LXXI. WISCONSIN.[464]…

LXXI. WISCONSIN.[464]

As a Territory Wisconsin interested herself in equal rights. In the first Constitutional Convention universal suffrage regardless of sex or color had a considerable vote. In the second woman suffrage received a certain amount of favorable consideration. Early in the history of the State widows were made heirs of all the property in case of the death of the husband without children, and laws were passed by which a life interest in the homestead was secured to the wife. In 1851 the regents of the State University declared that their plan "contemplated the admission of women," and in 1869 women were made eligible to all school offices.

The first Woman Suffrage Association was organized in 1869 as a result of a large convention in Milwaukee, arranged by Dr. Laura Ross and Miss Lily Peckham, a bright young lawyer, and addressed by Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Mrs. Mary A. Livermore, Miss Susan B. Anthony and others. Soon after this several local societies were organized. Its annual meetings since 1883 have been held as follows: 1884, Richland Center; 1885, Whitewater; 1886, Racine; 1887, Madison; 1888, Stevens' Point; 1889, Milwaukee; 1890, Berlin; 1891, Menominee; 1892, Richland Center; 1893, Mukwonago; 1894, Racine; 1895, Evansville; 1896, Waukesha; 1897, Monroe; 1898, Spring Green; 1899, Platteville; 1900, Brodhead.

The president during 1884 was Mrs. Emma C. Bascom, wife of the president of the State University. On leaving for the East she was succeeded by the Rev. Olympia Brown, who has been re-elected every year since.[465] Mrs. Brown was called to the pastorate of the Universalist Church of Racine in 1878, and during her nine years of service there held occasional meetings in behalf of woman suffrage in various parts of the State.

In addition to annual conventions numerous conferences have been held, too many and too similar in character to make a detailed history of them essential. In the winter of 1884 a course of lectures was given in Racine on subjects relating to women by Mrs. Mary A. Livermore, Mrs. Julia Ward Howe, Mrs. Mary E. Haggart, Mrs. May Wright Sewall and Mrs. J. G. McMurphy.

In November, 1886, Mrs. Brown held a series of nine district conventions in company with Miss Anthony and Mrs. Clara Bewick Colby. On November 1 she received a telegram from Miss Anthony, then in Kansas, saying that they would join in holding conventions in all the congressional districts beginning on the 8th. This seemed a very short time in which to prepare for such a campaign, but by the president's deciding on places and dates without consultation, sending posters to the different towns selected and announcements to all the papers of the State, and then going in person to secure halls and make local arrangements, the date named found a tolerable degree of preparation. The canvass opened with a large reception at the home of Mrs. M. B. Erskine in Racine, which was followed by conventions at Waukesha, Ripon, Oshkosh, Green Bay, Grand Rapids, Eau Claire, La Crosse, Evansville and Madison. At the last place the ladies spoke in the Senate Chamber to a distinguished audience. The effect of these meetings was marked. Many members were added to the State association, branches were organized and an impetus given to the work such as never was known before and has not been repeated. Since then many conventions have been held by the president of the association, its several lecturers and outside speakers.

In 1896 the suffrage association kept open house for ten days at the Manona Lake Assembly; during this time the Rev. Anna Howard Shaw, national vice-president-at-large, gave one of the Chautauqua lectures to an audience of 4,000 people.

In 1898 a conference was held in Madison by the officers of the National Association, attended by the State Executive Board and representatives of various societies.

The Rev. Ella Bartlett, the Rev. Nellie Mann Opdale and the Rev. Alice Ball Loomis have each served as State lecturer for two or more years and proved most efficient. Mrs. Emma Smith DeVoe has also lectured in the State during several different seasons with excellent effect.

Among those who have aided in the work in an early day may be mentioned Madame Mathilde F. Anneke, Dr. Laura Ross Wolcott, Mrs. Ella Partridge, Mrs. Emeline Wolcott; and later Mrs. Lephia O. Brown, the mother, and J. H. Willis, the husband, of the Rev. Olympia Brown.[466]

Prof. Henry Doty Maxon stands pre-eminent among the men who have assisted the cause. He was pastor of the Unitarian Church at Menominee and vice-president of the State Suffrage Association for a number of years, attended the annual meetings regularly and himself arranged one of the most successful, which was held in his church, known as the Mabel Taintor Memorial Hall. Col. J. G. McMynn exerted an influence in favor of woman's advancement, at an early day. Many men have aided by giving money and influence, among them State Senator Norman James, David B. James, Capt. Andrew Taintor, the Hon. T. B. Wilson, Burr Sprague, M. B. Erskine, the Hon. W. T. Lewis, Steven Bull, the Hon. Isaac Stevenson, U. S. Senator Philetus Sawyer and Judge Hamilton of Neenah. The clergy generally have assisted by giving their churches for meetings. The Richland Center Club and the Greene County Equal Rights Association deserve special mention for their faithfulness and generosity. The Suffrage Club of Platteville is also very active.

One of the most important features of the work has been the publication of the Wisconsin Citizen, a monthly paper devoted to the interests of women. It was started in 1887 to educate the people on the suffrage bill of 1885 and has continued ever since, no other one influence having been so helpful to the cause. The association owes this paper to Mrs. Martha Parker Dingee, a niece of Theodore Parker, who edited it for seven years, reading all the proofs, without help and without remuneration; and to Mrs. Helen H. Charlton who has edited and published the paper from 1894 to the present time.

Miss Sarah H. Richards compiled and published an interesting history and directory of the Wisconsin Woman Suffrage Association to which the present sketch is much indebted.

LEGISLATIVE ACTION: Only one measure looking to the extension of suffrage to women ever has been passed by the Legislature. This was done in 1885 as the result of the efforts of Alura Collins Hollister, who was appointed to represent the association in legislative work at Madison. The following was submitted to the voters: "Every woman who is a citizen of this State of the age of twenty-one years and upward, except paupers, etc., who has resided within the State one year and in the election district where she offers to vote ten days next preceding any election pertaining to school matters, shall have the right to vote at such election." This was discussed at length in both branches of the Legislature and passed on March 13 by a large majority.

It was voted upon at the fall election in 1886 receiving a majority of 4,583, and thus became a law.[467]

It will be noted that this law specifies what women are to vote, viz.: actual citizens who are not paupers; where women are to vote, viz.: in the election districts where they reside; when women are to vote, viz.: when there is an election pertaining to school matters. It does not specify what women are to vote upon or for whom--they are full voters without limitation at all elections pertaining to school matters. What elections pertain to school matters? First, the general election held once in two years, at which the State Superintendent of Public Instruction and officers controlling the State University and other State institutions are chosen. Second, the municipal election which in most cities pertains to school matters, as a school board or superintendent is chosen then. Third, other elections in country villages where one or more school officers are chosen. Fourth, special elections where subjects relating to schools are voted upon. Of several suffrage bills reported at this session this one, called the Ginty Bill, was the only one which provided for a submission of the question to the voters, which shows the purpose of the framers to have been to grant State or national suffrage. The broad scope of this law practically giving women a vote on the election of all national, State and municipal officers, was pointed out to the leaders of the suffrage association by some of the men instrumental in its passage, notably Senator Norman James, chairman of the Joint Special Committee that reported the bill. It is claimed that the Legislature did not intend to pass a law so far reaching, but the circumstances of its passage, political conditions at the time, as well as the statements of its members and of the committee, show that they did intend to pass this broad, far-reaching law, giving suffrage to women.

To awaken women to the necessity of voting at the first opportunity--the municipal election in 1887--the suffrage association undertook an active canvass of the State which lasted without interruption until the autumn of 1888, a period of over two years. The Rev. Olympia Brown gave up her church in Racine and devoted herself exclusively to the work. The association was assisted by Miss Anthony, Mrs. Livermore, Mrs. Elizabeth Lyle Saxon, Mrs. Elizabeth Boynton Harbert and Mrs. Catharine Waugh McCulloch. Some of these speakers remained a month, others a week and some only for two or three lectures. The State president attended every meeting.

On the morning of the election in April, 1887, Attorney-General Charles B. Estabrook sent out telegrams to those places where he supposed women would be likely to vote, ordering the inspectors to reject their ballots, which was done; but where they were not advised by him the ballots of women were accepted.

The next effort of the suffrage leaders was to instruct the people in the law and the circumstances of its passage, and thus to inspire confidence in spite of the refusal of the ballots. It was suggested that as the Presidential election was near at hand, politicians would not leave it uncertain as to whether or not women were entitled to vote, but would secure an interpretation of the law from the Supreme Court without proper argument and presentation of the facts, hence the State W. S. A. decided to test the matter itself. The case was brought by Mrs. Brown against the election inspectors in Racine for refusing to accept her vote, and was ably argued before Judge John B. Winslow of the Circuit Court, now a member of the Supreme Court of Wisconsin. He overruled the demurrer of the inspectors, stating that women were entitled to vote at that election and for all candidates, thus confirming the law.

An appeal was immediately taken by the inspectors to the Supreme Court, and in order to keep the subject before the people and to create a favorable public sentiment the association continued its canvass by distributing literature and giving lectures. The decision rendered Jan. 31, 1888, was written by Justice John B. Cassody and was so vague and loosely worded that lawyers were not agreed as to its meaning. He reversed the finding of the lower court, however, declaring the intent of the law to be to confer School Suffrage only.[468]

The association now found itself confronted by a large debt, the whole suit having cost about $1,500, but by active work the autumn of 1888 found everything paid. In all this Mrs. Almeda B. Gray, one of the officers of the association, was a leading spirit, contributing largely in time and money; Mrs. M. A. Fowler worked night and day, making routes for speakers and planning the campaign, other women assisted according to their ability and the club at Richland Center did excellent service. The decision still left room for litigation, the claim being made that the ruling of the Supreme Court plainly recognized the right of women to vote provided their ballots were put in a separate box.

In the following November Wm. A. McKinley was elected Superintendent of Schools for Oconto County by the votes of women placed in a separate box. His election was contested and the case was argued before Judge Samuel B. Hastings of Green Bay, who, quoting from the decision of Judge Cassody, decided that women had a right to vote provided their ballots were put into a separate box. This case also was appealed to the Supreme Court, where the decision, rendered by Judge William P. Lyon, Jan. 26, 1890, was that the votes of the women in Oconto County were illegally counted. The ground for this finding was that further legislative action was necessary before separate ballot-boxes could be legally provided. Judge Cassody dissented from this opinion.

The law then became practically a dead letter, except in a few instances, until 1901, when an Act of the Legislature provided for separate ballot boxes for women, and in the spring of 1902 they voted on school questions.

In 1895 the legislative committee, consisting of Mrs. Jennie Lamberson, Mrs. Jessie Luther and Mrs. Alice Kollock, assisted by Mrs. Charlton, secured the introduction of two bills--one to strike the word "male" from the State constitution, the other for a suffrage amendment by statute law. A hearing was granted before the joint committee of both Houses in the Senate Chamber, which was crowded. Mesdames Elizabeth Boynton Harbert (Ills.), Helen H. Charlton, Nellie Mann Opdale, Ellen A. Rose and Dr. Annette J. Shaw were the speakers.[469] The bills were reported favorably but were lost after discussion.

LAWS: Dower and curtesy obtain. A widow is entitled to a life interest in one-third of the real estate and, if the husband die without a will, to the share of a child in the personal estate. If there is no lawful issue she has the entire estate, both real and personal. The widower has a life interest in all the real estate of his wife not disposed of by will, or in all of it if the wife died intestate, unless she left issue by a former husband, in which case such issue takes it, free from the right of the surviving husband to hold the same by curtesy. If the wife die without a will and leave no issue, the widower is entitled to the entire estate, both real and personal. There may also be reserved for the widow a homestead of not more than forty acres of farm land, or one-quarter of an acre in a town, which at her subsequent marriage or death passes to the heirs of the former husband. If none exist she does not lose her homestead rights by marrying again.

The wife may dispose of all her real estate by conveyance during her lifetime or by will, without the husband's consent. He can not destroy her dower rights.

A married woman may sue and be sued, make contracts and carry on business in her own name.

The father, if living, and in case of his death the mother, while she remains unmarried, shall be entitled to the custody of the persons and education of the minor children. The father may by will appoint a guardian for a child, whether born or unborn, to continue during its minority or for a less time.

Neglect to provide for a wife and minor children is a misdemeanor, punished by imprisonment in the county jail not less than fifteen days, during ten days of which food may be bread and water only; or by imprisonment in the penitentiary not exceeding one year, or in the county workhouse, at the discretion of the court.

In 1887 a law was passed raising the "age of protection" for girls from 10 to 14 years. In 1889 this was amended by lowering the age to 12 and reducing the punishment from imprisonment for life to not more than thirty-five nor less than five years. The clause also was added: "Provided that if the child shall be a common prostitute, the man shall be imprisoned in the penitentiary not less than one year nor more than seven."[470] In 1895 the age was raised again to 14 years with the same penalty.

SUFFRAGE: By the law of 1885 every woman who is a citizen of this State of the age of twenty-one years and upwards, except paupers, etc., who has resided in the State for one year and in the election district where she offers to vote ten days next preceding any election pertaining to school matters, shall have a right to vote at such election. By the present interpretation of this law the suffrage of women is limited to school officers and questions. Suffrage may be extended by statute but such law must be ratified by a majority of the voters at a general election.

