XXVI. THE AMERICAN BATTLE FOR FREE STATE SCHOOLS…

XXVI. THE AMERICAN BATTLE FOR FREE STATE SCHOOLS

The problem which confronted those interested in establishing state- controlled schools was not exactly the same in any two States, though the battle in many States possessed common elements, and hence was somewhat similar in character. Instead of tracing the struggle in detail in each of the different States, it will be much more profitable for our purposes to pick out the main strategic points in the contest, and then illustrate the conflict for these by describing conditions in one or two States where the controversy was most severe or most typical. The seven strategic points in the struggle for free, tax-supported, non-sectarian, state-controlled schools in the United States were:

1. The battle for tax support. 2. The battle to eliminate the pauper-school idea. 3. The battle to make the schools entirely free. 4. The battle to establish state supervision. 5. The battle to eliminate sectarianism. 6. The battle to extend the system upward. 7. Addition of the state university to crown the system.

We shall consider each of these, briefly, in order.

I. THE BATTLE FOR TAX SUPPORT

EARLY SUPPORT AND ENDOWMENT FUNDS. In New England, land endowments, local taxes, direct local appropriations, license taxes, and rate-bills had long been common. Land endowments began early in the New England Colonies, while rate-bills date back to the earliest times and long remained a favorite means of raising money for school support. These means were adopted in the different States after the beginning of our national period, and to them were added a variety of license taxes, while occupational taxes, lotteries, and bank taxes also were employed to raise money for schools. A few examples of these may be cited:

Connecticut, in 1774, turned over all proceeds of liquor licenses to the towns where collected, to be used for schools. New Orleans, in 1826, licensed two theaters on condition that they each pay $3000 annually for the support of schools in the city. New York, in 1799, authorized four state lotteries to raise $100,000 for schools, a similar amount again in 1801, and numerous other lotteries before 1810. New Jersey (R. 246) and most of the other States did the same. Congress passed fourteen joint resolutions, between 1812 and 1836, authorizing lotteries to help support the schools of the city of Washington. Bank taxes were a favorite source of income for schools, between about 1825 and 1860, banks being chartered on condition that they would pay over each year for schools a certain sum or percentage of their earnings. These all represent what is known as indirect taxation, and were valuable in accustoming the people to the idea of public schools without appearing to tax them for their support.

The National Land Grants, begun in the case of Ohio in 1802, soon stimulated a new interest in schools. Each State admitted after Ohio also received the sixteenth section for the support of common schools, and two townships of land for the endowment of a state university. The new Western States, following the lead of Ohio (R. 260) and Indiana (R. 261), dedicated these section lands and funds to free common schools. The sixteen older States, however, did not share in these grants, so most of them now set about building up a permanent school fund of their own, though at first without any very clear idea as to how the income from the fund was to be used. [1]

THE BEGINNINGS OF SCHOOL TAXATION. The early idea, which seems for a time to have been generally entertained, that the income from land grants, license fees, and these permanent endowment funds would in time entirely support the necessary schools, was gradually abandoned as it was seen how little in yearly income these funds and lands really produced, and how rapidly the population of the States was increasing. By 1825 it may be said to have been clearly recognized by thinking men that the only safe reliance of a system of state schools lay in the general and direct taxation of all property for their support. "The wealth of the State must educate the children of the State" became a watchword, and the battle for direct, local, county, and state taxation for education was clearly on by 1825 to 1830 in all the Northern States, except the four in New England where the principle of taxation for education had for long been established. [2] Even in these States the struggle to increase taxation and provide better schools called for much argument and popular education (R. 316), and occasional backward movements (Rs. 317, 318) were encountered.

