Appendix

APPENDIX, A.

The annexed documents, as far as they can be relied on, afford evidence of an extent of mortality in Batavia, as compared with the number of inhabitants, that was perhaps never exampled, for the same space of time, in any other quarter of the world.

The Table No. I., incomplete as it is, was drawn out with as much exactness as the original lists and registers still in possession would admit of. In explanation of some inconsistencies which are exhibited in it, it is necessary to observe, that on the occasion of the capture of this island, part of the most valuable papers were lost or destroyed, and amongst them the register in which was stated the Chinese population, and the number of their deaths and marriages annually, which is the reason why no mention is made of them in this table.

The first and third columns contain only the numbers of European inhabitants.

The last column, which shews the deaths of the Natives and Slaves, is probably a list of the deceased slaves only; because there was a separate list kept of the natives who died annually in the Batavian jurisdiction, which, however, was for a long time incorrect, and at last destroyed in 1811.

It is also probable, that the column of deaths generally does not extend farther than in the town and immediate suburbs; and the other two columns of baptisms and marriages extend over the town, suburbs, and environs together.

The specific lists kept in the different hospitals were likewise lost. This is to be particularly lamented, because they would have shewn how many of the European deaths were inhabitants, military persons, strangers, or sailors or marines from the ships of the different nations in Batavia Roads, who all sent their sick men into the hospitals of Batavia, who, when dead, were comprehended in the number of European deaths. This circumstance explains the incorrectness which appears to exist in the two statements of the living and deceased Europeans.

The Table No. II. was discovered among the records of the Dutch government at Batavia, and in the absence of a more official document, may, perhaps, on that account, be entitled to some confidence.

TABLE, No. I.

_LIST of the POPULATION, MARRIAGES, BAPTISMS, and DEATHS, in the Town and Suburbs of BATAVIA, from 1700 to 1813, as far as the same could be ascertained from the Registers, &c. after the Conquest of Java in 1811._

----+------+--------+-----+--------+-------+------+ | POPULATION. | MARRIAGES. | +------+--------+-----+--------+-------+------+ | Within | In the |Euro- | Half | | the Walls. | Suburbs. |pe- |Casts | +------+--------+-----+--------+ans. | and | | Euro-| Euro- |Euro-| Euro- | |other | |peans.|peans. |pe- |peans. | |Chris-| | | & |ans. | & | |tians.| | | Nati- | | Nati- | | | | | ves. | | ves. | | | ----+------+--------+-----+--------+-------+------+ 1700| 1,875| 20,072| 215| 32,478| 74| 134| 1701| 1,715| 19,084| 321| 48,972| 65| 126| 1702| 1,755| 19,683| 309| 45,452| 76| 120| 1703| 1,835| 18,580| 534| 47,123| 72| 133| 1704| 1,898| 22,150| 470| 49,351| 74| 144| 1705| 1,771| 19,752| --| --| 55| 133| 1706| 1,923| 21,899| 417| 49,483| 79| 127| 1707| 1,826| 21,632| 411| 47,026| 60| 116| 1708| 1,769| 20,922| 402| 54,628| 49| 134| 1709| 1,681| 20,600| 412| 55,581| 64| 138| 1710| 1,716| 20,850| 368| 58,761| 41| 152| 1711| 1,723| 21,517| 341| 57,843| 63| 154| 1712| 1,656| 21,538| 448| 65,865| 60| 141| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | 1713| 1,566| 19,007| 503| 69,110| 56| 154| 1714| 1,644| 19,758| 553| 66,092| 60| 150| 1715| 1,663| 22,242| 411| 64,657| 43| 159| 1716| 1,516| 18,947| 446| 60,236| 37| 129| 1717| 1,443| 18,965| 290| 59,831| 41| 147| 1718| --| --| --| --| --| --| 1719| 1,409| 19,411| 308| 68,082| 59| 154| 1720| 1,610| 21,156| 361| 67,792| 68| 148| 1721| 1,477| 20,520| 387| 67,044| 53| 80| 1722| 695| 11,252| 417| 67,339| 61| 132| 1723| 1,606| 23,716| 363| 66,079| 43| 119| 1724| 1,562| 23,428| 341| 62,966| 34| 172| 1725| 1,615| 23,752| 332| 72,218| 60| 150| | Within the | In the | | | | Walls and | Vicinity | | | | immediate | and | | | | Suburbs. | Environs. | | | | | | | | 1726| 1,452| 22,814| 304| 76,893| 58| 118| 1727| --| --| --| --| --| --| 1728| 1,538| 15,343| 289| 73,141| 50| 155| 1729| 1,389| 20,677| 232| 81,977| 52| 135| 1730| 1,330| 20,429| 209| 80,756| 45| 167| 1731| 1,431| 22,658| 241| 82,204| 45| 128| 1732| 1,445| 22,646| 211| 83,602| 55| 142| 1733| --| --| --| --| --| --| 1734| --| --| --| --| --| --| 1735| 1,338| 20,587| 224| 74,367| 65| 166| 1736| --| --| --| --| 48| --| 1737| 1,317| 19,612| 266| 67,170| 48| 133| 1738| 1,350| 11,212| 212| 64,090| 49| 133| 1739| 1,286| 18,502| 272| 68,229| 51| 179| 1740| 1,420| 14,141| 269| 72,506| 47| 90| 1741| 1,388| 13,977| 287| 47,583| 52| 124| 1742| --| --| 259| 56,882| 47| 118| 1743| 1,481| 14,609| 321| 55,023| 84| 119| 1744| --| --| --| --| --| --| 1745| 1,517| 14,926| 278| 67,254| 60| 117| 1746| 1,597| 13,852| 242| 68,785| --| --| 1747| 1,525| 13,854| 240| 73,163| --| --| 1748| --| --| --| --| --| --| 1749| 1,541| 14,050| 318| 77,008| 39| 115| 1750| 1,520| 14,278| 313| 80,597| 63| 105| 1751| 1,439| 13,874| 336| 78,259|\ 38 | 84/| | | | | | \_____ ____/ | | | | | V | 1752| 1,513| 14,596| 311| 75,152| 135[281]| 1753| 1,651| 15,710| 325| 76,611| 132| 1754| 1,575| 15,891| 358| 93,375| 136| |Within the Town| | | | | and all the | | | | | Suburbs. | | | | 1755| 1,599| 16,466| 369| 95,938| 146| 1756| 1,604| 15,925| 310| 96,702| 143| 1757| 1,629| 16,356| 373| 103,443| 137| 1758| 1,560| 16,855| 447| 106,151| 128| 1759| 1,572| 16,942| 377| 111,273| 97| 1760| 1,634| 16,785| 410| 109,393| 124| 1761| 1,499| 16,298| 305| 113,280| --| 1762| --| --| --| --| --| 1763| 1,507| 16,282| 447| 113,009| 112| 1764| --| 16,008| 413| 117,207| 131| 1765| --| --| --| --| --| 1766| --| --| --| --| --| 1767| --| --| --| --| --| 1768| 1,642| 15,256| 273| 108,507| 93| 1769| 1,271| 15,430| 389| 114,750| 124| 1770| 1,183| 13,192| 328| 123,869| 126| 1771| 1,105| 12,233| 300| 121,380| 93| 1772| 1,011| 12,743| 348| 112,346| 108| 1773| 1,061| 13,473| 342| 107,500| 98| 1774| 933| 12,134| 367| 108,215| 97| 1775| 1,165| 13,512| 328| 125,635| 214| 1776| --| --| 276| 131,895| 100| 1777| 896| 10,661| 279| 140,332| 98| 1778| 1,137| 12,206| 238| 135,532| 104| 1779| --| --| 302| 160,986| 82| 1780| 747| 13,651| 278| 129,943| 113| 1781| --| --| --| --| --| 1782| 664| 9,517| 276| 127,039| 75| 1783| --| --| --| --| --| 1784| 695| 10,422| 336| 129,506| 81| 1785| --| --| --| --| --| 1786| --| --| --| --| --| 1787| 574| 9,910| 375| 133,151| 58| 1788| --| --| --| --| --| 1789| --| --| --| --| --| 1790| --| --| --| --| 69| 1791| 325| 6,367| 450| 120,352| 48| 1792| 254| 8,121| 282| 119,297| 59| 1793| 254| 8,121| 282| 119,297| 48| 1794| --| --| --| --| --| 1795| --| --| --| --| 92| 1796| --| --| --| --| 67| 1797| --| --| --| --| 52| 1798| --| --| --| --| 68| 1799| --| --| --| --| --| 1800| --| --| --| --| 68| 1801| --| --| --| --| 32| 1802| --| --| --| --| --| 1803| --| --| --| --| 58| 1804| --| --| 378| 72,830| --| 1805| --| --| 500| 73,728| 83| 1806| --| --| --| --| 50| 1807| --| --| --| --| 86| 1808| --| --| --| --| --| 1809| --| --| --| --| --| 1810| --| --| --| --| --| 1811| --| --| --| --| --| 1812| --| --| --| --| --| 1813| --| --| --| --| --| ----+------+--------+-----+--------+-------+------+

----+---------+-------+-------+-------- | BAPTISMS. | DEATHS. +---------+-------+-------+-------- | Euro- | Those | Euro- | Nati-, |peans' | of |peans, |Slaves, | Child- | Half | Half | &c. | ren. | Casts |Casts, | | | and | &c. | | | other | | | | Chris-| | | | tians.| | ----+---------+-------+-------+-------- 1700| 119| 565| 697| 975 1701| 76| 341| 736| 815 1702| 83| 616| 1,088| 1,336 1703| 190| 443| 856| 931 1704| 96| 466| 442| 1,148 1705| 100| 441| 688| 1,800 1706| 84| 447| 841| 1,839 1707| 88| 471| 655| 1,371 1708| 87| 638| 651| 1,481 1709| 82| 575| 804| 1,828 1710| 108| 628| 684| 1,313 1711| 110| 555| 766| 1,487 1712|\ 110| 595/ | 684| 1,278 | \______ _____/ | | | V | | 1713| 747[280]| 599| 1,022 1714| 703| 608| 1,085 1715| 759| 567| 1,074 1716| 688| 606| 1,207 1717| 578| 716| 1,322 1718| 663| --| -- 1719| 631| 857| 1,869 1720| 529| 977| 1,685 1721| 467| 772| 1,210 1722| 649| 193| 813 1723| 610| 985| 1,597 1724| 781| 934| 1,755 1725| 637| 958| 2,085 |In the Reformed | | | Churches, and | | |since 1746, in | | | the Lutheran | | | Church. | | 1726| 616| 994| 487 1727| 740| --| -- 1728| 648| 768| 590 1729| 736| 754| 500 1730| 763| 857| 1,800 1731| 783| 886| 1,066 1732| 625| 1,003| 689 1733| 554| --| -- 1734| 432| --| -- 1735| 561| 240| 667 1736| 727| --| -- 1737| 572| 1,966| 705 1738| 448| 2,002| 919 1739| 658| 1,068| 668 1740| 518| 1,317| 338 1741| 670| 1,278| 406 1742| 602| 1,286| 547 1743| 639| 1,526| 682 1744| 673| --| -- 1745| 592| 1,965| 1,062 1746| 574| --| -- 1747| 670| --| -- 1748| 627| --| -- 1749| 705| 1,662| 556 1750| 571| 2,229| 569 1751| 550| 2,189| 502

| | | 1752| 600| 1,858| 562 1753| 457| 1,789| 1,542 1754| 553| 1,729| 617 | | | | | | | | | 1755| 484| 2,532| 630 1756| 410| 1,729| 547 1757| 465| 1,557| 561 1758| 468| 1,781| 1,082 1759| 437| 1,451| 636 1760| 450| 1,403| 1,064 1761| 387| 1,110| 980 1762| 471| --| -- 1763| 435| 2,001| 1,134 1764| 297| 1,907| 585 1765| 357| --| -- 1766| 356| --| -- 1767| 306| --| -- 1768| 329| 1,933| 537 1769| 369| 1,869| 667 1770| 302| 2,871| 2,672 1771| 245| 2,425| 622 1772| 301| 2,437| 2,256 1773| 284| 2,029| 534 1774| 295| 2,452| 866 1775| 307| 2,997| 3,007 1776| 303| 3,055| 1,199 1777| 277| 1,394| 2,031 1778| 253| 1,804| 2,131 1779| 290| 1,524| 1,717 1780| 259| 1,418| 1,435 1781| 272| --| -- 1782| 260| 733| 1,692 1783| 292| --| -- 1784| 279| 1,439| 1,669 1785| 243| --| -- 1786| 238| --| -- 1787| 230| 1,939| 1,278 1788| 284| --| -- 1789| 236| --| -- 1790| 220| 2,379| 1,672 1791| 216| 2,228| 1,590 1792| 171| 1,990| 1,131 1793| 149| 1,805| 1,030 1794| 215| --| -- 1795| 183| 1,121| 953 1796| 173| --| -- 1797| 210| 215| 930 1798| 173| 280| 675 1799| 236| --| -- 1800| 169| 106| 1,168 1801| 169| --| -- 1802| 207| --| -- 1803| 182| 263| 2,356 1804| 190| 255| -- 1805| 164| --| -- 1806| 171| --| -- 1807| 186| --| 2,549 1808| 151| --| -- 1809| 131| --| -- 1810| 167| --| -- 1811| 136| --| -- 1812| 115| --| -- 1813| 138| --| -- ----+---------+-------+-------+--------

TABLE, No. II.

LIST of DECEASED and BURIED in the several Burial Places at BATAVIA, from the Year 1730, till the Month of August, 1752.

[Translated from a Document discovered among the Records of the Dutch Government at Batavia.]

1730. Numb. deceased.

January 3,862 February 3,786 March 3,928 April 3,860 May 3,862 June 3,889 July 4,268 August 4,404 September 4,597 October 4,290 November 3,965 December 3,739 ------ 48,450

1731. January 3,699 February 3,705 March 3,827 April 3,833 May 3,711 June 3,788 July 4,480 August 4,527 September 4,916 October 4,512 November 4,412 December 4,430 ------ 49,840

1732. January 4,359 February 4,047 March 4,046 April 4,060 May 4,066 June 4,191 July 4,515 August 4,758 September 5,314 October 4,912 November 4,344 December 4,305 ------ 52,917

1733. January 4,205 February 4,261 March 3,989 April 3,948 May 3,747 June 3,840 July 3,885 August 3,805 September 4,147 October 4,148 November 3,906 December 3,864 ------ 47,745

1734. January 3,830 February 3,963 March 3,914 April 3,725 May 3,711 June 3,550 July 3,772 August 4,294 September 5,303 October 4,237 November 4,025 December 4,021 ------ 48,145

1735. January 3,722 February 3,775 March 3,830 April 3,757 May 3,780 June 3,968 July 4,141 August 4,041 September 4,058 October 4,050 November 3,966 December 3,962 ------ 47,050

1736. January 4,110 February 3,909 March 3,815 April 3,778 May 3,760 June 3,699 July 4,063 August 4,078 September 4,260 October 4,110 November 3,841 December 4,080 ------ 47,503

1737. January 4,066 February 4,093 March 3,707 April 3,561 May 3,485 June 3,358 July 3,357 August 3,400 September 2,501 October 4,054 November 4,057 December 4,061 ------ 43,709

1738. January 3,784 February 3,572 March 3,570 April 3,718 May 3,717 June 4,018 July 4,045 August 3,771 September 4,110 October 4,293 November 4,030 December 4,158 ------ 46,786

1739. January 4,039 February 4,017 March 3,909 April 3,759 May 3,885 June 3,985 July 4,266 August 4,273 September 4,053 October 4,139 November 4,189 December 4,084 ------ 48,598

1740. January 3,851 February 3,747 March 3,758 April 3,878 May 4,090 June 4,424 July 4,536 August 4,321 September 4,538 October 4,514 November 4,224 December 4,083 ------ 49,964

1741. January 4,010 February 3,842 March 3,893 April 3,824 May 3,958 June 4,057 July 4,136 August 3,764 September 4,093 October 3,888 November 3,766 December 3,712 ------ 46,943

1742. January 2,849 February 3,731 March 3,780 April 3,811 May 2,185 June 3,665 July 3,915 August 3,976 September 3,546 October 3,537 November 3,646 December 4,021 ------ 42,662

1743. January 3,744 February 3,659 March 3,399 April 3,407 May 3,418 June 4,448 July 3,822 August 3,937 September 3,641 October 3,798 November 3,852 December 4,011 ------ 45,136

1744. January 4,114 February 3,974 March 3,682 April 3,723 May 3,790 June 3,808 July 3,847 August 3,601 September 5,904 October 3,914 November 4,140 December 4,064 ------- 47,661 1745. January 3,952 February 3,765 March 3,212 April 3,230 May 3,290 June 3,327 July 3,655 August 3,736 September 4,197 October 3,632 November 3,486 December 3,526 ------- 43,008 1746. January 3,479 February 3,491 March 3,459 April 3,373 May 3,435 June 3,950 July 4,750 August 4,210 September 4,110 October 4,214 November 4,483 December 4,874 ------- 47,828 1747. January 4,414 February 4,389 March 4,305 April 4,159 May 4,599 June 4,978 July 5,355 August 4,946 September 5,016 October 3,028 November 4,506 December 4,603 ------- 54,298 1748. January 4,459 February 4,322 March 4,796 April 4,689 May 4,603 June 5,106 July 4,469 August 4,355 September 5,034 October 5,169 November 5,140 December 4,864 ------- 57,006 1749. January 4,870 February 4,452 March 4,332 April 4,505 May 4,425 June 4,589 July 4,656 August 4,174 September 4,398 October 4,684 November 4,537 December 4,893 ------- 54,515 1750. January 4,546 February 4,352 March 4,417 April 4,619 May 5,227 June 5,072 July 5,277 August 5,134 September 4,872 October 4,580 November 4,526 December 4,508 ------- 57,130 1751. January 4,543 February 4,128 March 4,163 April 4,170 May 3,967 June 4,967 July 6,904 August 5,566 September 5,699 October 5,344 November 4,612 December 4,533 ------- 58,605 1752. January 3,923 February 3,941 March 4,272 April 4,116 May 4,466 June 4,285 July 4,359 August 4,514 ------- 33,876 During twenty-two years and eight months, --------- Grand Total 1,119,375

The unhealthiness of the climate of Batavia is connected, in the minds of many, with the fabulous properties of the poison tree of Java, and many are so ignorant of the island as to consider the climate of Batavia as a fair example of that of Java in general. History attests that this city has been highly pernicious to the health both of Europeans and Natives, almost from its foundation, and recent experience concurs with the testimony of history. The mines of America, when they were first discovered, did not more strongly allure the Spaniards, nor urged them to sacrifice more relentlessly the lives of the unresisting natives to their burning thirst of gold, than the monopoly of Java and the Spice Islands led the Dutch Company, in the track of wealth, through danger, injustice and oppression. Though the unhealthiness of Batavia was at all times known and formidable, there were times when the mortality became extraordinary and alarming. Although not prone to any speculation, except that of merchants, or to any inquiry, except for a new market or a more lucrative channel of trade, the Company's Government in India was sometimes forced to institute inquiries into the cause of this insalubrity, and to speculate about the possibility and the means of removing it. Passing by other occasions, there exists on the records of the High Regency a reply to queries about the unhealthiness of Batavia, dated the 14th of October 1753. This paper states that between 1732 and 1738, the greatest number of casualties happened. It assigns, as a great cause of the insalubrity complained of, the situation of the town in a bay, confined on the west and east by projecting points of land, and inclosed in front by a cluster of small islands. The space between the town and the sea is chiefly mud, left by the retreating of the sea: a swamp surrounds the town. The mouths of the rivers are generally covered with underwood and a species of tree peculiar to swamps. The vegetation of these low grounds, it is added, cannot but retain impurities of the most noxious kind. The space which is formed at the mouths of the rivers Táng'ran and Ang'ki is an entire swamp, covered with shrubs which emit exhalations of an impure nature: these are interspersed with the burying grounds of the natives, and the effluvia of these places is felt at some distance. It was believed that the earthquake of 1699, by forcing mud from under the earth and blocking up the mouths of the rivers more than formerly, contributed to increase the previously existing unhealthiness. The lime kilns in the neighbourhood, the close plantations of trees that prevent a free circulation of air, the stagnation of the rivers from the bars of mud or sand which obstruct their out-course into the sea, the kind of water which the inhabitants are compelled to drink, the narrowness of their houses, and the dirt and filth accumulated in the numerous canals that intersect the town, have all their due share of pernicious efficiency assigned them in this report. The buildings, it is said, are admirably adapted to keep out the fresh air, and to retain that which is putrid or noxious. To remedy the evils felt, a new construction of houses is recommended, and a frequent pruning or entire extirpation of the trees.

The fever, which excited this inquiry, commenced in 1733 and lasted till 1738, and, during its continuance, two thousand of the Company's servants and free Christians annually died. In 1739 its violence abated; but it broke out again in 1744, and continued with little diminution or variation to the date of the report in 1753.

Without stopping to inquire whether it would be easier to remove disease from Batavia, or the inhabitants of Batavia from disease, I shall take the liberty of quoting an extract from a report on the climate of some parts of Java, drawn up by Mr. Robertson, the late Superintending Surgeon, which appears to me to afford a satisfactory account of the causes of the insalubrity of the capital. After giving a statement of the mortality that prevailed in an Indiaman, a part of the crew of which landed at Batavia, he thus proceeds.

"Such is the melancholy instance of the noxious climate of Batavia, which came within my own observation. That it was not epidemic is clearly evinced, from its not extending its influence to those who attended the sick, nor to the rest of the crew, all of whom escaped its attack and remained healthy. Among the Dutch who remain in the town, fevers are, I understand, very prevalent at all seasons, notwithstanding their being, in a manner, inured to the climate, and most of them have a sallow sickly appearance. It is not uncommon, in riding through the streets, to meet three or four funerals daily.

"The Chinese, however, who are very numerous, suffer more than any class of the people; perhaps, from the worse situations of their houses, the manner in which these are crowded, the closeness of their apartments, and their gross manner of living. The number of casualties among them, I am told, is incredible, especially during the dry season; and if one may judge from the extent of their burial ground, and the number of their tumuli, it cannot admit of a doubt. The preceding facts are, I conclude, sufficient to establish the truth of the noxious character the climate of Batavia has so long obtained, and I shall now proceed to the causes which have been often investigated, and seem well ascertained, though the knowledge of them has led to little exertion for their removal.

"The baneful effects of marsh miasmata on the human system is well known, engendering intermittent and remittent fevers, dysenteries, and visceral obstructions. Batavia, built almost in a swamp, surrounded by marshes in all directions, trees and jungles, which prevent the exhalations being carried off by a free circulation of air, is peculiarly obnoxious from this cause. Opposite the mouth of the river, and extending a great way to the westward, is a mud-bank, which, in many parts at low water, is uncovered by the sea, and is daily accumulating from the quantities of mud and animal and vegetable matter carried down by the river during its reflux. Again the sea, often at spring tides, overflows the adjacent country, and, on its receding, leaves the soil covered with slime and mud, which, exposed to the action of the sun, soon suffers decomposition, and impregnates the atmosphere with its noxious exhalations, which are carried by the sea breeze over Batavia, where the trees and jungles surrounding the houses prevent their being dissipated. During the heat of the day these exhalations are more diffused and comparatively innoxious, but when the sun withdraws its influence they become more condensed, and amalgamating with the descending evening dews form a morbid atmosphere around the houses of the inhabitants. This hypothesis will readily account for a fact well known, that people whose commercial concerns require their presence in Batavia during the day, and who retire during the night into the country, escape this endemic, while scarcely any who sleep in the town, even for a night, unless those who, by a long residence, are inured to it, escape. In the ingenious and sensible work formerly alluded to (Mr. Johnson's), I find this hypothesis so clearly and perspicuously expounded, that I must take the liberty of quoting it.

"'The cause why the stench emitted by marshes and vegetable matter in a state of decomposition is more perceptible immediately after sunset, is not that the vapours are disengaged in greater quantities then than during the day, but the marshes retain their heat for some time after the sun's rays are withdrawn, and consequently continue to emit vapours through the atmosphere, as during the high temperature of the day by the sun. They therefore meet the descending dews, condensing and forming a thick fog, which hovers over the swamps, accompanied by a noxious and disagreeable odour. The miasmata exhaled during the day, in all probability, descend with the dews of the evening, which, meeting and combining with those that continue to be disengaged from their source, must form a concentration highly capable of affecting the constitution. Marsh effluvia become at a certain distance from their source innoxious. Dr. Hunter observes, 'a few feet in height gives a comparative security in the same buildings.' This will be accounted for by the supposition, that as the miasmata exhaled during the day descend in the evenings, they become more and more concentrated, till meeting the exhalations from the still reeking marshes, a dense stratum of highly impregnated atmosphere is found contiguous to the surface of the earth: hence the salubrity of sleeping in upper apartments. This leads to another practicable inference of considerable importance, that when necessity compels exposure to these marshes, we should select that point of time least likely to meet those miasmata, whether ascending or descending. This period seems to extend from three to six in the afternoon:[282] that is, after the greatest heat of the earth and air, and consequently the greatest evaporation, and before the condensation and return of such exhalations as rose during the day, and which combine with those still issuing from the heated soil for some time after sunset.'

"A second, and, I think, an equally powerful cause, is the stagnant water of the canals, which, in all directions, intersect the city. In the first place, they are filled with filth of every description; there is scarcely at times any perceptible current in them to carry off that filth; and lastly, the sluices are frequently kept shut, for the purpose of swelling the waters above them to irrigate the fields, while those below, which intersect the town, become almost dry, leaving an extensive surface of mud, and every kind of putrified matter, to be acted upon by the sun, raising the most pestilential vapours, with which, as before observed, the atmosphere gets thoroughly impregnated.

"As a third cause, the state of the houses may be considered, and the mode of living of the Dutch. Houses that are untenanted are seldom opened, and thus collect much filth and foul, damp, pernicious vapours. Those that are inhabited are generally shut up in the day time, most of them being glazed, thus preventing a free circulation of air; and in the lower story of most of the houses, the walls are covered some feet from the ground with a greenish coat, and on entering the apartments a stranger experiences a kind of chilly feel, and a damp raw kind of smell. Although it cannot be enumerated among the causes, yet I cannot help thinking the Dutch mode of medical practice, in as far as it is inefficient to counteract the diseases of this climate, must tend to increase the number of fatal terminations.

"The Dutch practitioners, little in the habit of theorizing, continue the same practice in every form of disease, and they are particularly prejudiced against the use of mercury, opium, and other powerful medicines, in consequence relying solely on the most simple and inert remedies. Some few of them, of more enlarged understanding, adopt the English mode, and seem sensible of its superior efficacy.

"A fourth, and, I am convinced, a very general cause, especially of the diarrhœas and dysenteries, which seldom fail to attack new comers, is the water. This most essential article is taken either from the canals or wells, and it is equally bad when passed through a filtering stone. It retains a brackish, hard, unpleasant taste, and if allowed to remain some time in vessels without previous boiling, generates small animalculæ. Such, I conceive, are the most probable and principal causes of the insalubrity of Batavia; though there are, I doubt not, others contributing, which elude observation. It is generally received, though I think an erroneous opinion, that the rainy season is the most unhealthy. The most unhealthy appears to me to be that immediately after the cessation of the rains; and the older and more experienced Dutch residents have observed, that in years when there has been a long continued drought, disease has been more than usually prevalent, and they look forward with anxiety for the accession of the rains, as the means of resisting its baneful dissemination.

"Weltevreden, at a distance of not more than three miles, being less exposed to these causes, excepting the water, is exempt, in a great measure, from its prevailing endemic fever; though diarrhœas are common, especially among those newly arriving, but they are seldom of a serious or alarming nature.

"Among the troops stationed at Weltevreden and Cornelis, diseases are not more frequent than in the healthiest parts of India which I have visited; though for some months since the Báli expedition, the casualties in the 78th regiment have been numerous. At Chemangis, about twenty-two miles from Batavia inland, a battalion of Sepoys is stationed, where, from the returns I have received, it appears they enjoy comparatively good health, and have very few casualties, though a much larger quantity of rain falls than in the vicinity of Weltevreden. It is on an elevated commanding situation, and open and clear of jungle for a considerable extent around."

In support of the opinion which has been given of the general salubrity of the climate of Java, the abstract returns of sick, &c. among the troops serving on Java and its dependencies, for the last two years, are annexed, together with a statement of casualties, in His Majesty's 78th regiment, while serving on the continent of India and in Java.

GENERAL ABSTRACT of the MONTHLY RETURN of SICK on the Island of JAVA and its Dependencies, from 1st November, 1813, to 30th October, 1814.

-------+----------+--------+---------+---------+-----------+------+ Months.| No. of Troops. |Remained.|Admitted.|Discharged.|Dead. +----------+--------+ on the| | +------+ |Europeans.|Natives.| 1st | | |Fever.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | -------+----------+--------+---------+---------+-----------+------+ 1813. | | | | | | | Nov. | 2,262| 5,196| 938| 997| 981| 5| Dec. | 2,399| 4,962| 963| 908| 974| 3| | | | | | | | 1814. | | | | | | | Jan. | 2,089| 5,536| 955| 852| 895| 1| Feb. | 1,233| 4,865| 677| 474| 477| 3| Mar. | 2,154| 5,845| 744| 733| 834| 6| Apr. | 1,818| 4,962| 620| 662| 620| 5| May | 1,781| 6,509| 848| 876| 805| 8| June | 1,677| 5,790| 763| 934| 820| 11| July | 1,663| 5,560| 839| 1,082| 880| 7| Aug. | 1,569| 5,735| 947| 945| 772| 21| Sept. | 2,309| 5,863| 1,157| 915| 916| 31| Oct. | 2,306| 5,562| 1,079| 876| 1,018| 9| -------+----------+--------+---------+---------+-----------+------+

-------+----------+---------+-----+------+-----+----------+ Months. Dead. | Remaining last month. +----------+---------+-----+------+-----+----------+ |Dysentery.|Other |TOTAL|Fever.|Flux.|Hepatitis.| | |Diseases.| | | | | | | | | | | | -------+----------+---------+-----+------+-----+----------+ 1813. | | | | | | | Nov. | 19| 6| 30| 176| 216| 10| Dec. | 37| 14| 54| 150| 205| 9| | | | | | | | 1814. | | | | | | | Jan. | 24| 11| 36| 144| 196| 11| Feb. | 14| 6| 23| 99| 144| 2| Mar. | 19| 6| 31| 146| 152| 1| Apr. | 18| 5| 28| 149| 131| 5| May | 35| 4| 47| 169| 201| 7| June | 30| 13| 54| 168| 182| 12| July | 30| 10| 47| 304| 199| 15| Aug. | 17| 4| 42| 440| 189| 11| Sept. | 38| 8| 77| 395| 172| 15| Oct. | 24| 12| 45| 241| 176| 9| -------+----------+---------+-----+------+-----+----------+

-------+-----------+----------+-------+---------+ Months. Remaining last month. | +-----------+----------+-------+---------+ |Rheumatism.|Syphilis. |Ulcers.|Other | | | and | |Diseases.| | |Gonorrhea.| | | -------+-----------+----------+-------+---------+ 1813. | | | | | Nov. | 61| 101| 195| 144| Dec. | 73| 95| 149| 164| | | | | | 1814. | | | | | Jan. | 79| 99| 170| 177| Feb. | 63| 84| 113| 146| Mar. | 69| 183| 102| 116| Apr. | 51| 80| 80| 144| May | 87| 107| 131| 160| June | 80| 103| 127| 151| July | 103| 117| 104| 150| Aug. | 89| 117| 111| 121| Sept. | 107| 135| 97| 159| Oct. | 106| 122| 91| 142| -------+-----------+----------+-------+---------+

-------+----------+--------+-----------+------------ Months.| TOTAL | Proportion| Proportion +----------+--------+ of Sick. | of Deaths |Europeans.|Natives.| | to Cures. | | | | | | | | -------+----------+--------+-----------+------------ 1813. | | | | Nov. | 289| 635| 1 to 8 | 1 to 32.70 Dec. | 266| 577| 1 to 9.90| 1 to 18 | | | | 1814. | | | | Jan. | 232| 644| 1 to 8.70| 1 to 24.86 Feb. | 141| 510| 1 to 9.33| 1 to 27.39 Mar. | 124| 575| 1 to 11.52| 1 to 26.911 Apr. | 177| 457| 1 to 10.67| 1 to 22.14 May | 195| 667| 1 to 9.61| 1 to 17.12 June | 216| 607| 1 to 9 | 1 to 15.18 July | 230| 764| 1 to 7.28| 1 to 18.72 Aug. | 263| 815| 1 to 6.77| 1 to 18.38 Sept. | 355| 725| 1 to 7.55| 1 to 11.89 Oct. | 278| 609| 1 to 8.87| 1 to 22.62 -------+----------+--------+-----------+------------

_GENERAL MONTHLY AVERAGE of SICK and CASUALTIES on the Island of JAVA and its Dependencies, from 1st November, 1813, to 31st October, 1814._

_MONTHLY AVERAGE of FATAL DISEASES, from 1st November, 1813, to 31st October, 1814._

+---------------+---------+---------+-----------+----------+ | Deaths during | Fevers. | Flux. | Other | TOTAL. | | the Year. | | | Diseases. | | +---------------+---------+---------+-----------+----------+ | 514| 110| 305| 99| 514| +---------------+---------+---------+-----------+----------+ |Monthly Average| 9⅙ | 25⁵⁄₁₂ | 8¼ | 42¹⁰⁄₁₂ | +---------------+---------+---------+-----------+----------+

GENERAL ABSTRACT of the MONTHLY RETURNS of SICK on the Island of JAVA and its Dependencies, from 1st November, 1814, to 31st December, 1815, inclusive.