OFFICE HOLDING: There is no law authorizing women to hold any elective office except such as pertains to schools, but they have been eligible to these since 1869. Eighteen women have served as county superintendents at the same time; nine are acting at present. They sit on school boards in a number of cities.

In the Legislature women act as enrolling and engrossing clerks, and as clerks and stenographers to committees. They are also found as clerks, copyists and stenographers in the various elective and appointive State, city and county offices.

In the State institutions they are employed as teachers, matrons, bookkeepers, supervisors, State agents for placing dependent children, etc. The Milwaukee Industrial School for Girls, supported partly by public and partly by private funds, is the only institution managed entirely by women.

There are no women physicians at any of the State institutions. One woman was appointed county physician in Waukesha, and one or two have been made city physicians.

The office of police matron was established by city ordinance in Milwaukee in 1884. There is none in any other city.

Women act as notaries public and court commissioners.

Women could not sit on any State Boards until the Legislature of 1901 authorized the appointment of one woman on the Board of Regents for the State University, and one on that of the State Normal School. It also authorized the appointment of a woman State Factory Inspector.

OCCUPATIONS: No profession or occupation is legally forbidden to women.

EDUCATION: In 1851 the regents of the State University took a stand in favor of co-education. In 1866 an Act reorganizing the university declared that in all its departments it should be opened to male and female students; but owing to prejudices it was not until 1873 that complete co-education was established, although women were graduated in 1869. All institutions of learning are open alike to both sexes.

In the public schools there are 2,654 men and 9,811 women teachers. The average monthly salary of the men is $41; of the women, $29.50.

FOOTNOTES:

[464] The History is indebted for most of the material in this chapter to the Rev. Olympia Brown of Racine, president of the State Woman Suffrage Association since 1884.

[465] The other officers at present are: Vice-presidents, Mrs. Ellen A. Rose and Mrs. Madge Waters; chairman executive committee, Mrs. Etta Gardner; corresponding secretary, Mrs. M. Geddes; recording secretary, Miss Emma Graham; treasurer, Mrs. Lydia Woodward; State organizer, the Rev. Alice Ball Loomis; district presidents, Dr. Abby M. Adams, Mesdames Kate Taylor, M. A. Fowler, L. A. Rhodes, Augusta Morris, Alura Collins Hollister, L. M. Eastman, Mary Upham, Emma Shores and Sylvia Rogers; press committee, Mesdames Sarah Buck, Clara F. Eastland, Jennie Beck and Dora Putnam; finance committee, Mesdames Anna Gile, Donald Jones and J. B. Hamilton.

[466] Besides those mentioned above, Mesdames Nancy Comstock, Josephine DeGroat, M. A. Derrick, M. A. Fowler, M. M. Frazier, Laura James, Dr. Sarah Monroe, E. A. Rose, S. A. Rhodes, Burr Sprague and Lydia Woodward all have been most valuable helpers. Among generous contributors have been W. H. Crosby, Charles Erskine; Mesdames L. J. Barlow, Laura C. Demmon, Almeda B. Gray, Mary E. Hulett, Emma V. Laughton, Mary Merrill, Margaret Messenger, Hannah Patchen, Dr. Laura Ross Wolcott, Emeline Wolcott and Park Wooster; those who have aided by the pen are Mesdames Marian V. Dudley, Clara Eastland, Hattie Tyng Gardner, Etta Gardner, C. V. Leighton and Minnie Stebbins Savage.

[467] The State constitution provides that the suffrage may be extended by a law submitted to the electors at any general election. If it receives a majority vote it is held to have the force of a constitutional amendment.

[468] The open letter addressed to Judge Cassody, March 28, 1888, by Mrs. Brown, in regard to this decision, was pronounced by the best lawyers as unsurpassed in logic, legal acumen, keen sarcasm and righteous indignation. [Eds.

[469] E. P. Wilder, associate editor of the Madison State Journal, chief official organ of the Republican party, made an excellent address at this time in favor of woman suffrage, which was afterwards printed as a leaflet.

[470] This is believed to be the only case on record where the age of protection has been lowered. The amendment was urged by Senator P. J. Clawson of Monroe, Green County At its next meeting the county suffrage society passed the strongest possible denunciatory resolutions, and thereafter its members worked diligently to defeat Mr. Clawson for the nomination to Congress, which they succeeded in doing.

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LXXII. WYOMING.[471]

It is said that a contented people or a happy life is one without a history. The cause of woman suffrage in Wyoming has not been marked by agitation or strife, and for that reason there is no struggle to record, as is the case in all other States. In its story Mrs. Esther Morris must ever be considered the heroine. A native of New York, she joined her husband and three sons in 1869 at South Pass, then the chief town of Wyoming. She was a strong advocate of the enfranchisement of women and succeeded in enlisting the co-operation of Col. William H. Bright, president of the first Legislative Council of the Territory, which that very year passed a bill conferring on women the full elective franchise and the right to hold all offices. Gov. John A. Campbell was in some doubt as to signing it, but a body of women in Cheyenne, headed by Mrs. Amalia Post (wife of Morton E. Post, delegate to Congress), went to his residence and announced their intention of staying until he did so. A vacancy occurring soon afterward in the office of Justice of the Peace at South Pass, the Governor appointed Mrs. Morris on petition of the county attorney and commissioners. She tried between thirty and forty cases and none was appealed to a higher court.[472]

In 1871 a bill to repeal this woman suffrage law was passed by the Legislature and vetoed by Governor Campbell. An attempt to pass it over his veto failed. No proposition to abolish it ever was made in the Legislature thereafter.

In 1884, fifteen years after women had first voted in Wyoming, U. S. District Attorney Melville C. Brown, at the request of Miss Susan B. Anthony, sent to the National Association an extended resume of the status of women suffrage in the Territory, to which he himself had been opposed in 1869. It expressed throughout the most emphatic approval without any qualifications. Some of the statements were as follows:

Women have exercised their elective franchise, at first not very generally but of late with universality, and with such good judgment and modesty as to commend it to the men of all parties who hold the good of the Territory in high esteem.... It has been stated that the best women do not avail themselves of the privilege. This is maliciously false.... The foolish claim has also been made that the influence of the ballot upon women is bad. This is not true. It is impossible that a woman's character can be contaminated in associating with men for a few minutes in going to the polls any more than it would be in going to church or to places of amusement. On the other hand women are benefited and improved by the ballot.... The fact is, Wyoming has the noblest and best women in the world because they have more privileges and know better how to use them.

To conclude I will say: Woman suffrage is a settled fact here, and will endure as long as the Territory. It has accomplished much good; it has harmed no one; therefore we are all in favor, and none can be found to raise a voice against it.

In the convention called the first Monday of September, 1889, to prepare a constitution for admission as a State, this was the first clause presented for consideration:

The right of citizens of the State of Wyoming to vote and hold office shall not be denied or abridged on account of sex. Both male and female citizens of this State shall enjoy all civil, political and religious rights and privileges.

After just twenty years' experience of woman suffrage no man in this convention was found in opposition to it, but to the surprise of the members, one delegate, A. C. Campbell of Laramie, proposed to amend this section by making it a separate article to be voted upon apart from the rest of the constitution. He supported his amendment by a long speech in which he said that he himself should vote in favor of the article and, from his observations throughout the Territory, he believed two-thirds or more of the people would do the same, but he thought they ought to have a chance to express themselves; that "they were going to have a pretty tough time anyhow getting into the Union, and if they put in a proposition of this kind without giving those persons who were opposed to woman suffrage a chance to express themselves, they would vote against the whole constitution."

The other members of the convention looked upon this as a scheme of the opponents, and Mr. Campbell had no support to his proposition. On the contrary, the most eloquent addresses were made by George W. Baxter, Henry A. Coffeen, C. W. Holden, Asbury B. Conaway, Melville C. Brown, Charles H. Burritt and John W. Hoyt demanding that the suffrage clause should stand in the constitution regardless of consequences. Space will permit only the keynote of these courageous speeches.[473]

MR. BAXTER: ... I defend this because it is right, because it is fair, because it is just.... I shall ever regard as a distinguished honor my membership in this convention, which, for the first time in the history of all this broad land, rising above the prejudice and injustice of the past, will incorporate into the fundamental law of the State a provision that shall secure to every citizen within her borders not only the protection of the courts, but the absolute and equal enjoyment of every right and privilege guaranteed under the law to any other citizen.

MR. COFFEEN: ... The question, as I take it, is already settled in the hearts and minds and judgments of the people of our glorious State proposed-to-be, and shall we stand here to-day and debate over it when every element of justice and right and equality is in its favor; when not one iota of weight of argument has been brought against it; when every word that can be said is in favor of continuing the good results of woman suffrage, which we have experienced for twenty years?... I shall not go into the policy or propriety of submitting such a proposition as this now before us to the people of this Territory....

MR. HOLDEN: I do not desire at this time to offer any reason why the right to vote should be granted to women; that is not the question before us. The question is, shall we secure that right by fundamental law? The proposition now under consideration is, shall we leave it to the people of Wyoming to say whether or not the privilege of voting shall be secured to women? Now, Mr. Chairman, I believe that I voice the wishes of my constituency when I say that rather than surrender the right which the women of this Territory have so long enjoyed--and which they have used not only with credit to themselves but with profit to the country in which they live--I say that rather than surrender that right we will remain in a Territorial condition throughout the endless cycles of time.

MR. CONAWAY: ... The sentiment of this convention, and I believe of the people whom we represent, is so nearly unanimous that extended discussion, it seems to me, would be a waste of time.... If it were proposed to submit to a vote of the people whether the property of the gentleman from Laramie should be taken from him, or my property should be taken from me and given to somebody else, there would be no difference of opinion upon it. In Wyoming this right of our women has been recognized, has been enjoyed; there are such things in law as vested rights, and the decisions of our courts are unanimous that it is not within the power of the Legislature ever to take away from any person his rights or his property and to confer them upon another, and that is what this clause proposes to do, to submit to a vote whether we shall take away from one-half of our citizens--and, as my friend has well stated, the better half--a certain right, and increase the rights of the other half by so doing....

MR. BROWN: I was a member of that second Legislature which tried to disfranchise women.... From that day to the present no man in the Legislature of Wyoming has been heard to lift his voice against woman suffrage. It has become one of the fundamental laws of the land, and to raise any question about it at this time is as improper, in my judgment, as to raise a question as to any other fundamental right guaranteed to any citizen in this Territory. I would sooner think, Mr. Chairman, of submitting to the people of Wyoming a separate and distinct proposition as to whether a male citizen of the Territory shall be entitled to vote....

MR. HOYT: ... For twenty years the women of this Territory have taken part with the men in its government, and have exercised this right of suffrage equally with them, and we are all proud of the results. No man in Wyoming ever has dared to say that woman suffrage is a failure. There has been no disturbance of the domestic relations, there has been no diminution of the social order, there has been no lessening of the dignity which characterizes the exercise of the elective franchise; there have been, on the contrary, an improvement of the social order, better laws, better officials, a higher civilization. Why, then, this extraordinary proposition that, after so many years, having exercised with us the right of suffrage since the foundation of this Territorial government, women are now to be singled out, to be set aside, and the question submitted to a vote as to whether they shall have a continuance of the rights which have been given to them by unanimous consent, and which they have exercised wisely and properly and, as my friend says, with profit to the whole Territory? This is indeed an extraordinary proposition, to submit to a vote the continuance of a vested right. I will not impugn the motives of the gentleman who makes it, but I demand as a matter of justice that it shall be voted down by an overwhelming majority, and I would that he had never presented it.... We are told that if we put this clause into our constitution as a fundamental law, we shall fail to secure its approval by the people of Wyoming and its acceptance by the Congress of the United States; but if it should so prove that the adoption of this provision to protect the rights of the women should work against our admission, then I agree with my friend, Mr. Holden, that we will remain out of the Union until a sentiment of justice shall prevail....

MR. BURRITT: ... Mr. Campbell destroyed any argument that he made in favor of this amendment by saying, first, that woman suffrage as a principle is right; second, that he would vote for it if presented to the people. And he further said that he was not afraid, in defending the right of petition, to come before this convention and indorse this proposition to be separately voted upon, even if it cost him the ladies' vote or the votes of any other class. That certainly is very courageous on the part of the gentleman from Laramie.... But I will say this much in addition, which he did not say, that, as a member of this convention and believing the right of suffrage to be a vested right, of which it would be wrong and wicked for us to attempt to deprive women, I have also the courage to rise above the single constituent that I have in Johnson County who is opposed to woman suffrage (and I know but one) and to rise above the majority even of its citizens if I knew they were opposed, and I am sure that this convention and this State have as much courage as I have. Believing that woman suffrage is right, I am sure that this convention has the courage to go before Congress and say that if they will not let us in with this plank in our State constitution we will stay out forever.... I stand upon the platform of justice, and I advocate the continuance of the right of women to vote and hold office and enjoy equally with men all civil, religious and political privileges, and that this right be incorporated as a part of the fundamental law of the State....

