmen, 257

Enlightenment, modern, 163

Enough? How much is, 41-9

Epidemics, 189; dread of, 398

Epileptics, 195

Episcopalians, 345

Equal wages for equal work, 196

Equality, positive reasons for, 68-70

Equality of income, 384, 385, 391, 407, 413; of opportunity, 93-4

Erewhon, 140

Errand boys, 84, 219

Esquimaux, the, 157, 164

Estate rules, 404

Ethical societies, 435

Eton, 169, 415, 429

Eugenics, 53-6

Europe, 86, 126, 152, 171, 222, 268, 293, 318, 369, 444; kings of, 371, 378; States of, 450

European empires, 347

Evasion of income tax, 32

Eve, the sin of, 89

Evolution, 361

Evolutionists, creative, 436

Exceptional ability, question of, 334

Excessive incomes, extortion of, 340

Exchequer, the 276; Chancellor of the, 113, 121, 227, 276, 281, 285, 287, 290, 295

Exclusion of women from the professions, 174

Executioners, 76

Experimenting, 39

Exploitation, 118; of the State by Capitalism and Trade Unionism, 300, 301

Exploration, 388; professional, 175

Explorers, 46, 310, 327, 341

Exposure of female children, 89

Expropriation Act, 113

Expropriative taxation, 298

Extension of franchise, 217; disappointing, 317

Extremists, 373

Fabian Acts of Parliament, 372

Fabian Essays, 468

Fabian lecturers, 375

Fabian methods, 298

Fabian Society, the, 94, 185, 186, 220, 221, 374, 467

Fabianism or constitutional action, 446-7

Factories, 133, 143, 150, 378, 402; child labor in, 188; Ford, 375; national, 116; munition, 390

Factory Acts, 143, 189-94, 192, 215, 216, 224, 322, 394

Factory employees, condition of, 215

Factory foremen, 146, 147

Factory girls, 78, 165, 198

Factory hands, 219, 334

Factory inspectors, 394

Factory legislation, 207

Factory regulations, 394, 395

Factory work, 73, 80

Factory working day, 213

Fairies, 219

Fanaticisms, 367

Farm produce, transport of, 144

Farmers, 9, 24, 124, 309, 327, 387, 447; English, 374

Farming, 21, 24; large-scale, 386; fancy fruit, 386

Fascism (capitalist dictatorship), 298, 376, 443

Fascists, 444

Fashion, tyranny of, 403, 404

Fashoda, 152

Father, the author’s, 173, 184, 317, 332

Faust, 300, 424

Fecundity, human, 86

Federations, 158

Female virtue, 199

Ferryman, 409

Fertility, 90

Feudalism, 10, 166, 386

Feuerbach, L. A., 441

Field-marshals, 340

Film actresses, 76

Filmstars, 22

Films, 164

Finance committees, 352

Financial gamblers, 382

Financiers, 40, 70, 170, 265, 332, 334, 340, 342; profiteering, 266; and bankers are money profiteers, 266

First-rate work, 74, 398

Fishermen, 124

Fitters, 205, 224

Flag, trade following the, 144

Flanders, 390; battlefields in, 87

Fluctuations on the Stock Exchange, 240

Flying Services, 389

Football, 82

Ford, Henry, 307

Ford factories, 375

Foreign markets. See Markets

Foreign Office, the, 353

Foreign trade, 150-52, 157

Foresters, 21

Forewomen and foremen, 335

Formulas, 297

Forth Bridge, the, 167, 224

Fourier, Charles, 94

Fox, George, 5, 54, 329

Foxhunting, 420

France, 152, 287, 310, 318, 330, 351, 364, 371, 374, 377, 410, 411, 431, 444, 454; decreasing population of, 88

France, Anatole, 458

Franchise, extension of, 217; extension of, disappointing, 317

Francis, Saint, 54, 219

Franciscans, the, 41

Free Churches, the, 176, 435

Free Trade, 344

Free Traders, 346

Free Trade controversy, 286

Freedom, 77; no place in nature, 328; restricted, 329, 330

French, the, 371

French Chamber, the, 351

French Government, 369, 411

French nation, the, 310

French peasant proprietors, 168, 374

French Republic, the, 433

French Revolution, the, 214, 215, 256, 377, 378, 431

Freud, Sigmund, 416

Frontiers, automatic advance of, 151

Fundholders, 444

Funding, 291

Galsworthy, John, 469

Gambling, 239

Game Laws, 214

Gamekeepers, 65

Gaming Act, the, 242

Garages, 402

Garden cities, 281, 307, 418; the property of capitalists, 301

Gardeners, 65, 76, 219; lady, 397

Gardening, 420; kitchen, 386

Gas, poison, 148, 175

General elections, 278, 345, 346, 349, 350, 353; stampeding, 222

General Medical Council, the, 404

General Post Office, the, 274

General Strike, the, 448

General strikes, a form of national suicide, 380

General teetotalism, 398

Generals, military, 379

Genesis, the book of, 460

Geneva, 431

Geniuses, 172, 332

Gentility without property, 36

Gentlemen, our sort of, 358

Gentry, the, 19, 30, 31, 32; landed, 40

George IV, King, 309

George V, King, 254, 309

George, Henry, 217, 468

German employers, 255

German Government, the, 255, 256

German money, 255

German racial stock, 310

German schools and universities, 64

Germans, the, 257, 289, 441

Germany, 159, 181, 183, 255, 256, 263, 310, 317, 401; increasing population of, 88; war with, 347

Giants, 69, 331

Gin Lane, 141

Girl Guides, 413

Gladstone, W. E., 114, 218, 284, 285, 286, 328

Gleneagles hotel, 148

God, 76, 91, 146, 185, 190, 208, 209, 363, 365, 368, 409, 410, 411, 424, 428, 429, 432, 435, 439, 441, 452; the Church of England, 364; the greater glory of, 300; the idea of, 364; ideas about, 366, 367; intentions of, 144; not patriotic, 155

Gold bugs, 346

Gold currency, natural stability of the, 263

Goldsmith, Oliver, 5, 162, 201

Golf, 82, 420; Sunday, 329

Golfing hotel managers, 357

Gospels, the, 127, 442

Governesses, 36, 174, 324, 416

Government, the Capitalist, of 1914-1918, 289; the most sacred economic duty of, 256; and garden cities, 301; and governed, 316; and Opposition, or performance and criticism, 359; as national landlord, financier and employer, 97

Government confiscation without preparation, 280

Government grants, 388; in aid to municipalities, 281

Government intervention in strikes, 356; intervention between Capital and Labor. See Factory legislation and Taxation

Government subsidy to coalowners in 1925, the, 301, 302, 304, 305, 387, 389

Government subsidies, 387

Government Whips, 349

Governments, failures and frauds of, 275; Italian and Spanish, 372; misdeeds of, 275