-------+-------------------+---------+---------+-----------+------- | No. of Troops. |Remained.|Admitted.|Discharged.| +----------+--------+on the | | +------+ Months.|Europeans.|Natives.| 1st | | |Fever.| | | | | | | | -------+----------+--------+---------+---------+-----------+------+ 1814.| | | | | | | Nov. | 2,272| 6,283| 906| 820| 784| 11| Dec. | 2,325| 6,268| 890| 797| 815| 13| | | | | | | | 1815.| | | | | | | Jan. | 2,106| 6,233| 842| 693| 776| 6| Feb. | 2,211| 5,962| 714| 601| 601| 6| Mar. | 2,172| 5,700| 595| 642| 600| 1| Apr. | 2,050| 5,481| 623| 706| 648| 5| May | 2,082| 5,983| 658| 723| 677| 4| June | 2,002| 5,862| 691| 682| 663| 4| July | 1,442| 5,227| 609| 540| 551| 4| Aug. | 1,339| 4,836| 584| 545| 554| 5| Sept.| 1,324| 4,595| 497| 444| 467| 2| Oct. | 1,326| 4,770| 420| 384| 387| 2| Nov. | 821| 4,404| 443| 407| 392| 1| Dec. | 772| 3,170| 344| 388| 343| 2| -------+----------+--------+---------+---------+-----------+------+

------------------------------+------------------------------------ Dead. | Remaining last month. +-----+---------+------+------+-----+----------+-----------+ Months.|Flux.|Other |TOTAL.|Fever.|Flux.|Hepatitis.|Rheumatism.| | |Diseases.| | | | | | -------+-----+---------+------+------+-----+----------+-----------+ 1814.| | | | | | | | Nov. | 21| 7| 39| 211| 154| 5| 104| Dec. | 22| 11| 46| 211| 132| 10| 84| | | | | | | | | 1815.| | | | | | | | Jan. | 18| 8| 32| 157| 119| 18| 88| Feb. | 7| 4| 17| 141| 106| 8| 102| Mar. | 10| 5| 16| 184| 96| 6| 79| Apr. | 10| 4| 19| 182| 122| 5| 81| May | 6| 4| 14| 158| 122| 8| 77| June | 12| 5| 21| 204| 107| 5| 81| July | 6| 3| 13| 177| 109| 4| 64| Aug. | 5| 4| 14| 139| 102| 3| 64| Sept.| 1| 5| 8| 101| 91| 4| 49| Oct. | 6| 5| 13| 88| 58| 4| 59| Nov. | 6| 5| 12| 101| 78| 4| 53| Dec. | 5| 3| 10| 83| 79| 4| 36| -------+-----+---------+------+------+-----+----------+-----------+

-----------------------------------+ | +---------+-------+---------+ Months.|Venereal.|Ulcers.|Other | | | |Diseases.| -------+---------+-------+---------+ 1814.| | | | Nov. | 132| 112| 185| Dec. | 123| 116| 150| | | | | 1815.| | | | Jan. | 105| 118| 127| Feb. | 87| 117| 124| Mar. | 68| 90| 98| Apr. | 79| 101| 92| May | 109| 111| 108| June | 110| 95| 103| July | 72| 83| 76| Aug. | 74| 82| 97| Sept.| 60| 73| 88| Oct. | 64| 88| 63| Nov. | 70| 72| 68| Dec. | 48| 59| 70| -------+---------+-------+---------+

-------+-------------------+--------------+------------- | TOTAL | Proportion |Proportion +----------+--------+ of Sick. |of Deaths Months.|Europeans.|Natives.| |to Cures. | | | | -------+----------+--------+--------------+------------- 1814.| | | | Nov. | 229| 674|1 to 9.47 | 1 to 20⅒ Dec. | 229| 597|1 to 10⁴⁄₁₀ | 1 to 17 | | | | 1815.| | | | Jan. | 188| 539| 1 to 11.47 | 1 to 24¼ Feb. | 195| 502| 1 to 11.72 | 1 to 35.35 Mar. | 173| 448| 1 to 12.67 | 1 to 37½ Apr. | 178| 484| 1 to 11.37 | 1 to 34⅒ May | 220| 470| 1 to 11.68 | 1 to 48.35 June | 200| 495| 1 to 11.31 | 1 to 31.57 July | 149| 436| 1 to 11⁴⁄₁₀ | 1 to 42.38 Aug. | 152| 409| 1 to 11⅟₁₄₀ | 1 to 39.57 Sept.| 123| 343| 1 to 12⁷⁄₁₀ | 1 to 58.37 Oct. | 77| 327| 1 to 15¹¹⁄₃₀| 1 to 29.76 Nov. | 42| 404| 1 to 11½ | 1 to 32⅔ Dec. | 61| 318| 1 to 10⅖ | 1 to 34⅓ -------+----------+--------+--------------+------------- N.B.--The monthly returns from Maccassar for November and December, and of the 5th Volunteer Battalion Javan Corps, and of a Detachment of H.M. 78th for December, had not been received when this table was framed.

_GENERAL MONTHLY AVERAGE of SICK and CASUALTIES on the Island of JAVA and its Dependencies, from 1st November, 1814, to 31st October, 1815, inclusive._

STATE of His Majesty's 1st Battalion 78th Regiment, shewing the Effective Strength and Number died (including those died of Wounds) killed in Action, &c. Half-yearly, from 16th February, 1797, five days after the Regiment's landing in India, to 25th December, 1815.

Serondole, 13th March, 1816.

---------------------------------+---------------------+ Head Quarters of the |Effective Strength on| Regiment and Dates. |the under-mentioned + |Dates. | +-------+-----+-------+ |Serjts.| Drs.| R & F.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | ---------------------------------+-------+-----+-------+ Fort William, 16 Feb. 1797[283] | 53| 25| 1,146| Berhampore, 25 June | 52| 22| 1,085| On the River, 25 Dec. | 52| 22| 993| | | | | Allahabad, 25 June, 1798 | 52| 22| 952| Camp Onoopsher, 25 Dec. | 52| 22| 930| | | | | Cawnpore, 25 June, 1792. | 52| 22| 913| Ditto, 25 Dec. | 52| 22| 888| | | | | Ditto, 25 June, 1800 | 52| 22| 869| Fort William, 25 Dec. | 52| 22| 890| | | | | Ditto, 25 June, 1801 | 52| 22| 857| Ditto, 25 Dec. | 52| 22| 897| | | | | Ditto, 25 June, 1802 | 52| 22| 884| Ditto, 25 Dec. | 52| 22| 865| | | | | Camp Rooey, 25 June, 1803 | 52| 22| 837| ---- Cuttah, 25 Dec. | 62| 22| 709| | | | | ---- Chiohoora, 25 June, 1804 | 52| 22| 657| Old Women's Island, Bombay, | 53| 22| 683| 25 Dec. | | | | | | | | Ditto, 25 June, 1805 | 54| 22| 636| Camp at Bombay, 25 Dec. | 54| 22| 604| | | | | Ditto, 25 June, 1806 | 54| 22| 683| Butcher's Island, near | 54| 22| 668| Bombay, 25 Dec. | | | | | | | | Cabo Island of Goa, 25 June, 1807| 54| 22| 686| Ditto, 25 Dec. | 54| 22| 520| | | | | Ditto, 25 June, 1808 | 56| 22| 706| Ditto, 25 Dec. | 57| 22| 809| | | | | Ditto, 25 June, 1809 | 57| 22| 772| Ditto, 25 Dec. | 57| 22| 740| | | | | Ditto, 25 June, 1810 | 55| 22| 989| Ditto, 25 Dec. | 54| 22| 991| | | | | Lowjee Family Transport, | 64| 22| 965| 25 June, 1811 | 62| 22| 770| Surabaya, Java, 25 Dec. | | | | | | | | Ditto, 25 June, 1812 | 59| 22| 674| Ditto, 25 Dec. | 54| 21| 684| | | | | Ditto, 25 June, 1813 | 54| 20| 625| Ung'arang, 25 Dec. | 53| 21| 625| | | | | Weltevreeden, Java, 25 June, 1814| 54| 21| 597| Ditto, 25 Dec. | 52| 20| 623| | | | | Ditto, 25 June, 1815 | 45| 20| 583| Serondol, 25 Dec. | 45| 21| 568| | | | + | | | | ---------------------------------+-------+-----+-------+

---------------------------------+---------------+ Head Quarters of the | Casualties. | Regiment and Dates. +-------+-------+ | Dead, |Killed | +includ-| in | | ing |Action.| | those | | | that | | | died | | | of | | |wounds,| | | &c. | | ---------------------------------+-------+-------+ Fort William, 16 Feb. 1797[283] | --| --| Berhampore, 25 June | 25| --| On the River, 25 Dec. | 90| --| | | | Allahabad, 25 June, 1798 | 45| --| Camp Onoopsher, 25 Dec. | 34| --| | | | Cawnpore, 25 June, 1792. | 27| --| Ditto, 25 Dec. | 31| --| | | | Ditto, 25 June, 1800 | 19| --| Fort William, 25 Dec. | 34| --| | | | Ditto, 25 June, 1801 | 30| --| Ditto, 25 Dec. | 15| --| | | | Ditto, 25 June, 1802 | 12| --| Ditto, 25 Dec. | 66| --| | | | Camp Rooey, 25 June, 1803 | 30| --| ---- Cuttah, 25 Dec. | 89| 47| | | | ---- Chiohoora, 25 June, 1804 | 61| --| Old Women's Island, Bombay, | 84| --| 25 Dec. | | | | | | Ditto, 25 June, 1805 | 50| --| Camp at Bombay, 25 Dec. | 30| --| | | | Ditto, 25 June, 1806 | 14| --| Butcher's Island, near | 24| --| Bombay, 25 Dec. | | | | | | Cabo Island of Goa, 25 June, 1807| 17| --| Ditto, 25 Dec. | 7| --| | | | Ditto, 25 June, 1808 | 9| --| Ditto, 25 Dec. | 25| --| | | | Ditto, 25 June, 1809 | 22| --| Ditto, 25 Dec. | 32| --| | | | Ditto, 25 June, 1810 | 22| --| Ditto, 25 Dec. | 21| --| | | | Lowjee Family Transport, | 18| --| 25 June, 1811 | 166| 28| Surabaya, Java, 25 Dec. | | | | | | Ditto, 25 June, 1812 | 101| --| Ditto, 25 Dec. | 93| 6| | | | Ditto, 25 June, 1813 | 59| --| Ung'arang, 25 Dec. | 22| --| | | | Weltevreeden, Java, 25 June, 1814| 28| --| Ditto, 25 Dec. | 52| --| | | | Ditto, 25 June, 1815 | 20| --| Serondol, 25 Dec. | 13| --| +-------+-------+ | 1,537| 81| ---------------------------------+-------+-------+

---------------------------------+-------+----------------- Head Quarters of the | TOTAL |PERIODS. Regiment and Dates. + dead, | |killed,| |&c. &c.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | ---------------------------------+-------+----------------- Fort William, 16 Feb. 1797[283] | } |{16 Feb. 1797, to Berhampore, 25 June | } 115 |{24 Dec. 1797. On the River, 25 Dec. | } | | | Allahabad, 25 June, 1798 | } 79 |{25 Dec. 1797, to Camp Onoopsher, 25 Dec. | } |{24 Dec. 1798. | | Cawnpore, 25 June, 1792. | } 58 |{25 Dec. 1798, to Ditto, 25 Dec. | } |{24 Dec. 1799. | | Ditto, 25 June, 1800 | } 53 |{25 Dec. 1799, to Fort William, 25 Dec. | } |{24 Dec. 1800. | | Ditto, 25 June, 1801 | } 45 |{25 Dec. 1800, to Ditto, 25 Dec. | } |{24 Dec. 1801. | | Ditto, 25 June, 1802 | } 78 |{25 Dec. 1801, to Ditto, 25 Dec. | } |{24 Dec. 1802. | | Camp Rooey, 25 June, 1803 | } 166 |{25 Dec. 1802, to ---- Cuttah, 25 Dec. | } |{24 Dec. 1803. | | ---- Chiohoora, 25 June, 1804 | } 145 |{25 Dec. 1803, to Old Women's Island, Bombay, | } |{24 Dec. 1804. 25 Dec. | | | | Ditto, 25 June, 1805 | } 80 |{25 Dec. 1804, to Camp at Bombay, 25 Dec. | } |{24 Dec. 1805. | | Ditto, 25 June, 1806 | } 38 |{25 Dec. 1805, to Butcher's Island, near | } |{24 Dec. 1806. Bombay, 25 Dec. | | | | Cabo Island of Goa, 25 June, 1807| } 24 |{25 Dec. 1806, to Ditto, 25 Dec. | } |{24 Dec. 1807. | | Ditto, 25 June, 1808 | } 34 |{25 Dec. 1807, to Ditto, 25 Dec. | } |{24 Dec. 1808. | | Ditto, 25 June, 1809 | } 54 |{25 Dec. 1808, to Ditto, 25 Dec. | } |{24 Dec. 1809. | | Ditto, 25 June, 1810 | } 43 |{25 Dec. 1809, to Ditto, 25 Dec. | } |{24 Dec. 1810. | | Lowjee Family Transport, | } 212 |{25 Dec. 1810, to 25 June, 1811 | } |{24 Dec. 1811. Surabaya, Java, 25 Dec. | | | | Ditto, 25 June, 1812 | } 200 |{25 Dec. 1811, to Ditto, 25 Dec. | } |{24 Dec. 1812. | | Ditto, 25 June, 1813 | } 81 |{25 Dec. 1812, to Ung'arang, 25 Dec. | } |{24 Dec. 1813. | | Weltevreeden, Java, 25 June, 1814| } 80 |{25 Dec. 1813, to Ditto, 25 Dec. | } |{24 Dec. 1814. | | Ditto, 25 June, 1815 | } 33 |{25 Dec. 1814, to Serondol, 25 Dec. | } |{24 Dec. 1815. +-------+ | 1,618| ---------------------------------+-------+-----------------

Of Six Companies at Serondol, died from 25th December, 1815, to 13th March, 1816 1 Of One ditto Solo ditto 25th ditto 13th ditto 2 Of Three ditto Weltevreeden, ditto 25th ditto 13th ditto 6 -- Total 9 -- Of the above six died at Weltevreeden, one died in consequence of a fall.

NOTE by N. CURRIE, Esq. Surgeon of His Majesty's 78th Regiment, on the foregoing Table.

When the 78th regiment first arrived at Java, the men had been long confined on board ship, living on salt provisions, and were afterwards exposed, not only to the fatigues and privations incident to actual warfare, but also to the inclemency of the weather in a tropical climate. All these causes produced a tendency to disease, and when the regiment arrived at Surabáya the quarters were bad; and being in the middle of the town, free access could at all times be had to spirituous liquors. The number of diseases and of casualties was consequently great; but it diminished gradually, as the men were successively accommodated with good barracks at De Noyo. The whole were comfortably lodged in plastered barracks in March or April, 1813, and in May and the following month a very sensible reduction of deaths took place, as may be seen by the abstracts of those months. During the preceding months of January, February, March, and April, the deaths were numerous, but the greater proportion was among the men of a detachment of about two hundred men that joined in January, and continued to be very sickly during those four months. Almost all the men of this detachment had, when attacked, violent diseases.

A very remarkable instance of the bad effects of exposure to night air while asleep, occurred when part of the regiment was sent, in September, 1814, from Weltevreeden to Chemangis, where the barracks were built of wattled bamboos, and the men lying with their heads to the walls, received the current of air directly in their heads. Fifty were seized with a highly inflammatory fever in the course of three days. Delirium was always the first symptom in every case, and it was necessary to bleed several of them largely before they could be sent to the hospital. By referring to the returns it will be seen that almost every increase of sickness happened after a change of quarters, as in the detachment above-mentioned, and after the removal of the regiment from Surabáya to Ung'arang and Sirondol in October, 1813, after the expedition to Bali at Weltevreeden in June, 1814, and to Chemangis in September 1814. An increase of sickness always took place after the use of spirituous liquors on particular holidays, as Christmas, &c.; and on the contrary, the good effects of not exposing the men to morning dews or wet, and of regularity in diet, may be seen in the healthiness of the regiment after the men got settled in good barracks at Surabáya and Weltevreeden.

Java need no longer be held up as the grave of Europeans, for except in the immediate neighbourhood of salt marshes and forests, as in the city of Batavia, and two or three other places on the north coast, it may be safely affirmed that no tropical climate is superior to it in salubrity. By its insular situation, the temperature of the atmosphere is low and equable, and from its lofty mountains it possesses this great advantage, that in a few hours' travelling a climate of any degree of cold may be found.

FOOTNOTES:

[280] It appears, that subsequent to this year, no general list was kept, a list only of the number of children christened in the reformed churches being found among the registers.

[281] Since this year no specific list to be found.

[282] Mr. Robertson's observation and experience led him to give it a greater latitude, from eight or nine in the morning till twelve, and from three to six in the afternoon.

[283] Five days after our arrival in India.

APPENDIX B.

JAPAN TRADE.

The empire of Japan has, for a long period, adopted and carried with effect all the exclusive maxims of Chinese policy, with a degree of rigour unknown even in China itself. Previously to the expulsion of the Portuguese and the extirpation of Christianity in the latter part of the seventeenth century, the Japanese trade was reckoned by far the most advantageous which could be pursued in the East, and very much superior to either the Indian or Chinese trade. After the expulsion of the Portuguese, a very extensive trade was for some permitted to be carried on by the Dutch, on account of the benefits which the Japanese imagined themselves to have received from that nation during the Portuguese war, and especially the detection of a formidable conspiracy of some of the Japanese princes to dethrone the emperor, the correspondence relative to which was intercepted at sea. It was for these services that the Dutch originally procured the imperial edict, by which they were permitted to trade to Japan, to the exclusion of all other European nations. This public act of their ancestors, the Japanese have repeatedly declared that they will not cancel; but they have done every thing but formally cancel it, for a more limited and less free trade never was carried on by one rich nation with another.[284] For more than half a century, the Dutch trade has been limited to two yearly ships from Batavia, the cargoes of both of which scarcely ever exceeded the value of 300,000 dollars, and their only profitable returns are Japan copper, and a small quantity of camphor. To shew themselves impartial in their restrictions, the Japanese have limited the traffic of the Chinese, the only eastern nation whom they suffer to trade with them at all, in a similar manner to that of the Dutch, and they suffer no more than ten Chinese junks to visit Nangasaki in the year. The trade of those two favoured nations is also limited to the port of Nangasaki.

In pursuance of their exclusive maxims, and conformably to the terms of their agreement with the Dutch, the Japanese have, on every occasion, followed an uniform line of conduct, and rejected, in the most peremptory manner, the various overtures of different nations of Europe, refusing equally to have any intercourse, negociation or commerce, with any of them. It must also be admitted, that the whole foreign trade of Japan, compared with the riches of the country, is absolutely trifling; nor is there any rich or powerful body of them, like the Hong merchants of China, at all interested in its continuance. The yearly presents, whether offered to the governor of Nangasaki or the emperor, are of no great value, and rigidly limited by law and usage; and as the government of Japan is much stronger and more vigilant than that of China, no such abuses can be ventured on at Nangasaki as those which exist at Canton.

The commercial intercourse of the Dutch at Japan was established by an imperial edict in their favour from the emperor Gonging Soma, in the year 1611.

The first Dutch factory was established at Firando, but in the year 1641 it was removed to Nangasaki. The number of the Dutch ships, and the kind of merchandize which they imported, were then left entirely to the discretion of the parties; the merchandize was disposed of to the best advantage, and the returns consisted of such articles as were expected to yield the greatest profit. They were subject only to the municipal regulations of the country, without any further restraint or incumbrance whatever. The trade remained in this state till the year 1671. In the Dutch records of this period, the only complaints made against Japanese authority relate to restrictions laid upon them in matters of religion.

In the beginning the returns from Japan consisted of silver and copper; and the former being coined, was received according to the current value in that country, where the coins and weights went by the same name as in China, viz. katis, tahils, mas, and kandarins. Ten mas were worth a tahil, sixteen tahil a kati, and one hundred kati weighed one hundred and twenty, or one hundred and twenty-one, pounds Dutch, equal to a mark.

There were two sorts of silver, of which the fine was called zoma, and coarser bar-silver, generally distinguished by the Dutch under the terms of heavy and light money. This was at first carried to account at the rate of sixty-two stivers and a half per tahil, no difference being made in the books of that time between the two kinds; but in the year 1635, the common or bar-silver, was fixed at fifty-seven stivers the tahil. Both kinds, according to this regulation, were considered by the Dutch as calculated too high for an article of merchandize, and consequently were not much in demand in the western parts of India, to which it was at first sent by the Company.

The attention of the Dutch being, however, afterwards attracted to the trade in gold from Japan, orders were issued to the factors in the year 1640, requiring gold as a return, to the amount of from ten to twelve hundred thousand florins. These orders were executed with the best success; and a wish seems, on this occasion, to have been expressed by the factory, that Japan might, as formerly, be permitted to supply from one hundred to one hundred and fifty chests of gold kobangs, ubangs, and zebos. Gold and silver were, at this time, the principal articles in the returns from Japan. Their copper was not much in demand, probably because it was so little known in India or Europe; yet the directors, in their requisition for the year 1655, state the price of Japan copper having risen from thirty-six to forty-six florins per hundred pounds weight, and an order having been sent to Japan for twenty thousand pikuls of that metal, the same rendered great profit.

In 1644, requisitions were made from Surat for two thousand pikuls, from Coromandel for one thousand pikuls, and from Batavia for four thousand pikuls of copper; and in reply it is stated, that it would not be difficult to furnish the quantity required; that the Japan copper consisted of both sheet and bar copper, of which the former was purchased at twenty tahils the pikul, or twelve stivers (inferior silver) per pound, being twenty per cent. cheaper than European copper.

The gold, after being coined, was found a very profitable article, being purchased at a favourable rate. In the beginning the kobang was purchased for six tahil eight mas, and for six tahil seven mas; and, as appears from the books of 1669, 1670, and 1671, was within those years even purchased as low as five tahils six mas, and five tahils eight mas, from the great men of the country, or from merchants, according to circumstances. During two of these years, more than one hundred thousand kobangs were obtained, which rendered a profit of one million of florins.

In 1671, an edict was issued by the Japanese government, prohibiting the further exportation of silver; but the profit on the gold being so considerable, the restriction on the exportation of silver was a matter of indifference to the Dutch, who still were enabled to obtain their returns in the more profitable articles of gold and copper.

The exchange of the kobang was now fixed by the Japanese government at sixty-eight mas; and the free and unrestricted trade which the Dutch had hitherto enjoyed, was subjected to an arbitrary valuation of the import cargoes, and limited first with respect to the articles of merchandize, and afterwards with respect to its extent.

The loss of the island of Formosa in 1661, is supposed to have given the first shock to the credit of the Dutch at Japan. Not long after that event they experienced many instances of opposition, and several prejudicial alterations in the trade.

"They (the Japanese) were consequently," observes Mr. Imhoff, in his Memoir on the Japan Trade, "no longer under any apprehension of being annoyed by us, while, if we had remained in possession of Formosa, we were and might have continued masters of the navigation and trade between China and Japan. In that opinion I am still further confirmed, when I consider, in the first instance, that the prejudicial change with respect to our situation at Japan, although it took place only several years after the loss of Formosa, had been already in agitation some time before; and, secondly, that notwithstanding the confidence of the Japanese in their own superiority, which they always evinced, that arrogance did not conceal altogether a certain fear of us, very evident from their great precautions. This fear has, however, since decreased, and if we may trust to the records, has frequently been succeeded by brutality.[285] It is an undeniable truth, that if a nation renders itself respected and formidable it will flourish, and that otherwise it is but little esteemed."

The decline of the trade seems not at first to have been much attended to. "Whether the Japanese," says the same writer, "at that period obtained advice of the advantages we derived from the trade, or that the bad conduct of our servants gave occasion to further restrictions which succeeded each other, we do not know, yet it is undeniable, that first in the year 1685 our trade was limited to three hundred thousand tahils, of which two-thirds were to consist of piece goods and weighable articles, and the other third of silks. This was confirmed in 1689, and we were allowed to export only twenty-five thousand pikuls of copper, whereas our exports of that article formerly had been regulated according to our requisition. In the year 1700, the number of our ships was limited to four or five, in lieu of six or seven as were formerly sent, according to circumstances."

The profits of the trade at this period would yet have deserved attention had not a change in the current coin rendered the year 1700 still more disadvantageous. In 1692 and 1693 and afterwards, rich cargoes were sent to Japan which returned considerable profits, and the funds were again laid out in copper, as far as thirty thousand chests or pikuls. The new stipulation of twenty-five thousand chests was of little importance with the Dutch, who knew how, as they confess, to obtain by bribes from the governors and their servants a still further quantity. In the year 1685, the system of receiving the Dutch merchandize by valuation was discontinued; and although it was introduced again in the year 1698, it was once more abolished in the following year.

Various causes are assigned for the change in the current coin which took place about this period; but whether, as was supposed by the Dutch, the knowledge of the Dutch profits upon the kobang opened the eyes of the Japanese, or that their long intercourse with Europeans rendered them more attentive to their own interest, or that the Chinese, who are known to be very expert in the art of coining, proposed that measure to them, or that the easy compliance of the Dutch in all former instances, and while they issued the most injurious orders against their commerce, made them believe that they might purchase their friendship at a cheaper rate than hitherto, or, as seems most probable, it was principally occasioned by other and more weighty causes not yet discovered, it is certain that in the year 1696 appeared, for the first time, a new kind of kobang, of one-third less in value than the old, although tendered to and received by the Dutch at the same rate. Here then was said to commence the iron age.

The new kobang was assayed at thirteen carats six or seven grains, while the old kobang was twenty carats eight and a half, nine, or even ten grains; yet the Dutch were obliged to receive the former at the rate of sixty-eight mas like the old, which weighed thirty-one stivers, and making a difference upon one thousand of seventy-two marks. The old kobang rendered a profit of twenty-five per cent., but the new produced a loss of fifteen or sixteen per cent. on the coast of Coromandel, where it was recoined. Some of the old kobangs being however estimated at the same rate with the new, the Dutch still continued to derive some profits from the gold, until the introduction of a third kind of kobang, denominated the small kobangs, took place.

In 1710 the Japanese resorted to this further change in the coin, by reducing the weight of the kobang nearly one half, the value being twenty-five kanderins, while that of the former was no less than forty-seven kanderins. This caused a loss of from thirty-four to thirty-six per cent., the Dutch being obliged to receive the same at the rate of sixty-eight mas; the former kobangs, of inferior alloy only, were in consequence still preferable. From 1710 to 1720, both sorts were in circulation; but the repeated complaints of the Dutch were at last, in 1720, so far attended to, that the old kobangs, of the same alloy and weight, were again introduced. The latter, however, were called double kobangs, and they were charged in the Dutch accounts at thirteen tahils six mas, which was twice as much as in former times, so that they became still less profitable than the small kobangs, of which two thousand weighed seventy-six marks, while one thousand of the old coin only weighed seventy-two marks, and would consequently, when received in lieu of two small kobangs, have produced a loss of thirty-seven seven-eights per cent.

When an attempt was made, in 1714, to oblige the Dutch to receive the small kobang at the same rate as the old, the exportation of copper was limited to fifteen thousand chests, as was the number of ships to two or three, according to the quantity of copper in store.

A fourth kind of kobang was introduced in 1730, about five per cent. better than the third or small kobang, but the trade continued rapidly to decline until the year 1744.

The loss of many valuable ships and cargoes,[286] a reduction in the selling price of the articles of merchandize which they imported, and an increase of charges attending the visits to the Imperial Court, and the maintenance of their establishment in Japan, contributed to render this period particularly disadvantageous to the Dutch trade. Their submissive conduct at the Emperor's Court was of no avail, nor did their presents of horses, dogs, and other curiosities, produce any better effect. There was no longer any possibility of exporting kobangs, as in former times, for the balance of their accounts. The quantity of copper which they were allowed to export annually had been fixed in 1721 at ten thousand chests, yet even that quantity they were unable to obtain in 1743, so that, together with the high exchange of the tahils, their establishment in Japan now actually subjected them to a loss, and it was accordingly proposed at this period that it should be abandoned, unless some favourable change could be effected.

The charges had considerably increased during the last year. The cargoes were of less value and of an inferior quality, so that their profits were reduced to less than one quarter of what they had been: their expences on account of the Japan trade were at the same time two hundred thousand florins annually. During the last thirty years their profits amounted to five hundred thousand, and for some years to six hundred thousand, but latterly not to two hundred thousand florins per annum.

Thus, to sum up the disasters of this trade, after having been allowed to remain free and unrestrained for a period of sixty years, the cargoes in the year 1672 were subjected to an arbitrary valuation, and about the same time the exchange of the kobang was altered. A tax was laid upon the cargoes in 1685, and further increased in 1689. In 1698 the new kobang was introduced: in 1700 they were limited to four ships annually: in 1710 an exchange still more disadvantageous was fixed: in 1714 their exportation was reduced to fifteen thousand pikuls of copper; in 1717 an order was issued, limiting the trade to two ships only: in 1710 the third, and in 1730 the fourth sort of kobangs were introduced: and in 1743 the Dutch were limited to one ship and to one-half of the cargo.

The Dutch, in deliberating upon the measure of abandoning the trade, in the year 1744, trace all their disasters in this commerce, to their having tamely submitted, in the first instance, to take the kobang of reduced value at the same rate as the old one. It then occurred to them, that if serious remonstrances had been made in the beginning, their firmness might have prevented the subsequent losses. "In the first instance," says Mr. Imhoff, "our commerce was carried on as by a people groping in the dark, neither knowing the actual price of purchase or sale; because the kobang being the standard coin of the country, that kobang ought to have been calculated in proportion to the value of the tahil, and it would have appeared that since 1710 for forty stivers inferior silver, thirty stivers superior silver were received, and all articles of trade not disposed of with a profit of sixty-three per cent. rendered a loss. And this being the case with most of the cargoes that were sent to Japan after the period above mentioned, we ought either to have relinquished that commerce, or had recourse to such means as might have tended to re-establish the affairs of the Company. Instead, however, of so doing, fruitless remonstrances and solicitations were employed, which finally produced this effect, that the Japanese, during the latter years, granted us, by way of charity, an additional sum of six thousand tahils upon the sale of our cargoes."

From the deliberations which took place at this period, it appears that the proposal then under consideration of relinquishing the trade, was rather intended as a provisional and political measure, to induce the Japanese to admit them to more favourable terms in future, than brought forward with the view of finally abandoning or relinquishing the trade altogether.

The public opinion of the time was, that the Japanese had recourse to these measures of restriction for no other purpose, but to oblige the Dutch to depart from the country; but it occurred to the Dutch government, that a nation which treated strangers in so despotic a manner, had no need to resort to such shifts to dislodge them. Another opinion was, that the restrictions laid on the trade proceeded from political motives, of which the first and most important was their hatred against all the different persuasions of the Christian religion without exception;[287] but the government were inclined to consider these reasons as deserving of little notice. "There is no probability," observes Mr. Imhoff, "that, in the present enlightened age, it can be a consideration, even with the Japanese, of what persuasion merchants are, who neither attempt to propagate their religion with a view to promote their interest, nor to endanger the safety of the state, of neither of which they appear ever to have been suspected." The governor-general was further of opinion, that the Japanese could derive no advantage from the expulsion of the Dutch, as they would thus be cut off from all correspondence with Europeans, and thereby become subject to greater inconveniences than at present, being exposed to the visits of others, whose great increase in those regions was not unknown to them; for, as he states, it is notorious that the Japanese government took annual information of all that passed in the world, and that the Dutch servants had orders to answer their queries faithfully, in order that contrary reports might not injure their credit, by which the Japanese were well aware that if the Dutch withdrew, others would soon settle in the country.[288] Instead, therefore, of attributing the conduct of the Japanese to either of these causes, the governor-general laid it entirely to the account of their interested desire to take every possible advantage of the weakness of the Dutch, who, by admitting the first imposition, laid themselves open to all that followed.