The struggle to secure the first legislation, weak and ineffective as it seems to us to-day, was often hard and long. "Campaigns of education" had to be prepared for and carried through. Many thought that tax-supported schools would be dangerous for the State, harmful to individual good, and thoroughly undemocratic. Many did not see the need for schools at all. Portions of a town or a city would provide a free school, while other portions would not. Often those in favor of taxation were bitterly assailed, and even at times threatened with personal violence. Often those in favor of improving the school had to wait patiently for the opposition slowly to wear itself out (R. 319) before any real progress could be made.

STATE SUPPORT FIXED THE STATE SYSTEM. With the beginnings of state aid in any substantial sums, either from the income from permanent endowment funds, state appropriations, or direct state taxation, the State became, for the first time, in a position to enforce quite definite requirements in many matters. Communities which would not meet the State's requirements would receive no state funds.

One of the first requirements to be thus enforced was that communities or districts receiving state aid must also levy a local tax for schools. Commonly the requirement was a duplication of state aid. Generally speaking, and recognizing exceptions in a few States, this represents the beginnings of compulsory local taxation for education. As early as 1797 Vermont had required the towns to support their schools on penalty of forfeiting their share of state aid. New York in 1812, Delaware in 1829, and New Jersey in 1846 required a duplication of all state aid received. Wisconsin, in its first constitution of 1848, required a local tax for schools equal to one half the state aid received. The next step in state control was to add still other requirements, as a prerequisite to receiving state aid. One of the first of such was that a certain length of school term, commonly three months, must be provided in each school district. Another was the provision of free heat, and later on free schoolbooks and supplies.

When the duplication-of-state-aid-received stage had been reached, compulsory local taxation for education had been established, and the great central battle for the creation of a state school system had been won. The right to tax for support, and to compel local taxation, was the key to the whole state system of education. From this point on the process of evolving an adequate system of school support in any State has been merely the further education of public opinion to see new educational needs.

II. THE BATTLE TO ELIMINATE THE PAUPER-SCHOOL IDEA

THE PAUPER-SCHOOL IDEA. The pauper-school idea was a direct inheritance from England, and its home in America was in the old Central and Southern Colonies, where the old Anglican Church had been in control. New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, and Georgia were the chief representatives, though the idea had friends among certain classes of the population in other of the older States. The new and democratic West would not tolerate it. The pauper-school conception was a direct inheritance from English rule, belonged to a society based on classes, and was wholly out of place in a Republic founded on the doctrine that "all men are created equal, and endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights." Still more, it was a very dangerous conception of education for a democratic form of government to tolerate or to foster. Its friends were found among the old aristocratic or conservative classes, the heavy taxpayers, the supporters of church schools, and the proprietors of private schools. Citizens who had caught the spirit of the new Republic, public men of large vision, intelligent workingmen, and men of the New England type of thinking were opposed on principle to a plan which drew such invidious distinctions between the future citizens of the State. To educate part of the children in church or private pay schools, they said, and to segregate those too poor to pay tuition and educate them at public expense in pauper schools, often with the brand of pauper made very evident to them, was certain to create classes in society which in time would prove a serious danger to our democratic institutions.

Large numbers of those for whom the pauper schools were intended would not brand themselves as paupers by sending their children to the schools, and others who accepted the advantages offered, for the sake of their children, despised the system. [3]

The battle for the elimination of the pauper-school idea was fought out in the North in the States of Pennsylvania and New Jersey, and the struggle in these two States we shall now briefly describe.

THE PENNSYLVANIA LEGISLATION. In Pennsylvania we find the pauper-school idea fully developed. The constitution of 1790 (R. 259) had provided for a state system of pauper schools, but nothing was done to carry even this constitutional direction into effect until 1802. A pauper-school law was then enacted, directing the overseers of the poor to notify such parents as they deemed sufficiently indigent that, if they would declare themselves to be paupers, their children might be sent to some specified private or pay school and be given free education (R. 315). The expense for this was assessed against the education poor-fund, which was levied and collected in the same manner as were road taxes or taxes for poor relief. No provision was made for the establishment of public schools, even for the children of the poor, nor was any standard set for the education to be provided in the schools to which they were sent. No other general provision for elementary education was made in the State until 1834.