Gradgrind, 303

Gradual expropriation possible, 295

Gramophones, 18, 33

Gravediggers, 52

Great Britain, 193, 313, 385

Great Western Railway, the, 272

Greece, ancient, 453

Greek, 414; the value of, 28

Greek Church, the, 374

Greenland, 310

Grocers, 265

Ground rents, 123

Guardians, Poor Law, 192, 195, 303, 413

Guards, railway, 73

Guides, postal and official, 421

Gulliver’s Travels, 155, 462

Gwynne, Nell, 203

Habeas Corpus Act, 308

Hamlet, 205

Handel, G. F., 327, 414

Handicrafts, cottage, 140

Handloom weavers, 138

Hand-to-mouth, the world lives from, 6, 7

Hangmen, 76

Happiness, 42

Hara-kiri, 427

Harboro, 134, 137, 312

Hardie, Keir, 221

Harrow, 169, 429

Hatmakers, 272

Haymaking, 80, 401

Head waiters, 146

Health, Ministry of, 282

Hearse drivers, 52

Heartlessness of parents, the apparent, 193

Hegel, G. W. F., 376, 441

Hegelian dialectic, the, 441

Helmer, Nora, 408

Helplessness, of proprietary and working classes, 172; of individuals, 162

Henry IV, King, 166

Henry VIII, King, 130, 253, 254

Hereditary disease, 54

Herring gutters, 324

Herriot, Édouard, 351

High Tories, 346

High wages and colossal profits, 307

Highland chieftains, 32

Highlands, the, 457

Highway lighting, 391

Highwaymen, 38

Hiring spare money, 244

Historians, 321, 328

Hoarding, 129-31

Hobbies, 77

Hogarth, 141

Hohenzollern family, the, 64

Holidays, 59, 79, 167

Holland, 431

Holy Ghost, the, 12, 441

Home, 77

Home Office, 353

Home Rule Question, the, 371

Homer, 414

Hood, Thomas, 201

Horace, 414, 421

Horses, 335; old, 188

Hospitals, 434, 461; cottage, 65

Hotel manageresses, 404

Hotels, 33, 61, 77, 145, 149, 167

Hours of labor, 82, 206

House of Commons, the, 5, 106, 285, 344, 347, 348, 349, 350, 351, 352, 353, 354, 359, 370, 434; Labor members of, 352; a proletarian, 359

House of Lords, the, 372, 434, 451

Housekeepers, 74

Housekeeping, 24, 176, 196; national, 49, 285

Housekeeping money, 211

Housemaids, 167, 219, 324, 386, 446

Houses, scarcity of, 86

Houses of Parliament, the, 254, 314; out of date, 354

How long will it take?, 391-3

How much is enough?, 41-9

How the War was paid for, 289-94

How wealth accumulates and men decay, 161-4

Human nature, 155, 160

Human society like a glacier, 308

Human stock, improvement of, 343

Hungry, the, 131, 132, 133, 167, 172

Husbandmen, 124

Husbands, 25; and wives, 408

Hyndman, Henry Mayers, 186, 218, 469

Ibsen, Henrik, 408, 440, 470

Idealists, 345

Idiots, 172, 195

Idle rich, the, 59-62, 145, 399

Idleness, 46, 403

Idlers, 84, 105, 399, 400

Idling, 58, 399

Idolatry, 203

Ignorance, 162; about Socialism, 345

Illegitimate children, 200, 410

Illinois, State of, 410

Immigrants, 398, 436

Immigration, restricted, 194

Imperialism, 152, 443, 447

Imperialist morality, 359, 360

Imperialists, 346, 444

Inability to govern, our, 318

Incentive, 72

Income, family, 321

Income tax, 114; and super tax and estate duties other names for confiscation, 284; and death duties and supertax, 290; evasion of, 32; rates a form of, 117

Increasing return, law of, 91

Independent candidates, 350

Independent Labor Party, foundation of the, 221

Independent voters, 350, 382

India, 152, 313, 355, 407, 440

Indians, the, 367

Industrial employees, 324

Industrial employers, 285

Industrial male workers, the ordinary, 324

Industrial organizers, 332

Industrial and Provident Societies Act, 300

Industrial Revolution, the, 137-40, 182

Industrial Unions, 355, 356

Industries, the big, 386; competitive entry of the Government into, 271

Industry, the dye, 388

Inequality of income, 418

Inevitability of gradualness, the, 377

Infallibility, necessary dogma of, 3

Infant mortality, 45, 66, 88, 90, 410

Infant schools, 428

Infidels, 444

Inflation, 130, 256, 257, 270

Inflationists, 346

Ingoldsby Legends, The, 239

Inheritance, 165, 166

Inhibition complex, 330

Innkeepers, 387

Inoculations, 433; dangerous, 398; pathogenic, 399, 432

Inquisition, the, 434; water torture of, 415

Insurance, National, 375

Insurance premiums, 254

Insurance stamps, 1

Interest, 178, 182; positive and negative, 232; exorbitant rates to the poor, 234

International, the Third, 385, 441, 442

International Anarchism, the present, 450

International institutions, 157

Internationalism, 140

Invalids, 172

Invention, 131; inventions and inventors, 138; inventions, 180; inventors, 310, 312

Investing capital, 292

Investment and enterprise, 131-3

Ireland, 124, 144, 193, 194, 371, 372, 379

Ireland scholars, 429

Irish Free State, 159, 371

Irish Home Rule, 371

Irish ladies in the workhouse, 20

Irish Nationalist Party, the old, 350

Irish peers, 184

Ironmasters, 400

Ironmongers, 400

Islam, 432

Isle of Wight, 106

Israelites, the, 392, 410

Italian nation, the, 348

Italy, 152, 154, 310, 318, 329, 337, 347, 372, 453

Jacobins, 444

James I, King, 403

James II, King, 321, 370, 426

James, Saint, 433

Japan, 194, 402

Jehovah, 367

Jenner, Edward, 433

Jericho, 392

Jesuits, the, 368

Jesus. See Christ

Jevons, Stanley, 465, 467, 468

Jews, the, 329, 361, 369, 433, 435, 438

Joan of Arc, 54

Jobbing dressmakers, 84

John, King, 442

Johnson, Samuel, 167, 458

Joiners, 21, 205, 356

Joint stock companies, 178, 180, 209, 235, 240, 276, 309

Joshua, 38

Journalists, 64, 78, 95, 203, 239, 321

Judas Iscariot, 203

Judges, 28, 29, 35, 69, 70, 340

Judgment, Day of, 89

Judgment, the Last, 437

Juries, trial by, 56

Jurors, 339

Jury duties, 395

Jurymen, 316

Jutland, battle of, 326

Kaiser, the ex-, 64, 153, 317, 452

Kantian test, the, 227, 357

Kapital, Das, 441, 442, 443

Keynes, Maynard, 467

Kilkenny cats, 29, 381

King, the, 36, 37, 38, 100, 184, 314, 349, 351, 352, 353, 372, 404, 427, 435; his Speech, 208

King Alfonso, 318, 371, 379

King Alfred, 40, 309

King Charles I, 321, 345, 371, 405

King Charles II, 305, 329, 345

King George IV, 309

King George V, 254, 309

King Henry II, 430, 442

King Henry IV, 166

King Henry VIII, 130, 253, 254

King James I, 403

King James II, 321, 370, 426

King John, 442

King Lear, 47

King Louis XIV, 350

King Philip II of Spain, 442

King William III, 321, 350, 352, 426

King William IV, 215

Kings, 315, 379; Israelitish, 361

Kingsley, Charles, 94

Knights of the Shires, 316

Knox, John, 431

Kruger, President, 431

Krupp’s, 181

Kyle of Tongue, the, 283

Labor, capitalized, 225; costly materials and equipment for, 87; curse of, 80, 82; market value of, 194; of women and girls, 196-204, 212; party of, 218