The woman suffrage clause was retained as a part of the constitution, which was adopted by more than a three-fourths majority of the popular vote.

A bill to provide for the admission of Wyoming as a State was introduced into the House of Representatives on Dec. 18, 1889, and later was favorably reported from the Committee on Territories by Charles S. Baker of New York. A minority report was presented by William M. Springer of Illinois, consisting of twenty-three pages, two devoted to various other reasons for non-admission and twenty-one to objections because of the woman suffrage article.

As it was supposed that the new State would be Republican, a bitter fight was waged by the Democrats, using the provision for woman suffrage as a club. The bill was grandly championed by Joseph M. Carey, delegate from the Territory (afterward United States senator) who defended the suffrage clause with the same courage and ability as all the others in the constitution.[474]

The principal speech in opposition was by Joseph E. Washington of Tennessee, who said in part:

My chief objection to the admission of Wyoming is the suffrage article in the constitution. I am unalterably opposed to female suffrage in any form. It can only result in the end in unsexing and degrading the womanhood of America. It is emphatically a reform against nature.... I have no doubt that in Wyoming to-day women vote in as many [different] precincts as they can reach on horseback or on foot after changing their frocks and bustles.... Tennessee has not yet adopted any of these new-fangled ideas, not that we are lacking in respect for true and exalted womanhood.[475]

William C. Oates of Alabama also delivered a long speech in opposition, of which the following is a specimen paragraph:

I like a woman who is a woman and appreciates the sphere to which God and the Bible have assigned her. I do not like a man-woman. She may be intelligent and full of learning, but when she assumes the performance of the duties and functions assigned by nature to man, she becomes rough and tough and can no longer be the object of affection.

He concluded his argument by saying that if ever universal suffrage should prevail the Government would break to pieces of its own weight.

The enfranchisement of women was also vehemently attacked by Alexander M. Dockery of Missouri, George T. Barnes of Georgia, William M. Springer of Illinois, and William McAdoo of New Jersey. It was strongly defended by Henry L. Morey of Ohio, Charles S. Baker of New York, Daniel Kerr and I. S. Struble, both of Iowa, and Harrison B. Kelley of Kansas.

Every possible effort was made to compel the adoption of an amendment limiting the suffrage to male citizens, and it was defeated by only six votes. The bill of admission was passed March 28, 1890, after three days' discussion, by 139 ayes to 127 noes. During the progress of this debate Delegate Carey telegraphed to the Wyoming Legislature, then in session, that it looked as if the suffrage clause would have to be abandoned if Statehood were to be obtained, and the answer came back: "We will remain out of the Union a hundred years rather than come in without woman suffrage."[476]

In the Senate the fight against the suffrage article was renewed with added intensity. The bill for the admission of Wyoming was reported favorably through the chairman of the Committee on Territories, Orville H. Platt of Connecticut, in January, 1890, but was not reached on the calendar until February 17. On objection from Francis M. Cockrell of Missouri, that there was not time then for its consideration, it was postponed, but without losing its place on the calendar. Not until May 2, however, did it come up again as unfinished business, and only to be again postponed. On May 8 the bill was set down for the following Monday, but it was June 25 before it finally received extended consideration. The debate continued for three days and the clause conferring suffrage on women took a prominent place.

George G. Vest of Missouri led the opposition and said in the course of his lengthy oration:

I shall never vote to admit into the Union any State that adopts woman suffrage. I do not propose to discuss the sentimental side of the question.... In my judgment woman suffrage is antagonistic to the spirit, to the institutions, of the people of the United States. It is utterly antagonistic to my ideas of the Government as the fathers made it and left it to us. If there were no other reason I would never give the right of suffrage to women because the danger to the institutions of the United States to-day is in hurried, spasmodic, sentimental suffrage.... I believe that with universal suffrage in this country, the injecting into our suffrage of all the women of the United States would be the greatest calamity that could possibly happen to our institutions and people.... If there were no other reason with me, I would vote against the admission of Wyoming because it has that feature in its constitution. I will not take the responsibility as a senator of indorsing in any way, directly or indirectly, woman suffrage. I repeat that in my judgment it would be not only a calamity but an absolute crime against the institutions of the people of the United States....

In an extended speech John H. Reagan of Texas said:

But what are we going to do, what are the people of this Territory going to do, by the adoption of this constitution? They are going to make men of women, and when they do that the correlative must take place that men must become women. So I suppose we are to have women for public officers, women to do military duty, women to work the roads, women to fight the battles of the country, and men to wash the dishes, men to nurse the children, men to stay at home while the ladies go out and make stump speeches in canvasses.... Mr. President, when the Almighty created men and women He made them for different purposes, and six thousand years of experience have recognized the wisdom and justice of the Almighty in this arrangement. It is only latterly that people have got wiser than their Creator and wiser than all the generations which have preceded them.... The constitution of society, the necessity for the existence of society, the necessity of home government, which is the most important of all the parts of government, can only be preserved and perpetuated by keeping men in their sphere and women in their sphere....

It is a wholesome thing to reflect that after a hard day's struggle and of rough contacts which men must have with each other, they can go to a home presided over by one there who soothes the passions of the day by the sweetness of her temper, the gentleness of her disposition and the happiness which she brings around the family circle. But if the wife and the husband are both out in the bitter contests of the day, making speeches, electioneering with voters, pushing their way to the polls, they will both be apt to go home in a bad humor, and there will not be much happiness in a family during the remainder of the day which follows such a scene. And while they are both out what will become of the children? Are they to take care of themselves?

What rights can women expect to have that they do not have now? They are clothed with the protection of law.[477] In my judgment, Mr. President, the day that the floodgate of female suffrage is opened upon this country, the social organism will have reached the point at which decay and ruin begin.... Why, sir, what is the advantage? If the head of the family votes he is apt to reflect the views of the family. It is more convenient than to have all the family going out to vote.

Wilbur F. Sanders of Montana interrupted Senator Reagan to ask if the law should not be an expression of the intellectual and moral sense of all the people, and whether governments did not derive their just powers from the consent of the governed.

John T. Morgan of Alabama entered into a long and sarcastic argument to prove that if a woman could vote in Wyoming she might be sent to Congress and then she could not be admitted because the law says a senator or representative "must be an inhabitant of the State in which he is chosen." He ignored the fact that all legal papers are made out with this pronoun, which presents no difficulty in their application to women.

Henry B. Payne of Ohio said that he was not in favor of woman suffrage, and that no woman in England ever had been permitted to exercise the elective franchise. (Women then had been voting in England for twenty-one years, the same length of time as in Wyoming.) He asked, however, if these little technical objections would not be more than overcome by the moral influence that a woman Representative might exert in the committee rooms and on the floor of the House.

Mr. Morgan at once launched forth into a panegyric on the moral influence of woman which certainly demonstrated that if sentimentalism were a bar to voting, as Senators Vest and Reagan had insisted it should be, the senator from Alabama would have to be disfranchised. Part of it ran as follows:

It is not the moral influence of woman upon the ballot that I am objecting to, and it is not to get rid of that or to silence or destroy such influence that I oppose it, but it is the immoral influence of the ballot upon woman that I deprecate and would avoid. I do not want to see her drawn into contact with the rude things of this world, where the delicacy of her senses and sensibilities would be constantly wounded by the attrition with bad and desperate and foul politicians and men. Such is not her function and is not her office; and if we degrade her from the high station that God has placed her in to put her at the ballot-box, at political or other elections, we unman ourselves and refuse to do the duties that God has assigned to us.

I can say for myself and for those who are dearest to me of all the objects in this life, that I would leave a country where it was necessary that my wife and daughters should go to the polls to protect my liberties. I would just as soon see them shoulder their guns and go like Amazons into the field and fight beneath the flag for my liberties, as to see them muster on election day for any such purpose.[478]

James K. Jones of Arkansas based his argument on the estimate of an equal number of men and women in Wyoming, and assumed that all the women had voted in favor of the suffrage clause and that therefore it did not represent the wishes of men, thus denying wholly the right of women to a voice in a matter which so vitally concerned themselves. In reality women formed considerably less than one-third of the adult population, while the constitution was adopted by more than a three-fourths vote.

William M. Stewart of Nevada and Algernon S. Paddock of Nebraska defended the right of the Territory to decide this question for itself.

George Gray of Delaware declared his belief that "woman suffrage is inimical to the best interests of society." John C. Spooner of Wisconsin disapproved the enfranchisement of women, but believed Wyoming had a right to place it in its constitution.

Orville H. Platt of Connecticut in urging the acceptance of the report said:

I never have been an advocate of woman suffrage. I never believed, as some senators do, that it was wise. But with all that, I would not keep a Territory out of the Union as a State because its constitution did allow women to vote, nor would I force upon a Territory any restriction or qualification as to what its vote should be in that respect. When Washington Territory came here and asked for admission and the bill was passed, it had had woman suffrage, and I was appealed to by a great many citizens all over the United States to keep it out of the Union, so far as my action could do so, until it restored the right of women to vote which had been taken away under a decision of its own courts--taken away, as I thought, unjustly; for I did not consider that decision good law. The senator from Massachusetts, Mr. Hoar, interrogated me when I was advocating the admission of Washington as to why we did not incorporate into that enabling act some language that should undo the wrong which had been done by the Supreme Court of the Territory and restore to women the right of voting. I said then, as I say now, that I think this is a matter which belongs to the Territory; and I am surprised that gentlemen who are so devoted to home rule as a sacred right which should never be interfered with in this republic, should not be willing to allow to a Territory, when it asks for admission, the right to determine whether women should or should not be permitted to vote by the constitution of the proposed State.... Why should we, the Congress of the United States, stand here and say to that Territory, where women have enjoyed the right of voting for twenty years, and nobody arises to gainsay it or to intimate that they have not exercised the right wisely, why should we stand here and say: "Keep out of the Union; we will let no community, no Territory, in here which does not deprive its women of the right they have enjoyed while in a Territorial condition"?

After every possible device to strike out the obnoxious clause had been exhausted, the bill to admit Wyoming as a State was passed on June 27, 1890, by 29 ayes, 18 noes, 37 absent.[479] Although Henry W. Blair of New Hampshire and Henry M. Teller of Colorado interposed remarks showing a thorough belief in the enfranchisement of women, there was no formal argument in its behalf, it being generally understood that all Republicans would vote for the bill in order to admit a Republican State, and a number did so who were not in favor of woman suffrage.

When the people of Wyoming met at Cheyenne, July 23, to celebrate their Statehood, by Gov. Francis E. Warren sat Mrs. Amalia Post, president of the Woman Suffrage Association. The first and principal oration of the day was made by Mrs. Theresa A. Jenkins, of which the History of Wyoming says:

Proceeding to the front of the platform, Mrs. Jenkins, in clear, forceful tones which penetrated to the very outskirts of the crowd, delivered without manuscript or notes an address which in logic and eloquence has rarely if ever been equaled by any woman in the land.... At its conclusion she received an ovation and was presented with a magnificent basket of flowers.

The great incident of the celebration, the presenting of the flag, next followed. Mrs. Esther Morris, the "mother" of the woman suffrage movement in this State, who is widely respected for her great ability and heroic womanhood, was by general consent accorded the post of honor and made the presentation to Governor Warren. Gathering its folds about her she said:

"On behalf of the women of Wyoming, and in grateful recognition of the high privilege of citizenship which has been conferred upon us, I have the honor to present to the State of Wyoming this beautiful banner. May it always remain the emblem of our liberties, 'and the flag of the Union forever.'"

The Governor, on receiving it from Mrs. Morris, made an eloquent response during which he paid this tribute to women:

"Wyoming in her progress has not forgotten the hands and hearts that have helped advance her to this high position; and, in the adoption of her constitution, equal suffrage is entrenched so firmly that it is believed it will stand forever.... Women of Wyoming, you have builded well, and the men of Wyoming extend heartiest greeting at this time. They congratulate you upon your achievements, and ask you to join them in the future, as in the past, in securing good government for our commonwealth."

The poet of the day was a woman, Mrs. I. S. Bartlett, who gave The True Republic. In every possible way the men showed their honor and appreciation of the women, and from this noble attitude they never have departed.

In May, 1895, Miss Susan B. Anthony, president of the National Association, carried out a long-cherished desire to visit Wyoming. She was on the way to take part in the Woman's Congress of San Francisco, accompanied by the Rev. Anna Howard Shaw, vice-president-at-large, and they stopped at Cheyenne where they were the guests of Senator and Mrs. Carey, who gave a dinner party in their honor, attended by Governor and Mrs. Richards, Senator and Mrs. Warren, Mrs. Morris, Mrs. Jenkins, Mrs. Post and other distinguished guests. They went immediately from dinner to the new Baptist church, which was filled to overflowing, and were introduced by the Governor. At the close of the lecture Mrs. Jenkins said, "Now I desire to introduce the audience to the speakers." She then called the names of the Governor and all his staff, the attorney-general, the United States judges, the senators and congressmen, the mayor and members of the city council. Each arose as his name was mentioned, and before she was through it seemed as if half the audience were on their feet, and the applause was most enthusiastic.