With the growth of the cities, and the rise of their special problems, something more than this very inadequate provision for schooling became necessary. "The Philadelphia Society for the Establishment and Support of Charity Schools" had long been urging a better system, and in 1814 "'The Society for the Promotion of a Rational System of Education" was organized in Philadelphia for the purpose of educational propaganda. Bills were prepared and pushed, and in 1818 Philadelphia was permitted, by special law, to organize as "the first school district" in the State of Pennsylvania, and to provide, with its own funds, a system of Lancastrian schools for the education of the children of its poor. [4]

THE LAW OF 1834. In 1827 "The Pennsylvania Society for the Promotion of Public Schools" began an educational propaganda which did much to bring about the Free-School Act of 1834. In an "Address to the Public" it declared its object to be the promotion of public education throughout the State of Pennsylvania, and the "Address" closed with these words:

This Society is at present composed of about 250 members, and a correspondence has been commenced with 125 members, who reside in every district in the State. It is intended to direct the continued attention of the public to the importance of the subject; to collect and diffuse all information which may be deemed valuable; and to persevere in their labors until they shall be crowned with success.

Memorials were presented to the legislature year after year, governors were interested, "Addresses to the Public" were prepared, and a vigorous propaganda was kept up until the Free-School Law of 1834 was the result.

This law, though, was optional. It created every ward, township, and borough in the State a school district, a total of 987 being created for the State. Each school district was ordered to vote that autumn on the acceptance or rejection of the law. Those accepting the law were to organize under its provisions, while those rejecting the law were to continue under the educational provisions of the old Pauper-School Act.

The results of the school elections of 1834 are shown, by counties, on the below map. Of the total of 987 districts created, 502, in 46 of the then 52 counties (Philadelphia County not voting), or 52 per cent of the whole number, voted to accept the new law and organize under it; 264 districts, in 31 counties, or 27 per cent of the whole, voted definitely to reject the law; and 221 districts, in 46 counties, or 21 per cent of the whole, refused to take any action either way. In 3 counties, indicated on the map, every district accepted the law, and in 5 counties, also indicated every district rejected or refused to act on the law. It was the predominantly German counties, located in the east-central portion of the State, which were strongest in their opposition to the new law. One reason for this was that the new law provided for English schools; another was the objection of the thrifty Germans to taxation; and another was the fear that the new state schools might injure their German parochial schools.

The real fight for free versus pauper schools, though, was yet to come. Legislators who had voted for the law were bitterly assailed, and, though it was but an optional law, the question of its repeal and the reinstatement of the old Pauper-School Law became the burning issue of the campaign in the autumn of 1834. Many legislators who had favored the law were defeated for reelection. Others, seeing defeat, refused to run. Petitions for the repeal of the law, [5] and remonstrances against its repeal, flooded the legislature when it met. The Senate at once repealed the law, but the House, largely under the leadership of a Vermonter by the name of Thaddeus Stevens, [6] refused to reconsider, and finally forced the Senate to accept an amended and a still stronger bill. This defeat finally settled, in principle at least, the pauper-school question in Pennsylvania, [7] though it was not until 1873 that the last district in the State accepted the new system.

ELIMINATING THE PAUPER-SCHOOL IDEA IN NEW JERSEY. No constitutional mention of education was made in New Jersey until 1844, and no educational legislation was passed until 1816. In that year a permanent state school fund was begun, and in 1820 the first permission to levy taxes "for the education of such poor children as are paupers" was granted. In 1828 an extensive investigation showed that one third of the children of the State were without educational opportunities, and as a result of this investigation the first general school law for the State was enacted, in 1829. This provided for district schools, school trustees and visitation, licensed teachers, local taxation, and made a state appropriation of $20,000 a year to help establish the system. The next year, however, this law was repealed and the old pauper-school plan reëstablished, largely due to the pressure of church and private-school interests. In 1830 and 1831 the state appropriation was made divisible among private and parochial schools, as well as the public pauper schools, and the use of all public money was limited "to the education of the children of the poor."