Labor Chancellor, 286

Labor Government, 344; of 1923, 221

Labor House of Commons, 358

Labor leaders, 373, 442

Labor markets, the, 186-96, 199

Labor members, 217

Labor Opposition, 344

Labor Party, the, 40, 95, 103, 286, 289, 291, 305, 349, 355, 390, 454; establishment of, 220; a political federation of Trade Unions and Socialist Societies, 221; rapid growth of, 344, danger of splits in, 345; Socialists in, 358; the present, 379

Labor-saving appliances, 78

Labor-saving contrivances, 39, 48

Labor-saving machinery, 139

Laboratory work, 74

Laborers, 69, 93, 356

Laborists, the, 446

Ladies, attractive, 331; English, 95; our sort of, 358; real, 400

Ladies’ maids, 42, 145, 146, 333

Lahore, Government College of, 355

Laisser-faire, 38-41, 103

Laisser-faire doctrinaires, 347

Lancashire, 216

Land, nationalization of, 112

Land Purchase Acts, 124

Land values, 123

Landlords, 457, 461; and capitalists, 358; and raised rents, 299, 300; Irish, 344; powers of, 38, 102, 124-5

Langland, 5

Lassalle, Ferdinand, 41

Latimer, Hugh, 5

Latin, literary, 414, 415

Latin stock, 310

Latin verses, 422

Latter Day Saints, the, 381, 407

Laud, Archbishop, 374, 430, 431, 439

Laundresses, 145

Laundries, 73

Law, the Courts of, 56-9, 64; Criminal, 57; Mosaic, 5

Law of Diminishing Return, the, 91

Law of Increasing Return, the, 91

Laws, oppressive and unjust, 399

Lawyers, 22, 23, 54, 57, 105, 124, 169, 173, 176, 194, 202, 203, 370, 456, 459, 461

Laziness, mental, 335

League of Nations, the. See Nations

Lear, King, 47

Learned men, 36

Learning, 30, 31, 39

Legislation, Socialistic, 384

Leicester, 317

Leisure, 10, 77, 82, 320; distribution of, 162, 325

Lenin, 298, 337, 379, 442, 443, 469

Letters, anonymous, 421; snowball, 137

Leverhulme, Lord, 307

Levies on capital are raids on private property, 296

Lewis, George Cornewall, 81

Liberal impulse, the, 271

Liberal Party, the, 95, 184; working class members of, 217; wiped out, 222

Liberalism, 447; revolutionary traditions of, 276

Liberals, the, 93, 216, 217, 218, 220, 344, 445

Liberty, the desire for, 322; the fear of, 324; unfair distribution of, 325; natural limit to, 319-30; and Socialism, 393-406

Liberty of conscience, comparative, 329

Libraries, 309

Lies, 64, 363, 364

Lieutenants, 357

Lighthouses, 105, 134, 137; and lightships, 76

Limitations of Capitalism, 133-7

Lisbon, 192

Lister, Joseph, 433

Literary property, 104

Literature, 30, 48, 157, 420; treasures of, 421

Little Englanders, 158, 346

Liveries, 75-6

Liverpool, 106

Lloyd George, David, 218

Loan Stock, 301

Local Government, 352

Local Government inspectors, 394

Lock-outs, 206, 356

Logic of Political Economy, DeQuincey’s, 445

London, 32, 58, 59, 64, 106, 123, 124, 125, 139, 152, 183, 262, 274, 277, 280, 281, 302, 309, 399, 403, 421, 432, 433, 469; overpopulation of, 92; Socialist movement in, 219

London citizen, the, 421

London Midland and Scottish Railway, 268

Long Parliament, the, 345

Looting by ladies, 151

Low Church Protestants, 346

Loyalty, 159

Luddites (machine wreckers), 212

Lumbermen, 21

Lunatic asylums, 33

Luther, Martin, 441

Luxury trades, 288, 370

Macaulay, T. B., 466

MacDonald, James Ramsay, 221, 222, 317

Machine guns, 380

Machinery, 138-9; displaces labor, 192

Machinery wrecking, 212

Machines, 402

Madeira, 34

Magee, Bishop, 142

Magistrates, 416

Magna Carta, 308, 320

Mahomet, 89, 380, 423, 431, 432, 433, 441

Mahometans, 438

Majors, 357

Malaya, 235

Male prostitution, 203

Mallock, William Hurrell, 331

Malverns, the, 146

Mammon, 185, 215

Man, 361

Man Question, the, 176

Management, 171; routine, 184; scientific, 170, 191

Managerial ability, 67, 181

Managers, 176

Manchester, 146

Manchester School, the, 101, 190, 195, 445

Manchester and Sheffield Outrages, 207

Manchu ladies, 406

Manifestoes, Communist, 384

Manners, 30, 43, 145, 205, 418

Mansion House funds, 280

Manual labor, 183

Manufacture of pins, the, 161

Manufactured pleasures, 46

Manufacturers, 173

Manufacturing towns, overcrowded slums of, 215, 216

Marbot, General, 335

Marco Polo, 343; travels of, 424

Markets, the struggle for, 150-53

Marks, paper, 255

Marriage, 25, 176; English, Scottish, and Irish, 407

Marriage and the State, 409

Marriages, unsuitable, 55

Married Men’s Rights agitation, 329

Married women, 77

Married Women’s Property Acts, 26, 197, 210, 321

Mars, 253

Martyrs, 172

Marx, Karl, 94, 183, 184, 185, 189, 217, 218, 285, 376, 385, 441, 442, 443, 459, 465, 466, 467, 468, 469, 470

Marxian class-consciousness, 220

Marxism, 439, 441, 443

Marxist Bible, the, 442

Marxist Church, the, 442

Marxist Communists, 373

Marxist fanatics, 441, 443

Marxists, 318, 443

Marx’s slogan, 183, 184

Mary Queen of Scots, 311

Mary Tudor, Queen, 426, 430

Masons, 205, 224, 356

Master of the Mint, 274

Match girls, 448

Materialists, the, 436

Mathematicians, 16, 310, 341

Mating, 54

Matrons, 335

Maurice, Frederick Denison, 94

Mayfair, 83

Means of production, 218

Medieval robber barons, 417

Medical research, 437

Medical schools, 416

Mediterranean, annexations of the African coast, 153

Members of Parliament, 69, 461; payment of, 60

Men of science, 320

Mental “defectives”, 436

Mental work, unremunerative, 169

Mephistopheles, 300

Merchant princes, 178

Merchants, 21, 173; gold, 259; coal, 29

Merit, promotion by, 70; and money, 70-71

Messiah, political, 318

Metaphysics, 363, 423

Methodist schools, 360

Methodists, 215

Middle class, the, 172, 181

Middle class manners, 418

Middle station in life, the, 168-76, 182

Middlemen, 334

Midgets, 331

Military officers, 74

Military rank, 74

Military service, 31, 50, 166, 324, 449; compulsory, 411, 428; righteousness of, 357

Mill, John Stuart, 212, 219, 220, 467

Mill hands, 145

Millennium, the, 423

Millers, oldtime, 138

Millionaires, 37, 160, 192; commercial, 332

Mines, the, 150, 231, 278, 386, 387; nationalization of, 266, 274, 297, 383, 386, 388