Miss Anthony often spoke of this as one of the proudest moments of her life--when it was not necessary to beg the men in her audience to do justice to women, but when these men, the most eminent in the State, rose in a body to pay their respects to the women whom they had enfranchised without appeal, and to those other women who were devoting their lives to secure political freedom for all of their sex.

During the more than thirty years which have elapsed since the suffrage was given to women, not one reputable person in the State ever has produced any evidence or even said over his or her own signature that woman suffrage is other than an unimpeachable success in Wyoming.

Every Governor of the Territory for twenty years bore witness to its good results. Governors of Territories are appointed by the President, not elected by the people, and as they were not dependent on women's votes, their testimony was impartial.

Year after year the State officials, the Judges of the Supreme Court, ministers, editors and other prominent citizens have testified in the strongest possible manner to the beneficial results of woman suffrage.[480]

Gov. Francis E. Warren said in 1885: "I have seen much of the workings of woman suffrage. I have yet to hear of the first case of domestic discord growing therefrom. Our women nearly all vote." He also reported to the Secretary of the Interior: "The men are as favorable to woman suffrage as the women are. Wyoming appreciates, believes in and indorses woman suffrage." In his official report the next year he stated: "Woman suffrage continues as popular as at first. The women nearly all vote and neither party objects." And in 1889: "No one will deny that woman's influence in voting always has been on the side of good government. The people favor its continuance." In the same year, while still Governor, he wrote:

After twenty years' trial of woman suffrage in Wyoming Territory, it is pronounced an unqualified success by men and women alike, and of both political parties.... I sincerely hope that all the new States will so provide that it may prevail immediately, or that it can be extended at any time hereafter when their Legislatures desire, if they are not now ready to take the step.

The women of Wyoming have been exceedingly discreet and wise in their suffrage, so much so that the different Legislatures have not attempted its overthrow, although majorities have sometimes been largely Republican and at other times largely Democratic.

During all his years as United States senator Mr. Warren never has failed to give his testimony and influence in favor of the enfranchisement of women.

In 1889 Delegate Joseph M. Carey wrote from the House of Representatives at Washington: "Wyoming Territory has for twenty years had full woman suffrage. It has commended itself to the approval of our people of all parties ... I sincerely hope the new States will adopt suffrage principles without regard to sex, or provide by a clause in their respective constitutions that the Legislatures may by statute confer the right of franchise upon women." Throughout his subsequent term in the United States Senate he was consistent in this attitude and has remained so ever since.

Following the example of every Territorial Governor, Amos W. Barber, the first State Governor, declared:

Woman suffrage does not degrade woman. On the contrary, it ennobles her and brings out all the strong attributes of true womanhood. To their credit be it said, the women are almost a unit for ability, honesty and integrity wherever found, in high life or low life. A man must walk straight in Wyoming, for the women hold the balance of power and they are using it wisely and judiciously. The cause of education is their first aim. They are making our schools the model of the country, and, too, they can make a dollar go much further than their husbands can.

In 1900 a petition was circulated in the State, asking Congress to submit a Sixteenth Amendment to the Federal Constitution, prohibiting the disfranchisement of United States citizens on account of sex. It was signed by the Governor, the Secretary of State, the Auditor of State, the State Superintendent of Instruction, the State engineer, the Judges of the Supreme Court, the United States district attorney, the United States surveyor general, the director and the observer of the United States Weather Bureau, the mayor of Cheyenne and a long list of editors, ministers, lawyers, physicians, bankers and the most prominent women in the State. Mrs. Carey, who had the petition in charge, wrote to Miss Anthony: "Thousands of names could be secured if it were necessary."

Literally speaking the testimony from Wyoming in favor of woman suffrage is limited only by the space for this chapter.[481]

In 1901 this joint resolution was passed:

WHEREAS, Wyoming was the first State to adopt woman suffrage, which has been in operation since 1869 and was adopted in the constitution of the State in 1890; during which time women have exercised the privilege as generally as men, with the result that better candidates have been elected for office, methods of election purified, the character of legislation improved, civic intelligence increased and womanhood developed to greater usefulness by political responsibility; therefore,

Resolved, By the House of Representatives, the Senate concurring, That, in view of these results, the enfranchisement of women in every State and Territory of the American Union is hereby recommended as a measure tending to the advancement of a higher and better social order;

Resolved, That an authenticated copy of these resolutions be forwarded by the Governor of the State to the Legislature of every State and Territory, and that the press be requested to call public attention to these resolutions.

EDWARD W. STONE, President of the Senate. J. S. ATHERLEY, Speaker of the House. Approved Feb. 13, 1901.

DEFOREST RICHARDS, Governor.

For a number of years women served on grand and petit juries. In compiling the first volume of the Laws of Wyoming, Secretary and Acting Governor Edward M. Lee said:

In the provisions of the woman suffrage clause, enacted in 1869, we placed this youngest Territory on earth in the van of civilization and progress. That this statement has been verified by practical experience the testimony is unanimous, continuous and conclusive. Not a link is wanting in the chain of evidence and, as a Governor of the Territory once said: "The only dissenting voices against woman suffrage have been those of convicts who have been tried and found guilty by women jurors." Women exercised the right of jurors and contributed to the speedy release of the Territory from the regime of the pistol and bowie-knife. They not only performed their new duties without losing any of the womanly virtues, and with dignity and decorum, but good results were immediately seen. Chief Justice J. H. Howe, of the Supreme Court, under whose direction women were first drawn on juries, wrote in 1872: "After the grand jury had been in session two days the dance-house keepers, gamblers and demi-monde fled out of the State in dismay to escape the indictment of women jurors. In short, I have never, in twenty-five years' experience in the courts of the country, seen a more faithful and resolutely honest grand and petit jury than these."

The best women in the Territory served as jurors, and they were treated with the most profound respect and highly complimented for their efficiency. The successor of Chief Justice Howe was opposed to their serving and none were summoned by him. Jury duty is not acceptable to men, as a rule, and the women themselves were not anxious for it, so the custom gradually fell into disuse. The juries are made up from the tax lists, which contain only a small proportion of women. There are no court decisions against women as jurors, and they are still summoned occasionally in special cases.

Women have not taken a conspicuous part in politics. The population is scattered, there are no large cities and necessarily no great associations of women for organized work. They are conscientious in voting for men who, in their opinion, have the best interests of the community at heart. More latitude must necessarily be permitted in new States, but in 1900 they decided that it was time to call a halt on the evil of gambling, and as the result of their efforts a law was passed by the present Legislature (1901) forbidding it. The Chicago Tribune gave a correct summing-up of this matter in the following editorial:

The women of Wyoming are to be credited with securing one reform which is a sufficient answer, in that State at least, to the criticism that woman suffrage has no influence upon legislation and fails to elevate political action. There will be no legalized gambling in Wyoming after the first of January next, the Legislature having just passed a law which makes gambling of every kind punishable by fine and imprisonment after the above date.

This has been the work of the women. When they began their agitation about a year and a half ago, gambling was not only permitted but was licensed. The evil was so strongly entrenched and the revenue accruing to the State so large that there was little hope at first that anything would be accomplished. The leaders of the crusade, however, organized their forces skilfully in every town and village. Their petitions for the repeal of the gambling statute and for the passage of a prohibitory act were circulated everywhere, and were signed by thousands of male as well as female voters. When the Legislature met, the women were there in force, armed with their voluminous petitions. The gamblers also were there in force and sought to defeat the women by the use of large sums of money, but womanly tact and persuasion and direct personal appeals carried the day against strong opposition. The Legislature passed the bill, but it was the women who won the victory.

The most prejudiced must admit that women could not have done this if they had not represented at least as many votes as the gambling fraternity.

LAWS: The first Legislature (1869), which conferred the suffrage upon women, gave wives exactly the same rights as husbands in their separate property.

Dower and curtesy have been abolished. If either husband or wife die without a will, leaving descendants, one-half of the estate, both real and personal, goes to the survivor. If there are no descendants, three-fourths go to the survivor, one-fourth to the father and mother or their survivors, unless the estate, both real and personal, does not exceed $10,000, in which case it all passes to the widow or widower. A homestead to the value of $1,500 is exempted for the survivor and minor children.

A married woman may sue and be sued, make contracts and carry on business in her own name.

The father is the guardian of the minor children, and at his death the mother. There is no law requiring a husband to support his family.[482]

The "age of protection" for girls was raised from 10 to 14 years in 1882, and from 14 to 18 in 1890. The penalty varies from imprisonment for one year to life. Seduction under promise of marriage up to the age of 21 years is a penitentiary offense. Male and female habitues of a house of ill-repute are considered guilty of the same offense, but the man is liable for a fine of $100 and imprisonment for sixty days, while the woman is liable for only half this punishment.

SUFFRAGE: Women have had the Full Franchise since 1869.

No separate record is kept of their votes, as they have exercised the suffrage so long that this would seem no more necessary than to keep one of the men's votes. The census of 1900 gives the percentage of men in the State as 63 (in round numbers) and of women as 37. The estimate of those who are best informed is that 90 per cent. of the women who are eligible use the suffrage.

OFFICE HOLDING: Since the organization of the Territory in 1869 women have been eligible to all official positions, but there never has been any scramble for office.

No woman ever has served in the Legislature.

Miss Estelle Reel was State Superintendent of Public Instruction for four years. She is now National Superintendent of Indian Schools, appointed by President William McKinley, and has 300 of these under her charge.

Miss Grace Raymond Hebard is librarian of the State University, and for the past ten years has filled the position of secretary of the board of trustees, upon which women serve.

Miss Bertha Mills is clerk of the State Land Board, with a salary equal to that of any clerk or deputy in the State House.

Miss Rose Foote was assistant clerk in the House of Representatives of the last Legislature, and as a reader she left nothing to be desired. Women frequently serve as legislative enrolling clerks. There have been women clerks of the courts.

Women hold several important clerkships in the State Capitol and are found as stenographers, etc., in all the State, county and municipal offices.

In many districts they serve on the school board, and nearly all of the counties elect them to the responsible position of superintendent. As such they conduct the institutes, examine teachers and have a general supervision of the schools.

OCCUPATIONS: The only industry legally forbidden to women is that of working in mines.

EDUCATION: All educational advantages are the same for both sexes.

By a law of 1869 Wyoming requires equal pay for men and women in all employment pertaining to the State. This includes the public schools, in which there are 102 men and 434 women teachers. But here as elsewhere the men hold the higher positions and their average monthly salary is $60.40, while that of the women is $42.86.

FOOTNOTES:

[471] The History is indebted to the Hon. Robert C. Morris of Cheyenne, clerk of the Supreme Court of Wyoming, for much of the information contained in this chapter.

[472] Mrs. Morris is the mother of Robert C. Morris, and this paragraph is inserted by the editors. A full account of this first experiment in woman suffrage will be found in Vol. III, Chap. LII.

[473] Published in full in Wyoming Historical Collections, Vol. I.

[474] In an address Mr. Carey said later: "I was agreeably surprised to have so many of the ablest men in Congress, both in public and in private conversation, disclose the fact that they firmly believed the time would come when women would be permitted to exercise full political rights throughout the United States."

[475] See laws for women in Tennessee chapter.

[476] Miss Susan B. Anthony was an interested and anxious listener to this debate from the gallery of the House, and a joyful witness to the final passage of the bill.

[477] See laws for women in Texas chapter.

[478] In 1901, when a convention in Alabama was framing a new constitution, Senator Morgan sent a strong letter urging that this should include suffrage for tax-paying women.

[479] A telegram announcing that President Harrison had signed the bill was handed to Miss Anthony while she was addressing a large audience at Madison, S. D., during the woman suffrage campaign in that State, and those who were present say, "She spoke like one inspired."

By request of Miss Anthony and Lucy Stone, officers of the National W. S. A., the woman suffrage clubs of the entire country celebrated on the Fourth of July the admission into the Union of the first State with the full franchise for women, and an address from Mrs. Stanton was read--Wyoming the First Free State for Women.

[480] From 1876 to 1883 Edgar Wilson Nye (Bill Nye) was editor of the Laramie Boomerang, in which he published the following as the result of his eight years' observation of woman's voting:

"Female suffrage, I may safely and seriously assert, according to the best judgment of the majority in Wyoming Territory, is an unqualified success. An effort to abolish it would be at once hooted down. Its principal opposition comes from those who do not know anything about it. I do not hesitate to say that Wyoming is justly proud because it has thus early recognized woman and given her a chance to be heard. While she does not seek to hold office or act as juror, she votes quietly, intelligently and pretty independently. Moreover, she does not recognize the machine at all, seldom goes to caucuses, votes for men who are satisfactory, regardless of the ticket, and thus scares the daylights out of rings and machines."

[481] See Appendix--Testimony from Woman Suffrage States.

[482] When the attention of a distinguished jurist of Wyoming was called to these laws he said the question never had been raised, but there would be no objection to changing them.

Spotted a typo or a problem in this chapter? Tell us

LXXIII. GREAT BRITAIN

EFFORTS FOR THE PARLIAMENTARY FRANCHISE.[483]

BY MISS HELEN BLACKBURN, EDITOR OF THE ENGLISHWOMAN'S REVIEW, LONDON.