In his very able and interesting memoir "On the Trade of Japan and the Causes which occasioned its Decline,"--"It is by no means surprizing," says Mr. Imhoff, "that the Japanese, when they altered the kobang, likewise made a change in the delivery of the copper, observing that our exchange remained always the same, and the prices of our merchandize unalterably fixed. We cannot pass unnoticed, that this wrong calculation has been the cause that, on our part, many valuable articles of commerce, which were from time to time tendered to us by the Japanese, were declined. Among those articles was yellow copper or brass, Japan porcelain, of which musters were sent in 1736, and camphor, which we might have exported from thence, if our return cargoes had not been complete. Whether the sovereign right to regulate the trade of their country is not equally vested in the government of Japan with any other nation, I will leave undecided. Seeing us patiently submitting to all kinds of restrictions, inattentive in keeping our accounts in a regular order, they were encouraged to put us to the last shift. I am not inclined to dwell upon our surprising indifference, which was concealed at the same time under the cloak of mystery, from whence so many evil consequences resulted. I am of opinion, that it cannot be either the interest or inclination of the Japanese to oblige us to relinquish all intercourse with their country, provided our trade be carried on within narrow bounds, and they are not losing upon the articles delivered to us in payment for our cargoes. It is not possible that they can have any profit on the copper, if it is sold for less than one kobang. The mines certainly cannot be worked at a cheaper rate than formerly; and what profit do the venders of the copper derive from our merchandize, after it has fallen into the hands of the interpreters to government and others? Nothing is more natural, therefore, than that our exportation of copper from Japan should have become a burden to that class of people, and that their complaints contributed to the restrictions to which we are now subject. There is no doubt, that if the Japanese could keep up the communication without allowing us a single chest of copper, they would willingly grant us six thousand tahils as a gratification, over and above the stipulated price for our cargo."

In considering the reforms to be introduced into the management of the trade in future, the first point which attracted attention was a better calculation of the coin, with reference to the intrinsic value, and a calculation being made upon a new basis, allowed a higher price to be paid for the copper than before. It was estimated, that if the Dutch could annually procure twenty thousand pikuls of copper at twenty tahils, the Japan trade would still be lucrative, allowing the profits on the outward-bound cargoes to be merely sufficient for the support of the factory.

But in order to purchase and to pay for such a quantity of copper, the governor-general observes, "it is necessary that government should strictly comply with the requisitions from Japan, because our failures therein have brought us into such discredit with the Japanese, that they do not any longer place confidence in our promises. We have passed our word from year to year, that the quality and the quantity of our merchandize should be better assorted, without ever attending to it. Even at this moment, the supply differs so very much from the quantity required, that it will be extremely difficult to convince the Japanese that they shall be better served in future; and still it must be done, because if we wish to obtain the value of eight hundred or four hundred thousand tahils of copper annually, besides camphor and other articles, different measures must be resorted to. We are hardly able, at present, to supply one-third of that amount, and load the ships with coarse goods.

"We have no doubt but other productions of Japan might also be procured at a cheaper rate than at present. Camphor may be purchased in abundance at thirty tahils the pikul, and it is probable the same could still be obtained on more favourable terms, if we advert to what it cost formerly; in which case it would become a profitable remittance to Holland, and render one hundred per cent., or thereabouts.

"The white copper (tutenague) has been tendered to us at sixteen tahils per pikul, but has not been accepted, the price being considered too high. If, however, we can dispose of it merely at the same price as the yellow copper (brass), which yields according to the price current before us 41-43 f. per 100 lb., it will not only be acceptable, but even render a reasonable profit of fifty per cent.

"Iron was formerly imported here from Japan, and might perhaps be procured at a moderate price, which for the sake of the small distance between us and that country would be very desirable.[289]

"Sulphur was also declined in 1726, on account of its being charged too high; yet it might still become an article worth attention, especially if it were purified in Japan. And who knows how many other valuable productions might be drawn from that extensive country, besides those already mentioned, and which would be very acceptable, in an economical as well as a mercantile point of view?"[290]

The following facts are collected from the considerations at this time.

That in former times the commerce of foreign nations at Japan amounted to ten millions of florins, and since then for many years to 3,150,000 florins, of which the Chinese share was two-thirds, and the Dutch one-third; and it was consequently presumed, that in so extensive a country as Japan, merchandize might still be disposed of to the value of one million, especially if it was paid for in the productions of the country.

That one of the causes of the decline of the trade was the conduct of the Company's servants, and the extent to which the private trade of individuals was carried. The directors of the trade at Japan had been selected from a very inferior class of society, and the peculations on overweight of the copper, &c. formed the subject of a regular complaint made by the Japanese to the Dutch government.

That the trade of the Chinese to Japan had been reduced from eighty to twenty junks in the year, the number then allowed.

In concluding his valuable and interesting Memoir, the Baron Van Imhoff declares it to be his firm belief, that Japan was, in every respect, what it had been formerly; that the same quantity of merchandize might be disposed of there as in former times, and that returns of equal value might be obtained; that although the profits should be less at present, there could be no reason to relinquish that trade; that the means of the Dutch were certainly inferior at that moment to what they had been, yet that if they adhered to the measures proposed (namely, clear accounts, correctness and honesty of conduct, and a good assortment of cargoes), which were easy, and could not expose them to any risk or danger, they might hope for a favourable issue.

In the course of all these deliberations, the Dutch seem to have concluded that the debasement of the coin was resorted to by the Japanese, solely with the view of affecting their trade, and never to have reflected that so important a change in the intrinsic value of the standard coin of the country, might have been occasioned by political causes, of far greater magnitude to the Japanese than the paltry gain to be obtained on the traffic of the Dutch cargoes. It is most probable that the empire of Japan, at the periods when these changes took place, wished to check the exportation of the precious metals of the country. In the first instance, we perceive a prohibition against the exportation of silver. The loss of this metal was first felt, because the principal exports were at first made in this coin; but it is never hinted that this prohibition was occasioned by any desire to take an undue advantage of the Dutch: on the contrary, this measure was not found to affect the Dutch trade at all. The same causes, however, which first led to a prohibition regarding silver, operated afterwards in an equal degree with respect to gold; and it is easy to account for the rise in the value of this metal, and the consequent changes in the coin, by the scarcity which ensued. Let us but reflect on the enormous exportation of the precious metals, which took place from Japan at the period when the trade was unlimited, and we shall find abundant cause for these changes in the coin, without accusing the Japanese of resorting to the measure as an imposition on the foreign merchant. "The exports at one period," says Mr. Imhoff, "amounted to ten millions of florins." These were principally made in the precious metals and in the coin of the country; and when the trade fell exclusively into the hands of the Dutch, it had been usual to export at first from one hundred to one hundred and fifty chests of silver, and subsequently the trade admitted of no less than two hundred chests of gold coin being exported instead of the silver. On a moderate calculation, therefore, the exports of the former period were about one million sterling, and those continued by the Dutch could not be less than from half a million to a million sterling in each year; so that, during a period of sixty years, the total export would have amounted to from thirty to sixty millions of pounds sterling, and this does not include what found its way to China and other neighbouring countries.

The discovery of the mines of America reduced, in the sixteenth century, the value of gold and silver in Europe to about one-third of what it had before been:[291] and might not the extensive drain on Japan have produced in that country an opposite effect of the same magnitude? If the gold and silver annually imported into Spain and Portugal, which did not commonly exceed six millions pounds sterling, produced this effect on the circulating medium, and the price of the precious metals throughout all Europe, in one country of which alone the circulating gold and silver amounted, by some accounts to eighteen, and by others to thirty, millions.[292] Is it not easy to conclude, that a directly contrary and equally extensive effect must have been felt in Japan? and that this effect must have been felt in a still higher degree, while operating on the confined circulating medium of one nation, than while operating on that of the numerous nations of Europe, who again found means to dispose of large quantities by remittances to the eastern world?

The extensive circulation of money throughout the populous and rich empire of Japan, and the facility with which the drains upon it could be supplied from the mines, was perhaps the cause that, in the first instance, the exportation of the precious metals was not sensibly felt; but afterwards, when probably the mint could not keep pace with the demand, and what is not unlikely, the demand was even too heavy for the mines, the intrinsic value of the coins increased in proportion to the scarcity; and it is not surprising that the Japanese should have entertained an apprehension lest the mines would become exhausted. Whether there were any immediate grounds for such an apprehension is uncertain; but it is generally believed that an edict was issued to discontinue working, first the silver, and afterwards the gold mines, but not until the nominal, and perhaps the real, value of both metals, and particularly of the latter, had been nearly doubled, as in the instance of the kobang of the original value being offered to the Dutch for two kobangs.

That the Dutch perhaps owe the loss of this valuable trade, in a great measure, to the incapacity and worthlessness of their own servants, cannot but be admitted; for had they, on these continued reductions in the value of the current coins, adverted to the political cause, and calculated their commercial transactions according to the intrinsic, instead of the nominal, value, they would not have subjected themselves, unknowingly, to a loss of sixty per cent. upon the proceeds of all their exports: nor would they have shewn their weakness and ignorance to the Japanese, but they would immediately have devised the advantage of other returns from Japan, in articles, the exportation of which might, at the same time, have improved the industry and prosperity of that empire; and the Japanese, finding them equally intelligent and enterprising under all circumstances, while they felt an interest in the continuance of the trade, would have respected the nation by whom it was carried on. If, however, by these means, the European character and the value of foreign trade thus declined in the estimation of the Japanese, how much lower must that of the Dutch nation have fallen, when after once dictating the prices of all articles both bought and sold, we find them obtaining at last an advance on their proceeds of the outward cargo, by way of charity, and the Japanese themselves appealing against the peculations and corruptions that were carried on! When we see the Dutch, without power and without respect, dictating in the mighty empire of Japan an arbitrary and extravagant price for their commodities, in the same manner as they did at home, is it surprising that we should find the Japanese having recourse to a fixed valuation? When we observe the illicit trade to Japan carried on by private individuals, to such an extent, that Valentyn, a Dutch author of the highest authority, says it was so interwoven with the constitution of the Company, and so extensive, that it formed the principal part of the trade, and could never be prevented, and that the Dutch ships were frequently lost by being overladen with cargoes of this kind, we cannot be astonished at the decline of the prosperity of the Company, or the degradations which were imposed upon its agents. The Dutch factory was, and is, in fact, a sink of the most disgraceful corruption and peculation which ever existed. The factor to obtain his own ends, submits to every possible degradation, and the government of Batavia knows only just as much of what is going on at Japan, as it is his interest to tell them. In this work it has become a painful duty to advert occasionally to the shameful scenes of fraud and corruption carried on under the very eyes of the government of Batavia, and in the dependencies in the more immediate vicinity of that metropolis, where their residents enjoyed such extensive powers, and were so removed from controul and responsibility, that their interests constantly interfered with their duties, and the struggle between principle and opportunity generally ended in a resolution to make fortunes, to connive at each other's peculations, and keep their own secret. If this was the case on the island of Java, the seat of government, what must it not have been in a country so remote as Japan, where the connection and intercourse were so peculiar? It is not surprising, that in the accounts of such a factory, the government at home should find nothing but intricacy and obscurity. It was the interest of the factor to keep every thing involved in mystery, and no where was there a better opportunity for doing so.

But had the shameful and disgraceful conduct of these people been felt only in its effects upon the past, it would be trifling, compared to what they are calculated to produce on the future. The unmanly degradation to which these factors have submitted at the caprice, and often for the amusement of the Japanese, in order to gain their own ends, seem to have established an effectual bar against the future extension of the trade by the Dutch nation, who will find it difficult, if not impracticable, ever to be again respected in Japan. Unless, therefore, the Dutch have magnanimity enough to abandon this trade, when they find it of little comparative value to them, or when they see it must be conducted on principles derogatory to the dignity of the illustrious House of Orange, it is to be feared, that the day is far distant, when the opportunity will be afforded of opening a liberal and honourable communication between Europe and this interesting and important empire. Perhaps this will not happen until, according to Humboldt, the two great oceans shall be united by means of a channel across the Isthmus of Darien, when the productions of Nootka Sound and of China will be brought more than two thousand leagues nearer to Europe and the United States, and when alone any great changes can be effected in the political state of Eastern Asia; "for this neck of land," observes that writer, "the barrier against the waves of the Atlantic Ocean, has been for many ages the bulwark of the independence of China and Japan."[293]

From the year 1750 no essential alteration appears to have taken place in the trade: the utmost exertions of the Dutch were required to provide the cargoes, and whenever they succeeded, return cargoes were always provided, to the extent of two or three ships in the year. In order to afford a better view of the nature and extent of the restricted trade thus carried on, the accounts of two of these expeditions to Japan are annexed, from which it will appear, that in the voyage of 1804-5 the Company exported from Batavia to the Japan market commodities to the amount of 211,896 rix-dollars in value; that the charges attendant on the shipment and freight amounted to 167,500 rix-dollars (including 2,915 rix-dollars on account of customs), making the whole expenses of the voyage, with the prime cost of the articles, amount to 379,397 rix-dollars. These articles, when sold in Japan, brought 160,378 rix-dollars; but the expenses and disbursements at Japan in one year for the establishment, the loss on the weight of the sugar, and the expense of making the journey to Japan, reduced that sum to 92,426 rix-dollars. The return cargo brought to Batavia the sum of 886,554 rix-dollars, or a profit of 507,147 rix-dollars on the adventure. The cargo and return of 1806, and the expense of the establishment, cost the Company 393,582 rix-dollars, (including 2,846 for customs), and the sales and other receipts produced 569,089, leaving a balance of 175,505 rix-dollars in favour of the adventure.

A more correct judgment may perhaps be formed from the result of the adventures undertaken from Batavia during the provisional authority of the British government. The first of these was intimately connected with a political object, to which the mercantile adventure was made subservient, and both were undertaken without those previous arrangements which would have insured a better assorted and cheaper cargo. The articles were purchased on the spot and at the moment, and the vessels engaged at a very high rate of freight. In the first, in particular, the sugar being of inferior quality, there was a loss in the weight, and it was otherwise less profitable than it would have been, had the assortment been of the same quality which the Dutch company were in the habit of sending. The freight alone amounted to the enormous sum of 82,309 Spanish dollars. From the outward-bound cargoes it was necessary to pay the debts of the former government, amounting to 48,648 Spanish dollars; and this, with other disbursements and necessary provisions, rendering the proceeds of the outward-bound cargo insufficient to furnish the amount requisite for the payment of the copper; the Dutch factor availed himself of the opportunity to supply the deficiency of fourteen hundred pikuls at the rate of twenty-five dollars per 120⅞ pounds, amounting to 25,000 Spanish dollars; differing from the rate paid to the Japanese of 12.3.5 tahils, or ten rix-dollars per pikul, to an extent of fifteen rix-dollars against government. Besides this, the whole of the outward cargo was not sold: several articles of merchandize remained undisposed of at Japan, amounting to 19,688 Spanish dollars, to be accounted for in the ensuing year. All these operated essentially to reduce the profits of a voyage, which depended exclusively on the return cargo.

The results of these voyages, however limited as the profits were, appear fully sufficient to shew the importance of this trade to Batavia, even as it at present stands, considering that it affords a market for so large a quantity of the produce of the country, and that when the government seemed disinclined to send a further adventure on their own account, there were not wanting numerous individuals anxious to obtain a license to undertake the trade, and to run all the risks attached to it.[294]

In the year 1616, the English obtained a grant from the emperor, containing the privileges for a general trade with Japan, in consequence of which a commercial establishment was formed there by the Company.

In obtaining those privileges, one great object with the Company appears to have been to introduce themselves to a connection with the Chinese, and to carry on a general trade between India, China, and Japan; but finding themselves disappointed in their endeavours to form connections with China, and sustaining heavy losses in consequence of their trade with Japan, they determined, in 1623, to abandon their establishment there.

From that time, until the year 1673, no attempt appears to have been made by the English Company to renew their intercourse with Japan. The attempt made at that period entirely failed of success, owing, it was stated, to the king of England having married a daughter of the king of Portugal. About the same time the Company, with a view to the same object, formed an establishment on the Island of Hounan; but after struggling with great difficulties, sustaining heavy losses, and being totally disappointed in their expectations of communicating with Japan, the factory was ordered to be withdrawn in the year 1682.

At a subsequent period (in the year 1699), the Company having established a regular communication with China, their supra-cargoes were instructed to use every endeavour in their power to promote an intercourse with Japan, for the purpose of introducing woollens, &c. into that country, but without any appearance of success.

A select committee of the East-India Company, appointed in 1792 to take into consideration the export trade of Great Britain to the East Indies, after detailing the cargo of a Dutch ship from Japan in the year 1664, which consisted principally of copper, camphor, silk-stuffs, and china-ware, conclude their report by observing, that, in their opinion, the trade with Japan never can become an object of attention for the manufactures and produce of Great Britain; for supposing, they observe, that woollens, lead, and curiosities for a cargo to Japan, could be made to £8,000, what is to be required in payment? About £30,000 or £32,000 value in copper, an article which is also the produce of Great Britain, and which must be disposed of in India, to the prejudice of their own mines. Thus Great Britain would gain, on the one hand, £8,000, whilst the loss, on the other, would be £32,000.

This opinion, however, would appear to have been formed on a very partial view of the subject, and with reference to the limited nature of the trade as it then existed; but it would be as unfair to judge of the value of the Japan trade to the British nation from this narrow view, as it would be to decide upon that subject merely from the result of the adventures to Japan undertaken during the recent provisional government of Batavia, which, besides other disadvantages, were, for political reasons, carried on with a scrupulous regard to the restrictions under which the trade of the Dutch had latterly laboured.

It is objected to a direct communication with Japan, and the consequent exportation of British merchandize by British ships, that, in all probability, it would entirely put a stop to the present exportation of woollens by the Chinese, and that, in proportion as the exports from Great Britain to Japan increased, those from Great Britain to China might be expected to diminish; the Japanese being, at present, almost exclusively supplied with British woollens by means of the Chinese: that, however, the demand for teas would continue the same, and therefore the defalcation in exports to China must be made up in bullion, or by drafts on Bengal.

It is admitted that the Bengal government might provide for this additional demand, by disposing of the copper brought from Japan in the Calcutta market; but this, it is stated, would prove a considerable check to the consumption of one of the most valuable articles of export from Great Britain, and therefore it has been inferred, that the final result of the trade with Japan would, in all probability, be the exchange of our woollens for copper, which we have already in abundance, instead of bartering them for teas, which, in the present state of Great Britain, will be always required.

But this argument seems evidently to have been grounded on a supposition that copper must always form the principal, if not only, article of commerce with Japan. An inference by no means borne out by the history of the Dutch trade; in the course of which, it is expressly stated by the Baron Van Imhoff, who appears to have given the subject the most mature and deliberate consideration, and to have been aided by much local information, that the Japanese would willingly pay a sum of money to be excused from the delivery of any copper at all.

But admitting that a connection between Great Britain and Japan might not be attended with all the commercial profits which might be expected from a consideration of the productions of the two countries, would it not, in a political point of view, be of the most essential importance to her interests in China, which are acknowledged by all to be so important? Might we not expect from the Chinese a more respectful and correct conduct than has been customary with them, if they knew that we were in some measure independent of our connection with them? and is it not important, that in case of our actual exclusion from China, there should still be a channel open for our obtaining commodities, with which we are at present supplied by that country?

VOYAGE TO JAPAN (IN THE YEAR 1804-5) IN ACCOUNT CURRENT CONTRA.

Dr.

Rix- Rix- Dollars. Dollars.

1,500,000 lbs. of Sugar, second sort, calculated at its selling price of 8⅓ each pikul, amounting to 100,000 -- Charges of one per cent 1,000 -- ---------- 101,000 --

37,500 lbs. of Tin 7,200 -- 4,000 do. Cotton Thread, at 55 R. Drs. per pikul 1,760 -- 30,000 do. Black Pepper. 10⅔ do. 3,200 -- 30,000 do. Cloves 60 Stivers per pikul 37,500 -- 2,987 do. Seed Cloves 60 do. 3,733 36 30,000 do. Lead. 20 Stivers per pikul 4,800 -- 100,000 do. Sappan Wood 6 do. 4,800 -- 2,000 Pieces Patna Chintz 50 Stivers per corgie 5,000 -- 1,651½ do. Cloths in sorts 6 do. 9,909 -- 40 do. of Woollens of sorts 5,149 26 82 do. Long ells of sorts. 3,278 15 110 do. Perpetuans 2,958 42 5,137 do. Camlets 7,773 12 3,500 do. Ducatoons 5,833 16 The Presents are calculated at 8,000 -- ---------- R. Drs. 211,896 3

Add the following Charges incurred on account of the above-mentioned merchandize, viz.

Amount of Coolies and Prow-hire attending the purchase of articles, calculated at two per cent. on the whole amount, being R. Drs. 38,868 == Sp. D. 777 18

For bringing and lodging the same in the stores, one per cent 388 33

Custom Duties, &c. at 7½ per cent 2,915 8 -------- Amount of Charges 4,081 11 ---------- Total of the Cargo with the Charges 215,977 14

Yearly allowance to the Resident at Japan, consisting of 700 pikuls Copper, to be paid by Government, at 25 R. Drs. each 17,500 -- Freight of Ships employed, 1,216 tons, at 98 Sp. D. each 145,920 -- --------- 163,420 -- ---------- Total Expense on Account of the Adventure 379,397 14 To balance in favour of the Voyage 507,147 24 ---------- Total R. Drs. 886,544 38 ----------

Cr. ----------------------------------------------------------------------- Amount Sale at Japan of the following Articles.-- Rix-Dollars. Rix-Dollars.

1,500,000 lbs. of Sugar, at 7 tahils the 120⅞ lbs. (each tahil being equal to 40 Stivers) amounting to 72,388 40 37,500 do. Tin, at 25 tahils each pikul of 120⅞ lbs. 6,463 14 4,000 do. Cotton Thread, 25 do. 689 20 30,000 do. Black Pepper, 15 do. 3,102 18 30,000 do. Cloves 150 do. 31,023 36 2,987 do. Seed Cloves, 40 do. 823 34 30,000 do. Lead 10 do. 2,068 12 100,000 do. Sapan Wood, 5.5 do. 3,791 38 2,000 Pieces Patna Chintz, 2 tahils each piece 3,333 16 1,651½ do. Cloths in sorts 4,689 19 40 do. of Woollens of sorts, 90 tahils 3,000 -- 82 do. of Long Ells of sorts, 30 do. 2,050 -- 110 do. Perpetuans 25 do. 2,291 32 5,137 do. Camlets 4 do. 5,965 -- 3,500 do. Ducatoons 2 5.2.5. do. 7,364 28 The Presents are calculated at 8,000 -- ---------- R. Drs. 157,045 19 The surplus of the Trade calculated 3,333 16 ---------- Making together 160,378 35 Where from must be deducted:

The Amount of Expenses and Disbursements at Japan in one year, for the Establishment, &c. and also the loss on the weight of the Sugar 51,285 32 The Amount of Money and Merchandizes required for making the journey to the Court of Jeddo 16,666 32 ---------- 67,952 16 Remaining to be employed for the purchase of ---------- Copper and Camphor 92,426 19

Particulars as follows:

8,475 pieces of Copper, at tahils 12.3.5. each 87,221 32 200 do. Camphor, do. 21 do. 3,500 -- 4,000 chests for Copper, do. 2.8.1.5.5 do. 1,146 32 200 bales for Camphor 180 -- 2,525 planks for Dunnage, at tahils 18 each 100 378 3 ---------- Amount as above to 92,426 19 ---------- The above Copper, and that delivered by the Resident being stamped into lumps, amount to 933,369 38 Deduct Charges of the Mint 71,000 -- ---------- Remain 862,369 38 The Amount of 200 pikuls Camphor, to be sold at 36 Stivers per pound 24,175 -- ---------- Total R. Drs. 886,544 38 ----------

N.B. A considerable part of the profit above stated, ought properly to be credited to the Mint, the whole of the copper received from Japan being stamped into lumps, and introduced into the currency of Java at a rate above its intrinsic value.

VOYAGE TO JAPAN (IN THE YEAR 1806) IN ACCOUNT CURRENT CONTRA.

Dr.

-----------------------------------------------------------------------

Rix Dollars. To 1,269,679 lbs. of Sugar at 6½ Sp.D. per pikul 63,483 60 25,000 do. Tin 18 do. 3,600 -- 102,000 do. Sapan Wood, 4½. do. 3,672 -- 12,000 do. Cloves, first sort, 2 Rop. per lb. 11,250 -- 5,087 do. do. second do. 2 do. 4,769 4 10,000 do. Pepper 11⅓ Sp.D. per pikul 906 48 100 do. Nutmegs 1⅞ per lb. 187 32 6,000 do. Cotton Thread 41¼ per pikul 1,980 -- 6,082 Ells of Woollens 26,777 46 2,842 do. Kerseymeres 7,548 28 778 do. Plush 2,064 24 59 do. Fustians 963 48 35 do. Roselets 519 48 5 do. Durants 76 48 20 do. Carpets, English 44 24 1,812 do. Kerseys. 2,691 28 61 do. Morin. 996 24 4,900 do. Chintz, Bengal 10,048 24 590 do. do. Guzzerat 523 30 179 do. Cabayahs, Malabar 389 18 220 do. Palempores 462 50 20 do. Salempores 84 4 814 do. Fish Skins 540 10 96 lbs. of Saffron 2,459 8 122 do. Quicksilver 205 12 1,200 do. Spanish Liquorice 680 10 15,181 do. Catchu 2,705 61 2,143 do. Elephants' teeth 3,577 44 3,500 do. Ducatoons 4,593 48 Presents 2,082 24 House Expenses 2,525 -- ---------- CHARGES AT BATAVIA. 161,008 62 To Godown, Prow and Cooley hire. 2,846 -- ---------- Customs, House Duties. 2,846 --

Freight of two Ships employed, at the rate of 100 Spanish Dollars per ton 99,532 32 To Charges, viz JAPAN. ---------- 105,224 32 Presents to the Emperor 3,800 -- Expenses conveying the same to the Roompot 7,000 -- Presents to the inferior Officers of the Court 4,800 -- Annual Salary of the Company's Servants 1,345 -- Annual Table Expenses for do. 3,750 -- Expense landing and storing Cargo 3,036 -- Loss on the weighable Articles of the Cargo, at five per cent 2,045 -- Commission on Cargo, 5 per cent. 7,143 -- Annual Rent of the Island occupied by the Company's Servants 3,462 -- Annual Salary of the Japanese to guard the said Island 1,480 --

Presents to the inferior Officers, to procure permission of a further exportation of Copper, 5,000 pikuls being allowed only annually 716 -- Petty Charges 148 30 --------- 39,625 30 To 700 pikuls of Copper, at 18¾ Sp.D. per pikul of 120⅞ lbs 13,125 -- 7,820 pikuls of Copper, 12.3.5. tahils per do. 60,360 40 640 do. Camphor, at 18.4. tahils per do. 7,360 -- Bales 413 8 4,500 Chests for Copper 791 16 2,200 Planks for Dunnage 247 32 --------- 82,297 32 To Amount borrowed from the Treasury 5,428 -- To Balance in favour of the Voyage 175,505 34 ---------- Total R. Drs. 569,089 62 ----------

Cr. JAPAN. Rix-Dollars By sold 1,269,679 lbs. of Sugar, at 7 tahils per 120¼ pieces 45,907 32 2,500 do. Tin 25 do. 3,226 32 102,000 do. Sapan Wood, 5.5. tahils per lb. 2,897 46 12,000 do. Cloves, first sort, 150 do. 9,297 32 5,087 do. do. second do. 40 do. 1,051 2 10,000 do. Pepper 15 do. 774 41 100 do. Nutmegs 100 do. 51 40 6,000 do. Cotton Thread 25 do. 774 50 6,082 Ells of Woollens, 7 per 2⅞ per pikul 9,255 -- 2,842 do. Kerseymeres, 4.8. do. 2,960 -- 778 do. Plush 6 do. 920 -- 59 Pieces of Fustians, 3.2. per piece 118 -- 35 do. Roselets of 2033¾ Ells. 1.6. per 2⅞ 677 32 5 do. Durants, 190¾ 1.2. do. 47 18 20 do. Carpets, English do. 20 -- 90 do. Kerseys, at 18 tahils per pikul 1,012 32 6 do. Morin, 1.9.6 do. 76 -- 4,900 do. Chintz, Bengal, 2. do. 6,125 -- 590 do. do. Guzzerat, 1.4. 553 8 179 do. Cabayahs, Malabar, 1.9.4. 223 48 220 do Palempores 4.4. 618 40 20 do. Salempores 40 -- 814 do. Fish Skins, 200 tahils 125 -- 96 lbs. of Saffron 2,731 22 122 do. Quicksilver, 100 tahils per 720⅞ lb. 62 32 1,200 do. Spanish Liquorice, 832 lb. 600 35 15,181 do. Catchu 30 do. 2,351 56 2,143 do. Elephants' Teeth, 230 do. 2,545 40 3,500 Pieces of Ducatoons, 8,836 tahils 5,522 32 Presents from the Emperor 2,812 32 Cash borrowed from the Imperial Treasury to complete the Cargo 5,428 -- -------- 108,797 62

BATAVIA.

Amount Sales Copper 8,238¹⁰⁵⁄₁₂₅ Pikuls, say 50 Drs. per pikul or 125 lb. 411,942 -- Amount Sales Camphor, at 40 Stivers per lb. 48,350 -- ----------- Total R. Drs. 569,089 62 -----------

VOYAGE TO JAPAN (IN THE YEAR 1813) IN ACCOUNT CURRENT CONTRA.

Dr. Spanish Dollars.

To 1,836,270 lbs. of Soft Sugar 88,141 -- 18,750 do. Black Pepper 1,960 74 164,000 do. Sapan Wood 750 -- 34,349 do. Pig Lead 1,960 74 164,000 do. Sapan Wood 2,668 59 26,461 do. Roll do. 1,960 74 164,000 do. Sapan Wood 3,280 -- 87,511 do. Tin, or 700.0.8 pikuls, at 17 per pikul 11,901 36 1,553 do. Elephants' Teeth 600 -- 15,000 do. Cloves, at 100 per pikul 10,000 -- 15,013½ do. Cotton Thread 4,804 -- 514 Pieces of Thornback Skins 276 80 5,019 do. Patna Chintz 6,348 51 60 do. Coast Chintz fine 150 -- 166 do. Printed Cottons 2,060 94 26 do. Cambrics 490 -- 2,610 do. Surat Palampores 6,210 -- 623 do. Silks in Sorts 2,926 50 225 do. Woollens in Sorts 10,916 58 298 do. Long Ells 4,078 84 231 do. Perpetuans 2,977 95 54 do. Camblets 1,400 69 3,500 do. Ducatoons 4,342 42 179,033 32

Paid the Chief of the Factory at Japan for 1,400 pikuls of Copper delivered to Government 25,000 --

CHARGES.

Spanish Dollars. Bags for the Sugar, Pepper and Cloves; Casks, &c. &c. 6,252 -- Packing-cases 713 -- Coolies employed on board the Vessels and in the Magazines, packing the Cargoes 2,082 50 Prows employed lading the Cargoes 1,200 -- Extra Clerks and Mandores 165 -- Several Articles on Account of the Adventure 168 8 Food for the Elephant and other Animals 268 80 Camphor and packing Cloths, &c. 109 -- Paid the Commissioners for landing the Copper, &c. at Batavia 250 -- Prows employed landing the cargoes 600 -- Freight of the Ship Charlotte for nine Months, at 6,600 per Month 59,400 -- Freight of the Ship Mary for eight Months, at 6,000 Sicca Rupees per Month 22,909 10 --------- 94,117 48

298,150 80 Balance in favour of the Voyage 43,975 20

Total Sp.D. 342,126 --

Cr. By Cargo brought from Japan, viz.