Miners, 205, 219, 313, 446, 447; and mine owners, 322; grievances of, 109

Mining, 76

Ministry of Health, 282, 303

Mint, the, 253, 264; nationalization of, 265; Royal, 274

Misdeeds of the landed gentry, 214, 215

Miseries of the rich, 45

Missionaries, 143, 151, 310

Modern conscience, the, 423

Modern domestic machinery, 320

Modern examination-passing classes, 414

Modern garden cities and suburbs, 300

Modern Italian and Spanish coups d’état, 345

Modern living, the art of, 422

Modern psychological research, 416

Modern psychology, 424

Modern toleration a myth, 368, 369

Modern war, 175

Monarchs, 23, 35, 36

Money, 9, 41, 53, 130, 251-63; congested, 280; Martian, 253; spare, 232, 233, 465; measure of value, 252; a tool for buying and selling, 252; and merit, 70-71. See Capital, 100

Money lenders, 266

Money market, the, 231-9, 240, 276, 316; fluctuation of, 231

Monogamy, 411

Monopoly, woman’s natural, 176

Monsters, 332

Monte Carlo, 45, 148, 236, 243

Morality by Act of Parliament, 191

Morals, 31, 39

Moratorium, 156

More, Sir Thomas, 5, 94

Mormon theocracy, 431

Mormon women, 411

Mormonism, 443

Mormons, the, 410, 432

Morning Post, the, 287

Morocco, 152

Morris, William, 5, 139, 162, 186, 218, 219, 371, 458; his News from Nowhere, 469

Morris wallpapers, 393, 394

Mortality, excessive, 90; infant, 45, 66, 88, 90, 410

Mosaic Law, 5

Moscow, 282

Moscow Soviet, the, 391

Moses, 4, 32, 392, 423, 431, 461

Moslems, 367

Mother, the author’s, 104

Mothers, 3; soldiers’, 155-6; widowed, 349; and wives, 25, 176

Motion, 314; uncontrolled, 315

Motor bus companies, sham, 238

Motor cars, 9, 33, 47, 50, 51, 75, 262, 375, 401, 402

Motor charabancs, 164, 165, 312

Motorists, 397

Mount, Sermon on the, 42, 93, 442

Mozart, W. A., 339, 414

Multiple shops, 175, 177

Multiplication table, the, 420, 424

Municipal banks on the Birmingham model, 272

Municipal building always insolvent, 273

Municipal committees, 352

Municipal debt, 117

Municipal electric lighting, 121

Municipal exploitation, 113

Municipal service, 384

Municipal trading, 106, 121

Municipalization, 390

Muscovite Marxist Church, the, 446

Museum, the British, 16

Music, school-taught, 414

Mussolini, Benito, 251, 318, 337, 345, 348, 371, 372, 379, 380

Nakedness, 95

Napoleon, 54, 69, 251, 318, 327, 328, 335, 339, 379, 380

Napoleon III, 345, 379

National Debt, the, 114, 115, 117, 295, 402; cancellation of, 291; increase of, 289

National Debt redemption levies, 294-7

National electrification scheme, 386

National factories, 116

National Gallery, the, 16, 17, 280

National housekeeping, 49, 285

National Union of Railway Workers, 356

Nationalists, 94

Nationalization, 298, 383, 384, 390; of banking, 35, 140, 181, 264-8, 386; must be prepared and compensated, 283; theoretically sound, 274; of land, 112; examples of, 105-11

Nationalized banks, 271

Nations, League of, 156, 157; the present, 450

Natural limit to liberty, 319-30

Natural Selectionists, Darwinian, 436

Nature, 3, 9, 21, 55, 59, 67, 80, 84, 90, 91, 164, 176, 311, 320, 321, 322, 402; cruelty of, 437; hand of, 334; human, 155, 160; the supreme tyrant, 319; tyranny of, 80-83; voice of, 54

Navigators, 422

Navvies, 80, 87, 283, 400, 401

Navy captains, 70, 340

Need for play, the, 164

Needle manufacturers, 258

Negro slavery, 75, 188

Nell Gwynne, 203

Nelson, Horatio, 337, 339

Neuters, 176

Neva, the, 282

New Capitalist method, the, 388

New churches and secular governments, 434

New companies, insecurity of, 238

New pauperism, 444

New River Water Company, 403

New Testament, the, 28, 361, 443

New York, 243, 309

Newspaper Articles, 65

Newspapers, 3, 11, 14, 49, 64, 71, 100, 105, 144, 164, 203, 206, 208, 218, 310, 316, 373, 415, 421, 443, 446; respectable English, 407

Newton, Isaac, 170, 343, 414, 428

Nicene Creed, the, 426

Night cafés, 191

Night clubs, 50

Nightingale, Florence, 61, 398

Nightingales, two-headed, 332

Nineteenth century revolution of 1832, the, 370

Nineveh, 372

Nitrogen, supply of, 86

Nobel, Alfred, 332

Noblemen, old-fashioned, 309

Non-commissioned officers, 74

Nonconformist Protestant ratepayers, 360

Nonconformists, 425; persecution of, 215

Nonconformity, 425

Northern Europe, 431

Novels, 164, 421

Nuns, 404, 407; enclosed, 4

Nurses, 3, 74, 327, 428

Nursing, 74, 326

Ocean cables, 378

Officers, 68, 357; military, 74, 404; non-commissioned, 74

Oil harvests, 240

Oil shops, 177

Old age pensions, 8, 119, 383

Old horses, 188

Old-fashioned parents, 175

Oligarchs, patrician, 348

Oligarchy, 30-35

Oliver Twist, 192, 413

Olivier, Sidney (Lord), 468

Opera, the, 46

Opera singers, 22, 35

Operators of calculating machines, 334

Opium war, the, 142

Opportunists, 345; cautious, 346

Orators, political, 321

Order of production, 50

Organizers, 310, 337, 342

Outrages, Trade Union, 207

Overcrowding, 92, 137

Overpopulation, artificial, 90

Overwork, 83

Owen, Robert, 94, 370

Oxford University, 169, 372, 418, 429

Pacific, the, 235

Pacifism, 449

Painlevé, Paul, 351

Painters, 169, 170, 224, 332, 356

Palaces, 378

Palm Beach, 148

Pampering, 52

Panem et circenses, 96

Pantheists, 436

Paper money, 130, 260

Papers, the, 156, 203, 267, 312, 399; capitalist and anti-capitalist, 312; capitalist, 116, 342; the Sunday, 385; the daily, 449; illustrated, 66

Paraclete, the, 441

Parasitic paradises, 148

Parasitic proletariat, revolt of the, 277-9

Parasitism, 83, 84-5

Parcel Post, C.O.D. development of, 271

Parentage, compulsory, 411; State endowment of, 411

Parents, the author’s, 309; and children, 134, 193, 364, 366, 408; old-fashioned, 175; old Roman rights of, 412; natural and adoptive, 412; proletarian, 392

Paris, 309

Paris Commune of 1871, the, 369

Parish Councils, 32

Parish meetings, 351

Park Lane, 276

Parks, 118, 131, 148, 166, 400

Parliament, 49, 57, 58, 60-61, 64, 213, 214, 216, 217; in Gladstone’s time, 285; and the Churches, 435