Between 1828 and 1838 a number of conventions of friends of free public schools were held in the State, and much work in the nature of propaganda was done. At a convention in 1838 a committee was appointed to prepare an "Address to the People of New Jersey" on the educational needs of the State (R. 320), and speakers were sent over the State to talk to the people on the subject. The campaign against the pauper school had just been fought to a conclusion in Pennsylvania, and the result of the appeal in New Jersey was such a popular manifestation in favor of free schools that the legislature of 1838 instituted a partial state school system. The pauper-school laws were repealed, and the best features of the short-lived Law of 1829 were reënacted. In 1844 a new state constitution limited the income of the permanent state school fund exclusively to the support of public schools.

With the pauper-school idea eliminated from Pennsylvania and New Jersey, the North was through with it. The wisdom of its elimination soon became evident, and we hear little more of it among Northern people. The democratic West never tolerated it. It continued some time longer in Maryland, Virginia, and Georgia, and at places for a time in other Southern States, but finally disappeared in the South as well in the educational reorganizations which took place following the close of the Civil War.

III. THE BATTLE TO MAKE THE SCHOOLS ENTIRELY FREE

THE SCHOOLS NOT YET FREE. The rate-bill, as we have previously stated, was an old institution, also brought over from England, as the term "rate" signifies. It was a charge levied upon the parent to supplement the school revenues and prolong the school term, and was assessed in proportion to the number of children sent by each parent to the school. In some States, as for example Massachusetts and Connecticut, its use went back to colonial times; in others it was added as the cost for education increased, and it was seen that the income from permanent funds and authorized taxation was not sufficient to maintain the school the necessary length of time. The deficiency in revenue was charged against the parents sending children to school, pro rata, and collected as ordinary tax-bills (R. 321). The charge was small, but it was sufficient to keep many poor children away from the schools.

The rising cities, with their new social problems, could not and would not tolerate the rate-bill system, and one by one they secured special laws from legislatures which enabled them to organize a city school system, separate from city-council control, and under a local "board of education." One of the provisions of these special laws nearly always was the right to levy a city tax for schools sufficient to provide free education for the children of the city.

THE FIGHT AGAINST THE RATE-BILL IN NEW YORK. The attempt to abolish the rate-bill and make the schools wholly free was most vigorously contested in New York State, and the contest there is most easily described. From 1828 to 1868, this tax on the parents produced an average annual sum of $410,685.66, or about one half of the sum paid all the teachers of the State for salary. While the wealthy districts were securing special legislation and taxing themselves to provide free schools for their children, the poorer and less populous districts were left to struggle to maintain their schools the four months each year necessary to secure state aid. Finally, after much agitation, and a number of appeals to the legislature to assume the rate-bill charges in the form of general state taxation, and thus make the schools entirely free, the legislature, in 1849, referred the matter back to the people to be voted on at the elections that autumn. The legislature was to be thus advised by the people as to what action it should take. The result was a state-wide campaign for free, public, tax-supported schools, as against partially free, rate-bill schools.

The result of the 1849 election was a vote of 249,872 in favor of making "the property of the State educate the children of the State," and 91,952 against it. This only seemed to stir the opponents of free schools to renewed action, and they induced the next legislature to resubmit the question for another vote, in the autumn of 1850.

The result of the referendum of 1850 is shown on the map on page 685. The opponents of tax-supported schools now mustered their full strength, doubling their vote in 1849, while the majority for free schools was materially cut down. The interesting thing shown on this map was the clear and unmistakable voice of the cities. They would not tolerate the rate- bill, and, despite their larger property interests, they favored tax- supported free schools. The rural districts, on the other hand, opposed the idea.