The chapter on Great Britain contributed by Miss Caroline Ashurst Biggs to Vol. III of this History of Woman Suffrage brought the story down to the passage of the Representation-of-the-People Act of 1884 which extended Household Suffrage to the Counties and created the Service Franchise, thus giving the ballot to a large number of agricultural labourers and men who had their residence on premises of which their employers paid the rent and taxes, but which still left all such women without any franchise whatsoever.

With the passing of that Act may be said to have begun a new phase in the movement. During the '70's there had been a debate and division on the Women's Suffrage Bill in the House of Commons nearly every year. After the General Election of 1880 the question of Household Suffrage in the Counties came to the front, and all the efforts of the Women's Suffrage Societies were directed and inspired by the anticipation that when the claims of the agricultural labourer were dealt with, those of women would find their opportunity. But far from this, they were left practically in a worse position than before, for now 2,000,000 new voters were added to the number of those who could make prior claim to the attention of their representatives.

1885.--Immediately after the General Election which followed the passing of the new Reform Bill, Mr. Gladstone gave notice of his Bill for Home Rule for Ireland and the party feeling aroused was of such intensity that the Liberal party was cloven in twain. The Women's Suffrage movement was affected by the keen party strife, in which women were as deeply interested as men, and the question of their enfranchisement was no longer the only rallying point for their political activity. This period is marked by a rapid development of organisations amongst women for party purposes. In the Primrose League, which had been started in 1883, women had been assigned unprecedented recognition as co-operating with men on equal footing for political purposes. It does not promote special measures but lays down for its principle the Maintenance of Religion, of the Estates of the Realm and of the Imperial Ascendancy of the British Empire, thus indicating its Conservative tendency. The Women's Liberal Federation, founded in 1885 to promote liberal principles, endeavours to further special measures. The Women's Liberal Unionist Association founded in 1888 had for its principal object the defence of the legislative union between England and Ireland.

Thus women entered actively into the work of the three respective parties, and this re-acted in various ways on the Women's Suffrage propaganda. It might seem that this had a depressing effect, for the rigid neutrality in regard to party which always had characterised the National Societies for Women's Suffrage might easily seem dull and tame to the ardent party enthusiasts, and many of the Liberal women threw their energies by preference into the Women's Liberal Associations, but the old charge that women had no interest in politics, now received its complete quietus. It seems indeed a far cry from the manners of sixty years ago, when to talk politics to a woman was considered rude, to the manners of to-day when the Primrose League balances its 75,000 Knights with 63,000 Dames, besides associates innumerable, both men and women; and the Women's Liberal Federation with its 448 Associations has actively worked for candidates in a great number of counties in England.

1886.--The number of members returned after the General Election of 1885 who were understood to be favorably inclined towards the enfranchisement of women, exceeded any previous experience and on February 18th the motion to adjourn discussion was rejected by 159 ayes, 102 noes, and the bill passed second reading without further division; but before going into Committee another dissolution of Parliament took place.

The General Election which followed was even more favorable, the friendly Members returned being in an actual majority, and yet session after session passed and the pressure of Government business consumed Parliamentary time.

1887-1890.--The need of a central point, such as is afforded when there is a bill before the House, round which all the suffrage forces could rally independent of party, made it difficult for them to maintain their cohesion. The Central Committee of the National Society for Women's Suffrage had been such a point but it could not escape the distracting outside influences, and a revision of its rules took place in December, 1888, with the result that the Society as hitherto existing dissolved and reformed in two separate organisations. One of these established new rules which enabled it to affiliate with Societies formed for other purposes; and one adhered to the old rules which admitted only organisations formed with the sole object of obtaining the Franchise. But if, as was held, the internal re-organisation of the Societies redounded to greater strength, even more so did an unprecedented attack from the outside, in the Summer of 1889, when the Nineteenth Century opened its pages to a protest against the enfranchisement of women, to which a few ladies in London society had been diligently canvassing for signatures. The appearance of this protest was naturally the sign for an immediate counterblast, and the two Central Societies in London put a form of declaration into immediate circulation. The Fortnightly Review gave space to a reply from the pen of Mrs. Millicent Garrett Fawcett and to a selection from the signatures which poured into the Suffrage Offices with a rapidity that was amazing, as in sending out the forms for signature numbers had not been aimed at but rather it was sought to make the list representative. The Nineteenth Century had contained the names of 104 ladies, mostly known as wives of public men, while those who had taken part in work for the good of the community and to advance the interests of women were conspicuous by their absence. The Fortnightly gave space for about 600 names asking for the suffrage, selected from over 2,000 received within a few days.[484]

This was the last work in which the distinguished reformer, Miss Caroline Ashurst Biggs, took part, as she died in September, 1889. Miss Lydia Becker, editor of The Women's Suffrage Journal, which she had founded in 1870, passed away the following Summer. These two deaths were an irreparable loss to the movement for the enfranchisement of women.

1891.--Parliamentary prospects grew brighter and Mr. William Woodall, who had charge of the Suffrage Bill, obtained May 13th for its consideration. The first Lord of the Treasury, Mr. W. H. Smith, had received a deputation appointed by the Suffrage Societies April 20th, to present him with a largely signed memorial praying that Her Majesty's Government would reserve the day appointed for the discussion of a measure "which suffers under the special disadvantage that those whom it chiefly concerns have no voting power with which to fortify their claims." They received the assurance that the House would not adjourn before the 13th, and that the Government had no intention of taking the day for their business.

On April 30th, however, when the Government proposed to take certain specified days for their business, Mr. Gladstone objected, insisting that they should be uniform in their action and take all Wednesdays up to Whitsuntide. This afforded a manifest opportunity for shelving the Suffrage Bill which the opponents were quick to perceive and, although Mr. Smith declared himself unable to take this day, Sir Henry James moved that all Wednesdays be taken. This was carried and the Government, for probably the first time in Parliamentary History, had a day forced on them.

1892.--Better fortunes attended the endeavours of the Parliamentary leaders in the following session. Mr. Woodall having accepted office in the Government, Sir Algernon Borthwick (now Lord Glenesk) undertook the necessary arrangements for the introduction of the Bill. This was placed, by the result of the ballot for a day, in the hands of Sir Albert Rollit, who set it down for April 27th in the following terms:

Every woman who (1) in Great Britain is registered as an elector for any Town Council or County Council, or (2) in Ireland is a rate-payer entitled to vote at an election for guardians of the poor, shall be entitled to be registered as a Parliamentary elector and, when registered, to vote at any Parliamentary election for the County borough or division wherein the qualifying property is situate.

This Bill was brought forward for second reading on the appointed day by Sir Albert Rollit with a powerful statement of the question, and a debate followed marked by a high and serious tone. For this brief narrative it will suffice to note the closing speech from the Right Hon. A. J. Balfour, who concluded by saying that whenever any important extension of the Franchise was brought up "they would have to face and deal with the problem of Women's Suffrage--and deal with it in a complete fashion." The division showed 175 for the Bill, 192 against--a result which was a surprise to both sides, for the opponents had exerted themselves in a manner beyond all precedent; they had sent round a whip signed by twenty members, ten on each side of the House, and Mr. Gladstone had written a letter to Mr. Samuel Smith, that had been circulated as a pamphlet, in which amongst other points he urged that at least it should be ascertained "that the womanly mind of the country was in overwhelming proportion and with deliberate purpose bent on procuring the vote."

1893-1895.--At the opening of the Parliament it was a great satisfaction to the Women's Suffrage party that Viscount Wolmer (now the Earl of Selborne) had undertaken the Parliamentary leadership of the question. It will hardly be needful here to go into all the causes which thwarted the vigilance of the leader in procuring a hearing for the measure in that Parliament.

On June 1st, 1895, a representative Conference was held at Westminster Town Hall to consider a plan for an appeal to the House of Commons from women all over the United Kingdom. Miss Florence Davenport Hill, who presided, briefly explained that the object of such an appeal was to convince the country in a more emphatic manner than could be possible by the petitions, memorials and demonstrations that already had been tried again and again, all of which were necessarily limited in their scope. This appeal should be from women of all ranks and classes in all parts of the United Kingdom. The Appeal for the Parliamentary Franchise then agreed upon was managed by a committee appointed from the chief organisations amongst women.

1896.--This effort to "focus the diffused interest of women in the suffrage into one concentrated expression" resulted in the collection of 257,796 signatures, nearly every constituency in the United Kingdom being represented. Although the Appeal was in readiness for presentation in the session of 1895, a suitable opportunity did not arise until 1896, when a fairly good place had been drawn in the ballot by Mr. Faithfull Begg and the Bill was set down for May 20th. Permission was obtained to place the Appeal in Westminster Hall on May 19th, and passes were given to the Committee to enable them to show it to any Members of Parliament who might wish to inspect it. Accordingly--although it was already known that all Wednesdays had been taken in Government business--the Appeal of the women of this day and generation for constitutional rights was placed in that grand old Hall, round which the Parliamentary associations of a thousand years are clustered. Many Members showed great interest in studying the signatures from their respective constituencies.

Irrespective of the interest called forth, other good results followed, for the Women's Suffrage Societies had been drawn into pleasant relation with a great many new friends and helpers all over the country. It was also shown that women who differed widely on political and social questions could work cordially and unanimously for this common object. The closer union which this work had brought about led to the modification of the Special Appeal Committee into a combined Committee for Parliamentary Work. A Conference held in the Priory Rooms, Birmingham, October 16th, attended by delegates from all the Women's Suffrage Societies, greatly assisted concerted action.

1897.--All was thus in good working order when at the opening of the session an excellent place was drawn in the ballot by Mr. Faithfull Begg (M. P. for St. Rollox division of Glasgow) and the Women's Franchise Bill was set down for February 3rd, when it passed second reading by a majority of 71. The old opponents sent out a strong whip against the Bill and mustered in force, but they were exceeded by the old friends, nor did the division show the whole strength of the movement, as many known to be favorable were still absent at that early date of the session.[485] A statement issued by the National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies, said:

This vote places the question of Women's Suffrage in a new phase, and its friends have only to continue to press it upon the attention of Parliament and the public in order to render it necessary at no distant date that it should be dealt with by the Government of the day. This has been the history of nearly all important measures of reform. They have very rarely been placed on the Statute Book by private members; but private members by repeatedly bringing a particular question before the House give the opportunity for its full consideration by Parliament and the country, so that in due time it takes its place as a Government measure. It will be the aim of the Union to put Women's Suffrage in this position, so that no Government, of whatever party, shall be able to touch questions relating to representation without at the same time removing the electoral disabilities of women.

The closer coalition that Autumn of all the Societies which make Women's Suffrage their sole object into a National Union was in itself a symptom of that new phase, and the combined Sub-Committee was now further modified into the Executive Committee of the National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies.

1898-1899.--The value of this second reading has been permanent notwithstanding that its progress through the next stage of going into Committee was thwarted by what even the Times described as an "undignified shuffle." The rule that Bills which have reached Committee stage before Whitsuntide should be taken on Wednesdays after Whitsuntide in their turn, so that if any one Bill is not finished on the day it is taken it is carried to the next, was so worked as to shut out the Women's Franchise Bill in 1899, and the rule which was meant to give equitable share to all was abused by purposely protracted talk over Bills which had no claim to such profuse attention.

This was the last opportunity that the pressure of the eventful years with which the century closed afforded for Parliamentary debate. The great meeting in Queen's Hall, London, June 29th, 1899, when the National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies gave hearty welcome to their fellow-workers from all parts of the globe during the International Council of Women, remains the latest event of public significance.

* * * * *

The new House of Commons, 1901, includes 267 members who have voted in former Parliaments on the question of extending the Parliamentary Franchise to Women; of these 96 are opponents, 171 are supporters. One has continued to be a consistent opponent from the division on Mr. John Stuart Mill's amendment to the Reform Bill of 1867. Two have continued to be consistent supporters from the same division. Of members whose first time of voting dates from one or other of the numerous divisions which took place between the Reform Acts of 1867 and 1884, there still remain 20 opponents and 25 supporters. Of the members who recorded their vote for the first time on the question in the division on Sir Albert Rollit's Bill of 1892, there remain 24 opponents and 30 supporters. Of those whose first votes date from the division on Mr. Faithfull Begg's Bill in 1897, there remain 51 opponents and 114 supporters.

Thus the ratio of supporters gradually strengthens, and this notwithstanding the retirement of twice as many tried friends as of steady opponents. If to these considerations it is added that amongst the newly-elected members, for each one who is understood to be an opponent there are at least three understood to be friendly, it will be seen that the march of time strengthens the ranks of the Women's Suffrage cause in the House of Commons.

Amongst the supporters who have retired from Parliamentary life are three past leaders of the Women's Suffrage Bill, Mr. Leonard Courtney, Mr. Woodall and Mr. Faithfull Begg. Two past leaders now have seats in the Cabinet, Lord Selborne and Mr. George Wyndham. The Premier, Lord Salisbury, has been at all times a true friend; the leader of the House of Commons, the Right Hon. A. J. Balfour, has voted and spoken in favor of the question in that body.