Parliamentary Labor Party, the, 447

Parliamentary struggle, the, 218

Parlormaids, 75, 182, 403

Parsons, 63

Partnerships, 177, 178

Party candidates, 350

Party discipline, less rigorous now, 353

Party newspapers, 310

Party politics, 343-8, 420

Party System, the, 348-54

Party Whips, 349

Pasteur, Louis, 433

Patents, 403

Patriotism, 155

Paul, Saint, 3, 4, 5, 6, 9, 89, 459

Pauperization, national, 145

Pawnbrokers, 234, 250

Pax Americana, the, 450

Payment of M.P.’s, 60

Pearls, 51, 138, 202; imitation, 50

Peasant proprietors, French, 374

Peasant proprietorship, 168

Peerages, 178

Peers, Irish, 184

Pence, Peter’s, 360

Penn, William, 54

Penny postage, 272

Penny transport, 272

Pensions, old age, 2, 8, 119, 383; widows’, 2, 8, 201

Penzance, 272

Persecution of Russians in America, 369

Personal liberty, the pet topic of the leisured class, 320

Personal property, 102

Personal righteousness, 95-9

Personal talent, possessors of, 331

Peru, 235

Pessimism, 91; a by-product of capitalism, 155

Pet dogs, 18, 51, 75

Peter, Saint, 12

Peter the Great, 282

Peterborough, the Bishop of, 142

Petrograd, 282

Philanthropy, 95

Philosophers, 81, 172, 341

Philosophy, 30, 48

Phosphorus poisoning, 199

Physicians, 74, 419

Physicists, 327, 341

Physics, 423

Pickpockets, 401

Picture galleries, 309

Picture gallery attendants, 79

Piece work, 79

Piece work wages, 211

Piece worker, the, 323

Piers, 135

Pin machines, 333

Pin makers, 333

Pin money, 161

Pin-making, 21

Pinero, Sir Arthur, 202

Pins, manufacture of, 161

Pirate crews, 29, 335

Pirates, 457

Pisteurs. See Dancing partners

Pitt, William, 378

Plagues, 42, 297

Plato, 94, 454

Platonic rule, the, 338

Play, need for, 164

Playing, 39

Plays, 164

Pleasures, manufactured, 46

Plumbers, 356, 399

Plutocracy, 166, 431

Poincaré, Raymond, 351

Poison gas, 148, 175

Poison gas shells, 380

Police, the, 57, 147, 385, 391, 393, 395, 396, 400, 405, 412, 429

Police constables, 38

Police officers, 380, 421

Policemen, 12, 23, 37, 69, 154, 384

Policewomen, 404

Political disciplinarians, 318

Political economy, 48, 63, 190; bad, 50-51

Polygamy, 406, 407, 410, 411; Solomonic, 432

Polytechnics, 182

Pooh-Bah, 419

Poor, legalized robbery of the, 395

Poor Law, the, 120; Government administration of, 330

Poor Law Guardians, 32, 44, 192, 195, 303, 413

Poor Law officers, 394, 395

Poor Law relief, 195

Poor relations, 174

Poor white trash, 322

Pope, the, 37, 407, 442

Popes, 348, 431, 442

Poplar, 302

Poplarism, 305

Popular inventions, 320

Popularity of lavish expenditure, 66

Population, checks on, 86; decrease in France and increase in Germany, 88; importance of rate of increase, 88

Population question, the, 83-92, 410

Pork packers, 37

Port Sunlight, 307, 375

Porters, 21; ambulance, 52; railway, 219, 421

Portsmouth, 154, 336

Positive reasons for equality, 68-70

Positivist societies, 435

Post Office, the, 106-7, 121, 264, 272, 275

Post Office Savings Bank, 128, 129

Post offices and savings banks, national, 267

Postal conventions, 157

Postal system, the, 391

Postmasters, 70

Postmaster-General, the, 121, 264, 273, 274, 275

Postmen, 23, 69, 70, 219

Postmistresses, 421

Potter, Beatrice, 220. See Webb, Beatrice

Poverty, 42-5, 72, 395; abolition of, 398; as a punishment, 43; Franciscan, 41; infectious, 42; and pestilence, 42; and progress, 217

Powers, the leading military, 450

Practical business men, 346

Prayer Book, revision of the, 426

Preachers, 72, 341, 410

Precedence, 37

Pregnancy, 326

Prejudice and common sense, 426

Preliminaries to nationalization, 274-6

Preparatory schools, 417

Presence, the Real, 426

Presidents, American, 328

Presidents and patriarchs, 348

Press, the, 64. See Newspapers

Press, Church, and school, 63-5

Prices, 260

Prices and profits, 135

Priests, 407, 429, 435, 436; power of, 430

Prima donnas, 332

Prime Minister, the average Capitalist, 308

Prime Ministers, 35, 328; Jewish and Gentile, 435

Primo di Rivera, General, 318, 345, 380

Primogeniture, 31, 168

Prince Rupert’s Drop, 160

Prince of Wales, the, 118

Princes, merchant, 178

Prisons, 120, 243, 395

Private enterprise, 116, 131-3, 275; proper business of, 389; and public utility, 300

Private property, 100, 102

Privates, 357

Prize-fighters, 28, 29

Prize-fights, 28, 96

Proclamations, royal or dictatorial, 384

Professional billiard players, 397

Professional classes, the, 169

Professional fees, 68

Professional politicians, 203

Professions open to women, 174

Professors, university, 169

Profiteers, 116, 390

Profits, 182; not a measure of utility, 137; and prices, 135

Progress and Poverty, Henry George’s, 217, 468

Prohibition, 120, 142, 396, 397

Proletarian dictators, 379

Proletarian leader, the typical, 452

Proletarian papers, the, 342

Proletarian parents, 392

Proletarian resistance to Capitalism, 204

Proletarian voters, 217

Proletarianism, 100

Proletarians, 205, 248, 290, 294, 302, 370

Proletariat, the, 183-6, 223, 294, 296, 302, 307, 355, 359, 441, 443, 445, 448; parasitic and Socialist, 377; plunder of, 278; and proprietariat, 223

Promiscuity, social, 418, 419

Promised Land, the, 392, 410

Promoters, 179

Promotion, 74

Property, literary, 104; personal, 102; private, 100; real, 102; secures maximum of leisure to owners, 323