Spanish Dollars 902,452 lbs. of Japan Copper, at 31 per pikul 223,727 -- 60,437 do. Camphor, at 50 Stivers 45,785 -- 1,208 do. Pitch 600 -- 670,112 --

Spanish Dollars.

Debts of the former Dutch Government paid to the Emperor of Japan 48,648 --

Woollens, &c. remaining at Japan for the next Year 15,000 -- Cash in the Treasury for do. 4,688 --

Advanced to the Commanders of the Vessels and other Persons at Japan, to be repaid at Batavia 3,678 -- ---------- 72,014 -- / / / ----------- Total Sp.D. 342,126 -- -----------

FOOTNOTES:

[284] For the regulations by which the trade is limited, see Kempster's History of Japan. VOL II.

[285] "We were obliged to submit to many insults, and it frequently happened that the governors declined receiving our representations, hinting that we might leave Japan altogether and not return again. From the records also we perceive the despotic regulations resorted to by the Japanese respecting our nation, in consequence of our having at that time but little power in India."--Imhoff.

[286] It is remarkable, that when the Dutch were formerly in the habit of sending seven and eight ships to Japan, but few losses took place; whereas afterwards, when only two or three were sent and the navigation better known, many were lost. The cause assigned is their being latterly overladen with private trade.

[287] "It is no where evident," says Mr. Imhoff, "that the Dutch ever gave cause to the Japanese to hate them for being Christians: they seem rather to have been accused of indifference towards their religion, although I suppose that the writers on that subject are not altogether correct."

[288] "Our peaceable conduct at Japan, and the alarm given to that country by the Russians, plead greatly in our favour; and as it will be impossible for them to find other Europeans more tractable than ourselves, they can certainly have no reason to desire our departure from thence, although it may be undeniable that Japan stands in no need of foreigners."--Imhoff.

[289] "In 1637 the Japanese Iron was purchased at two Spanish dollars, and sold at Batavia for five and a half Spanish dollars the pikul. On account of the smallness of the profit, an annual requisition was made for one thousand pikuls only."

[290] "From Japan was formerly exported timber, wheat, rice, ambergris, raw-silk, cotton," &c.--Imhoff.

[291] Wealth of Nations.

[292] Ibid.

[293] Humboldt's Political Essay on New Spain, Vol. I. page 45.

[294] "Our commercial relations with Japan are of very peculiar nature. Every one knows ours is the only European nation admitted to it, what humiliations we are obliged to suffer for it, and what expenses we incur by our embassies to the court of Jeddo. This trade was once very lucrative, but in the latter years I think it has done little more than cover the expences incidental to it, and considering the loss of ships and people, is certainly not such as to justify an exposure to so many humiliations.

"Notwithstanding this, we have not been inclined to resign the trade; nor indeed is it either necessary or prudent to do so. But I am at a loss to know how the government of Batavia will be able to account for sending there, in the years 1797 and 1798, a strange ship bearing an American flag, by way of pretence, though really an English vessel, and commanded by Captain Stuart, a real Englishman, though possessed of an American pass, although he belonged to Madras or Bengal. To abandon this trade would be ridiculous, but as it is subject to such regulations in Japan as it will be hardly possible to get rid of, it may be impracticable to make it quite free and open. To pursue it on account of the state or of a company will never answer the purpose. I therefore venture to propose the sale by public auction, to the highest bidder, at Batavia, of a license or pass for one or two ships, of limited burthen, to trade there, either for one or more years, as may be preferred. The chief of Decima should be appointed and maintained by the government, and should act as a kind of consul, and proceed on the embassy to Jeddo, if it were required. But beyond this, the whole system and regulation of the trade should be left wholly to the owners of the ships, with the exception of such rules as the Japanese laws may render necessary with regard to our trade.

"The yearly embassies, which are so very expensive, are already dispensed with by the Japanese; and as they would be useful from time to time, it might be advisable to obtain permission, for the future, to perform them only once in every ten years, or to have it fixed for each new resident or consul to undertake it once during his stay.

"It will not be easy to obtain any other privileges or freedom of consequence, for whatever some of our latter servants there may have wanted to make us believe on this point, it is very clear that the Japanese are very indifferent whether we go there or not, and consider their permitting us to do so merely as an indulgence on their part. It cannot be doubted, that as soon as this trade is opened to individuals, they will find means to make the profits of it worth the risk and danger; and in proportion as these profits become more valuable, the value of the licenses will increase."--Hogendorp.

APPENDIX C.

TRANSLATION OF A MODERN VERSION OF THE SÚRIA ÁLEM

There was a certain raja of the west, named Sáng Prábu Súria Alem, who, being duly qualified, did, in the establishment of divine justice, frame a code of judicial regulations, consisting of fifteen hundred and seven articles, which being afterwards digested and reduced to the number of one hundred and forty-four, were by him made known and explained to all the people of the countries under his authority, thereby diffusing knowledge and righteousness where ignorance and wickedness before prevailed.

These regulations were also firmly established, and were put into practice without any respect of persons, not excepting the relations and kindred of Sáng Prábu himself; so that, if the left hand offended, satisfaction was demanded by the right, and vice versâ for such is the law of God.

These judicial regulations originated in no ambitious views, nor was their author, when he framed them, influenced by feelings of either regard for his friends or hatred towards his enemies; neither was he actuated by any selfish considerations: his sole object was the establishment of true justice, founded on divine principles.

Of the Duty of the Jáksa.

In the first place, he must possess a sufficient knowledge of the law, to know how to act in regard to cases which may come before him, which of the parties ought to be made to pay, what are and what are not proper subjects for a law-suit, deciding against the person who would bring forward any thing of the latter description. If the Jáksa is found ignorant of these matters, he shall have his tongue cut out.

In the second place, if the Jejénang (the next in order to the Jáksa) shall, in acting for the Jáksa, prove deficient in a knowledge of his duty, he too shall either have his tongue cut out, lose both his ears, or have red-hot pincers applied to his lips.

In the third place, any incorrect statement in writing shall be punished by the loss of both hands.

Should neither of these sentences be carried into effect, the Jáksa ought, at all events, to be banished the country.

This punishment, however, may be mitigated by the Rája, who, having compassion on the Jáksa, may recal him after one year's exile.

Should the Rája suffer to pass unpunished such a total dereliction of duty on the part of the Jáksa, as stated, difficulty and distress will necessarily arise in those times.

II.

The establishment fixed by Sáng Prábu for the Jáksa consisted of twelve persons, viz. two Jejénangs, two writers, six Máta Mátas, and two men whose business is to be in constant attendance on the court.

The fees authorised to be taken by the Jáksa from persons who have any business to settle, are forty-four for the Jáksa himself, three thousand for the Jejénangs, eight thousand for the writers, one thousand for those in attendance in the court, and eight thousand for and on account of the state. That for the Panghúlu is left to the liberality of the party.

If the Jáksa shall not conform in practice to what is here laid down, it is required that he be disgraced and branded in the common market-place.

If any one shall find fault with the conduct of the Jáksa, without being able to substantiate his charges against him, and shall make the same public, that person shall be fined agreeably to the rank and quality of the accused, viz. fifteen thousand (pichis).[295] The reason of so large a sum being awarded is, because the Jáksa is the chief of the Mántris.

The Bopáti is, as it were, the door to the Jáksa, the Kabáyan that to the Bopáti, and the Panghúlu that to the Raja. These four form a body, through which every thing is minutely investigated.

Let it be understood, that the Raja, who fills so exalted and conspicuous a situation, is not without something to do. What he says is the result of observation and deliberation. His disposition and way of thinking is that which he has received at the hands of the Almighty, who dwelleth where no one knoweth, at whose hands the wicked will meet with their deserts.

III.

The Tri-rása-upáya, as known among men, comprehend three things, which are intimately connected with each other, but which, nevertheless, must not be confounded, viz. 1. Húkum; 2. P'réntah; 3. Kasúsahan[296].

Where a sentence is very severe, or of a nature which will not admit of its being fulfilled, a mitigation or commutation thereof can only take place, by a careful consultation of what is written in the book of laws.

IV.

Of the Dása Wigúna.

Dása signifies ten, and wigúna, very powerful, and under this name is comprehended: 1. Sentence of death; 2. Amputation; 3. Disgrace; 4. Confiscation of property; 5. Banishment; 6. Extorting evidence by inflicting bodily pain; 7. Getting at evidence by kind treatment and giving money; 8. Obtaining it by skilful management alone; 9. Compulsion; 10. Letting off from punishment, by receiving a consideration for the same.

There are degrees of those which are to be known and observed.

Of the Gúntur G'ni.

Under this head is comprehended five things, viz. 1. The customs of the country; 2. The orders of the sovereign; 3. Loss by an enemy; 4. A change of the Raja and of his orders; 5. Difficult queries given by one country to another to solve.

Under the head Mal come three things, viz. Water, land, and people. The water is necessary to keep alive what has been planted in the land. Mankind take all that comes, good as well as bad.

VI.

The term mal properly means cloth, money, and gold; which three articles, above all others, are the grand and most frequent subjects of law-suits, that arise out of the various transactions which take place among men.

VII.

In law-suits there are seven circumstances of material consequence, viz. 1. Where the cause being good can be taken up and supported; 2. When the articles can be minutely described; 3. When the articles, as well as the persons, can be pointed out; 4. When marks can be shewn; 5. When the party suing has been an eye-witness; 6. When all those things happen to take place; 7. When confession is made of what is the subject of the law-suit.

VIII.

Of the Precious Stone, and that in which it is set.

To these may be compared the Raja and his people. The former is in a dependant state. Those who surround him are the Pandíta, the Bopáti, and the Jáksa: and those immediately entertained by himself are, 1. One who possesses his confidence; 2. A Jérutúlis skilled in writing; 3. An interpreter well versed in language; 4. A good messenger; 5. An intelligent doorkeeper; 6. A person who knows in what a want of manners consists; 7. An experienced general.--Then will the country flourish.

IX.

The Jáksa is, according to his character, distinguished by the following appellations, viz. Wíra páksa, when he inclines to the side whence he receives most bribes; 2. Pátra kilása, when he goes by what he is told, without duly weighing and considering the merits of the case himself; 3. Ami jáya, when he punishes the guilty with severity; 4. Permána, when he awards the just sentence of the law as it is written, without lenity or severity.

There are three things which ought not to be allowed to exist in a country, viz. 1. Witchcraft, particularly at critical junctures. The fine to be imposed in such cases is forty thousand; and if any thing is lost, it is to be laid to the charge of the persons who practise that art.

2. Should the Adipáti be the person, he shall be treated according to the Sábda suwára, i. e. he shall be dismissed from his office, and his officers and relatives will be considered as implicated in the crime.

3. Should the Mántris be found guilty of witchcraft, they shall be fined one hundred thousand.

XI.

Of the boundaries or Limits of Lands named Túgu.

By which is meant landmarks, such as stones, trees or fences, or whatever else serves to form an enclosure.

This may and does often become a subject of litigation, especially where any thing has been planted: 1. With respect to lands of inheritance; 2. With respect to such as have been given away; 3. With respect to those which have been purchased; 4. With respect to those in which something has been planted.

Disputes arising on any of those subjects are proper to be litigated; and in settling them, besides examining such witnesses as there may be, it will be necessary to consult the old men of the village, as well as the Lúra who collects the annual land revenue, before a decision can be given.

The true proprietor of a piece of land under dispute, will be he who can prove his having enclosed it; and the true proprietor of any crop will be he who can prove his having sown or planted it.

Proof is to be obtained by administering an oath, which is done by immersion in water, or by drinking it.

XII.

He in whose hands is vested the power of administering justice, must be well acquainted with the nature of the ten following things, and know how to proceed in regard to them, viz. 1. Informations; 2. Grounds for a law-suit; 3. The proper time for trial; 4. The occupation and condition of the parties; 5. The object sought by the parties; 6. The prosecution; 7. The defence; 8. Pleading not guilty; 9. Evidence; 10. Eye-witnesses.

XIII.

A sufficiency of evidence alone will obtain a favourable decision; and when the witnesses brought forward to prove any fact do not, upon examination do so, the party who summoned them ought to be cast and also fined.

XIV.

With regard to the Páncha báka, which is the case of a woman accused by four men of fornication; if, on examination, these four men do not agree in their testimony, they ought to be put to death, or else fined agreeably to the Jána trésna, which leaves it to those who have charge of the woman to determine the extent of the fine.

XV.

There are two descriptions of orders, viz. 1. Purúsa, or those which come from the Raja or from an enemy; 3. paparéntahan, or those of the Bopáti.

If the Bopáti is more severe or more lenient than he ought to be, he shall be fined one hundred thousand, or else agreeably to the Sábda suwára, which is the arbitrary will of the Sovereign.

XVI.

The following are thirty different cases of law-suits, viz.

1. Amra kádang, where one who is accused of theft, points at either another person or the accuser himself.

2. Kundáng chíri, where a person presents a paper to the court, with something additional written under the signature and date of it.

3. Meng'ámuk pung'gung, where a person destroys his property while he has a law-suit pending.

4. Mutúng památang, where a person, during the course of a law-suit, leaves his master or chief and goes to another.

5. Sána dénta, where a person concerned in a law-suit either magnifies or lessens the state of the case.

6. Ng'árika Pátra, where a person denies his own hand-writing.

7. Nídra permána, where a person, intending to kill another, goes and lives on terms of intimacy with him.

8. Dámar kitúdah, where a person, on first making a complaint of his own accord, brings evidence in support of it.

9. Ngaríka wárna, where a person has a law-suit, which another than his own chief is acquainted with the merits of.

10. Sírna ning jáya, where a person objects to his own witnesses.

11. Perlíga, where a person finds a thing and does not take it to some proper person where he lives.

12. Génti wátang, i. e. the case of a person who is the first to bring evidence.

13. Sudésit kemú, i. e. a thing belonging to two persons and found by a third; the point forthwith litigated, and decided in favour of the former, each of whom hopes to get it: the thing, however, cannot be restored to either, or to any of their relations; it must be appropriated for the purpose of assisting in defraying the expenses of the state.

14. Sáksi rumémbi, where a person first of all calls upon only one person as a witness, and afterwards, when the cause is decided, wishes to adduce further evidence.

15. Sasástra perálara, where a person presents a written statement of his grievances without a date to it.

16. Ang'ríka-rája, where a person engaged in a law-suit speaks hesitatingly, and at the same time refers to some respectable person for the truth of what he would assert.

17. Chini ropáti, where a person acts in a compulsory manner towards the people or relations of another.

18. Kápra-lága, where a person, in reply to a question put to him, refers to one who is dead.

19. Abíndu páya, or the case of a breach of promise.

20. Níleb lúra, where the object of the law-suit is for the recovery of duties, or any thing else a long time due.

21. Madót ráketan, when of two witnesses in favour of any litigating party, one is not forthcoming at the time of trial.

22. Sámbung wátan téper, where a person prefers a complaint of a specific nature, and afterwards superadds other circumstances.

23. Ting'gal pergán, where a person concerned in a law-suit remains quiet and keeps himself back.

24. Páncha perkása, where those engaged in a law-suit display rage and cunning.

25. Anára wichána, where before a case is decided, a constant intercourse is held with the Jáksa by one of the parties.

26. Percháya-rasi, where a person prosecuted before the court points out the love and regard which some great man has for him.

27. Katóya rasa, where a person, while his case is pending, makes presents to the Jáksa.

28. Kasúria chándra miráda wachána, where a person refuses to abide by the sentence of the Jáksa.

29. Katóya rása úpaya, where a person, before his cause is decided, makes a present of something to the Raja, the Bopáti, and Panghúlu.

30. Kasábda malícha permána, where a person denies what he has once publicly declared.

With respect to the thirty foregoing cases, it will be for the Jáksa to consider and determine when a law-suit can, and when it cannot, be instituted.

XVII.

Here follow eight more cases, viz.

1. Cupíta sábda permána, where one of four persons engaged in a law-suit, being deputed to act for the others, it appears, on examination of the witnesses, that the affair cannot be settled with this one person.

2. Hanúk meng tan wíring wísa, where a witness, on re-examination, gives a different account from that which he gave when previously examined by the Jáksa. In such case the Jáksa must endeavour to discover which is the most plausible account of the two.

3. Kawílut tára, where opposition takes place between the witnesses, or between those whose cause it is, and others who have been eye-witnesses of what is the subject of litigation.

4. Bháning hanámpuh tóya, where a person is assisted by one who is in the administration of justice.

5. Ng'ádang tárka, where, on a trial taking place, the deposition of a party differs from the account previously taken down by the Jáksa. In this case, such party should be cast.

6. Ng'áling'ga pandáya, when one takes for witnesses worthless persons who cannot be depended on or believed.

7. Eluádi, where a person changes, tears, or makes an erasure in any paper.

8. Kahústi sábda parláya, where a person shamelessly makes free with what belongs to another, who is neither a friend nor relation.

XVIII.

Of cases where a Law-Suit cannot be instituted.

These are five in number, viz. 1. Where the evidence is not clear; 2. Where an article which has been lost by one person is found in the possession of another, who cannot tell whence he got it; 3. Where the evidence of the witnesses produced by any party varies from that of the parties themselves; 4. Where no evidence exists. In this case, the party who can give the most plausible story will obtain a decision in his favour; 5. Where the agent of another in any law-suit is cast.

XIX.

A law-suit will be instituted with success under any of the five following circumstances, viz.

1. Táta, where the declarations of all those who support the suit are uniform and connected.

2. Títi, when the time of the deed or action is known.

3. Kárta, where the object of the suit is universally allowed to be good and just.

4. Sang'ára, where there is a readiness to swear to what is asserted.

5. Dupára, where probability and plausibility exist.

XX.

Of things sent by one person to another, and destroyed under circumstances which admit of no redress, called Páncha Sedrása, of which there are five cases, viz. 1. Where it is occasioned by lightning; 2. When by the attack of an enemy; 3. By being sunk; 4. In consequence of an order from the Raja; 5. By fire communicated from an adjoining house.

XXI.

There are three things which, from their baneful nature, are universally deprecated, and considered and treated as inimical to the welfare of man, viz. 1. Theft; 2. The injury which crops are liable to sustain from the depredations of noxious animals; 3. The mischief which is to be apprehended under water, from crocodiles or the like.

XXII.

In a law-suit, the successful party obtains damages of the one that is cast. As the agitation of the leaves marks the presence of the wind, so does the stir and noise of contending parties shew the existence of a law-suit.

XXIII.

There are two cases where it will go hard with any party, viz. 1. When a mark or proof can be given, as well as evidence produced; 2. Where in a violent dispute between two chiefs respecting the boundaries of their lands, one of them is the first to bring weapons with him: such a one must be found guilty, and will be cast. The fine to be levied, in such case, will, according to the rank of the parties, be one of the following: 1. Utáma, or that awarded to chiefs, viz. one hundred and forty thousand; 2. Díada madén, or that awarded to those of an inferior degree, viz. seventy thousand; 3. Nésta, or that awarded to the common people, viz. forty-five thousand.

XXIV.

Sentence of guilt will be awarded to any party under the three following circumstances.

1. Cháya rásmi, where advice has been received from the Jáksa.

2. Príng'ga ráksa, where the assistance of the officers of the court has been received.

3. Andría ráksa, where a case which has been decided is revived at the instance of the party that was cast, in consequence of other people's advice. In such case, if the party which formerly gained the suit fail to appear on the day appointed for a second trial, they shall be cast; and in like manner will it be with the other party, if they fail to attend. For such proceeding, however, the Jáksa shall be fined fifty thousand.

XXV.

1. Wilút sábda bíksa masábda upáya, where a person sues another who is connected with the business of the suit, but who is not the responsible person, and only from his being the more eligible person is attacked on account of his means. In such case the prosecutor will lose his cause.

2. Sáka dípa, where a person incurs the obligation of paying for any thing he has lost or destroyed, and refuses to do so according to a proper valuation which shall be fixed thereon. In such case he shall be cast.

3. Gándia páti, where the Jáksi is silenced in a discussion with one of the parties who dispute a point with him. The Jáksa, in such case, shall be found guilty, and fined forty thousand.

4. Bháning máya permána, i. e. if a thief, who is pursued, runs into certain premises, by a gap in what serves to enclose them, the proprietor thereof will be held responsible for one-third of the amount stolen.

5. Ng'ámbága páti, i. e. a person having pursued, without effect, a thief whom he had surprised in the act of stealing, and the tools of the thief, which in his hurry to escape are left behind, are in the meantime found in the house of any one, the owner of the house shall be held guilty.

6. Lukíta búkti, i. e. the person in whose possession thieves' tools shall be found, will be held guilty of any robbery which may, at the time, have been committed.

7. Síma mamángsa táta upáya, i. e. where a person pursues a thief into the premises of another, without acquainting him with the circumstance. In such case guilt will be attached to the former.

8. Gána léna ámit mángsá tan wéring káma, i. e. when a malicious combination is formed to accuse and prove guilty one who is an object of hatred. The persons who so conspire shall be held guilty.

XXVI.

Of cases where a cause will be lost, there are twenty-five in number, viz.

1. Hína sáksi, where the witnesses are worthless disreputable persons.

2. Hína sábda, where a thing is lost, and the owner thereof does not give information thereof to his chief.

3. Hína klína, where a person finds a thing and does not make it known.

4. Hína wang, where a person whom another deputes to act for him, in any law-suit, is deficient in what is required of him.

5. Kagúndang sáksi, where a witness produced by one party is the declared enemy of the other.

6. Hang'ímbu chína, where a person who has been robbed gets hold of the thieves' tools without making it known that he has done so.

7. Ng'edong sáksi, when a person brings false witnesses whom he has suborned.

8. Hakúto sáksi, where the witnesses have been bribed.

9. Hakádang sáksi, i. e. where a person instructs his witnesses what to say previous to their examination.

10. Sábda laksána, i. e. where a thing is stolen within certain premises, and a person residing therein shall refuse to concern himself about the matter. Such person shall be made to make good one-third of the property lost.

11. Hamátang bubúkan, i. e. where a person makes one of his enemy's people his agent. Such person shall be cast.

12. Sídam wárut, i. e. where persons concert in concealing an unlawful pregnancy and in producing an abortion. Such persons shall incur a fine of one hundred and fifty thousand each; the whole of the people of the village where it took place shall each be fined fifty thousand; and every person of the village opposite to it shall be fined twenty-five thousand. All persons, too, who, though living at a distance, are still under the authority of the chief of the village when the thing happened, shall be each fined four thousand. A person of great means shall be fined one million.

13. Tatarápan raja pepáti, i. e. if a person is found dead without its being known how he came by his death, nothing can be done; and it will rest with the Raja to cause the body to be disposed of in any way he may deem proper. If a corrupted dead body, found in a certain village, is first discovered by people of another village, the whole of the persons belonging to the former shall be each fined fifty thousand. Should those persons have endeavoured to conceal the dead body, they shall each, in that case, be fined one hundred thousand. If it is in a field where the dead body is discovered, and that by others than the proprietors of the land, the fine to be imposed upon the latter shall be one hundred thousand. If the dead body is first discovered by a person of the village, and he immediately, by sounding an alarm, summons all the people of that village to see and bear witness thereof; and if those persons afterwards, on examination, deny the fact, the whole of them shall be fined fifty thousand. The favourable testimony of thirteen women, however, will get them off from the said fine.

14. Ngépi g'ni, i. e. a person is wounded and sounds the alarm: many people quickly repair to the spot, but see no appearance of any one by whom the wound could have been inflicted; presently is heard the sound of another alarm, at a different place, by persons who declare they have just wounded a thief who has escaped from them, producing at the same time proof of the fact: in such case the person who first sounded the alarm shall be considered the thief. If there is found a person who has been wounded somewhere, but without its being known where or when, and without there being any thing to lead to a suspicion of his being a thief, nothing can be done to him.

15. Ang'gús súra, i. e. a wound having been proved to have been inflicted by any party who has been prosecuted for the same, if the skin only is broken, the fine to be imposed shall be four thousand. If it is a flesh wound, the fine shall be eight thousand; if a bone be broken or sinews cut, forty thousand: but if the injury done to the wounded party be of such a nature as to deprive him of the means of earning a livelihood, the offending party must, in that case, provide for him.

16. If a person wounds a thief, and can shew marks of his having done so (as a bloody weapon), and if it has been done in the presence of many people, and it has been plainly seen whither the thief betook himself, and an alarm is presently sounded in the place to which the thief fled, and a person then declares he has just received a wound, such person shall be accounted the thief.

17. Wardáya chuménda, i. e. if a person is observed to pass through a village with thieves' tools in his possession, although nothing be stolen, that person shall be accounted the thief.

18. Artísi wádía dan dérma dénda, i. e. the disputes of ministers with ministers, priests with priests, and pundíta with pundíta, must be decided according to the Wartárja sawung eng kerta, i. e. by taking into consideration their different dispositions and natures, as well as their proneness to falsehood.

19. Tríta chándrang guira raditia, i. e. the law (in the inflexibility and unchangeableness of its nature) resembles the sun, moon, and water. Whoever acts in opposition to the law, must be found guilty and punished accordingly.

20. If any person be courageous enough to seize or kill a thief, he ought to receive a reward of four thousand. If the thief has a master, the latter ought to be fined twenty-four thousand.

21. If a person enter a village at an improper hour, and is thrice challenged without making any reply, he shall be considered as a thief. A person skulking behind a door or fence, under similar circumstances, shall be considered in the same light.

22. Nóya résmi, i. e. a respectable person who may endeavour to screen a thief, shall be fined agreeably to the untára, viz. one hundred thousand. If the delinquent is a person of the middle class, he shall be fined eighty thousand; if a person of the lower orders, forty thousand.

23. Tri maláni nagára comprehends three things, which are inimical to the welfare of a country, viz. 1. Corrupt judges; 2. Breach of promise or agreement; 3. Wígu wigúna, i. e. Where the Raja, or others who are in authority, inconsiderately decide or give hasty orders about any thing, whereby much mischief never fails to follow.

24. This section is the work of the Púndita, Pagáwan Chínde Guána, and contains seven articles, viz. 1. Súria wíguna, i. e. the Raja's court is like the sun, whose refulgent rays spread in all directions and penetrate through every thing. 2. Anla súria kuntáka, i. e. the displeasure of the Raja in his court is like the heat of the sun, which causes those who are exposed to it to faint away. 3. Kasíla trésna perláya, i. e. when sentence of death is passed on any one by the Raja in his court, it must be carried into effect, as in the case of Kadúrga sangúra, where a person commits fornication or adultery with any of the Raja's household; or Kásu síla antúka, where a person forgets himself and wrangles in the court of the Raja; or Kabérna antáka, where a fight takes place, by which death or severe wounds are inflicted; or Madáwang lúma, i. e. where a person endeavours to ruin another, by endeavouring to make him appear guilty; or Ang'gu pála sábda, where a person, after receiving a distinct order from the Raja himself, incurs blame by executing it in a different manner from what he was told, in consequence of the advice of his chief; or Jaladri kaperchánda láwat dípa, i. e. the effects of the Raja's displeasure against any one cannot be transferred to another.

XXVII.

1. Díndang karúban wáng, i. e. the just and lawful revenues or duties, and no more, must be levied.

2. Gegér kapála, i. e. where a person disregards the prohibitions of the Raja.

3. Gurníti gandarása, i. e. several people are assembled together, and one of them happens to lose something: whoever is the first to quit the party, shall be considered guilty of having stolen it; and if there is incontestible evidence of this, he shall be made to pay two-fold.

4. Góra gétih ng'emúríris, i. e. where an unqualified person decides cases from his own knowledge of the manner of proceeding.

5. Waráksa tapula, i. e. no case ought to be settled but by a proper and equitable decision.

6. Yang'a ling'ga suria, i. e. when a Pundita does not shew the accustomed respect to the Raja.

7. Líman sangúra, i. e. when a person mistakes the road he ought to be put right, and not chastised for any trespass he may have made unwittingly.

8. Túnjung túmrap hing séla, i. e. whoever shall give protection in his house to fornicators or adulterers shall forfeit his property.

9. Tírta kasúrung píka, i. e. where the wise or skilled assist, with their advice, those who live by fraud, when under a prosecution.

10. Bermára máng'un líga, i. e. where a person concerned in a law-suit which has been brought forward, is in the habit of absenting himself when his presence is required. Such person must be awarded guilty.

11. Dándang tumráping káyon, i. e. a person from one place comes and lays claim to another: the people of the latter all testify that the claimant has no right or title to that spot or place. In such case, the said claimant will be cast.

12. Andáka katáwan wiása, i. e. if a person engaged in a law-suit shall abscond, from an apprehension of being cast, it will be even so with him.

13. Kídang lumáyu ating'gal suára, i. e. every person must be held responsible for crimes committed, or wrong done, by any one in their service or employ.

14. Hanio kána, i. e. a servant or dependant of one person having committed a fault, runs for protection to another, who, when applied to, will not give him up. The person who affords such protection, if prosecuted, will be cast.

15. Hang ling'ga praláya, i. e. a person who does not himself appear before the court in his own behalf, but leaves his case to be managed by the officers of the court, shall be cast.

16. Símbar tumráping séla, i. e. where the witnesses produced in any case are persons unknown, and without any fixed place of residence, the party who brings them shall be found guilty, or cast, as the case may be.

XXVIII.

The situation and feelings of those in favour of whom sentence is pronounced is Tírta prábu táru láta. Tírta signifies water, the qualities of which are clearness, and a disposition to proceed straight forward, which nothing will check or overcome. Those who are thus like unto water, let them be ever so humble and poor, shall not fail to be successful in any cause in which they may be engaged. The lowly, who are thus successful, shall have as much cause to rejoice as the rich (prábu), who are the reverse, shall have to be depressed. The former resemble a stately tree (táru), whose base and roots are great and spreading, with fragrant blossoms and many creepers (láta) to entwine and support it.

XXIX.

1. Chándra kalamókan búda, i. e. the situation or state of one against whom sentence has been pronounced, however great he may be, is like the moon when obscured by clouds: like her, his countenance is overcast and gloomy.

2. Anámon déria, i. e. a person engaged in a law-suit, who shall change his outward appearance, shall be cast.

3. Pencháng'ga angudána, i. e. if one of the wise shall, for the purpose of invalidating the evidence of his adversaries, make any alteration in the disposition of his house or premises, he shall, on conviction thereof, be condemned.

4. Andáka penjang'ga amóyong, i. e. one of the wise who has instituted a suit, and becoming himself sick at the time appointed for trial, shall fail to make known whether he wishes the business to be settled or postponed, shall lose his suit.

5. Andáka kitíran, i. e. if such party shall fail to appear when summoned, he will be cast, even should he be otherwise in the right.

6. Ambáli múka amigantáka, i. e. a person who, taking the law into his own hands, shall seize the property of another, in payment of a debt due to him, shall be held responsible for the same.

7. Síti tínab'la, i. e. if a person, in search of any thing he has lost, shall enter a different village to that to which he belongs, without giving due notice to the chief thereof, he shall be held responsible for any misdeed which may at the time have been committed, and if any thing important, he shall be made to pay two-fold.

8. Ang'rika máya, i. e. a person who, being in company with a thief, receives a hurt or injury from persons while in the act of apprehending him, cannot obtain redress.

9. Kabrána páti, i. e. a person who accuses another, and is himself the more guilty of the two, shall be condemned.

10. Pátra laksána amáng'un satmáta, i. e. a person who, in order to get something which is not his own, shall alter what is written in any paper, must be condemned.

11. Kabáli súra, i. e. a person who superadds in court something which he urges with violence, shall be condemned.

12. Kitíran múng'gen káyon, i. e. one person sends another to demand payment of a debt which is disavowed, a law-suit ensuing, if he who sent the other to demand payment has no other evidence to produce but that person, he shall be cast.

13. Mántra káchung táka, i. e. if a person engaged in a law-suit produces, for the second time, before the court, a paper which, on examination, appears to be written in a different hand from what it was before, although the purport, in both cases, be exactly the same, the person who produced such paper shall be cast.

14. Sangnága amamángsa tanpa taláwang áng'aleákan térka, i. e. a person, such as a Mántri or Bopáti, deputes another to act for him in a law-suit: the person so deputed has no authority to produce of his having been so. If the cause is lost, the person who deputed the other cannot bring it forward again.

15. Kaputung'an pikúlan, i. e. if the witnesses of a person engaged in a law-suit shall leave him and go to his adversary, the former shall be cast.

16. Prája kobáli múrda, i. e. when the circumstances of a case which one person brings forward are contradicted by those who have an opportunity of knowing them, the former shall be condemned.

17. Bermara amri sari, i. e. if a person to whom another is indebted shall, on the supposition of inability to discharge the debt, proceed to seize the property of that other, without previously demanding payment of the debt, he shall be cast.