Mention has been made of the death of Miss Becker and of Miss Biggs. Miss Isabella M. S. Tod of Belfast, who passed away on December 8th, 1896, was a bright and leading spirit, in Ireland especially. In November, 1899, the Edinburgh Committee lost their much-loved Hon. Secretary, Miss Eliza Wigham, who had held that office for more than thirty years. In the same month Mr. Jacob Bright, who secured the Municipal Franchise for women, also passed away.

In Ireland the Local Government Act of 1898 gave fresh impetus to women's public work, and Mrs. Haslam, the veteran Hon. Secretary of the Dublin Women's Suffrage Society, for the past twenty-six years, still encourages the rising workers of today.

The North of England Women's Suffrage Society has just sent a petition with over 29,000 signatures entirely from women working in Lancashire cotton factories. The petition, which looked like a garden roller from its size, was brought up by a deputation of fifteen of the women, and by them placed in the hands of their Parliamentary friends for presentation.

In London the branches have amalgamated into one Central Society--President, Lady Frances Balfour; Chairman, Mrs. Millicent Garrett Fawcett--and life and effort are apparent in every direction.[486]

The new century has opened with a heavy shadow of sorrow for the British people in the death of their much-loved sovereign, Queen Victoria. Her reign will always be conspicuous as an era of change of tone in regard to the studies and pursuits of women. The extent to which that change is due to the presence on the throne of a woman full of goodness--one for whom Truth was her guide and Duty her rule in every action of her life--will stand out more clearly perhaps to future generations. But this we know, that during the Victorian era the idea of separateness in the interests of men and women has grown less and less, while co-operation and sympathy have grown more and more, so that these words of one of the pioneer thinkers on this subject, Mrs. Jameson, have become a key-note to the suffrage movement: "Whatsoever things are good, whatsoever things are wise, whatsoever things are holy, must be accomplished by communion between brave men and brave women."

LAWS SPECIALLY AFFECTING WOMEN.

Half a century ago married women had no right to their earnings, nor to dispose of their property; all belonged to the husband unless settled on the wife and then it was in keeping of trustees. Mothers had no rights in their children. All professions were closed to women.

1839.--Custody of Infants Act empowered the Lord Chancellor to leave custody of her child to the mother, up to the age of seven, in case of divorce.

1873.--Custody of Infants Act allowed the mother custody of her child to the age of sixteen in case of divorce.

1886.--Guardianship of Infants Act gave the right to a surviving mother to be joint guardian in addition to any appointed by the father. The Act also enabled her to appoint a guardian in case of the father's death or incapacity; it also required the Court to have regard to the wishes of the mother as well as of the father.

1870-1874.--Married Women's Property Acts secured to them all rights to property acquired by their own skill and industry, and to all investments of their own money in their own names.

1882.--Married Women's Property Act consolidated and amended the previous act, enabling married women to acquire, hold and dispose by will or otherwise of any real or personal property without the intervention of a trustee.

1876.--Medical Education Act permitted medical degrees to be conferred on women.

1890.--Intestates Act provided that when a man dies intestate leaving a widow and no children, all his estate if under L500, goes to the widow, if over L500 she shall have L500 in addition to her share in the residue.[487]

LAWS RELATING TO LOCAL GOVERNMENT. (SUFFRAGE.)

1869.--Municipal Corporations Act restored to women rate-payers of England the vote in Municipal Elections which had been taken away by the Municipal Corporation Act of 1835.

1870.--Elementary Education Act created School Boards and placed women on a complete equality both as electors and as eligible for election.

1881-1882.--The Municipal Act for Scotland gave to women the same Municipal Franchise possessed by those of England since 1869. They already had the School Franchise.

1888.--The County Electors Act gave women equal franchises with men for the election of Councillors for the County Councils created by the Local Government Act of that year.

1894.--Local Government Act which reorganised the Parochial Poor-Law Administration in the Counties, confirmed the rights of women to all Local Franchises and their eligibility as Poor-Law Guardians; and made them also eligible as Parish and District Councillors.

1896.--Poor-Law Guardian Act for Ireland made women for the first time eligible as Poor-Law Guardian.

1898.--Irish Local Government Act reorganized the system of Local Government in Ireland on similar lines to that in England. Women who had hitherto been excluded from the Municipal Franchise now had all Local Franchises conferred on them and were made eligible for Rural and Urban District Councils.

1899.--London Government Act changed the system of Vestries to that of Borough Councils throughout the Metropolitan Districts. Women had been eligible on the old Vestries and several were then serving. Their claim to sit on the new Borough Councils was, however, rejected.

WOMEN IN PUBLIC WORK.

Half a century ago no offices were held by women beyond such parochial offices as Sextoness, Overseer and Churchwarden, which they occasionally filled. Their always-existing right to act as Poor-Law Guardians seems to have been entirely left in abeyance until the early '70's, when the attention of public-spirited women was being called to the need of reformation in the workhouses.

1870.--MEMBERS OF SCHOOL BOARD: Miss Lydia Becker was the first woman to be elected to public office by the popular vote. This was at the first School Board election in Manchester, in November, 1870. She was re-elected at every subsequent triennial election until her death in 1890. Several were elected in London and other large towns. Their number has gone on slowly increasing, both in towns and rural districts, the women being re-elected again and again whenever they continued to stand.

1873.--POOR-LAW INSPECTORS: The first woman was appointed Poor-Law Inspector in 1873. Then for some years there was no other. Two now fill that office, appointed in 1885 and 1898 respectively.

1875. POOR-LAW GUARDIANS: The first Poor-Law Guardian was elected in 1875. There are now over 1,000 serving as Guardians and District Councillors in England, a few in Scotland, and about 90 in Ireland.

1892.--ROYAL COMMISSIONS: Women were appointed as Assistant Commissioners on the Royal Commission of Labor in 1892, and as Royal Commissioners to enquire into secondary education in 1895.

1894.--FACTORY INSPECTORS: The first women Factory Inspectors were appointed in 1894, and six are now serving.

The Education Department also has a few as Inspectors. Local authorities in large towns are realizing the value of women as Sanitary Inspectors, and the number of these increases gradually.

STEPS IN EDUCATION.

Half a century ago there was not one school or college where women could have any approach to University classes. Now there are over 2,000 women graduates, besides 1,500 who hold certificates from Oxford and Cambridge in place of the degrees which would have been theirs had those ancient seats of learning opened their gates to women graduates. The following table shows the particulars:

Approximate total number of graduates Distribution. Women Admitted. in January, 1900.

London University By a supplemental charter of 1878 1,100 Victoria University By its charter of foundation, 1880 180 Royal University of Ireland 1882 425 The Scottish Universities: Edinburgh, By an ordinance of the University Glasgow, Commissioners in 1892 empowering Aberdeen, the admission of women 226 St. Andrews. University of Wales By a charter in 1893 incorporating the Colleges of Aberystwith, Cardiff, Bangor 27 Durham By an amending charter in 1895 25 Girton College, Cambridge Opened for women 1872 529 Newnham College, " Opened for women 1880 577 Halls for Women in Oxford Opened for women 1879 426

The students of the three Women's Colleges above take the examinations of Cambridge and Oxford and have instruction in part from their faculties, but receive only certificates instead of degrees. The other universities grant them full degrees.

The establishment of an equal standard of knowledge for men and women has brought about the result that the achievements of women in literature, science and art, once treated as abnormal and exceptional are now quite normal and usual; and the liberal learning, once confined to the very few in favored circumstances, is within the reach of numbers. As a corollary to this it has been recognized that women's occupations also deserve systematic training, with the result that when once the training was given the resourcefulness of women has enabled them to follow out new lines, and a new independence has dawned upon them. At the same time the sense of personal responsibility which comes of independence has made many more women realize that they have a duty to the community, and therefore has compelled them to set their thoughts and minds to the performance of those duties. As a natural consequence the fact is being more and more realized by the Electorate and by Government Departments that women can bring useful service to the community.

THE ISLE OF MAN.

[The ancient kingdom of the Isle of Man, with an independent government since the time of the vikings, and making its own laws which require only the sanction of the Crown, extended Full Suffrage to women property owners in December, 1880, and the act received the assent of Queen Victoria, January 5th, 1881. This was extended to all women rate-payers in 1892.]

PROGRESS IN THE COLONIES.

NEW ZEALAND.[488]

The first of the Colonies of the British Empire to grant the Parliamentary Franchise to women was New Zealand, therefore, the story of Colonial Progress fitly opens with the land of the Maories. The earliest public mention that this writer has been able to find of the question was in a speech of Sir Julius Vogel to his constituents in 1876, when he said that he was in favor of extending the franchise to women--but as far back as 1869 a pamphlet on the subject, entitled An Appeal to the Men of New Zealand, had been written by Mrs. Mary Mueller, who may be fitly termed the pioneer woman suffragist of that colony.

In 1878 the Government introduced an Electoral Bill which included the franchise for rate-paying women; this passed the House of Representatives but met with much opposition in the Upper House on points unconnected with women's suffrage, so that it was ultimately withdrawn.

In 1887 Sir Julius Vogel, Colonial Treasurer, introduced a Bill giving practically universal suffrage to women. This was supported by the Premier, Sir Robert Stout, and passed the House of Representatives May 12, 1887, by 41 ayes, 22 noes. Several Members stated that they only voted for it in the hope that in Committee it would be limited to owners of property. An amendment proposed to this effect in Committee was rejected, but this proved a fatal victory, for when the clause was put as it stood the "noes" carried the day.

A resolution moved by Sir John Hall in 1890, carried by a majority of 26, was a further note of encouragement.

The work for Women's Suffrage was mainly carried on by the Women's Christian Temperance Union, and they now put forth increased energy, so that early in 1891 Mrs. Kate W. Sheppard, Franchise Superintendent, was able to report that many local unions had appointed franchise superintendents. With what effect they worked was shown when Sir John Hall presented in August, 1891, a petition for the suffrage seventy yards long, which was run out to the furthest end of the House; a row of Members ranged themselves on either side to inspect the signatures and found no two alike, as some seemed to expect. On September 4th Sir John Hall's Bill again passed in the House of Representatives, but was lost by two votes in the Legislative Council, or Upper House.

In 1892 Sir John Hall presented in behalf of the measure the largest petition ever seen in the New Zealand Parliament. That year the Hon. J. Ballance introduced an Electoral Bill on behalf of the Government, in which the most important new feature was the franchise for women. It passed the House of Representatives, but a difference on technical details between the two branches of the Legislature delayed its passage in the Council.

In 1893 the Electoral Act of New Zealand conferred the Franchise on every person over twenty-one, although this did not carry the right to sit in Parliament.

As a General Election was close at hand no time was lost in enrolling women on the register. The report of the New Zealand W. C. T. U. of 1893 supplies the following figures:

Men. Women. On the Register 177,701 109,461 Voting at the Poll 124,439 90,290

A lady present in Auckland during the election relates that the interest taken by the Maori women was very great and that nearly half the Maori votes registered in Auckland were those of women.

The Hon. H. J. Seddon, Premier of New Zealand, when in England for the celebration of the Queen's jubilee in 1897, spoke of the measure as a great success, saying, "It has come to stay." The Bishop of Auckland, speaking at the Church Congress in England that year, said "it had led to no harm or inconvenience, but the men of New Zealand were wondering why they had permitted the women of that Colony to remain so long without the right to vote in Parliamentary elections."

SOUTH AUSTRALIA.[489]

On July 22d, 1885, Dr. Stirling moved a Resolution in the House of Assembly in favor of conferring the Franchise for both Houses of the Legislature, on widows and spinsters who possessed qualifications (property) which would entitle them to vote for the Legislative Council. The debate was adjourned on the motion of the Attorney-General and on August 5th the Resolution carried without a division or serious opposition.

This favorable start is the more remarkable that there had been no previous agitation, no society or committee formed, no petitions presented, no meetings held. It was a matter of enlightened conviction on the part of the legislators. Dr. Stirling introduced a Bill in 1886, in the same terms as his resolution, and on April 13th it passed second reading by a majority of two of those voting, but as amendments to the Constitution must have a majority of the whole House, the Bill could not be proceeded with. A general election followed soon after, at which Dr. Stirling did not re-enter Parliament, and Mr. Caldwell took charge of the Bill, which in November, 1889, again passed second reading in the House of Assembly, but again by an insufficient majority.

In the Summer of 1889 a public meeting was held to form a Women's Suffrage League, which set to work holding meetings and collecting signatures to petitions under the guidance of its Hon. Secretary, Mrs. Mary Lee. The efforts of the parliamentary friends were thrice baffled--in 1890, 1891 and 1893--by the necessity for a majority of the whole House, which stopped further immediate progress though each time the Bill had passed second reading. The growth of support was, however, evidenced by the reply of the Premier to a deputation from the Women's Suffrage League in November, 1893--that "on the question of Women's Suffrage the Government were in the position of just persons who needed no conversion, as they were thoroughly at one in the matter and were willing to do all they could to place Women's Suffrage on the Statute Book."