Property owners, 163, 248

Proportional Representation, 454

Proprietary Trade Unionism, 447

Prostitutes, 195, 395

Prostitution, 22, 43, 199; male, 203

Protection, 150

Protectionists from the Midlands, 346

Protestants, 68, 93, 360, 368, 369, 445

Proudhon, Joseph, 466

Pseudo-Socialism, 298

Psycho-analysis, the morbidities of, 420

Psychology, 365

Public departments, 376

Public Health Committees, 352

Public houses, 177

Public libraries, 375

Public opinion, 65, 347

Public schools, 144, 169, 368, 417, 423, 428

Public trustee, 88

Public works, 145, 281, 282

Punch, 330

Punjab, the, 355

Purchasing power, transfer of from the rich to the Government, 278

Purdah, women in, 355

“Pussyfoot” Johnson, 396

Quack cures, 63; remedies, 171

Quaker meetings, 329; schools, 360

Quakers, the, 190, 435, 444

Quarrelling, domestic, 77, 82

Quartermaster-sergeants, 74

Queen, the, 385

Racehorse trainers, 146

Racing stables, 138

Radicals, 94, 444

Radio, 33

Radium, the cost of, 87

Ragpickers, 35, 76, 324, 404

Raid on Russian Arcos Officers, the, 223

Railroadmaster-General, wanted a, 275

Railway, the Great Western, 272

Railway, the London, Midland and Scottish, 268

Railway accidents, 65

Railway Board, wanted a, 275

Railway chairmen, 389

Railway guards, 73

Railway porters, 219, 421

Railway signalmen, 315

Railway travelling, 65

Railway workers, 457

Railwaymen, 446

Railways, 33, 133, 150, 231, 278, 313, 375, 383, 389, 401, 402; State, 275

Rank, military, 74

“Rat-houses” (non-union), 306

Rate collectors, 14

Ratepayers, 303; exploited by workers, 302

Rates, 117-22; and taxes, 17, 111

Reactionaries, 444

Real property, 102

Reason, goddess of, 365

Recognition of Trade Unions, 210

Red Cross, the, 156

Red flag, the, 140, 376

Red Indian morals, 62

Red Russian scare, the, 222

Redistribution of income, 114

Reform Bill of 1832, the, 214, 215, 216, 378, 452

Reformation, the, 431, 461

Reforms, disguised, 299; popular, 299

Registrar, the civil, 436

Registrar-General, the, 303

Relations, poor, 174

Religion, 30, 48, 388; male and female, 440

Religious dissensions, 359-70

Religious instruction hour, 361

Rent, 111, 122-6, 178, 182; the meaning of, 341

Rent of ability, 331-43; called profit, 341

Republic, the Communist, 374

Republican Governments, 254

Republicans, 75, 345, 444

Research, scientific, 388

Rest cures, 59

Restaurants, 202

Resting, 77, 82

Restricting output, 208

Resumption of land by the Crown, 102, 123

Retail trade less respectable than wholesale, 184

Retail traders, 37

Retail trades, 177

Revolt of the parasitic proletariat, 277-9

Revolution, 283; the industrial, 137-40, 182; the Russian, 35, 374, 376, 407, 441

Revolutionists, 147

Revolutions, 63, 134, 370-79

Rhodes, Cecil, 332, 446

Rhodesia, 313

Ricardo, David, 465, 467, 468

Rich, the idle, 59-62, 145, 399; miseries of the, 45; the new, 270; the old, now called the New Poor, 270

Rich women, 56, 95

Righteousness, personal, 95

Rioters, 395

Riveters, 224

Riviera, the, 202, 287

Roads, 391; metalled, 401

Roadways, 402

Roaming, 39

Roberts of Kandahar, 144

Robespierre, Maximilien, 365

Robinson Crusoe, 21, 85, 182

Rockefeller, John Davidson, 36

Rockefeller charities, 160

Rogues, 300

Roi Soleil, le, 350

Roman Catholic schools, 360

Roman Catholicism, 15

Roman Catholics, 329, 360, 361, 369, 407, 431, 445

Roman Empire, 148, 314

Rome, 314, 368; ancient, 96, 147, 148; Church of, 431, 433, 434, 442

Roulette table, the, 239, 243

Rousseau, Jean Jacques, 170

Routine, 181

Routine management, 184

Routine work, 327

Royal Academy of Arts, the, 170

Royal Family, the, 68, 426

Rubber harvests, 240

Ruined shopkeepers, 177

Ruins of empires, 146

Runaway car of Capitalism, the, 314-19

Ruskin, John, 5, 61, 162, 459, 466, 467; his Ethics of the Dust, 425, 469; Fors Clavigera, 469

Russia, 34, 35, 66, 153, 287, 318, 373, 374, 375, 401, 406, 409, 439, 442, 453, 459; dictatorship in, 347

Russian Archbishop, the, 439

Russian Capitalist civilization, 376

Russian Communist, the, 369

Russian Government, the, 255, 256, 368, 369, 376, 439

Russian International Church, the, 442

Russian landlords, 270

Russian peasants, 374, 375; people, 376, 383

Russian Revolution, the, 35, 374, 376, 407, 441

Russian Revolutionaries, 14

Russian Soviet, the, 284, 287, 376, 383, 390, 406, 407, 439, 442

Russian State, the, 375

Russian subscription to Strike funds, 223

Russian word Bolshevik, the, 444

Russians, the, 100, 257

Sables, 341

Sadists, 415, 416

Safety valves, 279-84

Sailors, 21, 68, 77, 310

Saint Augustine, 92, 93, 441

Saint Francis, 54, 219

Saint Helena, the island of, 328

Saint Joan, 54

Saint Paul, 3, 4, 5, 6, 9, 89, 459

Saint Peter, 12

Saint Simon, the speculations of, 94

Saints, 172, 341

Salt Lake City, the Latter Day Saints of, 407

Samaritans, Good, 96

San Francisco, 106

Sanitary inspectors, public, 426

Sapphira, 12

Saving, the fallacy of, 6-7, 129

Savings banks, 128, 267, 444

Savings certificates, 128, 129, 444

Savior, the, 5, 463

Saviors, 96

Sawgrinders, 207

Sawyers, 21

Scabs, 207

Scarecrows, boy, 23

Scavengers, 35, 327, 342

Scent, 50

Schadenfreude, 66

Schiller, 346

Scholarships, 67, 173, 182

School, Church, and Press, 63-5

School attendance, compulsory, 349

School attendance visitors, 394, 395, 412

School teaching, 65

Schoolchildren, 368

Schoolmasters, 63, 169

Schoolmistresses, 3, 27, 36, 129, 335

Schools, 31, 33, 49, 63, 64, 145, 173, 324, 420; like Bastilles, 413; like prisons or child-farms, 413; public, 144, 169, 368, 417, 423, 428; village, 63, 399; secondary, 166, 169; State, 360; elementary, 169, 182; preparatory, 417; infant, 428

Science, 30, 31, 39, 48, 157, 420, 461; and State compulsion, 436; power of, 437; professors of, 436

Scientific management, 170, 191

Scotland, 32, 51, 124, 144, 159, 431; shooting lodges in, 251

Scotland Yard, 274

Scriveners, 225, 328

Sculleries, 76

Scullerymaids, 35, 324

Sculptors, 169

Sea captains, 422

Second-rate work, 73, 398

Secondary schools, 166, 169

Secretaries of State, 352

Self-government in Egypt, 159

Selfridge’s, 177

Selkirk, Alexander, 328

Sempstresses, 22, 258

Sending capital out of the country, 140-44

Sentries, 426

Separatist sects, 329, 345

Serajevo murder, the, 160

Serbia, 153, 160

Serfdom, 10

Serfs, 341

Sergeants, 335, 357

Sermon on the Mount, the, 42, 93, 442

Servants, 23, 42, 47, 48, 118-19, 149, 204, 210, 370, 372, 458; domestic, 65, 73, 75, 78, 83-4, 95, 323, 324

Service, domestic, 24, 73, 175, 215, 324

Service, military, 31, 50, 166, 324, 449; compulsory, 411, 428; righteousness of, 357

Service flats, 61

Services, international and national, 378

Seven ways of distribution, 19

Seventeenth-century revolutions, 370

Severn, the, 282

Sewermen, 76

Sex, 89

Sextons, 93

Shaftesbury, Lord, 189, 190, 215

Shakespear, William, 42, 403, 428, 458

Sham Socialism, 299-308

Shareholders, 235

Shares, buying and selling, 240, 241; imaginary, 241; preference and ordinary, 235