18. Síma amot amamángsa tanwir ring báya, i. e. a person in office, who exceeds his authority, ought to be condemned.

19. Krúwang lindúng'an perwát, i. e. if person whose cause is good, and whose evidence is complete and satisfactory, shall insist upon a severe punishment against his adversary, he shall be cast.

20. Gabus boten ng'lem, i. e. when stolen goods are discovered, the Raja ought to cause them to be restored to whom they belong.

21. Guwáta Samirána, i. e. those who conceal the wife or children of another, ought to be put to death by order of the Raja.

22. Súlung alebu dían, i. e. if the relations of one whose guilt is manifest, shall apply to have the punishment awarded transferred to a substitute, they shall be condemned.

23. Apátra ina percháya, i. e. a person obtains permission from the Raja to proceed against another, and afterwards, from some consideration, neglects to do so, while that other, in the meantime, appears before the Raja and declares his innocence of what is alleged against him, stating that, if he were guilty, his chief would not have failed to bring him forward: in such case, the former shall be condemned.

24. Perwáta brámantára, i. e. if a person is found guilty of circulating false reports, or of magnifying any piece of intelligence, so as to create a great alarm in the country, and put all the people in a ferment, he shall be fined four hundred and four thousand.

* * * * *

ABSTRACT of some of the LAWS _which, according to the tradition of the Javans, were in force against the inhabitants, previous to the supposed arrival of Aji Saka_.

(Collected by MR. MIDDLEKOOP.)

OATHS

Were administered by repeating certain words after the Priest, accompanied by a motion of the head and body, the hands being folded.

ORDINARY FINES

Were levied according to the following gradations:--

tahil.[297] When a subordinate or petty chief, who had people under him, committed a crime, the fine was 5 The eldest son of a prince 5 The son of a chief 2½ A Prince or Raden without employment 1½ A Menak or Rang'ga holding a public office and transacting public duty 5 A Menak or Rang'ga restricted from the performance of public duty 1½ A Menak or Rang'ga who administered a small tract of country 1 Children of a chief Rang'ga or Menak 2½ An ambassador (ordinary) of a prince or principal chief 2½ An ambassador extraordinary 1½ Children of the above 1 A male subject 1½ A female subject 1

Persons having forfeited their right of liberty through misdemeanors, and thus become dependant upon another, pay fifty pichis.

All the above fines might be paid in money, goods, gold, silver, horses, buffaloes, and other necessary articles.

THEFT AND ROBBERY.

A free subject having committed a robbery, he was delivered up (on detection) to the chief or tribunal of the place to which he belonged; and if unwilling to restore the stolen goods, or unable to pay the value, he was to be delivered over to the person whom he had robbed, and made to serve him as a bondsman: but no claim whatever was enforced upon the wife or children, who did not, on this account, forfeit their liberty. It was, however, lawful to deprive a thief of his life when caught in the act.

When a robbery was committed by a person in a state of servitude, the proprietor of such person's services was bound to pay the value of the stolen property, or to deliver the person over to the injured party; but on being caught in the fact, and the thief being put to death, the proprietor was no further liable.

Robberies having been committed in the day time, were punished by a fine or by servitude.

If one or more stolen buffaloes were killed in or near a village, and sufficient proof thereof adduced by the owner, the village people were condemned to pay the value of such stolen cattle, unless they produced the thief or thieves.

HOMICIDE AND MURDER.

A free person who killed a male dependant, was punished by a fine of two and a half tahils: one who killed a female dependant was fined three and a half tahils.

If in an affray between two free persons the one killed the other, and the offender was seized in the act, he could be put to death by the relations or friends of the deceased; but if he succeeded in taking refuge with the head of a village, he was only liable to a fine of five tahils if the deceased was a male, and three and a half tahils if a female.

When a prince, chief, or petty chief, was murdered by one of his subjects, the party was punished by death, for having killed his superior.

But a prince or head chief had the right to deprive his subjects of their lives whenever he chose, though, when one of their sons, either a Menak, Rang'ga, or other chief, put to death a free person or dependant, he was bound to pay to the friends or master of the deceased two and a half tahils, besides a fine for a male person five, and for a female three and three quarters tahils. These persons were not liable to be put to death, although caught in the fact.

In case, however, that a prince or chief caused to be put to death a dependant who was not guilty of any offence for which he deserved such punishment, the prince or chief was bound to make good half of the estimated value of the deceased's property, beside being condemned to servitude, and a fine of ten tahils.

Amok being cried, it was lawful for every one to destroy such as ran amok; but in the event of its being a false alarm, and any one was killed by the crowd, the person that exclaimed amok was liable to be fined.

In a crowd or assemblage of people, if a dispute ran so high that one party was killed in the affray, and lay dead on the ground, the offending party was exempt from fine, but punished by the prince according to the circumstances of the case.

ADULTERY.

A man having received information that his wife had committed adultery, was restricted from believing it, even if he was told by credible persons, unless he found her in the act; he might then deprive her of life. If she escaped, however, and concealed herself among her friends and neighbours, it was not lawful to put her to death; but on complaint being made by her husband, she was prosecuted and punished according to the circumstances of the case.

A man found guilty of adultery was liable to a fine of ten tahils, and the woman to the same. Being unable to discharge the sum, they were transferred to the servitude of another, who was willing to pay the amount of the fine, which was then given to the husband of the adulteress.

An adulteress causing her husband to be put to death was also to suffer death.

A man having run away with the wife of another, on her being seized by her husband at their abode, both parties could be put to death; but if they were not discovered for a length of time, during which they kept themselves quiet and had begotten children, the adulterer was only liable to pay, as well for himself as for the woman, a fine of ten tahils. He was, however, bound to forfeit the half of the children so begotten for the benefit of the lawful husband, to whom they were transferred in servitude.

DIVORCE.

Lawfully married persons wishing to separate from each other, each retook the property brought at the marriage, and an equal division was made of what had been gained since the marriage. This included the children; the eldest was always to remain with the mother, the second with the father. After the separation on the decease of either, the whole effects were to be taken possession of by those children who, at the separation, had come to the share of the deceased; but they were also obliged to pay the debts of the deceased, whatever the same might amount to. When the number of children was unequal, the odd one was to fall to the share of the wife; but such as were imperfect or deformed were excluded from the division, and maintained by both parties.

FOOTNOTES:

[295] Pichis, a small tin coin.

[296] 1. Hukum, the law of God; 2. P'rentah, the law of the sovereign; 3. Susahan, oppression (of the people from the law of the prince).

[297] The money here alluded to is the coin of Palembang, subsequently introduced by Raden Patah, in consequence of his connexion with Palembang. Rice appears to have been the principal medium of exchange previously to this period. The pichis is a small tin coin, of which two hundred make a wang, and twenty-eight wangs are equal in value to a Spanish dollar.

APPENDIX, D.

PROCLAMATION.

For the satisfaction of the inhabitants and people of Java, the following provisions are made public, in testimony of the sincere disposition of the British government to promote their prosperity and welfare. The refusal of their late government to treat for their interests, although disabled by the events of war from affording them any further protection, has rendered the consequent establishment of the British authority unconditional. But an English government does not require the articles of a capitulation to impose those duties which are prompted by a sense of justice and a beneficent disposition. The people of Java are exhorted to consider their new connection with England as founded on principles of mutual advantage, and to be conducted in a spirit of kindness and affection.

Providence has brought to them a protecting and benevolent government; they will cheerfully perform the reciprocal duties of allegiance and attachment.

1. His Majesty's subjects in Java will be entitled to the same general privileges as are enjoyed by the natural-born subjects of Great Britain in India, subject to such regulations as now exist, or may hereafter be provided, respecting residence in any of the Honourable Company's territories.

2. They will have the same privilege and freedom of trade to and with all countries to the east of the Cape of Good Hope, and also with His Majesty's European dominions, as are possessed by natural-born subjects of Great Britain.

3. Dutch gentlemen will be eligible to all offices of trust, and will enjoy the confidence of government, according to their respective characters, conduct, and talents, in common with British-born subjects.

4. The vexatious system of monopoly, which is understood to have heretofore prevailed, in some instances to an oppressive and inconvenient extent, will be revised, and a more beneficial and politic principle of administration win be taken into consideration as soon, and to such extent, as full information on the subject can be obtained, as established usage and habit may admit, and as may be consistent with a due regard to the health and morals of the people.

5. The Dutch laws will remain provisionally in force, under the modifications which will be hereinafter expressed, until the pleasure of the supreme authorities in England shall be known; and it is conceived that no material alteration therein is to be apprehended.

The modifications to be now adopted are the following:

First. Neither torture nor mutilation shall make part of any sentence to be pronounced against criminals.

Secondly. When a British-born subject is convicted of any offence, no punishment shall be awarded against him, more severe than would be inflicted by the laws of England for the same crime. And in case of doubt concerning the penalty by English law, reference shall be made to the Honourable the Recorder of Prince of Wales' Island, whose report shall be a sufficient warrant for awarding the penalty stated by him to be agreeable to the laws of England. No sentence against any British-born subject, for any crime or misdemeanor, shall be carried into execution, until a report shall have been made to the lieutenant-governor.

Thirdly. No sentence of death against any person whatever shall be carried into execution, until report shall have been made to the lieutenant-governor.

Fourthly. The lieutenant-governor will have the power of remitting, moderating, or confirming, all penalties; excepting inconsiderable fines, short imprisonment, or slight corporal punishment.

Fifthly. British-born subjects shall be amenable to the jurisdiction of the Dutch tribunals, and to the Dutch laws in all cases of civil complaint or demands, whether they be plaintiffs or defendants.

Sixthly. All British-born subjects shall be subject to the regulations of police, and to the jurisdiction of the magistrates charged with the execution thereof, and with the maintenance of the peace and of public tranquillity and security.

Seventhly. All persons belonging to or attached to the army, who are by their condition subject to military law, shall, for the present, be tried for any crimes they may commit only by courts-martial, unless sent by the military authorities to civil courts.

Eighthly. It being necessary in all countries that a power should exist of forming regulations in the nature of legislative provisions, adapted to change of circumstances, or to meet any emergency that may arise, and the great distance of the British authorities in Europe rendering it expedient that the said power should, for the present, reside in some accessible quarter, it is declared, that the lieutenant-governor shall have full power and authority to pass such legislative regulations, as, on deliberation, and after due consultation and advice, may appear to him indispensably necessary, and that they shall have the full force of law. But the same shall be immediately reported to the governor-general in council in Bengal, together with the lieutenant-governor's reasons for passing the said regulation, and any representations that may have been submitted to him against the same; and the regulations so passed will be confirmed or disallowed by the governor-general in council with the shortest possible delay. The mode in which the lieutenant-governor shall be assisted with advice will hereafter be made known, and such regulations will hereafter be framed as may be thought more conducive to the prompt, pure, and impartial administration of justice, civil and criminal.

Regulations respecting the paper currency, as well as the relative value of coins circulating in Java, will be published in a separate paper of this date.

Done at Molenvliet, the 11th September, 1811. By His Excellency the Governor-General of British India.

(Signed) MINTO.

REGULATION, A.D. 1814, PASSED BY THE HON. THE LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR IN COUNCIL, On the 11th of February, 1814, FOR THE MORE EFFECTUAL ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE IN THE PROVINCIAL COURTS OF JAVA.

The Honourable the Lieutenant Governor in Council being deeply impressed with the necessity of framing one adequate, impartial, and consistent code, for the prompt and equitable administration of justice, in the provincial courts of this island, with a view to give to all ranks of people a due knowledge of their rights and duties, and to ensure to them an enjoyment of the most perfect security of person and property, has been pleased that the following regulation be enacted; which, by assuming as its basis, rather the ancient usages and institutions of the Javans, than any new innovations founded on European systems of internal government, may confidently be expected to be, at once the most pleasing to them, and the best adapted to the existing state of their society.

1. The Resident shall be the Chief Judge and Magistrate in his districts; but the administration of police and justice, in the towns of Batavia, Semárang, and Surabáya, shall, as heretofore, be entrusted to the particular Magistrates and other officers appointed by government for those places.

2. The Bopátis, or chiefs of districts, and all other public officers, who may be retained to carry on the duties of this department, are placed under the immediate authority and control of the Resident himself, or of his Deputy duly empowered by him. These various duties, whether relative or direct, will be clearly defined in the course of the following sections.

3. To render more easy the attainment of justice, and to carry on better the general police of the country, a subordinate jurisdiction shall be constituted in the following manner.

4. The Residency shall be divided into such number of districts, as extent of land, population, former custom, or other circumstances may render necessary. Each of these shall be consigned to the care of a Bopáti, or native chief, with such an establishment, as being deemed by the Resident adequate to the purpose, and by him submitted to government, shall have received their sanction.

5. These districts, again, shall be subdivided into divisions, the extent and limits of each of which will be clearly marked out and made known. Their size must, of course, entirely depend on the greater or less propinquity of the villages they contain, and on the more or less numerous population by which these are inhabited; but, generally speaking, no division shall be less than ten, or more than twenty, square miles in extent. It must also be observed, that the limits of the division follow those of the villages; it being quite contrary to a system of good police, that inhabitants of the same place should be subject to different authorities.

6. In each division there shall be fixed a station of police, to which shall be appointed a competent officer, with such number of inferior Mántris, Peons, &c. as shall be deemed necessary for the execution of the various duties allotted to his office, and the due maintenance of the tranquillity of his division.

7. In each village there shall be a Head-man (whether recognized under the name of Penting'gi, Bakal, Lurah, Kuwu, Mandor, or otherwise, according to the custom of the country), to be freely elected by the inhabitants of the village itself from among themselves; the only requisites on the part of government being, that he actually reside and hold land in it. Should any of these be found unfit to carry on their respective duties, or other good objection arise to their being continued in the posts they hold, a representation to such effect will be made by the Resident to the villagers, who will accordingly proceed to the nomination of some other person, who, if approved of by the Resident, shall then receive his confirmation.

8. These Head-men shall, in every respect, be considered as the representatives of the villages, and shall be held responsible for all such acts committed within them, as fall justly under that controlling and preventive power vested in them by their fellow-inhabitants.

9. This mode of election and consequent power, it must be observed, are no new introductions, but subsist in immemorial usage, and their nature and limits are well understood by the Javans throughout the island.

10. The Heads of villages will receive and carry into execution all such orders as government, either directly by the Resident, or through the medium of the Bopátis and officers of divisions, may be pleased to issue to them; and they will furnish, at all times, such oral or written information as may be required from them.

11. The care of the police, in their respective villages, shall be entrusted to their charge; and for the due preservation of peace, the prevention of offences, and the discovery and arrest of offenders, they are required to be particularly careful that a sufficient night watch be regularly maintained. For this purpose they are authorized to require each of the male inhabitants to take his turn in the performance of this duty; and, at any time, to call on all to aid in the pursuit and apprehension of offenders, or to execute generally any of the other duties that may occur.

12. The Heads of villages will also be held responsible for the amount of all property belonging to travellers, which may be lost within their villages, provided, however, that the same shall have been placed under their charge; and they are required to take charge of all travellers' property which may be brought to them for that purpose.

13. They are directed to keep a register of all persons under their authority, describing the name, age, country, occupation, size, and appearance of each individual, with any other remarks that may be deemed necessary. They will also, with the assistance of the village priest, form a register of the births, marriages, and deaths, which occur within their jurisdiction.

14. These will be drawn up every six months, according to forms to be furnished to them by the Resident. A copy of each will be retained in the village, and another will be forwarded to the police officer of the station, to be kept by him as records, and to furnish the grounds of such reports as he may be called on to give in.

15. Whenever a stranger arrives for the purpose of settling in a village, or any one of its former inhabitants absconds, the head of it is required to furnish immediately to the officer of the division a detailed account of the particulars relative to either circumstance, who will accordingly take such measures for the apprehension or pursuit of either, or forward such intelligence to his superiors, as the case may require.

16. Any person producing the express permission of the Resident, shall be allowed to settle in a village; but without this, or unless he can procure two respectable inhabitants to become securities for his good behaviour, he shall not be permitted to do so.

17. As well heads of villages as officers of divisions are required to keep a watchful eye upon all new settlers, to ascertain, if possible, their several characters, from their former places of abode; and to observe, most particularly, the conduct of such individuals as have no ostensible means of earning a livelihood. They will, too, follow vigilantly the motions of armed persons, preventing them, as much as they can, from travelling together in large bodies; and, as far as may be practicable, they ought to hinder individuals of every description, but most especially such as are armed with spears, swords, &c. from travelling at all after eight o'clock at night.

18. After this hour they are authorised to stop, and detain in their custody till the next morning, all such persons as may, by having with them more than usual property, or in any other way, justly give grounds for suspicion. But on a summary examination, should nothing further appear against them, they must, on no account, keep them detained beyond eight o'clock the next morning; nor ought detention at all to take place, if the account they first give of themselves be deemed satisfactory.

19. Should any thing further appear against them by complaint or otherwise, they will then be proceeded with as with other accused persons, relative to whom directions will be given in a subsequent section.

20. In the above case only, it is competent to the officers of police to apprehend any person of their own authority, unless detected in the actual perpetration of crime; or to release any person once apprehended.

21. It having been represented, that though when the inhabitants are settled in one place, in habitations contiguous to each other, the duty of the head of a village becomes easy of execution, yet that it is extremely difficult for him to perform it adequately, when, from caprice or other cause, any of its members are allowed to leave the main part, or désa, to go and reside in lonely and remote spots, forming thereby small settlements of two or three cottages only together, termed dukus, which being necessarily, from their distance, without the guard of night watches, &c. must frequently become liable to be attacked and plundered, or more often, perhaps, from the absence of all controul, will themselves form the resort and shelter of robbers and other abandoned characters; and, on the other hand, it not being wished to repress too much this out-settling, as by the creation of new villages (which must owe their formation to such small beginnings), a great part of the land, at present waste, may be brought into cultivation; it is ordered, that the following be the line of conduct to be observed in these cases.

22. The head of a village shall, in every instance, report to the officer of division when such an out-settlement takes place; who shall then proceed to the spot, and forming a committee of three heads of villages (not to include the one in which the circumstance occurred) shall judge whether or not it be expedient, for the benefit of agriculture, to permit its continuance, and measures shall be taken accordingly. If the new settlement be allowed to remain, a vigilant eye must be kept over its infant state, both by the officer of division and head of the neighbouring village; and when it shall have grown to a size that may admit of this, it ought to be separated from the authority of the mother village, and a similar constitution be bestowed on it.

23. It is the duty of heads of villages, generally, to preserve tranquillity, as far as their authority extends, to obey zealously the orders of their superiors, to furnish every useful information, and, in short, to contribute all in their power to the establishment and preservation of a good state of police.

24. Their rewards for this will be a certain portion of land in each village, and the favouring eye and protection of government.

25. The police officers of divisions are to be considered as immediately under the authority of the Bopátis. They will furnish to these all such accounts, reports, &c. as may be required, and will act always on the orders received from them, or, of course, directly from the Resident himself.

26. To the Bopátis, or chiefs of districts, they will forward every six months abstract accounts of births, marriages, and deaths which have occurred in their division, and of the general state of cultivation and population, with such remarks accompanying them as may seem requisite.

27. Of these and other papers forms will be furnished them, and they will prepare them from the general account obtained from heads of villages, whom they will, at any time, require to supply them with such further information as may be deemed necessary.

28. On every Saturday they will give in to the Bopáti, or chief of the district, a detailed statement of the occurrences of the preceding week, the crimes committed, offenders apprehended, number of new settlers, their employment, from whence arrived, what individuals have emigrated, causes of emigration, and, in short, whatever has happened out of the common track of occurrences.

29. The officers of divisions shall be held responsible for the due administration of the police within their respective jurisdictions; and to enable them better to execute their assigned duties, the heads of villages are placed immediately under their authority. They shall accordingly be watchful that these vigilantly and zealously perform such services as may be allotted to their situation; and they shall report fully to the Bopáti of the district, on the conduct of any heads of villages who may prove neglectful of their charge, or in any way appear remiss in the execution of the duties entrusted to them.

30. They shall, on no account, exert their police authority in any undue interference with the collection of the revenues, that being considered a distinct department, to which they will only render their assistance when called upon under the distinct rules laid down in another Regulation for the guidance of their conduct in it; here only it is considered that they are to lend their aid at such times, and in such manner, as may be expressly pointed out to them in orders from their superiors. But they are at all times, on a regular application being made to them by the inferior officers of revenue, to take charge of, and give effectual escort to, treasure passing from or through their divisions; and after receipt of the same, they will be held responsible for it until such treasure shall have been by them delivered to the next constituted authority.

31. The peons, and other inferior servants attached to their offices, shall, of course, be employed in the serving summonses, apprehending offenders, giving escort, and in other regular duties; but when not in any way thus engaged, they shall, as leisure admits, be sent to make the rounds of the division; acquiring, by this means, not only competent information of all that is transacted within it, but serving also, by this occasional and uncertain visitation, materially to prevent the undertaking of nefarious acts.

32. As before observed, the officers of divisions, and those subordinate to them, shall only, of their own authority, apprehend such persons as are taken actually in the commission of crime. They are never empowered to seize others (with the exception of those mentioned in Section 18 of this Regulation) but when a written order for that purpose has been received from their superiors, or when a regular charge of an original nature has been given in against them by any respectable individual.

33. In these cases, they will take suitable measures for the apprehension and securing of the persons complained of; and when once apprehended, they will, on no account of their own authority, again liberate them.

34. Should the persons have been so arrested in consequence of orders received to that effect, the officers of divisions will, in forwarding them to their destinations, be careful to observe such instructions as they may have received on the subject.

35. But should the prisoners have been apprehended on complaints, or other proceedings originating in the division itself, they will, on their arrival at the police station, cause to be written a clear and summary statement of the offence alleged, and of the facts in the case which have come under their observation, whether witnessed by themselves, or borne testimony to by any persons present.

36. They will then, with this statement accompanying, forward under a sufficient guard the prisoner or prisoners, together with the persons complaining or aggrieved, and the witnesses of the facts, towards the chief town of the district where the Bopáti resides.

37. Under no pretence whatsoever, shall any persons be detained at the police station longer than twenty-four hours after their arrest.

38. Should the division in which the arrest has taken place be not that in which the chief town of the district is situated, the officers of it shall make over the charge of persons and papers to the police officers of the division next in the way; and, in similar manner, they shall be forwarded on from station to station, to the chief town of the district, or from thence to the principal seat of the residency.

39. In this transmission, the officers of divisions will take particular care that as little delay as possible occur; any unnecessary infringement on the personal liberty of the subject, being that of which this government will ever be most jealous.

40. Whenever a human body is found dead, of which it is not certainly known that the death was natural, or even though such illness precede it as might be considered as possibly the cause, should any suspicious circumstances or appearances attend the death, it will become the duty of the head of the village in which this may occur, to take cognizance of the fact; and ordering it so that every thing remain in the state first found, he shall report the circumstances, without delay, to the officer of the division, who will immediately appoint a commission of three heads of villages, assisted by himself or officers, to proceed to the actual spot where the body lies, and there make due inquiry into every particular that may serve to elucidate the affair. For this purpose, such evidence will be taken as may, in any way, be thought to bear on the subject.

41. When the investigation is completed, the persons appointed for the inquest shall deliver to the officer of division a statement of what they have done, seen, or heard, and annex to it the opinion they have finally formed of the manner of death, or degree of guilt any where attaching.

42. The officer of division shall forward this statement, without delay, to the superior authorities; from whom, in return, he will receive instructions.

43. But should any degree of guilt be imputed, in the opinion expressed by the commissioners acting on this inquest, the officer of division shall, without loss of time, proceed to apprehend the suspected person or persons, and take such other measures upon that opinion, as he would, had a complaint to the same effect been regularly lodged.

44. As it is most necessary that the cultivators of the soil, and other industrious inhabitants of a village, should not, on every frivolous or inconsiderable occasion, be taken away from their labours to attend a distant seat of justice, where, even though it be more equitably and impartially administered, the benefit of this is, in many cases, quite counterbalanced by the loss of time and expenses of the journey and suit,--it is ordered, that there be a subordinate jurisdiction constituted, by means of which the distribution of justice will be rendered far more easy to the governing power, and the acquisition of redress will be presented to every one aggrieved, with the greatest facility, and the least possible expense of money or time.

45. The heads of villages are required to look on themselves, and to act with regard to the persons under their controul, as fathers of families; to maintain, to the extent of their power, a spirit of harmony and tranquillity in the villages entrusted to them; to curb every approach to feud and litigation; and, with the aid of their officers, to interpose their authority in settling, with justice and impartiality, all such petty quarrels as may arise among the inhabitants.

46. Should, however, the dispute be of sufficient magnitude to entitle it to higher consideration, courts are regularly established to which it may be referred.

47. The officers of division shall, at least once a week, or oftener, attend in some open place at the station of police, with their mantris, or other subordinate servants, for the purpose of inquiring into and deciding on all such complaints as may be given in to them, for petty offences committed within their divisions, as abusive language and inconsiderable assaults or affrays.

48. These, if satisfactorily proved, they shall be authorized to punish, by fine not exceeding ten rupees, of which fine the one-half shall be given to the individual or individuals aggrieved, the other be carried to the account of government.

49. They shall also be empowered to hear and determine on all such petty civil cases as may be referred to them, provided the amount at issue exceed not the sum of twenty rupees.

50. And further, they shall investigate the trifling disputes that may be brought before them about trespass, nuisance, the irregular distribution of water, encroachment on boundaries, and other such minor grievances of usual occurrence in villages.

51. Whether civil or criminal, they shall not, in any case, be authorized to arrest or imprison.

52. But the complaint having been given in, the person complained of, if not present, shall be summoned to appear by the next day of sitting, when the cause shall be heard and decided on without delay. In failure of attendance on the part of the plaintiff, the case shall be dismissed; on the part of the defendant, the cause shall be proceeded with ex parte. The sentence, whatever it may be, shall be carried into execution, by means of the authority vested in the heads of villages.

53. Should any persons refuse to obey their award, they shall be committed for trial before the Resident, who will not only cause the original sentence to be carried into execution, but, at his discretion, order a punishment suited to their contumacy.

54. An appeal may be made in the usual manner, in civil cases, from the officer of the Division's Court to that of the Bopáti at the chief town of the district; and any complaint for unjust or arbitrary proceeding, on the part of the subordinate police officers, will likewise be received there.

55. Of every proceeding of this court a regular record shall be kept; one copy to remain at the police station, and another to be forwarded to the chief of the district.

56. A fee of half a rupee from each party shall be levied prior to hearing the cause, to be divided among the officers of police; and ten per cent. on the amount of the sentence in civil cases is, according to the custom of the country, to be taken from the loser of the suit, to be carried to the account of government.

57. The officers of divisions will be held fully responsible for a zealous and conscientious discharge of the important duties entrusted to them, and shall meet with exemplary punishment, in the case of any negligence or corruption being established against them.

58. To the Bopátis, or heads of districts, is consigned the general superintendance and care of their respective districts. But as these high officers must frequently be required to attend at the place where the Resident himself lives, that their districts may not suffer any inconvenience from their absence, they are empowered to delegate their full authority to their deputies, or Pátehs, who shall preside in their courts, and issue and receive orders, in every respect, like themselves.

59. They shall, every six months, furnish to the Resident abstract accounts of the state of cultivation and population within their districts, according to forms which will be given to them, and accompanied with such remarks as may suggest themselves.

60. On every Monday morning they shall deliver to the Resident a detailed statement of the proceedings of the foregoing week, containing an account of new settlers, persons emigrated, offences committed, offenders apprehended, and in short, of every thing remarkable.

61. The heads of districts shall receive all orders directly from the Resident, and take due measures for carrying them into immediate execution. The officers of divisions, heads of villages, and all other police servants within the district, are placed immediately under their control; and they will most vigilantly watch over the conduct of them, reporting instantly to the Resident every instance of negligence or crime that may fall under their observation.

62. They will be open to receive complaints or petitions of every description; reporting and issuing the necessary orders on them without delay.

63. In forwarding persons apprehended within their districts to the seat of the residency, they will be particularly careful that the least practicable delay occur; no prisoner, on any account, being detained by them, of their own authority, for a longer space of time than twenty-four hours.

64. In forwarding persons, papers, or treasure, they will observe the mode prescribed in Section 38 of this Regulation.

65. On the receipt of an inquest report from the officers of divisions, it shall be submitted to the chief Jáksa and Panghulu of the district for their opinion, and on this opinion the necessary measures shall be taken.

66. At the chief town of each district a regular court shall be established, in which the Bopáti or, in his absence, the Páteh, shall preside, assisted by the Jáksa, Panghulu, and other law officers appointed.

67. This court shall be held in some open spot in the town, at least twice a week, or oftener, if necessary.

68. Its authority shall, however, be confined entirely to civil matters; all cognizance of criminal cases, beyond that already allotted to the officers of divisions, being vested solely in the court where the Resident himself presides.

69. In the Bopáti's court shall be received appeals from those of the officers of divisions, on institution of which the appellants shall pay a fee of one rupee.

70. Before deciding on these causes, the record of the former trial shall be read, and such new evidence taken as may be produced.

71. If the former sentence be reversed, the costs which shall have been kept in deposit shall be refunded to the appellant, and levied from the other party.

72. And in confirming it, an enhancement of these costs is left to the discretion of the court; provided, however, the whole never exceed fifteen per cent. on the sum originally sued for.

73. A second appeal to any other authority shall, in no instance, be permitted.

74. The Bopáti's court shall be competent to receive complaints in civil cases, where the amount at issue is not less than twenty, nor exceeds fifty, rupees.

75. This complaint being filed, a copy of it shall be sent to the person complained of, with an order to answer it at most within a week; and, on receipt of this answer, notice shall be given on what day (at farthest a week from the time of the receipt) the cause will be tried. Such witnesses as are necessary will be summoned; and, on the day prescribed, the complaint and answer being read, and evidence being taken, the court shall give its decision.

76. In failure of the complainant's appearance, the cause shall be dismissed; and on the part of the defendant, if he give not in his answer as required, or appear not when summoned, the case shall be proceeded with, and sentence given on ex parte evidence.

77. The Bopáti, or his deputy, shall require the Jáksa and Panghulu to assist him with their advice throughout the trial, and to expound the law where it is not sufficiently clear. Should their opinions concur with that of the president of the court, he shall pass his decision, and carry it into execution without further delay; but when their opinions are at variance with his, he shall, previously to pronouncing sentence, refer the case, with the several reasons detailed which have influenced each opinion, to the Resident, who shall consult with the chief Jáksa and Panghulu of the residency, and return his orders on the subject.

78. A fee of one rupee shall be taken from each party, on giving in the complaint and answer; and ten per cent. on the amount of the sentence shall be levied from the loser of the suit. The fees to be divided among the officers of the court, and the costs to be carried to the account of government.

79. All proceedings are to be carefully noted down, and preserved as records. One copy to be kept in the archives of the Bopáti, and another to be forwarded to the Resident.

80. An appeal, in causes originating in this court, shall lie to that of the Resident; provided notice of the appeal being intended to be made, be given in on the day of trial, and the appeal itself be made within a week after.

81. In this case the costs shall, nevertheless, be immediately levied, and held in deposit till the appeal be decided on. Sufficient security shall also be given for the amount of the sentence.

82. Moreover, on the first institution of all civil cases, in this and every other court, good security must be taken for the amount of possible costs, both from the complainant and person complained of.

83. The Bopáti will be held responsible for the faithful and just discharge of these his high duties. To him does government look, not only for the vigilant administration of police, and impartial distribution of justice throughout his district, but for the zealous execution of every measure that can at all conduce to the preserving that district in a flourishing and happy state.

84. The duties attached to the office of Resident itself are fully explained in the general instructions given to that officer on his first entering into his situation. In this regulation only such parts of the charge committed to him will be dwelled on, as belong properly to the judicial department of his service, to his deliberative and executive powers as chief judge and magistrate of the province.

85. As, however, the due exertion of these powers may require a much larger portion of time than can be possibly devoted to them by a single individual, and more particularly, as much of his attention must be directed to other objects, he is empowered to delegate their full participation to his deputy or assistant, whether in presiding in his court, or in issuing and receiving such orders and instructions as the government of his residency may render necessary.

86. The several Residents, and their deputies or assistants, previously to entering upon the execution of the duties of their office, shall take and subscribe the following oath before the Honourable the Lieutenant-governor in Council, or such person as he may appoint to administer the same.