THE RATE-BILL IN OTHER STATES. These two referenda virtually settled the question in New York, though for a time a compromise was adopted. The state appropriation for schools was very materially increased, the rate- bill was retained, and the organization of "union districts" to provide free schools by local taxation where people desired them was authorized. Many of these "union free districts" now arose in the more progressive communities of the State, and finally, in 1867, after rural and other forms of opposition had largely subsided, and after almost all the older States had abandoned the plan, the New York legislature finally abolished the rate-bill and made the schools of New York entirely free.

The dates for the abolition of the rate-bill in the other older Northern States were:

1834. Pennsylvania. 1867. New York. 1852. Indiana. 1868. Connecticut. 1853. Ohio. 1868. Rhode Island. 1855. Illinois. 1869. Michigan. 1864. Vermont. 1871. New Jersey.

The New York fight of 1849 and 1850 was the pivotal fight; in the other States it was abandoned by legislative act, and without a serious contest. In the Southern States free education came with the educational reorganizations following the close of the Civil War.

IV. THE BATTLE TO ESTABLISH SCHOOL SUPERVISION

BEGINNINGS OF STATE CONTROL. The great battle for state schools was not only for taxation to stimulate their development where none existed, but was also indirectly a battle for some form of state control of the local systems which had already grown up. The establishment of permanent state school funds by the older States, to supplement any other aid which might be granted, also tended toward the establishment of some form of state supervision and control of the local school systems. The first step was the establishment of some form of state aid; the next was the imposing of conditions necessary to secure this state aid.

State oversight and control, however, does not exercise itself, and it soon became evident that the States must elect or appoint some officer to represent the State and enforce the observance of its demands. It would be primarily his duty to see that the laws relating to schools were carried out, that statistics as to existing conditions were collected and printed, and that communities were properly advised as to their duties and the legislature as to the needs of the State. We find now the creation of a series of school officers to represent the State, the enactment of new laws extending control, and a struggle to integrate, subordinate, and reduce to some semblance of a state school system the hundreds of little community school systems which had grown up.

THE FIRST STATE SCHOOL OFFICERS. The first American State to create a state officer to exercise supervision over its schools was New York, in 1812. In enacting the new law [8] providing for state aid for schools the first State Superintendent of Common Schools in the United States was created. So far as is known this was a distinctively American creation, uninfluenced by the practice in any other land. It was to be the duty of this officer to look after the establishment and maintenance of the schools throughout the State. [9] Maryland created the office in 1826, but two years later abolished it and did not re-create it until 1864. Illinois directed its Secretary of State to act, ex officio, as Superintendent of Schools in 1825, as did also Vermont in 1827, Louisiana in 1833, Pennsylvania in 1834, and Tennessee in 1835. Illinois did not create a real State Superintendent of Schools, though, until 1854, Vermont until 1845, Louisiana until 1847, Pennsylvania until 1857, or Tennessee until 1867. The first States to create separate school officials who have been continued to the present time were Michigan and Kentucky, both in 1837. Often quite a legislative struggle took place to secure the establishment of the office, and later on to prevent its abolition.

By 1850 there were ex-officio state school officers in nine and regular school officers in seven of the then thirty-one States, and by 1861 there were ex-officio officers in nine and regular officers in nineteen of the then thirty-four States, as well as one of each in two of the organized Territories. The above map shows the growth of supervisory oversight by 1861--forty-nine years from the time the first American state school officer was created. The map also shows the ten of the thirty-four States which had, by 1861, also created the office of County Superintendent of Schools, as well as the twenty-five cities which had, by 1861, created the office of City Superintendent of Schools. Only three more cities--Albany, Washington, and Kansas City--were added before 1870, making a total of twenty-eight, but since that date the number of city superintendents has increased to something like fourteen hundred to-day.