Shaw, Bernard, 97, 470

Sheep runs, 124

Sheffield, 146, 207

Sheffield sawgrinders, 207

Shelley, Percy Bysshe, 5, 317, 373, 424, 428

Shifting centres of empires, 152

Ship captains, 37

Shipyards, 378

Shoes, high-heeled, 50, 406

Shooting boxes, 51

Shop assistants, 78, 145, 163, 177, 334, 397, 446

Shop Hours Act, 191

Shopkeepers, 29, 176, 334, 387, 421

Shopkeeping, 175

Shopmen, 203

Shopping, 105-11, 175

Shops, bucket, 242; multiple, 175, 177

Shorthand typists, 334

Showrooms, 202

Siamese twins, 331

Silk stockings, 18, 99

Simple, Sloth, and Presumption, Bunyan’s, 318

Singers, two-headed, 331

Single taxers, 126, 127

Sirdar, the, 222

Sisters, the Tudor, 368

Skyscrapers, 139

Slaters, 356

Slave trade, the, 143

Slavedrivers, 338

Slavery, 10, 64

Slogan, Marx’s, 183, 184

Sloggers, 208

Slumps, 206, 282

Slum towns, demolition of, 281

Slum userers, 135

Slums, 34, 118, 126, 137, 145, 148, 149, 215, 243, 281, 301, 307, 378, 399

Smallpox epidemics, 189

Smith, Adam, 161, 162, 459

Smith, Joseph, 410, 411, 431, 432, 441

Smithies, village, 386

Smoke, 76

Smoke abatement, 145

Smuggling, 142; of drugs, 396

Snobbery, 47, 175, 184

Snowball letters, 137

Soap kings, 170

Social changes, 39

Social creed, the, 427

Socialism, 10; alarmist idea of, 299; and children, 412-29; and liberty, 393-406; and marriage, 406-12; and superior brains, 331; and the Churches, 429-43; as a religion, 441 books on, 1; Catholic rather than democratic, 348; constitutional, 94 constructive political machinery of, 298; diagnostic of, 92-4; dread of, 393; emotional, 189; establishment of, 344; fancy, 94; first and last commandment of, 97; genuine and sham, 308; idealist, 219; matter of law, not personal righteousness, 98; new, 392; not charity, 95-6; object of, 297; secular, 443; series of Parliamentary measures, 220; unskilled, 283; utopian and theocratic, 94

Socialist societies, 186, 217, 218

Socialist State and the child, the, 424

Socialists, 220, 444, 446; a mixed lot, 93; and Trade Unionists, Cabinet of, 221; deprecate bloodshed, 377; joining the, 92; who are not Socialists, 345

Society of Friends, the, 435

S.P.C.C., the, 362; records of, 412

Sociologists, 341

Socrates, 54, 453

Soldiering, not advisable for women, 175

Soldiers, 23, 68, 69, 74, 88, 116, 203, 289, 310, 324, 338, 357, 390, 395, 398, 399, 405, 411, 433, 436, 446, 449, 450; demobilized, 147

Soldiers’ mothers, 155, 156

Soldiers’ wives, 156

Solent, the, 106

Solicitors, 46, 131, 166, 179, 250, 357, 458, 459, 461

Solomon, 346

Solomonic polygamy, 432

Solon, 461

Sonata, the Pathetic, 414

Song of the Shirt, 201, 309

Soot, 76

Sorcerer’s Apprentice, The, 157-61

Sorceresses, 429

Soul, the, 363, 364

South Africa, 399

South African War, the, 347

South America, 34, 144, 377, 437

South American Revolutions, 370

South Carolina, the State of, 189, 407

South of England, the, 372

South Sea Islands, 9, 319

Southampton, 106

Soviet, the Russian, 284, 287, 376, 383, 390, 406, 407, 439, 442

Soviet legislators, the, 406

Soviets, 254, 315, 348

Spain, 149, 152, 318, 371, 372, 430, 453; dictatorship in, 347

Spare food, 131, 132, 133

Spare money. See Capital, and Capitalism

Spartacus, 369

Spartan routine of the old rich, 60

Speculation, 236, 239-43

Speech, 172, 173

Spencer, Herbert, 83, 335

Spencer, Robert, 350. See Sunderland, Earl of

Spinoza, 169

Sport, 31, 82

Sports, 59, 77

Squeers, Mr, 429

Stage, the, 202, 205

Standard wages, 68

Star Chamber, the, 431, 434

Stars and Stripes, the, 159

Starvation wages, 198

State Capitalism, 298

State interference, 103; with Church teaching, 437, 438

State railways, 275

State schools, 360

Statesmen, 190

Stationmasters, 421

Steamships, 133, 378

Steel smelters, 79, 146, 205

Stenographers. See Typists

Stewardesses, 145

Stock Exchange, the, 236, 237, 239, 240, 241, 242, 243, 248, 251, 277

Stockbreeding, 53

Stockbrokers, 46, 55, 131, 236, 237, 250

Stockjobbers, 236, 237

Stonehenge, 439

Strawberries, January, 50

Strike, the General, 448, 449, 450

Strikes, 68, 206, 302, 303, 355, 356; Socialist remedies for, 356

Strindberg, August, 470

Struggle between Capitalist and Labor Parties in Parliament, 286

Stupid women, 23

Subalterns, 37

Subsidies, exploitations of the taxpayer by bankrupt Capitalism, 305

Subsidies and doles demoralizing, 303, 304

Subsidized private enterprise, 386-91

Subsistence wage, 195

Sudan, the, 152

Suez Canal, the, 152, 153, 285

Suffragettes, 318, 321

Suffragists, 318

Summer schools, 419

Sunday clothes, 156

Sunday golf, 329

Sunday Observance Acts, 322

Sunday school teachers, 369

Sunderland, the Earl of, 350, 352

Supernationalism, 450

Supertax, 114, 284

Supply and demand, 248

Surgeons, 22, 48, 74, 170, 342, 422, 432

Surgical baronets, 332

Surveyors, 422

Suttee, 427

Sweating, 190

Sweating of one industry by another, 197

Sweden, 448

Swift, Dean, 62, 458

Swindlers, 395

Switzerland, 431

Syndicalism, 447

Syndicalists, 94, 444

Tailors, 357

Talent, exploitation of, 333

Tanners, 356

Tax collectors, 224, 227, 229, 250, 277

Tax on credit, resultant chaos from, 250

Taxation, 134; of unearned incomes, 112; of capital as a means of nationalizing without compensating, 277

Taxes, 111-17

Tea, 157

Teachers, 35, 36, 72, 334, 341, 361, 412, 416, 420, 421, 428, 457; State, 424

Teaching, 415, 424; coercive, 414; corrupt, 64

Teetotallers, 15, 68, 93, 397

Telegrams, 136

Telegraph rates, 136

Telephone messages, 136

Telephone operators, 76

Telephone and telegraph services, III, 121

Telephones, 33, 47, 105, 121, 312, 345

Telephoning, 175

Ten Commandments, the, 97, 308, 384

Tenements, 397

Thackeray, William Makepeace, 469

Theatre, the art of the, 428

Theatres, 428

Theocracy, 431, 435, 443

Theosophist schools, 360

Thibet, 310

Thieves, 395

Third-class travel, 419

Thirty-nine Articles, the, 425, 441, 445

Thompson, Big Bill, 159

Three R’s, the, 361, 421

Thrift, 128

Thucydides, 297

Thugs, the, 440

Thurso, 272

Tides, the, 76

Tied houses, 177

Time wages, 22, 211

Tinville, Fouquier, 378

Titles, 74

Toasters, electric, 139

Tobacconists, 177

Tokio, 156

Toll bridges, 262

Tolstoy, Leo, 335, 468

Tono-Bungay, 171

Toots, Mr, 414

Tories, 103, 350, 444, 446; and Whigs, 218

Torquemada, Thomas de, 369, 430

Tourists, American, 314

Tower of Babel, the, 445

Trade, the. See Drink

Trade Union Capitalism, 204-13

Trade Union secretaries, 451

Trade Unionism, 186, 387, 448, 462; weakness of, 213; aristocracy of, 308; first really scientific history of, 220; a contradiction of Socialism, 355