"I,----, solemnly swear that I will truly and faithfully execute the duties of my office; that I will administer justice to the best of my ability, knowledge, and judgment, without fear, favour, promise, or hope of reward; and that I will not receive, directly or indirectly, any present, either in money or in effects of any kind, from any party in any suit or prosecution, or from any person whomsoever, on account of any suit, prosecution, or other legal proceeding to be instituted, or which may be depending, or have been decided, in any court under my jurisdiction; nor will I, directly or indirectly, derive any profits from my station, except such as the orders of government do or may authorize me to receive.--So help me God."

87. The presidents of other subordinate courts shall take and subscribe before the Resident, oaths of a similar nature and form, to be administered by the priests, according to the custom of the country.

88. The Jáksas and Panghulus shall likewise be required to take and subscribe an oath in the following form:

"I, ----, Jáksa (or Panghulu), do solemnly swear, that I will faithfully execute the office entrusted to me; I will answer truly to the questions put to me in writing, or by word of mouth, by any judge of the courts to which I belong, declaring or writing down freely, without fear or partiality, what is the written acknowledged law or local long established usage; and I will declare or give in writing nothing that is not warranted by the law or custom. And I promise and swear not to accept of any consideration, in money or otherwise, for any opinion or declaration of the law or custom I may deliver, as Jáksa (or Panghulu) of any court."

89. In the sixth clause of the Proclamation by government, dated 21st January, 1812, provision was made for the establishment of a Landrost's court; but, in the present state of circumstances, government deeming it advisable that a considerable extension of the powers vested in that court should be given, for the more prompt and effectual administration of justice, it is ordered, that the following sections be considered as an enlargement and modification of that clause, and that in lieu of the landraad therein appointed, there be constituted a court, to be in future called the Resident's.

90. This court shall be composed in the following manner. The Resident or his assistant shall sit in it as sole judge or magistrate. The Bopátis of the several districts, or their deputies, shall attend to assist the Resident, through every stage of the proceedings, with their advice, or with such information as he may require. The head Jáksa and Panghulu shall be in waiting to expound, where necessary, the law, to state the local usage, and to take down notes of the evidence. The Jáksa of that district in which any crime has been committed, shall be the public prosecutor, where no private one appears. The other native officers shall be such as have been used heretofore to compose courts of this nature.

91. This court shall be held at least twice in every week, or oftener if necessary, in the Passerban, or Residency public court-room, for the purpose of hearing complaints of every description that may be brought before it, of examining into all offences reported to have been committed, and trying all causes, whether civil or criminal, that occur in the Residency; with the exception only of those that will, in a subsequent section, be pointed out, as belonging to another and higher authority, the Court of Circuit.

92. The court shall be held open from the hour of ten in the fore to that of three in the afternoon.

93. For greater precision, the court days may be fixed to the Monday and Thursday of every week. It is, however, left to the Resident to alter these days of sitting, whenever he may deem that there is sufficient reason for so doing, observing, in such cases, to give public notice of the intended change at least one court day preceding it.

94. The chief Jáksa, who will have the custody of all persons apprehended and brought into the town until regularly committed to gaol, shall immediately, on opening the court, present to the Resident a list of such prisoners as have been confided to his care since the last court day, stating from whence they came, what the nature of the offence alleged against them, the names of the witnesses brought to prove it, and other necessary information connected with their apprehension.

95. The Resident shall then commence on the investigation of the cases, ordering in each that the report of the officer of division, and original complaint, be first read, and proceeding afterwards to the examination of the witnesses.

96. Should it appear to the Resident that there is not sufficient evidence against the accused, and should the complainant not be able to adduce any further, the prisoner shall be immediately released out of custody.

97. But should the complainant state that he can produce more witnesses, he shall be required to enter into a penalty-bond for their appearance on a given day (that day to be as little distant as possible, nor, if practicable, to exceed a week from the time of this first examination), and the prisoner shall, in this case, be admitted to bail, provided the offence be of a bailable nature.

98. If the offence charged against him be one that does not admit of bail being taken, the Resident shall sign a warrant to the gaoler, to receive and hold him in safe custody until he shall be discharged by due course of law.

99. On the second examination, should the innocence of the prisoner appear sufficiently clear, he shall be forthwith released; but should, on either the first or second day of inquiry, such presumption of guilt be established, as to render necessary a regular trial, the prisoner shall stand fully committed for it, and be remanded to gaol, there to remain until that day of trial arrive.

100. If the crime imputed to him be murder, treason, gang-robbery, or any other for which the sentence may amount to death, the Resident shall not himself proceed further in the case, but commit him to prison, to take his trial before the Court of Circuit, of which more shall be said hereafter.

101. Should the offence with which he is charged be one of any less magnitude than capital, the Resident shall, in ordering him to jail, notify to the prisoner on what day his trial shall come on before himself. That day must not, without some good and sufficient reason, to be reported to government, exceed the distance of a week from the day of his commitment to prison.

102. On the day of trial, the prisoner being brought up, the former proceedings shall be read, and the witnesses again examined, and such further evidence, on the part of the prosecution, be taken as may be necessary. The prisoner shall then be called on for his defence, and the witnesses adduced by him be heard and examined.

103. The Resident shall finally sum up the evidence, and stating the reasons that have influenced his opinion, and the law of the case, pronounce sentence accordingly.

104. In these, and all other cases, whether civil or criminal, which come, before him, the Resident shall be guided in his decisions by the existing native laws, and ancient customs of the island; provided the same be not decidedly at variance with the universal and acknowledged principles of natural justice.

105. In every instance where the opinions of the Panghulu and Jáksa are in accord with the judgment of the Resident, and in which the punishment fixed to the crime does not amount to imprisonment or transportation for life, the sentence of the Resident shall be final, and be immediately carried into execution.

106. But whenever the opinions of the Panghulu and Jáksa shall be in opposition to that of the Resident, or in which the punishment of the crime shall amount to imprisonment or transportation for life, all the proceedings shall be immediately transmitted to government, with the Resident's statement of the reasons and regulations on which he has formed his opinion; but he shall delay the pronouncing sentence, until the approval of the Honourable the Lieutenant-Governor shall have been obtained.

107. In all cases whatever of trial before this court, the Resident shall transmit to government, in English, a statement of the offence charged against the prisoner, the substance of the evidence on the prosecution and defence, the law of the case as it exists in the regulations of government, or in the written or customary laws of the island, and the particular reason on which he has formed his own opinion. The Jáksa and Panghulu are required to take notes of the evidence, and to state their respective opinions on the case in the vernacular language; which document, signed by them, shall be transmitted to government by the Resident, together with his own statement of the case.

108. The civil jurisdiction of this court shall be constituted as follows:

109. It shall be competent to receive original complaints of every description, and to try such appeals as may be made to it from the decisions of the Bopáti's court.

110. On receipt of this complaint, if the amount at issue exceed not twenty rupees, the Resident, at his pleasure, may refer it to be inquired into and tried by the court of the officer of the division in which the matter complained of occurred; or should the amount be not above fifty rupees, he may make it over to the authority of the Bopáti's court of that district in which the subject at issue has originated. But all complaints which concern a sum of money exceeding this, must be tried only by the Resident's court.

111. It is also competent to this court alone to take cognizance of any suits, however trivial the amount at issue, which may be considered as involving in them any of the rights of government.

112. In trying appeals from the Bopáti's courts, after reading the proceedings on the former trial, and re-examining such old, or hearing such new evidence as may be adduced, the judgment which shall then be passed shall be considered as final.

113. In reversing the former decree, the appellant shall have refunded to him the costs which have been kept in deposit, and these shall be then levied from the other party; but if confirming the former judgment, it shall be left to the discretion of the Resident to enhance those costs as he may think fit; provided, however, that the whole sum do not exceed fifteen per cent. on the amount of the sentence.

114. The appellant, on the institution of the suit, shall pay such fees as are customary in the institution of original suits; but the other party shall not be charged with any fees whatever.

115. When an original complaint is given in, it shall be filed, on a fee of one rupee being paid, and sufficient security given for the possible amount of costs.

116. A copy of this shall then be sent to the person or persons complained of, who shall be required, within a certain given time, not to exceed a fortnight, to send in the answer; at which time they will also pay a fee of one rupee, and give good security for the amount of possible costs.

117. On receipt of this reply, a day shall be appointed for the trial of the cause, notice of which shall be given to each of the parties; and both they and such others, witnesses or accessaries, as may be necessary, shall be summoned to attend on that day. The cause shall then come to a regular hearing, and be decided on, according to the mode already laid down for the inferior courts.

118. On the decision of the suit, a fee of two rupees from the gainer, and of one from the loser of it, shall be received; and costs, at the rate of ten per cent. on the amount of the sentence, being the custom of the country, shall be levied from the party against whom the decision has been given.

119. In all causes originating in the Resident's court, an appeal shall be permitted to the Honourable the Lieutenant-Governor; provided that notice of such intention be given on the day of trial, that the costs be lodged in court, and sufficient security offered for the amount of the sentence, or that amount be paid in, to be kept in deposit until the appeal shall have been determined on.

120. Appeals from the Resident's decisions are limited to the space of one month from the day of trial.

121. The Honourable the Lieutenant-governor will, of course, after due investigation, alter, reverse, or confirm the former sentence, with remission or enhancement of costs, as to him shall seem best.

122. Whenever the two parties in a civil suit, in any stage of it previous to the decree, shall give in to any of the courts an agreement signed by both, stating that they are willing that all further judicial proceedings in the case be dropped, as being satisfied with what has already passed, or mutually content to settle whatever further is requisite between themselves, or by the arbitration of friends, the court shall place this paper among their records, and cause the proceedings in such suit to be immediately closed.

123. In these cases, half costs, or five per cent, only on the amount of the suit, shall be levied. Of this the two parties shall pay an equal share, or two and a half per cent each, with a fee also of a rupee each to the court.

124. All fees will be divided among the officers of the court, and all costs be carried to the account of government, for the purpose of defraying the expenses to which they are put in the establishment of these courts.

125. The same attention shall be paid to the opinions of the Jáksa and Panghulu in civil as in criminal cases; namely, that when at variance with that of the Resident, reference shall be made to the Honourable the Lieutenant-Governor, accompanied by the detailed statements, and the decision only carried into execution when his instructions, in reply, shall have been received.

126. A record of each trial shall be kept in the archives of the court, consisting of the original complaint, the reply to it, a statement of the proceedings that ensued, and the judge's final decision.

127. Copies of any of these shall be given to any one who may apply for them, on the payment of half a rupee for each paper.

128. Registers shall be framed from these records, one in English and one in the vernacular language (of course separate ones for civil and criminal matters), stating the charges, names of parties, of witnesses, nature of evidence, sentence passed, &c. according to forms to be furnished to the Resident; and of these, one copy shall be kept in the court, and another shall be transmitted, before the 5th of every month, to the Honourable the Lieutenant-governor.

129. A register shall also be framed, and sent at the same time, of all persons apprehended, but afterwards released, stating their names, crimes imputed to them, nature of evidence for and against, and reasons for releasing them.

130. Quarterly reports shall likewise be furnished by the Resident of the general state of the districts entrusted to his care; and every six months abstract accounts must be forwarded of the increase or decrease of population, the general condition of the cultivation, number of new settlers and persons emigrated, and generally of whatever relates to the details of his administration, with such remarks and comments as he may deem necessary.

131. In summoning persons to attend his court, he shall have a certain regard to the loss or inconvenience those persons may sustain in being taken away from their usual employments or duties. The cultivator of the soil, in particular, is not unnecessarily to be brought from his fields; and, in many cases, a slight delay of trial may be better than causing the industrious inhabitant to lose the fruits of his labour by attendance at court, when harvest, or other rural duty, demands his presence and entire attention. This, however, is an evil that cannot always be guarded against; but it ought to be so, to the extent of the Resident's power, and as far as the satisfying the more important ends of justice will admit of.

132. As an additional check to its occurrence, a discretionary power is vested in the Resident, of punishing by fine the complainant in such suits as may, in the opinion of the Resident, be satisfactorily established to have owed its origin to grounds merely vexatious, and this fine will of course be given to the person who has suffered by the process.

133. As it is most essential that access to justice and redress be rendered as easy and free as possible to the injured, the Residents are ordered to receive at all times, and to pay the utmost attention, to every petition that may be presented to them.

134. But as, in the ordinary course, the officers or servants of government, or others, may, from interested, partial, or resentful motives, find means to debar approach to the Resident in his house, he shall cause a box to be placed at the door of the court, into which petitions may be dropped; of this he shall himself keep the key, and, on going into court, open it with his own hand, and have the contents read to him. He shall, at the same time, in the open space before the court, invite the giving in to him any complaints from persons who may consider themselves as aggrieved.

135. It must be observed, that in all causes which come into the courts, the respective parties in them shall plead in their own behalf. It not having been heretofore usual to employ Vakeels, or native lawyers, for this purpose; no persons of this description shall be admitted. And it is trusted that litigation will be considerably reduced and discouraged by this measure, as the trouble of it will then fall heavily and entirely on the principals themselves; that class of people not being allowed to exist, who, as deriving from litigation their sole subsistence, may fairly, and without invidiousness, be considered as having some interest in increasing the business of the courts.

136. The Resident is particularly enjoined to pay the greatest attention to the state of the persons in confinement by his orders.

137. There shall be one gaol only in each Residency, and that at the place where the Resident himself resides. He shall visit it at least once a fortnight, and redress all complaints that may be preferred to him by the prisoners of ill treatment, punishing amply every instance that shall come to his knowledge, of misconduct in the gaoler or other officers in charge of the prison.

138. He shall take, too, the necessary measures for the preservation of the health and cleanliness of the prisoners; requiring the Surgeon of the Residency to visit them at least once a day, and to administer to the sick. The Surgeon shall be further directed to deliver in a monthly report to the Resident on this subject, stating the number of sick, nature of disease, cause of it where assignable, and result of his medical operations in the several cases. To this may be added any suggestions that may be deemed beneficial.

139. The internal arrangements of the gaol ought to be so ordered, that the prisoners shall not be confined together promiscuously, but different apartments be allotted, not only for persons of different sexes, but also for those in confinement for different gradations of offence. For the following descriptions of prisoners, separate wards ought to be formed. Prisoners under sentence of death. Prisoners confined under sentence of the Court of Circuit or of the Resident. Prisoners committed to take their trial before the Court of Circuit. Prisoners committed to take their trial before the Resident. And one spacious and airy apartment should be reserved for such persons as are awaiting the preliminary examination in the court.

140. All prisoners or witnesses detained in criminal cases shall be maintained at the expense of government. But the subsistence of persons confined on civil accounts shall be furnished in the usual manner by the complainants in those suits.

141. The rate of maintenance must depend on the general price of food in the district where the confinement takes place. It ought to be sufficiently ample to secure the necessaries of life, but by no means any thing further; it ought not, in short, to be higher than the price for which the lowest description of labour could be obtained. On this principle the Residents will regulate the allowance for prisoners, and when settled and approved of by government, it shall be considered as fixed, and be publicly made known.

142. The Residents finally shall see that the prisoners receive all the comforts compatible with their respective situations, and that the allowance granted by government, or others, for their support, be properly applied.

143. With respect to the authority of the Resident's Court over Europeans, Chinese, or other foreigners, though it has not heretofore been ordered that they be amenable to any but the courts of justice in Batavia, Semárang, and Surabáya; yet as great inconvenience may be, and has been experienced, from their being under a separate jurisdiction from their fellow-inhabitants, and as it is the wish of government that they be allowed to partake of every benefit afforded to its other subjects, of which a prompt and easy access to justice must be considered as the chief, the following orders are issued respecting them.

144. No Europeans, Chinese, or other foreigners, at present settled, or who, in future, may wish to settle in the interior, shall be allowed to reside in any part of the country without the immediate limits of the towns of Batavia, Semárang, and Surabáya, unless they present themselves to the Resident, to be regularly enrolled in a register to be kept for that purpose, and obtain from him a license for remaining. This license shall not be granted, unless each individual enter into a penalty-bond of five hundred rupees, that he will abide by the civil decisions of the Resident's Court to that amount; but if this be agreed to, the license shall on no account be withheld, unless the Resident can, and does, give such reasons for withholding it as the government shall approve of. No fee whatsoever shall be given for these licenses.

145. Should it, at any time, happen that a cause, in which more than five hundred rupees is at issue, should come before the Resident, wherein a foreigner living in the interior is concerned, the Resident shall call on him to execute a further bond, which may cover the amount of the suit; and in case of refusal to do so, he shall not be permitted any longer to reside within his jurisdiction.

146. After taking out these licenses, foreigners shall, in every respect, be considered in the same light as other inhabitants, and sue and be sued precisely in the same manner as the natives.

147. Should any foreigner, after these precautions, refuse to abide by the decision of the Resident, a report on his conduct shall be forwarded to government, and he shall instantly be made to leave the interior, and be prosecuted for the amount of the penalty he has incurred, in the established manner, in the courts of justice at Batavia, Semárang, and Surabáya.

148. In criminal cases, where a foreigner is charged with any offence, the Resident shall execute the duties of a justice of the peace, issuing a warrant for his apprehension, examining into the evidence adduced, and, according to circumstances, releasing him forthwith, or committing him to take his trial before the Court of Circuit.

149. It must be understood, that the term here of "foreigners" is intended only to include Europeans, Chinese, Arabs, Mussulmen from the various parts of India, or, in short, the natives of any country that is without the limits of the Malayan Archipelago. But as there will resort to the coasts of Java, in small trading vessels, very many of the inhabitants of the neighbouring islands, to whom the entering into bonds, or being subject to other such legal forms, would prove a serious inconvenience, serving perhaps eventually to discourage them considerably from engaging in such commercial adventures, which it is rather the wish of this government in every way to promote; and as by the religion, laws, and usages of this and the various islands in the vicinity, being, both in form and substance, nearly identified (differing only in some few instances in shades slight and of little moment), it cannot be considered as repugnant to the principles of justice, that they be at once held amenable to the jurisdiction established for this island, during their continuance on it; and it is therefore ordered, that they be looked on and proceeded with in manner no way differing from that prescribed for the actual natives of Java.

150. In the event of the death of any British inhabitant or passenger within his district, it is the duty of the Resident to place the seals of office immediately on the effects of the deceased, after defraying the expense of interment; and to report the same immediately for the further orders of government; and, in the event of the death of Burghers, Chinese, Mussulmen, or others, he will be guided by the laws and regulations existing on that head. In all cases, he will be careful that no injustice be practised in this important subject, and that where arrears are due to government, no property be transferred or sold until the same have been satisfied, or until the pleasure of government is known.

151. The Court of Circuit has already been established by the fifth clause of the Proclamation by government, dated the 21st January, 1812. But as the taking away at once the president and one member from the courts of justice rendered those courts, in their absence, incompetent to carry on the current business of their districts, and as a more particular definition of the duties attached to this department is deemed necessary, the following sections must be considered as an enlargement and modification of that clause.

152. In order to ensure the regular, certain, and impartial administration of justice throughout the different districts of the island, one member of the Supreme Court of justice at Batavia, and of the courts of justice at Semárang and Surabáya, shall four times in the year, at stated periods, or oftener if necessary, make a circuit through the districts, under the jurisdiction of their respective courts, for the purpose of hearing and trying all such offences and criminal cases within the same, as shall have been made over to them by the magistrates appointed for that purpose.

153. Previously to entering upon the execution of the duties of his office, each of these judges shall take and subscribe, before the Honourable the Lieutenant-governor in Council, or any person appointed by him to administer the same, an oath in the same form as already laid down for the Residents in section 86 of this Regulation.

154. Upon the arrival of the judge of circuit, the Resident or magistrate shall have in readiness to deliver to him a list of the persons committed to prison, or held to bail, for trial, together with the copies of the charges preferred against each, their confessions, if any have been made (but these, it must be observed, must always be received with circumspection and tenderness), or if they have pleaded not guilty, the depositions of the witnesses, and all other proceedings held by him in the respective cases, previously to their commitment to prison, or being held to bail.

155. He shall likewise submit to the judge of circuit, on his arrival at the station, a separate list of all such persons as he may, within the last three months, have apprehended and discharged for want of sufficient evidence against them; that is, of all such as would, had presumption of guilt been sufficiently established, have been made over to the court of circuit for trial.

156. The judge of circuit shall then proceed to hold his court. Such officers shall belong to it as he may have brought with him for that purpose, and he shall be attended by all such others belonging to the Resident's establishment, as he may deem necessary.

157. The court shall be held in the Paserban, or usual chief room of justice belonging to the station; and the Resident, in carrying on any judicial or magisterial proceedings, during the continuance of the judge of circuit at his station, shall use for that purpose some other convenient place.

158. On opening the court the head Jáksa shall present a list of persons summoned to act as jurymen; out of which five shall be taken in the usual manner, and be empanelled.

159. The persons composing this jury ought to be as near on an equality as to rank in life with the prisoner as possible. But no one under the rank of a head of a village shall be competent to act as a juryman, as persons below that office, or in the very lower orders of life, cannot be supposed to possess either independence or knowledge sufficient to qualify them to execute justly the duties of the situation. The person senior in dignity among them shall be appointed to act as foreman; and, for this purpose, it may be as well that one of higher rank than the other four should be always selected in the first nomination of the jury.

160. A right of challenge shall belong, as in the English courts, to both the prosecutor and the prisoner.

161. The head of the village in which the offence is alleged to have been committed, shall not be permitted to act as juryman in the trial.

162. No other prescribed disqualification exists against persons of that or higher rank; the right of challenge being deemed sufficient to secure the forming of a competent, unbiassed, and independent jury.

163. The cause shall then be proceeded with; and sentence being passed, it shall become the duty of the Resident to see that it be carried duly into execution, a warrant for that purpose being given to him, under the seal and signature of the judge of circuit.

164. The circuit judge, throughout the conduct of the cause, in his mode of proceeding, of summing up the evidence, receiving the verdict of the jury, and passing sentence on the prisoner, shall be guided entirely by the established rules of his court, the regulations of government, and the general instructions he will receive.

165. And with respect to the law which must guide him throughout, he must, in the first instance, take down the native law in the case as may be expounded by the Panghúlu and Jáksa; and modify thereon his decision, according to the provisions of the colonial law, and the acknowledged principles of substantial justice.

166. He shall not only try such cases as may have been made over to his court, previously to entering the district, but also any such as the Resident may make over to him while there.

167. He shall, on closing his court at each station, forward to the Honourable the Lieutenant-governor, a clear and full report of all his proceedings, stating the names of the prisoners tried by him, the nature of the evidence adduced on behalf of both prosecution and defence, the verdict of the jury, and his consequent sentence thereon.

168. If, in any case, his opinion differ from that of the jury, he shall detail the reasons which have influenced him in that difference; and he shall always state any such circumstances as may warrant a mitigation, or even total remission of the punishment.

169. The approval of these proceedings, and the instructions on them from the Honourable the Lieutenant-governor, must be received prior to his issuing his warrants to the Resident.

170. But as this communication, and the reply to it, may induce too great a delay, the judge of circuit must, on shutting his court, remand the prisoner to gaol, and move on himself to the next district he has to visit; from whence he will be able to send back the warrants to the Resident, when an answer to his report shall have been received.

171. Accompanying this report, the judge of circuit shall forward to government a detailed opinion on the state of the Residency, with respect to its police, its general administration, and other circumstances connected with its actual condition; suggesting, at the same time, any such improvement as, in his opinion, would be conducive to its general prosperity.

172. It remains, finally, to be observed to the Residents, that as the police of different districts must be, in some measure, adapted to various circumstances and localities, they are authorized to enlarge upon these general regulations for the administration of that department within their respective jurisdictions, reporting their suggestions of improvement to government. But it is recommended to those officers to become well acquainted with the ancient usages and institutions of the people placed under their authority; and in submitting their observations, they will be solicitous rather to improve upon the solid foundations of ancient regulations and customs, both acknowledged and understood by the people, than to invent new systems of administration, which for some time must, of necessity, be quite unintelligible to the inhabitants, and which, after the experience of a few years, may probably be found to be by no means congenial to their genius or habits.

173. Copies of this Regulation shall be forwarded to the various officers of government concerned in the carrying it into execution; and translations of it, in the Javan and Malayan languages, shall be furnished to the Bopátis and other native officers. It shall be the duty of these to explain and cause to be made known its purport throughout the country; and for the doing this the more effectually, copies shall always lie on the tables of the several courts, to be open for public reference and inspection.

APPENDIX E.--No. I.

A COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY OF THE MALAYU, JAVAN, MADURESE, BALI, AND LAMPUNG LANGUAGES.

+-----------+----------------+ |ENGLISH. | MALÁYU. | | | + | | | +-----------+----------------+ | | | |God |túhan; álah' | | | | |Creation |ka-jádian | |Eternity |kakálan | | | | |Angel |maláikat | |Soul |jíwa; niáwa | |Life |idup; hidop | |Demon | | | or ghost |hantu | |World |dúnia | |Heaven |súrga | |Sky |láng'it | |Light |cháhia | |Star |bintang | |Halo of | | | the moon |pagar-búlan | |Planet |bintang-berjálan| |Saturn |bintang zahil | |Jupiter |bintang mastri | |Mars |bintang marikh | |Venus |bintang zahára | |Mercury |bintang átarad | |Sun |mata-hári | |Moon |búlan | |A comet |bintang ber-ikur| |The milky | | | way |bima-sákti | |Sunrise |terbet-máta-hári| |North pole |bintang-utára | |South pole |bintang-selátan | |Equator |{gáris-sa- } | | |{teng'ah-dúnia} | |Ecliptic |âlan-máta-hári | |Aries |bintáng-hamel | |Taurus |bintáng-thur | |Gemini |bintáng-júza | |Cancer |bintáng-sertan | |Leo |bintáng-ásad | |Virgo |bintáng-sánbla | |Libra |bintáng-mírzan | |Scorpio |bintáng-kála | |Sagittarius|bintáng-kos | |Capricorn |bintáng-jádi | |Aquarius |bintáng-dálu | |Pisces |bintáng-hot | |Rainbow |úlar-dánu | |East |timur | |South |slátan | |West | bárat | |North |útára | |Earth |búmi | |Island |púlau | |Mountain |gúnung | |Stone |bátu | |Rain |újan | |River |súngái; káli | +-----------+----------------+

+-----------+-----------------------------------------------------+ |ENGLISH. | JAVAN. | | +------------------+---------------+------------------+ | | Jáwa. | Bása kráma. | Súnda. | +-----------+-----------------------------------------------------+ | |{yéwang wídi;} | |{hongyéwang; | |God |{pang'éran; } |-- |{sang-yéwang; | | |{gusti; alah } | | | |Creation |ka-dádian |kadadósan |ka-jádian | |Eternity |kaleng'gang'an |-- |{kakálan | | | | |{láng-geng'an | |Angel |maláikat |-- |mala-ékat | |Soul |niówo; yétmo |-- |súkma; niáwa | |Life |úrip |gesang |irup | |Demon | | | | | or ghost |antu |-- |antu | |World |jágat |búwana |dúnia | |Heaven |súwarga |súwarg'i |súrga | |Sky |láng'it |akása |láng'it | |Light |cháhia |-- |cháhia | |Star |lintang |-- |benteung | |Halo of | | | | | the moon |kaláng'an-wúlan |kalang'an-sási |kaláng'an-búlang | |Planet |lintang lúmáku |lintang-lúmampa|bentéung-léumpang | |Saturn |lintang zohal |-- |bentéung-júhel | |Jupiter |lintang mústarí |-- |bentéung-mustari | |Mars |lintang marih |-- |bentéung-marih | |Venus |lintang johra |-- |bentéung-júhára | |Mercury |lintang átarad |-- |bentéung-utára | |Sun |sreng'eng'é | súria |matápoék | |Moon |wúlan; rembúlan | sási |búlan | |A comet |lintang-kumúkus |-- |bentéung-buntútan | |The milky | | | | way |bima-sákti |-- |bima-sákti | |Sunrise |plétek-sreng'éng'é|médal-súria |bijel-matápoék | |North pole |lintang-útára |-- |bentéung-útára | |South pole |lintang-slátan |-- |sela-búmi | |Equator |{gára-s -} |-- |{gáres-} | | |{teng'ah-jágat} |-- |{siteng'ah-jágat} | |Ecliptic |dálan-sreng'éng'é |margi-súria |jàlan-máta poék | |Aries |lintáng-kámel |-- |bentéung-kámel | |Taurus |lintáng-táred |-- |bentéung-sur | |Gemini |lintáng-jus |-- |bentéung-júja | |Cancer |lintáng-sertan |-- |bentéung-sertan | |Leo |lintáng-ásad |-- |bentéung-ásad | |Virgo |lintáng-sumbúla |-- |bentéung-sanblah | |Libra |lintáng-mízan |-- |bentéung-mérjan | |Scorpio |lintáng-kála |-- |bentéung-kála | |Sagittarius|lintáng-kos |-- |bentéung-kus | |Capricorn |lintáng-júdi |-- |bentéung-jadi | |Aquarius |lintáng-dálwi |-- |bentéung-delu | |Pisces |lintáng-khot |-- |bentéung-hut | |Rainbow |kúku-wung |-- |kúku-wung | |East |wítan; timur |-- |timur | |South |selátan |-- |perna-ang'in | |West | bárat |-- | bárat | |North |útára |-- |utára | |Earth |búmi |buntála |tánéu | |Island |púlo |núsa |núsa | |Mountain |gúnung |rédi |gúnung | |Stone |wátu |sela |bátu | |Rain |údan |jáwuh |újan | |River |kali; bang'awan |lépen |wálung'an; káli | +-----------+-----------------------------------------------------+

+-----------+----------------------------------------+ |ENGLISH. | MADURESE. | | +-----------------+----------------------+ | | Madúra. | Sumenáp. | +-----------+----------------------------------------+ | | | | |God |pangéran |álah | | | | | |Creation |ka-dádian |ka-dádian | |Eternity |kaláng-gang'an |láng-gang | | | | | |Angel |malaékat |mala-ékat | |Soul |niába |niáwa | |Life |ódi |údi | |Demon | | | | or ghost |anto |antu | |World |dúnia |dúnia | |Heaven |seárga |súar-ga | |Sky |láng'it |láng'é | |Light |sadja; cháhia |cháhia | |Star |bintang |bintang | |Halo of | | | | the moon |-- |kalang'an-búlan | |Planet |bintang-ájalan |bintang-ájalan | |Saturn |bintang-jóhal |bintang súhal | |Jupiter |bintang-mustári |bintang-mustári | |Mars |bintang-maríh |bintang marih | |Venus |bintang-johro |bintang-súhara | |Mercury |bintang-ng'alárid|bintang álarad | |Sun |ng'areh |áré | |Moon |búlan |búlan | |A comet |-- |bintang-abúntok | |The milky | | | | way |-- |preng-sadápur | |Sunrise |kalúar-áreh |kalúar-ári; medal ári | |North pole |bintang-útára |bintang-kelod | |South pole |bintang-salátan |bintang-salátan | |Equator |{gáris-sátan-} |{gáris-sátan-} | | |{g'ah-dúnia } |{g'ah-dúnia } | |Ecliptic |jálan-áreb |jálan-ári | |Aries |bintang-kámel |-- | |Taurus |bintang-tor |-- | |Gemini |bintang-jus |-- | |Cancer |bintang-sertan |-- | |Leo |bintang-ásad |-- | |Virgo |bintang-sanbla |-- | |Libra |bintang-mérgan |-- | |Scorpio |bintang-kála |-- | |Sagittarius|bintang-kos |-- | |Capricorn |bintang-júdi |-- | |Aquarius |bintang-dálui |-- | |Pisces |bintang-khot |-- | |Rainbow |kóbong |andang | |East |timur |témor | |South |slátan |slátan | |West |bárat |bárat | |North |témor-dáya |utára | |Earth |tánah; búmi |búmi; tána | |Island |póloh |púlau; gili | |Mountain |gúnung |gúnung | |Stone |báto |bátu | |Rain |újan |újan | |River |song'ai |song'ai | +-----------+----------------------------------------+

+-----------+----------------+-----------------+ |ENGLISH. | BÁLI. | LAMPUNG. | | + | | | | | | +-----------+----------------+-----------------+ | | | | |God |batára |alah; gusti | | | | | |Creation |ka-dádian |ka-jádian | |Eternity |{kúkuán; } |ka-kálan | | |{láng-gang} | | |Angel |dewáta |mali-kat | |Soul |jiwa; átma |nia-wa | |Life |úrep |húghé | |Demon | | | | or ghost |mamídi; antu |hántu | |World |marcha-páda |dún-nia | |Heaven |úarga |sáwa-ghága | |Sky |angkása; lang-it|lang'it | |Light |depta; cháhia |chaháya | |Star |bintang |bintang | |Halo of | | | | the moon |káng'an-búlan |kandok-búlan | |Planet |pelálintáng'an |-- | |Saturn |-- |-- | |Jupiter |-- |-- | |Mars |-- |-- | |Venus |-- |-- | |Mercury |-- |-- | |Sun |mata-nai; súria |mata-gháni | |Moon |búlan; sásih |búlan | |A comet |bintang-kúkus |bintang-bugúndang| |The milky | | | | way |láwat yih-patánu|-- | |Sunrise |handag-matánai |máta-ghánichá ka | |North pole |-- |-- | |South pole |bintang-kája |-- | |Equator |{gui-tang'ah} |-- | | |{-marcha-páda} |-- | |Ecliptic |margan-matánai |-- | |Aries |-- |-- | |Taurus |-- |-- | |Gemini |-- |-- | |Cancer |-- |-- | |Leo |-- |-- | |Virgo |-- |-- | |Libra |-- |-- | |Scorpio |-- |-- | |Sagittarius|-- |-- | |Capricorn |-- |-- | |Aquarius |-- |-- | |Pisces |-- |-- | |Rainbow |yang-lálah |ghóneh | |East |témur |ka-ng'in | |South |kája |-- | |West |kao |-- | |North |klod |-- | |Earth |gúmi |búmi | |Island |púlo |púlau | |Mountain |gúnung |ghú-gok | |Stone |bátu |bátu | |Rain |hujan; sábéuh |lábong | |River |túkad |bátang-ághi | +-----------+----------------+-----------------+ Memorandum.--The above Comparative Vocabulary was formed in the following manner.--Copies of the Vocabulary, in the Malayan character, arranged by the late Dr. Leyden, were circulated in different parts of Java, and completed in the different languages and dialects by the natives. After collections of these were made, several intelligent natives were, from time to time, assembled from different parts of the island, and also from Báli, Lampung, Madura, and Sumenap, and the Vocabulary in each language was carefully revised in concert with them, at the same time that it was re-copied in the native and roman characters.