When, in August, 1894, the Government brought their Adult Suffrage Bill to the Legislative Council the opponents did their utmost to bring about its defeat by obstructive amendments, but in vain. Finally they moved that the clause prohibiting women from sitting in Parliament be struck out, expecting thereby to wreck the Bill, but the supporters of the measure accepted the amendment and so it was carried by a combination of opponents and supporters, giving women Full Suffrage and the right to sit in the Parliament. An address and testimonial were presented to Mrs. Lee by the Hon. C. C. Kingston, the Premier, Dr. Cockburn, other Members of Parliament and friends. In making the presentation the Premier said he did so at request of the Committee, for her important services in one of the greatest constitutional reforms in Australian history. Royal assent was given to the Bill in 1895.

The first election under this Act took place in April, 1896. Statistics published in the Australian Register of June 10th, give the following totals:

Men. Women. On the roll in Adelaide and suburbs 30,051 24,585 On the roll in the country districts 47,701 34,581 Voting in Adelaide and suburbs 19,938 16,253 Voting in country districts 31,634 23,059 Percentage voting in Adelaide and suburbs 66.34 66.11 Percentage voting in the country districts 66.32 66.68

Speaking at the Annual Meeting of the Central Committee of the Women's Suffrage Society in London, July 15th, 1898, Dr. Cockburn (now Sir John Cockburn, K. C. M. G.) said: "The refining influence of women has made itself felt in this sphere as in every other: they have elevated the whole realm of politics without themselves losing a jot of their innate purity. 'No poorer they but richer we,' by their addition to the electoral roll."

WEST AUSTRALIA.[490]

The women of West Australia enjoyed the unprecedented experience of having organised their Franchise League and gained the Franchise in one year. The question, however, had been more or less before the Colony since 1893. In that year Mr. Cookworthy had introduced a Women's Suffrage Resolution in the House of Assembly which was lost by only one vote.

After the next General Election, Mr. Cookworthy again introduced his Resolution in 1897, when it was lost by two votes, one of its strongest supporters being absent. Although there was at that time no organisation specially for the Suffrage, the Women's Christian Temperance Union did much to extend interest, and there was a large body of support to be found amongst the intelligent women of the Colony. This led to the formation of a Women's Franchise League for Western Australia.

This League was formally organized at a public meeting of the Leisure Hour Club in Perth, May 11th, 1899, Lady Onslow presiding. That autumn a Resolution similar to the one which had been introduced in the Legislative Assembly passed the Council, and before the year closed the Electoral Act was passed of which the important part for women lies in the interpretation clause, which interprets "Elector" as any person of either sex whose name is on the Electoral Roll of a province or district. Royal assent to the Bill was given in 1900. Although women now can vote for members of the Parliament they can not sit in that body.

Already the Women's Franchise League of Western Australia is transformed into the Women's Electoral League.

NEW SOUTH WALES.[491]

The Mother Colony seems likely to be the next to enfranchise women. The question in that Colony first came prominently forward when Sir Henry Parkes, the veteran statesman and oft-times Premier, proposed a clause to give equal voting power to women in his Electoral Bill in 1890. The clause was eventually dropped, but the very fact that it had been introduced in a Government Bill by a man of such high position as Sir Henry Parkes gave the question the impetus for which the friends of the movement were waiting to collect the growing interest into organized form and combined action.

On May 6th, 1891, the Womanhood Suffrage League of New South Wales was formed, Lady Windeyer was elected president and an active campaign was begun. On July 30th Sir Henry Parkes moved a Resolution in the Legislative Assembly "that in the opinion of this House the franchise for the election of members of the Legislative Assembly should be extended to women on the same conditions and subject to the same qualifications as men." The debate was a very long one, occupying twelve hours and concluding at 3 a. m., when the motion was lost by 34 ayes, 57 noes. The friends of Women's Suffrage were in no way cast down by this vote. They believed that in a full House on a fair test division their friends would have been in a majority, but many who were anxious for the passing of the Electoral Bill voted against Sir Henry Parkes' motion lest the inclusion of women should imperil its chances in the Upper House.

The next debate on the question was on November 18th, 1894, when Mr. O'Reilly moved a Resolution that "in the opinion of this House the time has arrived when the franchise should be extended to women." This was supported by Sir Henry Parkes. The Premier, Sir G. H. Reid, approved of Women's Suffrage in the abstract but objected that the present Parliament had received no mandate from the people. Sir George Dibbs thought the demand a just one. Eventually the motion, with the words "the time has now arrived" omitted, was carried by a large majority. No debate has taken place since 1894, as the pressure on the time of the Legislature has been great with Federal and other matters, but the question was never in a more hopeful position. The sudden change of government in 1899 placed a strong friend to the cause at the head of affairs in the present Premier, Sir William Lyne, and at the annual meeting of the Suffrage League in August, 1900, Mr. Fegan, M. P. (Minister for Mines) congratulated the women of New South Wales on being so near the goal of their desires. The Premier had definitely said that before the session closed a Bill would be introduced to give women the suffrage, and he hoped that next year they would be able to disband their League, its work being finished. The Bill was introduced in 1901 but was lost by 19 ayes, 22 noes.

On Aug. 14, 1902, the bill conferring the Parliamentary Franchise on women passed the Council. It had already passed the Assembly and is now law.

VICTORIA.[492]

In Melbourne an organisation for Women's Suffrage has been in existence some sixteen years, but it is only within the last five years that the question has come within the region of practical politics. The movement suffered from want of concentration of energy. "At one time the original association, though still in existence, was rivalled by other societies with the same object, but more or less tinged with local, class or religious characteristics. This rivalry, though it tended to the growth of the movement, deprived it of force and eventually led to divided counsels and consequently to comparative failure." The Australian Woman's Sphere[493] from which the above words are quoted, goes on to say: "A few years since, largely owing to the patience and tact of the late Annette Bear Crawford, its first Hon. Secretary, there was formed the 'United Council for Women's Suffrage' which aimed at including representatives of all the leagues that had for their main object, or for one of them, the political enfranchisement of women."

The formation of this Council has been the sign of a new life in the question in Melbourne. At the General Election of 1894 a determined effort was made to secure the return of a majority of members pledged to vote for the suffrage cause. The Government promised a Bill in the session of 1895, and on November 26th the Premier, Sir George Turner, introduced a Women's Suffrage Bill which passed the House of Assembly without a division, but was lost in the Legislative Council by two votes.

The Women's Suffrage Bill passed the Legislative Assembly in 1897, '98, '99, 1900, '01, each time with an increased majority, but each time its progress has been stopped in the Council.

Nevertheless there are many evidences of increasing vitality in the movement in Victoria, not the least of these being the rise of an Anti-Women's Suffrage Crusade. These "New Crusaders" have presented a petition which purports to be signed by 22,987 "adult women" of Victoria. But in 1891 before the suffrage was a live subject, before it had entered the region of practical politics, the women suffragists in six weeks obtained 30,000 signatures of adult women. The first and the most natural result of the anti-suffrage movement has been to bring down enquiries on the United Council from all parts of the Colony how to help Women's Suffrage.

QUEENSLAND.[494]

The Women's Suffrage question appears to have received its first awakening in Queensland from the visit of Miss Hannah Chenings, who in 1891 came from Adelaide on a lecturing tour in connection with an effort to obtain a law for the better protection of young girls. Her account of the Women's Franchise League in South Australia aroused a wish for a similar organisation here, and after a period of silent growth the Women's Suffrage Association was formed in 1894, mainly through the instrumentality of Mrs. Leontine Cooper and Mrs. Maginie, who, as Miss Allen, had been a member of the New South Wales Society.

At the first annual meeting of this association, in March, 1895, the report showed that petitions had been presented with over 11,000 signatures, and that letters expressing themselves as favorable to the measure had been received from thirty Members of the Legislative Assembly. In the General Election of 1897 a large number of candidates declared themselves in favor, but so far the effort to carry a Bill through the House has met with disappointment, and the Women's Suffrage Association are bending their efforts towards inducing the Government to bring in a Bill. Here, as in the other Colonies where they are still unenfranchised, the women feel deeply the injustice of their exclusion from the Federal Referendum.

TASMANIA.[495]

As long ago as 1885 a Constitutional Amendment Act passed second reading in the Tasmanian House of Assembly which provided for the extension of the Franchise to unmarried women rate-payers, but notwithstanding the support of the Government the question made no further advance in Parliament.

In recent years a Bill to enfranchise women on the same terms as men has passed the House of Assembly on several occasions with increasing majorities, but the opponents are still too numerous to carry it through the Upper House. The Women's Christian Temperance Union have been the most energetic workers in its behalf.

[It will be noticed that in each of these Australian States the Women's Suffrage Bill repeatedly passed the Assembly, or Lower House, which is elected by the people, but was defeated in the Council or Upper House, which is composed entirely of wealthy and aristocratic members, who can be voted for only by these classes, and some of whom are appointed by the Government and hold office for life. In 1901 a Federation of the six States was formed with a National Parliament, both Houses to be elected by the people. In June, 1902, a bill passed this Federal Parliament giving women the right to vote for its members and be elected to this body. About 800,000 women have been thus enfranchised, the largest victory ever gained for this movement.

In South and West Australia and New South Wales women may vote for members of the State Parliament. In Victoria, Queensland and Tasmania they may vote for the Federal but not for the State Parliament, an anomaly which doubtless will be very soon rectified. It is possible that before this volume is read all the women of the six Australian States will possess the full franchise by constitutional right.--Eds.]

In the South African Colonies there has been, as yet, no history to record. That the question simmers in many thoughtful minds there can scarcely be a doubt, but the time for organised action does not seem to have yet arrived.

The other Colonies of Great Britain, with the exception of Canada, are not self-governing.

DOMINION OF CANADA.

The story of the movement to obtain the Parliamentary Franchise in the Dominion dates back to 1883. In April of that year the Premier, Sir John Macdonald, introduced a Bill in the Legislature for amending the electoral law, including a clause which gave the suffrage to unmarried women who possessed the necessary qualifications.

Previously, on March 9th, the Toronto Women's Literary and Social Progress Club had gathered in public for the first time in the City Council Chamber to consider the Suffrage question. Mrs. McEwan presided and a paper "treating pithily and with much aptness on the subject of the Franchise" was read by Miss E. Foulds, who moved a Resolution "that in the opinion of this Meeting the Parliamentary Franchise should be extended to women who possess the qualifications which entitle men to vote." This and a second resolution proposing the formation of a society to forward such legislation as might be required were both carried, many ladies and gentlemen speaking in their support and a large number of those present giving in their names as members. On April 5th an adjourned meeting was held and the Canadian Women's Suffrage Association was constituted.

Sir John Macdonald's Bill was presented too late to become a law and was re-introduced in 1884. It was in this year that members of the British Suffrage Association visited Canada. Miss Lydia Becker and Mrs. Lilias Ashworth Hallett were among them, and they and several other English ladies united in sending an address to Sir John Macdonald thanking him for the introduction of provisions in his Bill to enable women to vote and expressing their high appreciation of the just and generous spirit which had actuated him. Mrs. Hallett had some conversation with Sir John Hall, who told her the only difficulty they expected in Canada as regarded passing the Bill was from the French population. This expectation proved to be well-founded. The Women's Suffrage Clauses were rejected by 51 ayes, 78 noes, after a debate extending over thirty-one consecutive hours.

It was ten years before any further effort was made to secure the Parliamentary Franchise. In 1894 a petition for this, in behalf of the Women's Christian Temperance Union, supplemented by memorials from the Provinces, was presented by Sir James Grant to the House of Commons, and by the Hon. Mr. Scott to the Senate, but no resolution was offered. A Bill introduced by Mr. Dickey, dealing with the electoral franchise, contained a clause asking suffrage for widows and spinsters, but the Bill was read only once. Mr. Davis, unsolicited, brought in a resolution for Women's Franchise on the same terms as men. Forty members voted for it, one hundred and five against it.

A petition for the Parliamentary Franchise for women, very largely signed by Federal voters throughout the Dominion, was presented to the House of Commons and the Senate in 1896. This was the last effort in the Parliament, and as a change has since been made in the Electoral Act, making the voters' list for the Dominion coincide with the Provincial lists, the battle will therefore have to be fought out in each separate Province.

THE PRESENT POLITICAL CONDITION.[496]

Women in Canada have no vote for any law maker, either Federal or Provincial. Their franchise is confined to municipalities, which can only make by-laws that relate to the execution of existing laws. But although women have no direct vote, they have, by much labor and united effort, effected some important changes in the criminal code and civil laws, as well as in the political position of women in the municipalities. The societies which have accomplished the most, if not all, of these changes are the Women's Christian Temperance Union, the Women's Enfranchisement Association and the National Council of Women.

In the Province of Ontario, in 1884, widows and spinsters were given the Municipal Franchise on the same terms as men. All women, married or single, if owners of property, may vote on money by-laws where such are submitted to the electors. Any woman on the assessment roll may vote for School Trustees and is eligible for this office. In 1892 it was enacted that women might study law and qualify for the Bar. In 1893 a Bill to give Municipal Suffrage to married women and one to grant the Provincial Suffrage to all women were defeated by 16 ayes, 53 noes.