Trade Unionist Government, 224

Trade Unionists, 446; number of, 209; and Socialists, Cabinet of, 221

Trade Unions, 40, 204, 223, 305, 346, 355, 358, 375, 387, 462; Capitalist, 225

Trades Facilities Acts, 313

Tradesmen, 46, 70, 370, 372, 457, 458

Trading stations, 151

Trains, 401

Tramps, 44, 48, 98, 195, 219, 322, 395

Tramways, 402; horse, 188

Transport services, 383

Transport Workers’ Union, 356

Trappists, 62

Treasuries, 353

Treasury, the, 274, 280, 281, 282, 305, 390

Treasury notes, 251, 252, 254, 256, 257, 258, 265

Treaties, 157

Tripoli, 152

Trollope, Anthony, 469

Troops, 370

Trotsky, Leo, 376

Trustee, the Public, 88

Trusts, 109, 178, 179, 209, 386

Tsar, the, 373, 374, 439

Tsardom, the, 376; collapse of, 257

Tsars, marriage under the, 406

Tunisia, 152

Turgot, 459

Turkey, 154

Turnpike roads, 131-2, 262

Turnpikes, 14

Twain, Mark, 392

Twist, Oliver, 192, 413

Two-headed nightingales, 332

Typhus epidemics, 189

Typists, 74, 176, 182, 328, 397

Tyranny, of nature, 80-83; pseudo-scientific, 398; social, 405

Tyrants, 444

Ugly children, 55

Ulster, 159

Uncles in Australia, 67

Undertakers, 52

Unearned incomes, 112

Unemployment, 97, 144, 195

Unemployment insurance, 205

Unemployment insurance officers, 394 395

Unhappiness incurable by money, 41

Union Congresses, the, 451

Union Jack, the, 140, 159, 447

Union of Mathematical Instrument Makers, 417

Union of Soviet Republics, 369

Unionists, the, 371

Unitarian schools, 360

United States, the, 292, 431, 432. See America

United States Government, the, 396

Universities, the, 31, 145, 174, 182, 309, 417, 428. See Oxford and Cambridge

University extension lectures, 456

University professors, 169; manners, 418; snobs, 418; students, 417

Unladylike activities, 174

Unmarried daughter and younger son class, the genteel disendowed, 415

Unmarried daughters, 176

Unpaid magistrates, 166

Unproductive labor, 85

Unsuitable marriages, 55

Unwillingness to be governed, our, 318

Upholsterers, 21

Urdu, 355

Utopias, 140, 453

Vaccination, compulsory, 398

Vaccination officers, 394

Vaccinia, generalized, 398

Vacuum cleaners, 39, 386

Valets, 339, 357

Value of Greek, 28; of men and women, 194; of souls, 29

Vegetarianism, 438

Venereal disease, 43, 54, 200

Vermin, 75

Vesuvius, 302

Victoria, Queen, 2, 47, 71, 180, 215, 221, 304, 428

Victorian employers, 199; ladies, 319; parents, 428; point of view, 287; women, 324

Village blacksmiths, 168; carpenters, 167; schools, 63, 399

Villagers, 421

Villages, 167; American, 217

Virgil, 414

Virtue, female, 199

Vivisectors, 460

Voice of Nature, the, 54

Voluntary work, 82

Volunteer armies, 428

Voltaire, 364, 365, 366, 431, 454

Voter, the female, 453

Votes for everybody, 164

Votes for women, 321, 452, 454

Wage workers, 163, 209, 213, 219, 220, 221, 281, 285

Wages, 178, 182; standard, 68; of sin, 200; wives’, 197; time and piecework, 211

Wages Boards, 224

Wagner, Richard, 414

Waiters, 149

Waitresses, 145, 403, 448

Wall Street, 243

Wallas, Graham, 468

War, 270, 289; modern, 175; the late (1914-1918), 147, 153, 160, 230, 251, 268, 287, 293, 304, 347, 369, 376, 388, 390, 402, 450; the South African, 347; General Strike against, 449, 450

War Debt, 295; to America, 296; domestic, 296

War Loan, 117, 290, 291, 294, 295

War Loan interest, 277, 296

War Loan register, 250

War Loan Stock, 290, 291

War Office, the, 32, 274, 353

War taxation, 114-15

Wardresses, 335

Warehousemen, 210

Warwick, Countess of, 371

Washerwomen, 27

Washing, 77

Washington, George, 54

Waste of time, 81

Watch committees, 274

Water power, wasted, 144

Water wagon, the, 397

Watts, G. F., 233

Weary Willies, 72, 440

Weavers, 52, 138, 212

Weaving mills, 334

Weaving sheds, 80, 165

Webb, Sidney and Beatrice, 94, 354, 467, 468, 469; Sidney, 220, 377; Beatrice, 467

Wedding presents, 18

Weeding the world, 82

Week ends, 77

Wellington, the Duke of, 317, 419; his horse, 188

Wells, H. G., 171, 469

Wembley, 28

Wesley, John, 54

Western women, extravagances of, 427

West Indian plantations, 215

Westminster, 219, 354

Westminster Abbey, 329

Westminster Confession, the, 425

What we should buy first, 49-52, 137, 141

Whigs, the, 350; and Tories, 218

Whips, the, 350, 353

Whist drives, 165

Whiteley’s, 177

Wholesale trade formerly more respectable than retail, 37, 184

Wholesalers, 334

Why confiscation has succeeded hitherto, 284-8

Widows’ pensions, 2, 8, 201

Wife and mother, the occupation of, 321

Wight, Isle of, 106

William the Conqueror, 124

William III, King, 321, 350, 352, 426

William IV, King, 215

Windfalls, 67

Wireless concerts, 165, 312

Wireless sets, 39

Witchcraft, 367

Wives and mothers, 25, 176, 321

Wives’ wages, 197

Woman, 361; The Scarlet, 360

Woman question, the, 176

Woman’s natural monopoly, 176

Women, changeable, 315; clever, 23; stupid, 23; married, 77; rich, 56, 95; in the labor market, 196-204

Woodcutters, 87

Woodman, 21, 65

Woolbrokers, 334

Woolwich Arsenal, 116

Work, an author’s, 327; craze for, 83; creative, 327; routine, 327; first-rate, 74, 398; second-rate, 73, 398

Workers, 289, 387; equal leisure for, 328; open-air, 401; scientific, 386; snobbery among, 400

Workhouse, the, 44, 119, 456; the general, 195

Workmen, 388

World War, 457

Wrecking, 151

Yahoos, 458

Younger son and unmarried daughter class, 415

Zanzibar, 314

Transcriber's Notes:

Variations in spelling and hyphenation are retained.

Perceived typographical errors have been changed.