EXTRACT FROM THE DASA NAMA.[298]

1. Madia ning mangsa from ordinary thought comes knowledge of time or season. j.b. Mángsa season, time. j.b. Kála time. k. Dók the same. b. Tak-kála the same. b. Panjenáng'an the time, as applied to the reign of a sovereign or governor, a dynasty, a rule. j.b. Jáman the same. k. Titika, or kútika the same. b. Dáweg or dáwak present time. j.b. Láji future time. j.b. Waktu time. j.b. Usum the season of any thing, as the paddy season or fruit seasons, season for breed of cattle. j.b. Mangsa ren-dang season or time of rain. j.b. Ka-telu (3) commencement of the rain. j.b. Ka-pat (4) rains. j.b. Ka-lima (5) ditto. j.b. Ka-nam (6) ditto, rivers full. j.b. Ka-pitu (7) heavy rains. j.b. Ka-wólu (8) rains commence falling off. j.b. Ka-sáng'a (9) rains nearly over. Mangsa trang dry or clear seasons. b. Kása-dása (10) commencement of dry season. j.b. Dasta autumnal, or season of the falling of the leaves. j.b. Sadá season of heavy dews. j.b. Kása clear, dry, and cloudless season. j.b. Káro the season in which trees commence to throw out their leaves and flowers. 2. Mangsa ren-dang the rainy season comes from the hills or ing ardi mountains. k. Parwáka mountains from which wind comes. k. Gíri stupendous, abrupt mountains, which create awe on looking on them. k. Purwáta original mountains, the first or primitive mountains. k. Chála mountain. k. Mandála the base or foot of a mountain. k. Liwáwan, or distant mountains. himáwan. b. Ardi stupendous mountains. j.b. Gúnung. mountains or hills. j.b. Kendeng low ranges of hills. j.b. Sengkan the acclivity of a hill. j.b. Mádik the same. j.b. Jujúrang the space between two hills above the valleys. k. Sárung the valley or bottom of the space between two hills. j.b. Papéreng the steep part of a hill which cannot be ascended. j.b. Héring or iring the same. 3. Ardi akátah séla the hills have many stones. b. Séla stones, large stones. j.b. Ka-rikil small stones, pebbles. j.b. Kamlása small fine stones, gravel. j.b. Wátu stones. k. Mánik. a kind of hard black stone. j.b. Párang a sort of stone neither hard or soft. k. Redjeng the same. j.b. Gamping lime stone. j.b. Wádas a kind of stone. j.b. Chúri a particular kind of stone, rather harder than redjeng. k. Cháni a sort of stone which when taken from the quarry is soft and easily cut, but afterwards becomes hard on exposure to air.

APPENDIX E.--No. II.

COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY OF THE SANSCRIT, KAWI, AND PALI.

----------+---------------------+---------------------+------------- ENGLISH. | SÁNSCRIT. | KÁWI. | PÁLI. ----------+---------------------+---------------------+------------- One |eka |eka |ek-ka. Two |dui |dui |do. Three |tri |tri |tri. Four |chátur |chátor |chatwa. Five |pancha |pancha |pancha. Six |shash or shat |sat |cho. Seven |sapta |sapta |sap. Eight |ashta |asta |at-tha. Nine |náva |náwa |no-wa. Ten |dása |dása |thotsa. Man (homo)|manúshya or manúsha |manúsa |manut. Man (vir) |jána, purúsha |jána, purúsia |burútsa. Woman |strí, varángána |istri, waranggána | ---- Father |pita or pitri |pita |bida. Mother |máta or mátri |máta |manda. Head |mastáka |mastáka |két. Eye |nétra, akshi, cháksu |sótia |nét. Nose |nása, ghrána |grána | ---- Hair |késa |késa |késa. Teeth |danta |dánti |thanta. Belly |garbha, udára |gerba |úthon. Hand |hasta |asta |hat-tha. Foot |páda |páda |bát. Blood |lohita, sonita, | | | rudhira, &c. |rah, ludira |lóhit. Day |dina, divása, &c. |dina, méra | ---- Night |rátri |rátri, kúlam |rátri. Sleep |nidra |nindra |nitsa. Dead |préta, párata, mrita |parátra |muai. White |sita |séta | ---- Black |kála |kála, krísna | ---- Bad |dushkrita |dústa | ---- Fire |agni |agni, bráma, geni |ak-khi. Water |jála, ápa, &c. |jalánidi |khongkha. Stone |sila |séla |sinla. Hog |varáha, sukára |wráhas, sukára |súkon. Bird |paksha |paksi |paksa, paksi. Egg |anda |endog | ---- Fish |mín, massya |mína, matsia |min. Sun |súrya, prabáhkara, |súria, prabang-kára, |súria, áthit. | áditya | raditia | Moon |chandra, sitángsu |chandra; sitángsu |pera-chan. Stars |tára |tára |dara. God |iswára (Lord), |déwa (a god) |pra, pra-chao. | déva (a god) | | Eating |bhojanam |bója |swoi, chhan. ----------+---------------------+---------------------+--------------

APPENDIX E.--No. III.

VOCABULARY OF KAWI WORDS, WITH THE MEANING ATTACHED TO THEM BY THE PANAMBAHAN OF SUMENAP.

ENGLISH. KAWI.

God sang yang-jágat-ke-rána, sang-yang-suksma, yang-wídi, murbeng buána, yang-táya, sang-yang-wisésa, sang-yang-jágat, ráya, sang-yang-mánon, yang'ing-jágat, mur-ba wi-sésa, hong. Make, do; or work ang'dé, andé, ayása, kirtia, panéron, amáng'un. The work; what wináng'un, inámer, iniket. is made or done Pen tanáser. Paper delánchang. A vessel; pot; tapéla, pranji, gáta. receiver Heaven súra láya, indra-kila, súra-lóka suréndra, kayáng'an. Situation, sing'ng'angsána, pa-paláng-kan, patma-sána. place, office World rat, buána, marcha-páda, jamánda, yatri. Place patmánda, kahánan, sána, láya, astána, lóka, panápa. Hell tambra-gomúka, ya-máni, tambra-múka, yáma, pápasána. Sky gagána, diu, baráka, antariksa, ambar-tála, marútoam, marutpála, margawútma, nasúnia, sam-bára, biuma, aksa, 'ngáh. Atmosphere wiat, madia-gantang, táwang, láyang. (between the sky and the earth.) Light prába, kúmut-deú-jiu, tesa, téja, máya. Sun baskára, raditia, pra tangga-páti, arúna, hári, karába, tála, súbandagni, angka, náku, kanúman, asúman, diankára, dáta-páti, niwása, súria, sasra-súman. Moon chándra, sadára, sas-ángka, idupáti, sú-ma, sasálan-chána, nisáka, sitángsu, si-tarasmi, sási, ráti, basánta, indung. The first day of the month (moon) sukla-paksa. The sixteenth day of the moon krisna-paksa. Names of the tití-mása, púspita-war-si, kusúma-wichitra, months puspa-darsina, dar-ma kusúma, anta warsi, rahúwandáni, warsan dáni, chakra kulána, sandáya kráma, dirga moriang, renji sári, rasmin-dran déni. Neither east nor sunia darsári. west Day mahira. Sunday riti or dite. Monday sóma. Tuesday ang'gára. Wednesday budha. Thursday raspáti. Friday sukra. Saturday sanischára. Star tranggána, úyut, turá-sa, tindra, úchu, tá-rang, manggárang. Wind marúta, sámi-rána, prábanchána, anila, báyu, lisus, indria, pancha, waráyang, sabda-gáti, aníla, ganda-wasta, nása-mira, sarsa, práli wawálar, sindung. Clouds widi-yúta, sadáli, da-wáta, ambúsun, am-báka, samíta, gána, toyáda, páyuwáha, trangga, ambu-mor-cha, ima-ima, jála-dára, jaláda, imang kamúra, imaláya. Rain warsa, jáwah, truh, trah, riris, wresti. Dark anda, taméra, áwuk. Cold mertia, sátis, átis. Hot usna, tiksna, landap.

APPENDIX E.--No. IV.

SPECIMEN of the MYSTICAL MEANING, attached to the Letters of the Alphabet, &c. according to the Interpretation of the PANAMBAHAN of SUMENAP.

FOOTNOTES:

[298] j. is intended to shew that the word is used in the common or Javan dialect.

b. ---- that it is used in the Basa or Basa Krama, the polite language.

k. ---- that it belongs to the Kawi language; where two initials occur it is used in both.

APPENDIX F.

ACCOUNT OF CELEBES.

Celebes is an island of which hitherto the public has had but very scanty accounts. The part of it best known to Europeans is Makásar, situated nearly at the southernmost extremity of the western side: it was here the first European settlement on the island was established. On the south part of Celebes there are not any ascertained volcanos, but some are said to exist in the northern division. Some of the mountains are very high. The Bontain mountain, called by the natives Lámpo Bátan (big belly), is the highest on the south part of the island, and being seen at the distance of one hundred and twenty miles, must be about eight thousand five hundred feet above the level of the sea.

The largest river on the southern limb is that called Chinrána, which formerly constituted the boundary between the kingdoms of Bóni and Lúwu. It rises on the north side of the Bontain mountain, and runs northward as far as Mario, whence, inclining towards the north-east, it passes through part of Sóping, and then, turning to the east, enters Wáju, after having received a navigable stream from the Laut-Sála, or Fresh-water Lake. After passing through Wáju it follows a south-east course, and falls into the bay of Bóni, a few miles below the town of Chinrána. This river is navigable for boats as far as Mário, and admits of the passage of práhus of five or six kóyans as far as the fresh-water lake. Along the whole of the coast, at no great distance from each other, smaller streams fall into the sea, some of them being so considerable as to admit of a navigation of five or six miles, and many of them at their mouths affording shelter to trading práhus. Among the most considerable are Baróbo, Linjé, and Kájang, to the east; Duniáng, Lémbang, Halikóngkong, Pónre, and Jenepónto, on the south; and Chikoang, Tape Jára, Sándra bóni, Gúa, Télu, Mā́ros, Benáng'a, Langkára, and Pontiána, on the west.

It has not been ascertained by whom, or at what particular time, the name of Celebes was conferred on this island. It is generally attributed to the Portuguese, and certainly is of foreign origin: none of the natives, except those who have intercourse with Europeans, recognize either the whole island or any part of it under this appellation; even among those who make use of the word, it is applied to Sumbáwa, an island about two hundred and fifty miles to the south-west of it, as well as to what we call Celebes.

In the south-western limb of the island there are two principal languages, called by Europeans the Makásar and Búgis, and by the natives Mengkása or Mengkasára, and Wági or Ugi. The former, or some dialect of it, is spoken in all the districts extending from Bálu kúmba to Segére. The petty states included in this compass are Bálu kúmba, Bontain, Tarabáya, Gúa, Máros, and Segére. The Búgis is much more general beyond and over the whole tract extending from Bóni to Lúwu, comprehending the four great states of Lúwu, Bóni, Wáju, and Sóping, besides their numerous dependencies.

In Mándhar and its vicinity is spoken the Mándhar language. The centre and body of the island to the northward is distinguished by being inhabited by the Turájas or Harafúras, who speak a more simple dialect, and are considered the aborigines of the island; and on the north-east corner of the island at Manádu and Gúnung télu, the inhabitants are distinguished by some peculiarities.

The following observations must be understood as principally referring to the south-western limb, the part of the island which fell under the influence of Makásar.

It is impossible to ascertain, with any degree of precision, either the origin of the inhabitants or their present numbers. From the most correct accounts that could be obtained, it would appear that the southern limb contains a population of about half a million; but from the quantity of land now lying waste, which bears the appearance of having been once cultivated, from the number of decayed and half-choked water-cuts, evidently once used for the purpose of irrigation, and the multitude of spots where ranges of cocoa-nut trees mark out the sites of villages and cottages no longer in existence, we may infer that the number of inhabitants has greatly declined. At present there seem to be no serious checks to population, except the wars and the lawless violence of the people, and what often occasions, and always aggravates them, slavery and the slave trade. The people seem to procure a sufficient subsistence without much exertion. The climate is salubrious, and there is abundance of water. Marriages are early. In the history of the island the years of famine are particularly noticed. The women are held in more esteem than could be expected from the state of civilization in general, and undergo none of those severe hardships, privations, or labours, that restrict fecundity in other parts of the world. Polygamy prevails, the number of wives being limited only by the means of the husband to purchase or support them. It is more difficult to procure a wife than a husband; a female slave bears a higher price in the market than a male; and the compensation fixed for the murder of a man is only thirty dollars, while that required for the life of a woman is forty.

It cannot be known with certainty, whence the aboriginal inhabitants of Celebes emigrated to this island. The countenances of the natives, particularly of the women, more nearly resemble the Tartar features than any other. There are no early or generally received traditions concerning the time when the island was first peopled, or the adventures of the first race. Each state, however, has its traditionary tales, most of which relate to remote antiquity, or to a condition of society very different from that which at present exists. In the Búgis states, the earliest stories refer to a period subsequent to the Galígas of Sawéra Gáding, and in the Makásar states to the Rupáma of Ma Beséang, which will be mentioned hereafter. The Galígas contain an account of the peopling of Lúwu or Láwat from heaven.

The first of the two following accounts was given by the Búgis ambassador; the other is an extract.

"In the first place, there was a supernatural being of the female sex, who, being married to Taja Rasupa, a person sprung from under the earth, had issue a boy and a girl, who were named Ladiwati and Chuli-puji.

"Chuli-puji married Lasikati, and by her had a son, called Léptau, who had two or three other names besides, viz. Matan-tika, Malati-saprang, and Pulu Datu Pamusu.

"Pamusu's place of residence was in the country of Teku, afterwards known by the name of Boni. At this time Pamusu and all his children dying, the country of the Bugis was left without a raja, and remained so for about seven generations; at the end of which period a raja springing up among the Bugis themselves, government was again introduced into the country.

"On one occasion there came a storm of thunder and lightning, so violent as to rend the earth and cause it to rock like a boat tossed by the waves of the sea. On the thunder and lightning abating, and the earth ceasing to be longer agitated, there was observed in the middle of a plain, dressed in white, one of human shape, who was generally supposed to be a supernatural being, and to whom many people went up in a body, saying to it, 'remain then here and fly not about from place to place.' To them the being replied, 'what you say is well; but you cannot take me from your raja, as I am myself but a slave. If, however, you are really desirous of having a raja, there is my master at your service.' The Boni people then observed to the being, 'how can we make a raja of him, whom having never seen, we cannot tell what he is like?' 'If,' answered the being, 'you do really desire it, he shall be shewn to you.' They said, 'we do earnestly wish it, and request thou wilt be so kind as to carry us where we may see him of whom thou speakest.'

"When these people of Boni, together with the being who led them, had reached the open plain called Matajam, there came on a violent storm, accompanied with thunder and lightning, which rent and shook the earth. There arose, at the same time, a thick fog, which totally obscured every thing.

"As soon as the storm was over, and the earth no longer continued to be rent and shaken by the thunder and lightning, the clearness which immediately succeeded discovered to the view, seated on a stone, four supernatural beings, of whom three were separately employed in holding the umbrella, fan, and siri-box of the other, who was dressed in yellow. The being dressed in yellow then said to him in white, 'What would'st thou?' The being in white replied, 'I have conducted hither those people of Boni whom you now see before you;' and then said to the Boni people, 'Behold my master, of whom I spoke to you.' Those people went up to the supernatural being in yellow, and thus addressed him: 'We, the slaves of your mightiness, have come to present ourselves before you, to solicit that you will favour and oblige us, by remaining among us as our raja, and that you will not continue to wander about from place to place.'

"The being complied with the wishes of the people of Boni and settling at Matajam had issue five children, of whom the first was a son and the four succeeding ones daughters. One of the daughters was married to a man of Palaka. The son was married to a Bóni woman.

"After being forty years in Bóni, the supernatural being disappeared, and was succeeded by the son, who, in point of size and height, had not his equal in Bóni, neither could any one be compared to him for strength or valour, or for the adulation which was paid him. He was the first who introduced the manufacture of krises, which he could model out of pieces of iron, by means of his fingers alone."

* * * * *

"Bitara Gúru was the eldest son of Déwata Pitutu by Déwi Paléng'i, and inhabited the seventh heaven. Déwata Pitutu had a brother, called Gúru Réslang, who held the rule of the region under the earth. Déwata Pitutu had nine children in all.

"When Bitara Gúru was sent down upon earth by his father, Déwata Pitutu, he was provided with the following articles, viz. Telatingpéba, Siri ataka, Telarasa, Wampung, Wanu, Chachu-bana.

"From these, which were scattered about, every thing living and dead, in the animal, vegetable, and mineral kingdoms, which are to be found in the country of Lawat, originated. Preparatory to this, Déwata Pitutu having compounded a medicine, of which the juice of chewed betel was an ingredient, rubbed Bitara Gúru all over with it, which immediately occasioned him to swoon. Déwata Pitutu then put his son into a hollow bambu, and, having rolled this up in a piece of cloth, and caused the gates of the sky to be opened, he hurling sent down his son to earth, amidst a tremendous storm of thunder, lightning, wind, and rain, which arose on that occasion. Having reached about half way between the earth and sky, Bitára Gúru (dreadfully alarmed at the situation he was in) threw abroad all the articles which had been given to him, agreeably to the instructions of his sire. After his arrival on the earth, Bitara Gúru remained for three days and three nights shut up in the bambu, without food or drink. By his exertions, however, the bambu at last burst, when, getting out, he wandered through the woods till he came to the side of a river, where he met with a king of the gods dressed in yellow. One night there arose a violent storm of thunder, lightning, wind, and rain. On its clearing up there was seen a fine country, with a superb palace and fort, and houses, &c. &c. of the most beautiful structure. In this beautiful country Bitara Gúru sat himself down as sovereign, with a complete establishment, and gave it the name of Lawat."

No account can be procured of any intercourse having subsisted between this island and Western India or China, prior to the introduction of Mahomedanism. No inscriptions or other monuments, indicating the former prevalence of the Hindu worship over Celebes, have as yet been found. There not having been found, however, is no proof that they do not exist, for the wars that have lately prevailed have prevented Europeans from exploring in search of such objects in that part of the country where they are most likely to present themselves. The best informed natives call themselves descendants of Hindus, and the names of their divinities, Batara Gúru, Baruna, &c. seem to indicate either a common origin or a former intercourse. It is also remarkable, that some of the inhabitants of Lúwu and the neighbouring state of Bontain are said to dress in the same manner as the Hindus of Western India, and that Hindu temples are reported to exist in some parts of this state. Brahma and Budha have, however, never been heard of; and though Déwas are often mentioned, their attributes are equally unknown.

The intercourse of these islanders with the natives of Java seems to have been ancient and frequent. The earliest records of the Búgis and Mákasar states denote not only an early communication with Java, but render it highly probable that a colony from Java settled in the south-west limb of Celebes. In no other way can we account for the transfer of the names of places from the former to the latter island, such as those of Majapáhit, Grésik, Japan, and some others. In the genealogy, too, of the sovereigns of Lúwu, one of the first of their Déwa princes is said to have been married to a princess of Majapáhit on Java.

Though some of the Búgis states have a good deal of trade, they principally depend upon themselves for subsistence. The mode of husbandry is, of course, very rude, and feudal institutions stand in the way of their improvement; but private property in the soil is established, and lands are held in free tenure or by rent-hold. The amount of the rent, in the latter case, is generally one-third of the produce, paid in kind; the cultivator is entitled to one-third, and the owner of the buffaloes or bullocks which assist is entitled to the remaining third. Labourers employed to reap are paid a sixth of what they collect. No class is excluded from a proprietary right in the soil, and the proprietor can dispose of his land by sale whenever he chooses.

The people of Celebes are active and enterprising traders; the character of a merchant is held in esteem, and the sovereign princes reckon it no disgrace to enter into commercial speculations. Unfortunately, however, they are actuated by the narrow spirit of the trader, to the prejudice of the liberal policy of the monarch, and make their power subservient to their love of gain, by establishing in their own favour monopolies against their subjects. Monopolies are common in every state on the island, but most of them are only of a temporary nature. The sovereign of Lúwu monopolizes the trade in brass; the Raja of Sóping that of siri (betel leaf), which yields him three hundred dollars a month; and the Raja of Sedendreng that of salt and opium.

So strong is the spirit of commercial enterprise among the inhabitants of this island, that they frequently borrow sums for the purchase of commodities on which they expect profit, and stake their personal liberty, and that of their families, on the success of an adventure. In their trading voyages each person in the práhu has his own share of the cargo, and conducts business on his own account: each person likewise carries his own provisions; the latter practice, especially, is never departed from. The owner of the vessel agrees to undertake the voyage with a number of people, great or small, in proportion to its size, and apportions the vessel among them in the following manner. The two júru múdus, or steersmen, receive one pétah (or division) before the sanketan, and the whole space abaft of it; the owner is entitled to two pétahs in the broadest part of the boat; and the two júru bátus to the whole space between the masts; the remaining pétahs are divided among the crew, from whom the owner, or nakóda, receives a freight of one-tenth or one-twentieth of the price of all the commodities they sell, according as they are bulky or small, in proportion to their value. The júru múdis and júru bátus only pay one-half of the proportion of freight paid by the rest of the crew. Sometimes the owner supplies the crew with an advance of money for an adventure, and receives at its termination not only re-payment of his loan, but a third of the profits of the speculation.

The principal articles of trade are cotton, which is imported from the surrounding islands, and re-exported after being manufactured into cloths, known by the name of Búgis cloths, which are in great demand throughout the Archipelago, and, in general, of a more delicate texture than those manufactured in Java; birds' nests, trípang (sea slug), shark's fins, tortoise-shell, ágar ágar, hides, and other articles calculated for the Chinese market, are collected in considerable quantities, and furnish return cargoes for the annual Chinese junks which visit Celebes. Gold is obtained on Celebes, but in much smaller quantities than on Borneo or Sumatra.

Although the Búgis, in general, are considered as great traders, the foreign commerce seems to be almost exclusively confined to the people of Wáju. These people are settled in considerable numbers in all the trading ports, from Acheen to Manilla, and it is they who form the crew of almost all the Búgis práhus that navigate the eastern seas.

Several Búgis práhus from Mákasar annually visit the northern coast of New Holland and the Gulf of Carpentaria in search of trípang, and sometimes a small party is left to collect the trípang in readiness for the arrival of the práhus in the following year.

The Búgis, indeed, is the great maritime and commercial state of the Archipelago. The cargoes of their vessels, particularly in opium, gold, and cloths, often amount to fifty or sixty thousand dollars each, and the people who navigate and are concerned in them are acknowledged to be fair and honourable traders.

The natives of the southern limb of Celebes are of a light active form of body, generally well made, and rather below the middle stature. They are said to be revengeful; but during the period of the British government at Makásar, few, if any, examples occurred to support such an assertion. Certain it is, that in no single instance, was the death of those who fell in a recent war between the two parties of the Makásar nation, avenged by their relations, although the persons by whose hands they had fallen were perfectly well known.

They attach themselves to their chiefs principally for their own convenience, but, in some cases, they have evinced a devoted fidelity. They often change their chief, but scarcely any thing can induce them to betray the chief they have left. In no instance has the práhu of a Dutchman or Chinese been carried off when navigated by Makásar or Búgis people. Agreements once entered into are invariably observed, and a Búgis is never known to swerve from his bargain. "That natural politeness which characterises the various nations distinguished by wearing what is termed the Malayan kris, is no where more forcibly exhibited than among the inhabitants of Celebes. Their minor associations are held together by all the attachment and warmth which distinguished the clans of North Britain:--the same bold spirit of independence and enterprize distinguishes the lower orders, whilst the pride of ancestry and the romance of chivalry are the delight of the higher classes. Attached to the chase as an amusement, rather than as the means of subsistence, the harvest is no sooner reaped, than each feudal lord, with his associates and followers, devotes himself to its pursuits. The population being equally at the command of the feudal lord, whether in time of peace or war, agricultural pursuits, beyond a bare subsistence, are but little attended to." On the other hand, they are throughout notorious thieves, and scarcely consider murder as a crime. Instances of cold-blooded barbarous murders frequently occurred within two miles of the European fort, previously to the arrival of the British and the abolition of the slave trade. The unfortunate people who had been kidnapped and brought down to Makásar for sale, were often murdered to prevent discovery where a ready sale was not found.

Many of their customs are also extremely savage. The head of an enemy of rank is invariably severed from the dead body, and instances have more than once occurred of the heart being cut out and eaten by the conquerors. They are fond of the blood and raw flesh of animals. Láwar dára, which is the liver and heart of a deer, cut into slices and mixed raw with the warm blood, is esteemed their favourite dish.

The present form of government in all the states, except Wáju, appears to be legal, fettered by a powerful aristocracy who elect the monarch: in Lúwu, particularly, the sovereign possesses a title, with more pomp and state attached to it than any other on the island, but with scarcely a shadow of authority. In Sedéndreng he is the most despotic, which has enabled him to become the richest and best armed prince in the island. A species of feudal system prevails throughout, but it does not extend to property in the soil. Each individual of a state considers himself the liege subject of some petty chieftain, who is himself equally bound to a more powerful one, and so on, by a regular chain, to the sovereigns of Góa, (Makásar), Bóni, Láwu, Sóping, Sedéndring, or Tanéte, or to the aristocracy of Wáju.

In each sovereignty there are two classes of nobility, called Paseajáng'an and Palélé. Paseajáng'an are the barons of the state, and may be considered in every respect as subjects, being obliged to obey all orders they receive from the sovereign, whereas the Palélé are independent petty chieftains (who have probably again under them both Paseajáng'an and Palélé), who have attached themselves to a particular sovereign, but are only obliged to do fixed feudal services, such as to assist with their followers in case of war, to attend the public feasts given by the sovereign, and to assist in building and repairing the palace of state. In Sóping each Palélé is obliged to furnish and keep up at all times one effective soldier, called jua, for the immediate protection of the sovereign.

When the sovereign wishes to give orders to his Palélé, he summons him to his presence by a messenger who bears a bila-bila; the bila-bila is a leaf of the lóntar with a number of knots on it, specifying the number of days at the expiration of which the vassal is required to attend. The Palélé receives it seated in the midst of his head people, with his right hand on the handle of his kris, and as soon as he has got it rises, draws his kris, and swears on it to be faithful to his sovereign. To neglect this summons is a breach of allegiance.

The provinces under European authority are purely feudal; the Dutch, as sovereign, considering themselves as sole proprietor of the soil, and the regents, or feudal lords, being at all times liable to immediate removal and dispossession, should they neglect to perform the feudal service required, of whatever nature it may be.

The sovereign is chosen from the royal stock by a certain number of counsellors, who also possess the right of subsequently removing him; and such is their influence, that the sovereign can neither go to war or adopt any public measure, except in concert with them. They have the charge of the public treasure, and also appoint the prime minister. The prince cannot himself take the personal command of the army; but the usage of the country admits of a temporary resignation of office for this purpose, in which case a regent succeeds provisionally to the rank of chief, and carries on the affairs of government in concert with the majority of the council. Women and minors may be elected to any office of the state; and when this takes place, an additional officer, having a title which literally means a support or prop, is appointed to assist.

In Bóni the prince is elected by the Orang-pítu, or seven hereditary counsellors. In Gúa (Makásar) the prince is chosen by ten counsellors, of whom the first minister, termed Bechára Búta, is one; this last officer is himself appointed by the council of nine, termed the nine standards of the country, but in the exercise of his office possesses very extraordinary powers: it is said he can remove the sovereign himself, and call upon the electors to make another choice. The inferior chiefs, or Krains, who administer the dependent provinces, are appointed by the government, and not elected by a council, although in the exercise of their office their power is in like manner limited; the number of the council varying in different states. When the prince in council has decided upon war, the assembled chiefs, after sprinkling their banners with blood, proceed to take a solemn oath, by dipping their krises into a vessel of water, and afterwards dancing around the blood-stained banner, with frantic gesture, and a strange and savage contortion of the body and limbs, so as to give the extended kris a tremulous motion, each severally imprecating the vengeance of the deity against his person, if he violates his vow to exterminate the enemy, to conquer or die.

The proportion of the crop which falls to the share of the landlord has already been stated. In some districts a sixth, and in others a tenth, belongs to the sovereign; but in general the landlord, the capitalist, and the cultivator, may be considered to share between them the whole produce of the land. The monopolies which the chiefs assume to themselves have also been noticed. Besides these there are a few imposts in bazars, which, with some other pecuniary emoluments, accrue to the chiefs, but they are, for the most part, rather to meet their personal expenses than to defray those of the state, and consequently hardly deserve the name of public revenue.

The arms formerly used for offence by the inhabitants of Celebes were the súmpit, or tube through which the poisoned dart is blown, the kris, spear, kléwang (cutlass,) bádi, and párany: to them may now be added muskets, musketoons, and small cannon. Those for defence were chain armour (baju ránti) and two kinds of shields, the one long the other round, made of very tough light wood, and bound together very strongly by pieces of split rattan.

The Mahomedan religion is professed in all those parts of Celebes which have any pretensions to civilization, and the Koran, of course, is the standard of law and worship, as far as it is known. According to the records of Makásar, the Mahomedan religion was introduced there about the year 1603, by Khateb Tungal Datu Bandang, a native of Menángkabau on Sumátra. Nearly all the inhabitants of the south-west limb are Mahomedans, but of the centre and the other limbs of the island only a very small portion have been converted. There are Mahomedan schools in all parts of the south-west limb, but the Arabic language is only learnt by those designed for the priesthood. They do not consider themselves as belonging either to the sect of Omar or Ali, but as followers of the law of the prophet, without regard to either. Circumcision is performed on both sexes; on the males at ten or twelve years of age, on the females at six or seven.

It has been related, that the change of religion on Celebes happened just after the arrival of the Portuguese, who are said to have offered Christianity at the same time that the Maláyus offered Mahomedanism. The king of Makásar is said to have been doubtful which of these systems he should adopt, till he consulted the wisest men in his dominions, who advised him to embrace the religion of the Koran in preference to that of the gospel, stating as an argument in its favour, that it had arrived first, and that God would never permit error to arrive before truth. But this does not appear on the records of Makásar.