THE FIRST STATE BOARD OF EDUCATION. Another important form for state control which was created a little later was the State Board of Education, with an appointed Secretary, who exercised about the same functions as a State Superintendent of Schools. This form of organization first arose in Massachusetts, in 1837, in an effort to subordinate the district schools and reduce them to a semblance of an organized system. In 1826 each town (township) had been required to appoint a School Committee (School Board) to exercise general supervision over its schools, in 1834 the state permanent school fund was created, and in 1837 the reform movement reached its culmination in the creation of the first real State Board of Education in the United States. Instead of following the usual American practice of the time, and providing for an elected State School Superintendent, Massachusetts provided for a small appointed State Board of Education which in turn was to select a Secretary, who was to act in the capacity of a state school officer and report to the Board, and through it to the legislature and the people. Neither the Board nor the Secretary were given any powers of compulsion, their work being to investigate conditions, report facts, expose defects, and make recommendations as to action to the legislature. The permanence and influence of the Board thus depended very largely on the character of the Secretary it selected.

HORACE MANN THE FIRST SECRETARY. A prominent Brown University graduate and lawyer in the State Senate, by the name of Horace Mann (1796-1859), who as president of the Senate had been of much assistance in securing passage of the bill creating the State Board of Education, was finally induced by the Governor and the Board to accept the position of Secretary. Mr. Mann now began a most memorable work of educating public opinion, and soon became the acknowledged leader in school organization in the United States. State after State called upon him for advice and counsel, while his twelve annual Reports to the State Board of Education will always remain memorable documents. Public men of all classes--lawyers, clergymen, college professors, literary men, teachers--were laid under tribute and sent forth over the State explaining to the people the need for a reawakening of educational interest in Massachusetts. Every year Mr. Mann organized a "campaign," to explain to the people the meaning and importance of general education. So successful was he, and so ripe was the time for such a movement, that he not only started a great common school revival in Massachusetts which led to the regeneration of the schools there, but one which was felt and which influenced development in every Northern State.

His twelve carefully written Reports on the condition of education in Massachusetts and elsewhere, with his intelligent discussion of the aims and purposes of public education, occupy a commanding place in the history of American education, while he will always be regarded as perhaps the greatest of the "founders" of our American system of free public schools. No one did more than he to establish in the minds of the American people the conception that education should be universal, non-sectarian, and free, and that its aim should be social efficiency, civic virtue, and character, rather than mere learning or the advancement of sectarian ends. Under his practical leadership an unorganized and heterogeneous series of community school systems was reduced to organization and welded together into a state school system, and the people of Massachusetts were effectively recalled to their ancient belief in and duty toward the education of the people.

HENRY BARNARD IN CONNECTICUT AND RHODE ISLAND. Almost equally important, though of a somewhat different character, was the work of Henry Barnard (1811-1900) in Connecticut and Rhode Island. A graduate of Yale, and also educated for the law, he turned aside to teach and became deeply interested in education. The years 1835-37 he spent in Europe studying schools, particularly the work of Pestalozzi's disciples. On his return to America he was elected a member of the Connecticut legislature, and at once formulated and secured passage of the Connecticut law (1839) providing for a State Board of Commissioners for Common Schools, with a Secretary, after the Massachusetts plan. Mr. Barnard was then elected as its first Secretary, and reluctantly gave up the law and accepted the position at the munificent salary of $3 a day and expenses. Until the legislature abolished both the Board and the position, in 1842, he rendered for Connecticut a service scarcely less important than the better-known reforms which Horace Mann was at that time carrying on in Massachusetts.

In 1843 he was called to Rhode Island to examine and report upon the existing schools, and from 1845 to 1849 acted as State Commissioner of Public Schools there, where he rendered a service similar to that previously rendered in Connecticut. In addition he organized a series of town libraries throughout the State. For his teachers' institutes he devised a traveling model school, to give demonstration lessons in the art of teaching. From 1851 to 1855 he was again in Connecticut, as principal of the newly established state normal school and ex-officio Secretary of the Connecticut State Board of Education. He now rewrote the school laws, increased taxation for schools, checked the power of the districts, there known as "school societies," and laid the foundations of a state system of schools. The work of Mann and Barnard had its influence throughout all the Northern States, and encouraged the friends of education everywhere. Almost contemporaneous with them were leaders in other States who helped fight through the battles of state establishment and state organization and control, and the period of their labors has since been termed the period of the "great awakening."