In the Province of New Brunswick the Legislature in 1886 gave, unsolicited, to widows and spinsters the right to vote on the same terms as men at Municipal elections. In 1893 an Act was passed permitting the appointment of a woman as School Trustee. This was amended in 1896 making it compulsory that two on each Board shall be women.

In the Province of Nova Scotia the Municipal Franchise was granted to widows and spinsters in 1887. A Bill for the Provincial Franchise was defeated in 1893; and again in 1894 by one vote. An Act of 1895 permits all women, if rate-payers, to vote on School matters. A married woman having property in her own right, provided that her husband is disqualified, may vote in Municipal elections under the Married Woman's Property Act, since 1891. In the city of Halifax widows and spinsters who are rate-payers may vote on Municipal questions. In 1894 a Bill giving women a more extended suffrage was lost by seven votes; in 1895 by four votes; in 1899 a Bill for the full Provincial Franchise was lost by twenty-seven votes.

In the Province of Prince Edward Island, in 1888, the Municipal Suffrage was granted to widows and spinsters owning property. An Act of 1899 made women eligible to appointment on School Boards.

In the Province of British Columbia, in 1888, the Municipal Franchise was conferred on widows and spinsters owning property. An Act of 1891 allows the wife of any householder or freeholder to vote on School matters but not to hold office; in 1897 the Act was amended making them eligible as School Trustees. This same year all women rate-payers were given the Municipal Franchise. Only owners of property may vote on by-laws for raising money upon the credit of the municipality.

In the Province of Manitoba, in 1891, the Municipal Franchise was extended to women. Any qualified woman rate-payer can vote on School questions and is eligible for School offices. Women property owners may vote on all submitted by-laws. In 1892 a measure to give women the full Provincial Suffrage was defeated by 28 ayes, 11 noes.

In the Province of Quebec, in 1892, the Municipal and School Franchise was conferred on widows and spinsters on the same terms as on men. The law relating to the right of women to sit on the School Board was ambiguous, so a petition was presented that they be declared eligible. The response to this was an amendment excluding women. In Montreal, under the old charter, only widows and spinsters who owned property had the Municipal Franchise; in 1899 this was amended, adding tenancy with residence as a qualification. In 1898 a Bill granting them the Provincial Suffrage was lost on division.

In the Northwest Territories, in 1894, the Municipal Franchise was granted to widows and spinsters. In School matters every woman rate-payer can vote and is eligible to School offices.[497]

FOOTNOTES:

[483] The women of Great Britain and Ireland possess every franchise except that for members of Parliament. Local suffrage is restricted to spinsters and widows, but the important vote for Parish and District Councils, created by the Local Government Act of 1894, is possessed by married women "provided husband and wife shall not both be qualified in respect to the same piece of property." It may be stated in general terms that all electors must be rate-payers, although there are some exceptions applying to a small percentage of persons. [Eds.

[484] These were classified in groups: (1) The general list (2) Wives of clergymen and church dignitaries. This list was headed by Mrs. Benson and Mrs. Thomson, the wives of the Archbishops of Canterbury and York. (3) Officials, including ladies who are Poor Law Guardians and members of School Boards. (4) Education, including the names of such leaders in the movement for the higher education of women as Mrs. Wm. Grey, Miss Emily Davies, Mrs. Henry Sidgwick--the Mistress of Girton, the Principal of Newnham College, upwards of sixty university lecturers and teachers and head mistresses of High Schools, upwards of eighty university graduates and certificated students, and there were omitted for want of space the names of over 200 other women engaged in the teaching profession. (5) Registered medical practitioners, headed by Mrs. Garrett Anderson, M. D.; Miss Elizabeth Blackwell, M. D., and Mrs. Scharlieb, M. D., together with a number of ladies engaged in the department of nursing. (6) Social and philanthropic workers. (7) Literature, including Miss Anna Swanwick, Mrs. Anne Thackeray Ritchie, Miss S. D. Collet, Miss Olive Schreiner, Mrs. Emily Crawford, Miss Amelia B. Edwards. (7) Art and music. (8) Landowners, women engaged in business and working women, the latter class represented by the secretaries of nine women trades' societies, and over 180 individual signatures of women artisans.

[485] The text of the Bill was as follows:

(1) This Act may be cited as the Parliamentary Franchise (Extension to Women) Act, 1897.

(2) On and after the passing of this Act every woman who is the inhabitant occupier, as owner or tenant, of any dwelling-house, tenement or building within the borough or county where such occupation exists, shall be entitled to be registered as a voter in the list of voters for such borough or county in which she is so qualified as aforesaid, and, when registered, to vote for a member or members to serve in Parliament.

Provided always that such woman is not subject to any legal incapacity which would disqualify a male voter.

[486] The first petition for woman suffrage presented to Parliament, in 1867, was signed by only 1,499 women. The petition of 1873 was signed by 11,000 women. The petition presented to the members of the last Parliament was signed by 257,796 women. [Eds.

[487] No reference has been made in the above table to the various Factory Acts which impose restrictions on women's labour--these belong to a different department--but whether their interference with the labor of women be for good or for evil, that interference is an additional argument for allowing them a voice in the election of representatives.

[488] In 1877 New Zealand granted School Suffrage to women, and in 1886 Municipal Suffrage.

[489] In 1880 South Australia granted Municipal Suffrage to women.

[490] In 1871 West Australia granted Municipal Suffrage to women.

[491] In 1867 New South Wales granted Municipal Suffrage to women.

[492] In 1869 Victoria granted Municipal Suffrage to women.

[493] The first number of The Australian Woman's Sphere was published in Melbourne, September 1, 1900. It is edited by Miss Vida Goldstein and appears monthly.

[494] In 1886 Queensland granted Municipal Suffrage to Women.

[495] Tasmania granted Municipal Suffrage to women in 1884.

[496] This portion of the report is condensed by the editors of the History from a chapter written by Mrs. Henrietta Muir Edwards for "The Women of Canada, Their Life and Work," a handbook prepared by the National Council of Women, at the request of the Canadian Government, for the Paris Exposition of 1900.

[497] In the city of Vancouver any single woman, widow or spinster, may vote for municipal officers, and all women possessing the other necessary qualifications of male voters may vote for all municipal officers and upon all municipal questions. Married women may vote in the election of School Trustees. It has recently been decided that a man possessing no property of his own, and not being a householder in his own right, may be allowed to vote in municipal matters if his wife be a property owner or a householder. [Eds.

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LXXIV. WOMAN SUFFRAGE IN OTHER COUNTRIES

In most of the countries of the world women possess some form of suffrage, but for many reasons it is almost impossible to define exactly in what it consists. Like suffrage for men it is largely based on property, and in most cases can be used only through a proxy. Generally the woman loses the franchise by marriage and the husband may vote by right of the wife's property. In Belgium, Luxemburg, Italy and Roumania the husband votes at local elections by right of the taxes paid by the wife, and in case of a widow this right belongs to the eldest son, grandson or great grandson, or if there is none, then to the son-in-law. The Italian electoral law of 1870 gave a widow the right to vote by proxy in Parliamentary elections. All the Italian universities are open to women.

The constitution of Germany says "every German" above twenty-five years of age shall have the Parliamentary Franchise, but no woman ever has been permitted to vote under it. There are, besides, twenty-five constitutions for the different States which form the Empire. By the wording of some of them, women landed proprietors undoubtedly are entitled to take part in elections. The Prussian code declares that the rights of the two sexes are equal, if no special laws fix an exception, and it gives the Parliamentary Franchise to every one who possesses the county or burgess suffrage. The by-laws which prescribe the qualifications for the latter in some instances exclude women and in others declare that women land holders may act as electors, but only "through a proctor" (proxy). Teachers undoubtedly, as State officials, are entitled to take part in local government. Some of the provinces allow women taxpayers to vote by proxy in the rural districts. Neither the Government nor public sentiment, however, looks with favor upon women electors. It is only in recent years that a few of the most advanced have begun to agitate the question in this country, which holds a most conservative attitude towards women. They have recently been admitted to a few of the universities.

In most of the Prussian towns the property qualifications of the wife are accounted to the husband in order that he may take part in municipal elections. In Saxony women proprietors of landed estates, whether married or single, are entitled to a municipal vote but this can be exercised only by proxy, and for this purpose one of their male relatives must be invested with their property. In Saxony, Baden, Wurtemburg, Hesse, the Thuringian States and perhaps a few more, women are permitted to attend public political meetings and be members of political societies, but in all other German States they are excluded from both. They are thus prohibited from forming organizations to secure the franchise. In Westphalia since 1856, and Schleswig-Holstein since 1867, all qualified women have some form of suffrage by male proxy.

In the Austro-Hungarian Empire, since 1862, women with property have a proxy vote in municipal and provincial elections and for members of the Lower House of the Parliament, but there are many restrictions to this law. In Bohemia, since 1873, women who are large landed proprietors have a proxy vote for members of the Imperial Parliament and the local Diet.

In Russia among the peasant class the representative of the household votes. The wife, if owner of the necessary amount of property, may select her husband as proxy, but he may also delegate his vote to the wife, and it is a common thing to see her take his place at elections and at village and country meetings of all kinds. In the cities and territorial assemblies, women, married or unmarried, possessing sufficient property, may vote by male proxy for members of the municipal and county assemblies. Property-owning women of the nobility may vote by proxy in the assemblies of the nobility. Part of the universities are open to them. There are 650 women physicians in Russia.

So far as can be learned women are not eligible to office in the above-mentioned countries with a very few exceptions.

In Finland, since 1865, widows and spinsters may vote at rural elections; since 1873 those who are rate-payers may vote at municipal elections. Since 1889 women are eligible as Guardians of the Poor. In 1900 they were made eligible to all municipal offices. An influential Finnish Woman's Association with twenty branches is agitating for suffrage on the same terms as men.

In Holland there is no form of woman suffrage and the constitution of 1887 expressly prohibits it.

Women in Denmark have no franchise, but Premier Duentzer has announced that the first reform movement of the new Cabinet (1901) will be the extension of Municipal Suffrage to women.

In 1893, through the efforts of the Socialists, universal suffrage was granted to men in Belgium. While this gives to every man a vote, it permits to the married man, if he pays a small tax, two votes as the head of a family; if he pays tax on what would be about $2,000, or has a university degree, he is allowed three votes. The vast majority of those owning property or possessing university degrees belong to the established (Catholic) Church, and the Socialists soon found themselves out-voted by a minority. They then instituted a new movement demanding "one man, one vote," and the Government, which is Catholic, said: "If you compel this we will enfranchise women," believing that this would strengthen its power. At this writing the contest is going on and becoming more violent.

Switzerland, whose pride is its absolutely republican form of government, allows no woman a vote on any question or for the election of any officer. They are admitted to the universities.

In France, in 1898, unmarried women engaged in commerce (including market women, etc.) were given a vote for Judges of the Tribunals of Commerce. A Woman Suffrage Society has just been formed in Paris which is attracting considerable attention. Women are admitted to the highest institutions of learning.

The laws in all the countries thus far mentioned are most unjust to women and especially to wives.

Women in Sweden have voted in church matters since 1736. It was provided in 1862 that women who are rate-payers may vote directly or by proxy, as they choose, for all officers except for members of the Parliament. Indirectly they have a voice in the election of the First Chamber or House of Lords, as they vote for the County Council which elects this body. They have School and Municipal Suffrage and that for Provincial representatives. The laws are very liberal to women. All of the educational institutions, the professions, occupations and many of the offices are open to them. They are members of the Boards of Education, Municipal Relief Committees and Parochial Boards. About six hundred have received university degrees.

In Norway, since 1889, in towns women with children may vote for school inspectors and be eligible to the school boards. In rural communes they are eligible as inspectors, and women who pay a school tax may vote on all school questions and officers, while those who pay no tax but have children may vote on all questions not involving expenditures. In 1884 a Woman Suffrage Association was formed under the leadership of Miss Gina Krog for the purpose of securing the Municipal Franchise. In 1890 a bill for this purpose received 44 out of 114 votes in the Parliament. It was then made an issue by the Liberal party. In 1895 a vote on Local Option was granted to women. In 1898 the Radical party secured universal suffrage for men without property restrictions. They then came to the assistance of women and were joined by a large number of Conservatives. In 1901 Municipal Suffrage was granted to all women who pay taxes on an income of 300 crowns ($71) in country districts and 400 in cities. If husband and wife together pay taxes on this amount both may vote. About 200,000 women thus became electors. Women are found in many offices, in most occupations and professions, and are admitted to all educational institutions.

Iceland, since 1882, grants Municipal Suffrage to tax-paying widows and spinsters; since 1886 all women have had a parish suffrage, which enables them to vote in the selection of the clergy, who have a prominent part in public affairs.

At the Cape of Good Hope women have a limited vote. In the tiny Island of Pitcairn, in the Southern Pacific, they have the same suffrage as men. This is doubtless true of many isolated localities whose records are little known. Among primitive peoples the government is generally in the hands of the most competent without regard to sex, and some of these are still under the reign of the Matriarchate, or the rule of mothers, to whom belong the property and the children. The early Spanish inhabitants of the North American continent placed much authority in the hands of women, and the same is true of the Indian tribes.

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