The public feasts formerly held, sometimes for weeks together, appear to have been for political rather than religious purposes: at present the Mahomedan fasts and feasts are observed. Formerly the dead were generally buried, but in some instances burnt. There is still to be seen in Lamúru a burial-place belonging to the royal family, containing jars or urns with the ashes of their ancestors, which are held sacred, indeed almost worshipped, at the present day. The Búgis name for the places of burial used before they were converted to Islamism is Patúnan, or the place of burning. It is not known that any tribes of the Turájas burn their dead at present: they are said to deposit them in excavated rocks on the sides of hills, and to be so anxious to be buried among their relations, that if a man of rank dies in a distant part of the country, the body is salted to preserve it, and, in that state, carried back to his own residence. Very little is known of these people by the inhabitants of the south-western limb, but they are universally considered as the first inhabitants of the island. They are a very fine race of people: the women particularly so. It is said they will not suffer strangers or Mahomedans to reside among them, and that the custom of procuring a certain number of human heads previous to marriage is as prevalent among them as with the Dáyas of Borneo, and the Harafúras of the Eastern Archipelago in general.

Each state has its own system of laws, but they nearly concur in the following principles. Each sovereign generally possesses the right of putting to death any of his subjects, except the members of his own family. Should any one of these commit a crime and escape into another territory, he cannot be touched, but if taken in his own country he must be brought before the bechára, who alone are capable of passing sentence on him.

Each petty state has its bechára, composed of the principal people, both Paseajáng'an and Palélé. All disputes between its followers are decided by it: it also judges and passes sentence in cases of theft, murder, and adultery, and decides all causes respecting the legal right to property; but an appeal may be made to the court or bechára of the principal state, the members of which are called the Kapála Bechára. The decision of any bechára is subject to the approval of the sovereign, where he is not himself a party interested: indeed he may, in general, supersede the authority of this court by deciding promptly, but it behoves him to attend strictly to the adat biása, or ancient customs of the state, in his decision, for the bechára has the power to remove the sovereign and elect a new one. The same persons at all times decide on the fact and the law.

It is difficult to ascertain which of the dialects spoken on Celebes has most claim to antiquity. I have already stated, that the Makásar and Búgis are considered as the two principal languages of that part of the island known to Europeans. The Makásar, the Búgis, and Mandharese, which may be considered as dialects of the same language, use the same character with some trifling variations. The Turájas or Harafúras of Celebes have a fourth language, probably the most original, but it is not known whether they are at all acquainted with writing.

Each nation considers its own the most ancient character. The Makásar alphabet is less complete than the Búgis, which consists of twenty-two letters, varied by six vocal sounds. The form of the character is peculiar, and more nearly resembles that of the Bátas on Sumatra than any other we know of. It is difficult to decide whether the Búgis or Makásar language is the most ancient. Many words have the same meaning in both, and many others differ so little[299] as to be evidently of the same origin; but the Búgis has often six or seven synonymes, whereas the Makásar has never more than two, and seldom more than one. Some of the Búgis words bear strong evidence of Hindu origin, as sóda from sóna, gold; paráma from brahma, fire; which is not at all the case with the Makásar.

La Galíga, the reputed son of Sawíra Gáding, is considered the author of the history of Sawíra Gáding, which is a kind of heroic poem, and is read in a chaunting voice, with a pause at the end of every fifth syllable. The measure consists of a dactyl followed by a trochee, as Sāwĭră Gādĭng to Mălămpōă, (Sawíra Gáding the great). He is the only author whose name is commonly known; and all books, even the most modern, which are written in the same manner, are called after him Galíga, although, properly speaking, the term should only be applied to the history of the heroes who are supposed to have lived previous to the seven generations of anarchy which subsisted at Bóni. Sultána Zaenab Zakeyat Udiu, the seventeenth sovereign of Bóni subsequent to the anarchy, is said to have written an historical poem, containing the exploits of all the sovereigns of Bóni, from the reign of Máta Se Sámpo, the menúron of Matájam, down to her own time; but it is not to be procured on the western side of Celebes. It appears, however, that every Búgis family of high rank possesses a very authentic history of that period, collected from the records of the court of Bóni.

The author of the Rupáma is not known, nor indeed is the name of any Makásar author known. The Rupáma is considered by the Búgis, as well as the Makásars, to be of equal antiquity with the Sawíra Gáding. Copies of both these works have been obtained.

In the account given by Dr. Leyden, in his valuable paper on the Hindi-Chinese nations,[300] upwards of fifty literary compositions in the language of this country are enumerated, most of which serve either to celebrate the deeds of their national heroes, or are of an amatory character. Besides these they possess codes of laws, or rather customs, said to be of considerable antiquity. The Koran has been translated into the Búgis language. The use of rhyme is much less frequent than among the Maláyus; and it has been observed by Dr. Leyden, that "the melody of the verse depends on the rhythm, and the measure of some of the historical poems has, in this respect, considerable similarity to some of the specimens of Sanscrit verse." The Búgis songs are very numerous, and in high estimation throughout the Archipelago.

They have no books on science, philosophy, or astronomy. The only stars they are acquainted with, are Jupiter (called Pelás), the Pleiades (called Wórong Pórong), Sirius and Orion (Jáng'an Jáng'an, or the Fowl), the Great Bear (Jonga Jong'aya), Navis (Belikaipon), and Antares (Lambáro). They navigate their práhus by these stars, some of which must always be in sight, if the weather be clear.

The Makásars use the Mahomedan names for the months. The Búgis divide their year of three hundred and sixty-five days into twelve months, beginning on our sixteenth of May. Whether this division of the year has taken place since the arrival of Europeans or not, is uncertain; but it is more than probable it has, as, with all this correctness, it does not appear they have any era; at least since the introduction of Mahomedanism, the Hegira seems to be used. The Búgis names of the months, and the number of days they contain, are as follow:--

Sarowaná 30 days. Padronwáne 30 Sujewi 30 Pachekae 31 Posáe 31 Mangaseram 32 Mangasutéwe 30 days. Mangalompae 31 Nayae 30 Palagunae 30 Besakai 30 Jetai 30

Some division of time into months and years must have taken place at a much earlier date; as some of the earliest of the present line of kings, and the length of their reigns, are particularly mentioned.

I have before stated that slavery is practised on the island, and that the states not only supply slaves for domestic consumption (if I may use that phrase), but for export and commercial traffic. There are examples of whole villages becoming slaves, and there is scarcely a state or family of rank on the island that has not its assortment of these degraded beings, many of whom are reduced to this condition by the most cruel and insidious means.

Of the thousands exported annually from Makásar, the greatest portion consisted of persons who had been kidnapped by people acting under the authority of the European Residents, or the princes of the country.

The sale of their subjects constituted one chief source of the revenue of the Rajahs; and the factors at the different Dutch residencies traded in slaves. It is reported of one factor that he exported nine hundred in a year. The payment or contribution to be made to the Dutch, was either measured in gold, silver, or slaves. In a treaty made between the people of Gúa and Admiral Speelman, we find that they promised to pay so much of the precious metals, or one thousand slaves. Those slaves that were obtained by law or descent, were called Díngen; those kidnapped, Páras.

The respective prices for slaves at Makásar were as follow:--

For a grown lad, legitimately obtained 20 dollars. For a young woman, ditto 40 For a grown lad, kidnapped 10 For a young woman, ditto 20

It appears from the report of a commission appointed to inquire into the abuses of the slave trade in Celebes, addressed to the council of policy, and dated Makásar, the 21st September, 1799, that the Dutch government of Batavia, from the year 1699 (the period of the first Dutch settlement at Makásar), had sent repeated orders for the prevention of abuses in the slave trade in Celebes; with what effect, the following extract from the same report will shew.

"The abuses which have successively crept in, and the intrigues which are now practiced to obtain slaves, are so manifold and perplexing, that it would be very difficult for us to enumerate or to trace them. In attempting such a detail with all the precision and attention possible, we should still ignorantly omit some things, and depict others in too faint and indulgent a light, the grounds of our information being often superficial and precarious; for, it is to be remembered, that the enormities which are committed in this trade conceal themselves in the dark, and it is only by accident that some traces of them can occasionally be discerned. For these reasons, the undersigned request that they may be excused for confining themselves to the most common and notorious abuses, which, being faithfully recorded, may still afford sufficient evidence of the dreadful and detestable crimes which spring from avarice, and of the frightful shapes in which she perpetually displays herself, instigating and exciting the vengeful and blood-thirsty passions of the natives, and creating a fertile source of trouble and mischief.

"The making of a slave transport, if properly viewed, consists in nothing more than this:--A person, calling himself an interpreter, repairs, at the desire of one who says that he has bought a slave, to the Secretary's office, and accompanied by any native, who, provided with a note from the purchaser, gives himself out as seller. For three rupees a certificate of sale, in the usual form, is immediately made out; three rupees are also paid to the notary, two rupees put into the hands of the interpreter, the whole transaction is concluded, and the purchaser has thus become the lawful owner of a free-born man, who very often is stolen with his (the purchaser's) concurrence and co-operation. He does not, however, trouble himself about that, because the stolen victim is already concealed where nobody can find him. The transaction also very seldom becomes public, because never were found more faithful receivers than the slave-traders. It is a maxim with them, never, as they call it, to betray their prison; a phrase which we shall presently have the honour more fully to explain. But what will be thought of the value of those public instruments, to which the name of Slave Transports is attached, when at times it is found that both purchaser and seller are fictitious, and that they are united in one league with the interpreter. By such means it is obvious, that the right of property upon a stolen man may be acquired with as much ease as if he were pinioned before the door or within the yard of the pretended purchaser, and with no greater cost than the small sum of one rupee, or something more, according to circumstances, which must be put into the hands of him who gave himself out for the seller. To find a person for this purpose does not require a long search, for it is a very easy trade to pursue, and there are numbers of the most profligate of the natives continually roving about who do nothing else, and maintain themselves exclusively upon such small profits; even the slaves of the inhabitants being bribed, suffer themselves, for a small fee, to be thus employed. The victim himself, who is stolen and sold, is never examined, nor do the Dutch or native interpreters at all concern themselves about the matter; they are not much afraid of the risk of their responsibility; so that, at any time, it were possible to prepare beforehand as many transports as might be required.

"Let us further represent to ourselves this, our town of Makásar, filled with prisons, the one more dismal than the other, which are stuffed up with hundreds of wretches, the victims of avarice and tyranny, who, chained in fetters, look forward with despair towards their future destiny, and taken away from their wives, their children, their parents, their friends and comforts, languish in slavery, helpless and miserable! We may picture to ourselves the condition of one (and how often do such instances occur) who perhaps saw his aged father lose his life by his side, in attempting to rescue the pride and comfort of his declining years, whilst the survivor, incapable of further resistance, is torn from him, robbed irrecoverably of what is most precious to every human being, and carried away, in a condition more dreadful than death itself, a condition of despair and uncertainty, in which that moment only shall produce a change, when he is resigned for a trifle to the arbitrary will of a master, who has paid the stipulated price, and acquired the right of placing him amongst the number of his domestic animals, treating him at times no better than he would do those creatures.

"If we would lift up another corner of the curtain, a scene no less afflicting presents itself. Here we discover wives lamenting the loss of their husbands, children missing their parents, parents missing their children, who, with hearts filled with rage and revenge, run frantic through the streets and before our doors, to do all that the filial love of children for their parents, the tenderness of parents for their offspring can inspire, in order, if possible, to discover where their dearest pledges are concealed. Often, very often, is all their labour and trouble in vain, being obliged to return back hopeless and comfortless to their afflicted friends and relations. Sometimes, indeed, the profoundest secrecy is not proof against their indefatigable scrutiny, and if they do by any chance learn where a father, mother, a son or daughter, a husband or a wife, is kept in concealment, hope revives within their bosoms, and absorbed in the prospect of becoming their deliverers and saviours, every sacrifice is considered trifling, by means of which they can regain possession of the objects of their anxious care. But, alas! these unhappy people have not as yet reached the end of their sufferings; an obdurate purchaser, deaf to all the pleadings of distress, will be prepared coolly to make his advantage of it, and proportionally to enhance the ransom of his victim, till, by extorting an exorbitant price, he may plunge the unhappy relative from a moderate property into indigence, or, which is still worse, burden him with debts, which, sooner or later, will reduce himself, and perhaps his whole family, to slavery!

"It must not be thought, that when these wretched people have thus carried their point, and when, to furnish the sum demanded, they have sold their houses and goods, or even pawned themselves[301], that, after the payment of the ransom agreed on, the matter is finished. No! the trader will not deliver up the pretended slave until he departs for Batavia: and if we ask, why? it is, that his prison may not be betrayed; that is to say, that it may not become generally known throughout the country, what numbers of stolen people he keeps shut up within his prison, and that the cry of vengeance against many execrable acts that are concealed in the dark, may not everywhere be heard, by which many villains would become notorious. A son is therefore only exhibited to the afflicted father: he sees him in a pitiful condition linked with fetters, and it is frequently at such a moment that the ransom is agreed on. The grief wherewith a father's heart is pierced at such a sight, the rapid succession of his emotions from grief and despair to hope and longing, when contrasted with the deliberate calmness with which a covetous purchaser knows how to take advantage of the poor man's distress; the indifference, the obstinacy, with which he persists in his bloody demand of each rix-dollar, each stiver, nay almost of each penny; in a word, every thing that can have any relation to such a striking spectacle, can be more easily conceived than described, and we have said enough to exhibit the abomination of proceedings, which cannot fail to have a most pernicious influence upon society.

"But it may be said, the laws and regulations speak in favour of the oppressed. We have shown above, in what manner government have endeavoured, from time to time, to provide against such abuses, and to this we beg leave to refer; but where avarice is predominant, laws, reason, rights, humanity, all that is sacred, are too often compelled to yield. Besides, various obstacles conspire, which time and local circumstances have engendered, so that in spite of the most salutary statutes (which are indeed so far nominally in force) the evil cannot be effectually checked; and experience has taught us, that the most rigorous orders which government could devise, would be insufficient to make a due provision against the increase of these abuses.

"Those, whose fate we have now hastily drawn, are not always stolen by foreign nations at distant places. No: about and near the houses of our own inhabitants, in our kampongs, within our own town, it very often happens. A numerous gang of villains, known by the name of bondsmen (verpandeling), with a number of whom every slave-trader is careful to provide himself according to his means, are most useful instruments in procuring slaves in the easiest and cheapest way; and being instructed in all the arts of villainy, and eager for prey, they rove about in gangs during the night and at unseasonable hours, and if successful in overpowering some one, they carry the victim to their employer, or to any purchaser, and it is very seldom that any thing more is heard of it, than that such a one has lost his slave, or that such a native is missing. The stolen man, woman, or child, is already chained and shut up within the prison of some slave-trader, which is never visited. The slaves for foreign markets are always carried on board at night; and if a stolen person were either free-born, or the slave of an inhabitant, he dares not make himself known as long as he is in his ravisher's hands, for, in that case, they would kill him immediately, even were it before the door of the person who wanted to buy him, whilst the robbers would have no difficulty in getting out of the way, and beyond the reach of justice.

"Those who are trained to this business, whether bondsmen or slaves (for even amongst this latter class of people thieves of men are often found), are very fertile in all kinds of intrigues to accomplish their ends; for except casual victims, who sometimes fall by accident into their clutches, a considerable time will often elapse before they succeed in securing the object they have marked out for their prey, because the devoted creature is frequently on his guard; and as it cannot be done openly without great precaution, for he would certainly sacrifice his own or their lives to preserve his liberty; they, therefore, lie in wait for him a long time, endeavouring by indirect means to make acquaintance with him, in order to gain his confidence, and then, we will not say always, to conduct or allure him into the house of the slave-trader, or otherwise, as is sometimes the case, to lead him to a remote spot, or at least to some distance from his house, when he immediately finds himself attacked by two or three of these ruffians, who have long previously agreed with his pretended friends, and before he has time to put himself into a posture of defence, or to take hold of his krís, it is already wrested from him, and his hands are tied behind his back. To cry for help would be immediately fatal to him, he is therefore compelled to be quiet, and to suffer himself to be sold as a slave by the ruffians who had previously arranged where to carry him.

"Why such violations are so seldom made public, and thieves of men are so rarely detected, many sufficient reasons may be assigned. For instance: the profound secrecy of the prisons; the clandestine manner in which slaves for traffic are carried on board in the dark of the night; the sinister manner in which the purchase is transacted and confirmed; the facility with which the villains are able to escape, when after some time the theft becomes notorious; the difficulty of making satisfactory inquiry about a crime, of which but a few of the perpetrators and their accomplices are generally within the reach of justice, whilst the stolen person is still more rarely present, so that it generally happens, in such a case, that the most guilty get off; the still greater uncommonness of offenders of this sort being caught in the very act, so as to fall at once into the hands of justice; and, finally, the secret protection which some native petty princes, living upon plunder, afford to their subjects. All these, and many other circumstances, combine to facilitate the practice of kidnapping, which thus goes on almost undisturbed, and generally unpunished!

"A rich citizen, who has a sufficient number of emissaries called bondsmen, carries on his trade much more easily than a poor one does. The latter is often obliged to go himself to the Kámpong Búgis or elsewhere, to take a view of the stolen victim and to carry him home; whilst the former quietly smokes his pipe, being sure that his thieves will, in every corner, find out for him sufficient game, without his exerting himself otherwise than indirectly. The thief, the seller, the interpreter, are all active in his service, because they are all paid by him. In some cases the purchaser unites himself with the seller, on purpose to deceive the interpreter; whilst, in other cases, the interpreter agrees with the thief and pretended seller, to put the stolen person into the hands of the purchaser! What precautions, what scrutiny, can then avail, when we reflect, that the profound secrecy of the prisons, and the strict precautions in carrying the slaves on board, are equalled only by the licentiousness with which the transports are fabricated?

"A distinction ought, however, to be made between such illegal and criminal practices, and a more moderate trade in slaves, many of whom, it is true, are stolen, but not in our vicinity, nor in the districts of the Company. The remainder are generally such as, according to the separate laws and customs of the native nations of Celebes, have in some way or other forfeited their liberty, either in war, or for some misdemeanour, or on account of debts. These are likewise higher in price, so that the trader cannot have so much gain upon them; they may also appear at broad daylight, an interpreter may with security answer for them. Such slaves can be brought on board very quietly in the day time; the frequency of murder, as in other cases, is not much to be dreaded, and our town has considerably less danger to apprehend from these than from the class before mentioned."

The report concludes by recommending specific measures, and expressing an opinion, that "it would not be inexpedient, if, but for one year, the exportation of slaves from hence were suspended."

In the following year, the residents received instructions from the high regency, in which several of their predecessors were accused of having "assumed a despotic sway over the natives, plundered those over whom they had been placed to protect them, and of having even dared, with the assistance of the native chiefs, whom they have found means to debauch, to put the natives in irons, and to sell them as slaves."

Mr. Chassé, when governor of Makásar, much to his honour, attempted to put a stop to manstealing in the neighbourhood of his residency. He did not, however, succeed to any extent. When the British arrived, it appeared that numbers of plunderers were roaming about for the supply of the slave market, which was still open; so that the inhabitants of the villages adjacent to Makásar, never dared to approach, except in parties of at least five or six armed men. An equal caution prevailed throughout the country.

To enforce the British abolition laws, there was formed at Batavia, in the beginning of the year 1816, a society called the Java Benevolent Institution, and in the course of the year this society published an account of its proceedings, containing, among other interesting matter, "Remarks upon Makásar, &c. compiled from the information of Lieutenant Owen Phillips, assistant resident there." This paper concludes as follows:

"The laws recognized between the Dutch Company and the states of Bóni and Gúa may be considered a fair criterion of their general spirit and tendency. They were agreed to in an early period of the Dutch establishment, when Admiral Speelman concluded a treaty with those states, and they have not since undergone any material alterations. The penalties therein prescribed were required to be paid in money or property of any description, at the arbitrary rates fixed by the same laws, and which appear on the whole to be extremely favourable to the individual; debtors or convicted felons, in default of payment, becoming bondsmen. But the temptation to corruption afforded by an open market and an increased demand for slaves for traffic, introduced a practice of condemning, first to bondage, and then fabricating for three dollars a certificate of slavery; a practice which, although not recognized in the laws subsisting between the European and native powers, was yet generally known to prevail, and if not formally sanctioned, was openly tolerated under the former system.

"Whilst these laws are administered in the native states by their councils or becháras, the administration of justice in the Company's territories was vested in the Regent, under the superintendance of the Drost, but who has usurped the power of actually deciding, particularly in cases where he is interested in the condemnations, from the right which the judge enjoys, of a moiety of the property arising from the sale of persons condemned to slavery, or in the appropriation of a certain number of them to his own use! The abuses arising out of these unlawful usurpations appear to have attained a great height in 1799, when the commission was appointed to inquire into them; but (as in the case of restraints which had from time to time been imposed by law) that inquiry did little more than recognize the right of control over the actors and participators in such abuses; a right which could readily and profitably be compromised by men who, from habit, were actuated by little determined abhorrence of such crimes, and no steady resolution to eradicate them. To this cause alone must be attributed the difficulties stated by the commission to be opposed to the due execution of the laws, and to the suppression of the enormities that were generally practised; and although partial reforms were effected, according to the disposition and principles of the persons who presided successively in Makásar, the enormous gains to be derived from the toleration of corruption was a powerful obstacle to its removal: and it may be said of the abuses and enormities detailed by the commission in 1799, that although perpetuated with more or less aggravation, as the controuling authority was more or less conscientious and vigilant, no radical removal of them took place, nor were the suggestions of that commission carried into effect, except partially within the town of Makásar.

"On the establishment of the British government, the practice and mode of kidnapping within the town of Makásar had, in some degree, been restricted and ameliorated; but this did not extend to the country. Some limitations had therefore been imposed on the connivance and direct participation of the public functionaries; but bondsmen were still generally employed as man-stealers, and the practice of concealing in secret prisons, of assassinations to prevent detection, and of midnight embarkations, were but little controlled or inquired into, as may be sufficiently inferred from the laxity of the public tribunals, and the rare instances of any infractions of these laws being punished by them.

"The introduction of the prohibitory laws by the establishment of the British government, naturally operated to cause a sudden and complete suspension of the open traffic; and although individuals are still clandestinely carried from Makásar, the number is so small, that the utmost vigilance has hitherto been unable to convict the perpetrators, especially as the numerous gang of bondsmen and man-stealers, though compelled at present to resort to other avocations, are yet at the call of corrupt employers, and live in the hope that occasion may again offer of freely returning to their pursuits, without apprehension of any consequences. This truth will be more generally appreciated, if we explain the course through which these people are led to engage in the desperate trade of kidnapping. The bondsmen, who are thus employed by slave-traders, are generally dissolute adventurers from the native states, who repair to Makásar, perhaps, with a little property which they lose by gambling; their next resource is to borrow from some one of the numerous Dutch or Chinese speculators (slave-traders) a sum of money, and which is only to be had at the exorbitant interest of fifty per cent, or, as expressed in the local terms, 'one wang per month on the Spanish dollar.' A debt thus dissolutely contracted is not likely to be retrieved by patient industry. But were such a disposition to prevail, the opportunity is scarcely afforded, and the obligation is generally allowed to accumulate until the debtor is about to pay the price in his captivity. To retrieve himself from this dire alternative, he has recourse to the trade of kidnapping, and the ready employment he meets with, added to the sudden gains which he hopes to acquire, stimulate him to repair his fortunes in this irregular and desperate pursuit. Such are the bondsmen who are the active agents of slave traders in Makásar; and while the abolition has had the two-fold effect of diminishing their numbers and of checking their depredations, it must be obvious that this salutary reform can only endure whilst the spirit which produced it is fostered. The commission in 1799 forcibly depicted the utter incompetency of the most rigid prohibitions, in restricting the barbarities which then prevailed: but there is yet a stronger fact, which bears equally upon the traffic, on whatever footing it might be re-admitted; it is, that the resources arising from what were considered legal condemnations to slavery, would be totally inadequate to supply the market under any probable limitations. As the demand increased, the more frequent condemnations on frivolous pretences would naturally ensue, if indeed such a practice in any degree could be considered legal: but the temptations to open violence arising from the numerous accessaries, and the direct or indirect participation of public functionaries, added to the comparative cheapness of stolen men, are such strong inducements to revive ancient abuses, under an actual demand, that no hope could be entertained of controuling them. On the other hand, the maintenance of the abolition laws, as they have hitherto tended to correct in a remarkable degree the monstrous practices which obtained, must, in their ultimate operation, effectually reform, not only the habits and dispositions of the inhabitants of Makásar, but check those frequent condemnations which, in the native states, may be chiefly imputed to the advantages that were generally made of them. To illustrate, in a familiar instance, the effect of this amelioration brought about by the silent operation of the prohibitory laws; on the first arrival of the English, the inhabitants of the adjacent villages did not dare to come to Makásar in parties of less than five or six men well armed. This was equally the case throughout the country, as there was an open sale for almost any number of people that could be stolen. The case, however, is now entirely altered, at least within the influence of the British authority. Men, women, and children, are now to be seen moving singly about the country in all directions, without fear and without arms. Formerly a man going on a hunting party, or a peasant to till his ground, went armed as if going to war; at the present day numbers of people may be seen in the paddy fields without a spear amongst them. I may add, that these effects are not confined to the Company's provinces, but are felt nearly throughout the states of Gúa, Telu, and Turáta, where there can be no doubt that a few years would be sufficient to realize, under the present system, a great increase to population, and the more important introduction of commerce and civilisation.

"The principal pirate settlements are Káli and Túli Túli, situated on the north-west coast. The depredations of these hordes are generally carried on between Java and the Straits of Saleyer; their haunts are the islands near Seleyer, also Gúnuny Api, and the isles at the entrance of the Bay of Sembáwa, and in general the small isles included between the coasts of Java to the west, Borneo to the north, and Celebes to the east."

A COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY OF THE BUGIS, MAKASAR, MANDHAR, BÚTON, SÁSAK, BÍMA, SEMBÁWA, TEMBÓRA, AND ENDÉ LANGUAGES.

A COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY OF THE GUNUNG TALU, MENADU, TERNATI, SANG'IR, SIRANG OR CERAM, AND SAPARÚA LANGUAGES.

FOOTNOTES:

[299] See Comparative Vocabulary annexed, including the dialects of the south-west limb of Celebes, and some of the islands in its vicinity, on which Bugis settlements have been formed.

[300] Asiatic Researches.

[301] Meaning their services for a stipulated period or for life.

APPENDIX G.

NUMERALS ACCORDING TO THE CHANDRA SANGKALA.

ONE.

Rúpa form, shape, appearance, face of any thing. Chandra moon at the 15th day, moon. Sási new moon, month of the year. Nábi or nebe the navel, completion of the month. Búmí the earth, or piece of land. Búda ancient; original. Rón or Gódong leaf of a tree. Médi abstraction, devotion. Eku tail of any thing. Dára large stars, planets. Jalma or Janma mankind. Eka one. Wák the body. Súta child. Siti black earth, earth. Awáni courageous, hair of the body. Wúlan the moon, at the 14th day, full moon. Yáta then, forthwith, thereupon. Tung'gal one.

TWO.

Nitra the eye lids, the eye. Chaksu the inner corner of the eye. Nayána sight. Sikára the palm of the hand. Búja the upper part of the arm near the shoulder. Páksa the jaw-bone. Drésti or desti the eye-brow. Háma the outer corner of the eyes. Lochána the lips. Charána the side of the cheek-bone. Kerna the ears. Kerni the inner part of the ear. Anámba the act of closing the hands in obeisance. Talíng'an the lobe of the ear, the ear. Máta the eye, the pupil of the eye. Tang'an the hands, the arms. Súku the feet, or soles of the feet. Lár wings. Dúi two. Lóro two.

THREE.

Bahning fire (of a furnace). Pawáka fire (from a volcano). Siking fire (struck from a flint). Guna fire (from friction of wood). Dahána the fire which pervades every thing that has life, extensive fire, fire that has never been extinguished. Tri-ningrána fire (of the work-room). Uta a leech. Buja-lána alligator or crocodile. Húti worm of the earth. Játa flame of fire. Wéda fire or heat confined in a vessel, as in a cooking vessel. Anála the fire which giveth warmth to the heart, the fire of passion, the fire which giveth warmth to passion. Gni fire (to a match). Utáwa fire. Kéa great fire. Léna fire or flame of a lamp. Puyíka fire and ashes, mixed. Tiga three. Uning'a a torch.

FOUR.

Wédang hot water. Segára the sea. Kerti well water. Súchi water after it is used. Jaládri water from a lake, or where fresh water mixes with the sea. Hádi mountain water, rare or pure water. Warna colour. Wéh water which descends from a mountain. Samúdra sea water. Jaládi tank or pond water. Ernáwa spring water. Toyádi dew water. Wahána flood or quantity of water. Waudádi juice from trees, as toddy,&c. Sindu milk. Wári cocoa nut-water, water. Dik glutinous sap taken from trees, as the Indian rubber, &c. Tásik sweat, applied to the sea on the coast. Bányu water. Chatur four. Pápat four.

FIVE.

Búta a rasaksa or hobgoblin, also a lion. Pandáwa the five sons of Pandu. Táta breath issuing from the nostrils. Gáti ditto mouth. Wisáya air produced as in bellows, &c. Indri air which refreshes or revives. Astra the air created by the passing of a missile weapon, or by the wielding of a sword. Sára the same, created near the point or edge of the weapon. Marúta air which conveys scents of any kind. Pawána strong wind. Bána hurricane, violent wind. Margána favourable wind in one's course. Sámi-rána the wind that checks perspiration. Waráyang the point or edge of the wind which strikes any thing. Pancha five. Báyu wind that circulates in the human body. Wisikan whispering wind. Gúling'an air circulating in a room. Lima five.

SIX.

Mangsa season, the seasons, prey of a wild beast. Sadrása the six tastes, (sweet, sour, salt, bitter, pungent or aromatic, hot, as pepper). Wináyang to range, following in order, (which is done according to the six notions of things). Gána silk worm, bee. Ret-tu the feeling or taste of any thing not pleasant, as pain in the leg, mixed good and bad. Ang'gas the trunk of a tree standing after its branches and leaves are decayed and fallen. Sáyag an inclining tree. Karng'a the sense of hearing. Sanda clear, light. Sandi plan, project, scheme, completed. Búdia disposition, inclination, ability. Ka-nénam six. Rása taste.

SEVEN.

Ardi mountains near the sea, mountains. Parwáta several mountains together. Turángga a steed, horse. Giri mountain or great hill. Réksi or resi a pandita, or holy or learned man. Aksa buffaloe. Baksu bull or cow. Mandála a mountain which is rent or split. Chála a mountain which shows its shape, &c. clearly. Hemáwan the summit of a mountain. Gúra cow, great noise. Sapta seven. Pandita a holy man. Géngsiára the buzzing noise of flying insects. Yamúni the sound of a lover courting his mistress. Kúda horse. Wiku an instructor. Pitu seven.

EIGHT.

Nága serpent Panágan the dwelling of a snake, the skin which a snake has shed. Sarira guana. Básu tekké. Tánu camelion. Múrti lizard. Kunjára place of confinement, prison. Gájah elephant. Dipángga an elephant fully caparisoned. Samádia an elephant prepared for being mounted. Hasta elephant. Mang'gála an elephant with his tusks grown. Diráda an enraged or savage elephant. Hesti female elephant. Matáng'ga a large elephant. Bramána a pandita from Sabrang or opposite coast. Liman a tame elephant. Kála time. Was, áwas a scorpion. Ula a snake.

NINE.

Rudra a muddy hole. Trústra the hollow of a tube, a hollow in any thing. Trústi the same. Múka the face, the mouth. Gapúra the gate or door-way of a palace. Wiwára a door-way, the opening of a case. Diára the gateway of a fort. Drúna door-way into a holy place, or place of misfortune. Yútu the eye of a needle, or the like. Gátra a small hole or cell in the earth, made by insects. Gua a cave. Wadána the front of a door. Léng all kinds of holes or hollow places. Láwang doors of every description. Sóng a long passage underground. Babáhan the hole made for the entrance of a thief. Náwa nine.

CYPHER.

Búma decayed grass, dried grass, hay. Súnya solitude, quiet. Gegána endless space, as between the earth and the sky, indefinite space. Ng'ambára flight. Widik widik that which is seen or heard but not known, as thunder. Malétik to fly off, drop off, anything small which is knocked off from what is greater. Sirna gone, vanished. Lang'it that of which one has an idea but cannot see clearly, as the sky. Kásia the air, atmosphere. Maláyewa to run off. Windu the period of revolving, a cycle. Sakáta a carriage. Ilang gone, lost, past.

* * * * *

EXAMPLE.

Búma, netra, gni, bányu, marúta, Earth, eyes, fire, water, air, 1 2 3 4 5

sadrása, ardi, nága, láwang, lang'it. taste, hill, snake, doors, sky. 6 7 8 9 0

APPENDIX H.

TRANSLATION OF THE MÁNEK MÁYA.

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