V. THE BATTLE TO ELIMINATE SECTARIANISM

THE SECULARIZATION OF AMERICAN EDUCATION. The Church, it will be remembered, was from the earliest colonial times in possession of the education of the young. Not only were the earliest schools controlled by the Church and dominated by the religious motive, but the right of the Church to dictate the teaching in the schools was clearly recognized by the State. Still more, the State looked to the Church to provide the necessary education, and assisted it in doing so by donations of land and money. The minister, as a town official, naturally examined the teachers and the instruction in the schools. After the establishment of the National Government this relationship for a time continued. [10] New York and the New England States specifically set aside lands to help both church and school. After about 1800 these land endowments for religion ceased, but grants of state aid for religious schools continued for nearly a half-century longer. Then it became common for a town or city to build a schoolhouse from city taxation, and let it out rent-free to any responsible person who would conduct a tuition school in it, with a few free places for selected poor children. Still later, with the rise of the state schools, it became quite common to take over church and private schools and aid them on the same basis as the new state schools.

In colonial times, too, and for some decades into our national period, the warmest advocates of the establishment of schools were those who had in view the needs of the Church. Then gradually the emphasis shifted to the needs of the State, and a new class of advocates of public education now arose. Still later the emphasis has been shifted to industrial and civic and national needs, and the religious aim has been almost completely eliminated. This change is known as the secularization of American education. It also required many a bitter struggle, and was accomplished in the different States but slowly. The two great factors which served to produce this change were:

1. The conviction that the life of the Republic demanded an educated and intelligent citizenship, and hence the general education of all in common schools controlled by the State; and

2. The great diversity of religious beliefs among the people, which forced tolerance and religious freedom through a consideration of the rights of minorities.

The secularization of education must not be regarded either as a deliberate or a wanton violation of the rights of the Church, but rather as an unavoidable incident connected with the coming to self-consciousness and self-government of a great people.

THE FIGHT IN MASSACHUSETTS. The educational awakening in Massachusetts, brought on largely by the work of Horace Mann, was to many a rude awakening. Among other things, it revealed that the old school of the Puritans had gradually been replaced by a new and purely American type of school, with instruction adapted to democratic and national rather than religious ends. Mr. Mann stood strongly for such a conception of public education, and being a Unitarian, and the new State Board of Education being almost entirely liberal in religion, an attack was launched against them, and for the first time in our history the cry was raised that "The public schools are Godless schools." Those who believed in the old system of religious instruction, those who bore the Board or its Secretary personal ill-will, and those who desired to break down the Board's authority and stop the development of the public schools, united their forces in this first big attack against secular education. Horace Mann was the first prominent educator in America to meet and answer the religious onslaught.

A violent attack was opened in both the pulpit and the press. It was claimed that the Board was trying to eliminate the Bible from the schools, to abolish correction, and to "make the schools a counterpoise to religious instruction at home and in Sabbath schools." The local right to demand religious instruction was insisted upon.

Mr. Mann felt that a great public issue had been raised which should be answered carefully and fully. In three public statements he answered the criticisms and pointed out the errors in the argument (R. 322). The Bible, he said, was an invaluable book for forming the character of children, and should be read without comment in the schools, but it was not necessary to teach it there. He showed that most of the towns had given up the teaching of the Catechism before the establishment of the Board of Education. He contended that any attempt to decide what creed or doctrine should be taught would mean the ruin of the schools. The attack culminated in the attempts of the religious forces to abolish the State Board of Education, in the legislatures of 1840 and 1841, which failed dismally. Most of the orthodox people of the State took Mr. Mann's side, and Governor Briggs, in one of his messages, commended his stand by inserting the following:

Justice to a faithful public officer leads me to say that the indefatigable and accomplished Secretary of the Board of Education has performed services in the cause of common schools which will earn him the lasting gratitude of the generation to which he belongs.

THE ATTEMPT TO DIVIDE THE SCHOOL FUNDS. As was stated earlier, in the beginning it was common to aid church schools on the same basis as the state schools, and sometimes, in the beginnings of state aid, the money was distributed among existing schools without at first establishing any public schools. In many Eastern cities church schools at first shared in the public funds. In Pennsylvania church and private schools were aided from poor-law funds up to 1834. In New Jersey the first general school law of 1829 had been repealed a year later through the united efforts of church and private-school interests, who unitedly fought the development of state schools, and in 1830 and 1831 new laws had permitted all private and parochial schools to share in the small state appropriation for education.

After the beginning of the forties, when the Roman Catholic influence came in strongly with the increase in Irish immigration to the United States, a new factor was introduced and the problem, which had previously been a Protestant problem, took on a somewhat different aspect in the form of a demand for a division of the school funds. Between 1825 and 1842 the fight was especially severe in New York City. In 1825 the City Council refused to grant public money to any religious Society, [11] and in 1840 the Catholics carried the matter to the State Legislature.

The legislature deferred action until 1842, and then did the unexpected thing. The heated discussion of the question in the city and in the legislature had made it evident that, while it might not be desirable to continue to give funds to a privately organized corporation, to divide them among the quarreling and envious religious sects would be much worse. The result was that the legislature created for the city a City Board of Education, to establish real public schools, and stopped the debate on the question of aid to religious schools by enacting that no portion of the school funds was in the future to be given to any school in which "any religious sectarian doctrine or tenet should be taught, inculcated, or practiced." Thus the real public-school system of New York City was evolved out of this attempt to divide the public funds among the churches. The Public School Society continued for a time, but its work was now done, and, in 1853, surrendered its buildings and property to the City Board of Education and disbanded.

THE CONTEST IN OTHER STATES. As early as 1830, Lowell, Massachusetts, had granted aid to the Irish Catholic parochial schools in the city, and in 1835 had taken over two such schools and maintained them as public schools. In 1853 the representatives of the Roman Catholic Church made a demand on the state legislature for a division of the school fund of the State. To settle the question once for all a constitutional amendment was submitted by the legislature to the people, providing that all state and town moneys raised or appropriated for education must be expended only on regularly organized and conducted public schools, and that no religious sect should ever share in such funds. This measure failed of adoption at the election of 1853 by a vote of 65,111 for and 65,512 against, but was re-proposed and adopted in 1855. This settled the question in Massachusetts, as Mann had tried to settle it earlier, and as New Hampshire had settled it in its constitution of 1792, Connecticut in its constitution of 1818, and Rhode Island in its constitution of 1842.

Other States now faced similar demands, but no demand for a share in or a division of the public-school funds, after 1840, was successful. The demand everywhere met with intense opposition, and with the coming of enormous numbers of Irish Catholics after 1846, and German Lutherans after 1848, the question of the preservation of the schools just established as unified state school systems now became a burning one. Petitions for a division of the funds deluged the legislatures (R. 323), and these were met by counter-petitions (R. 324). Mass meetings on both sides of the question were held. Candidates for office were forced to declare themselves. Anti-Catholic riots occurred in a number of cities. The Native-American Party was formed, in 1841, "to prevent the union of Church and State," and to "keep the Bible in the schools." In 1841 the Whig Party, in New York, inserted a plank in its platform against sectarian schools. In 1855 the national council of the Know-Nothing Party, meeting in Philadelphia, in its platform favored public schools and the use of the Bible therein, but opposed sectarian schools. This party carried the elections that year in Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Maryland, and Kentucky.

To settle the question in a final manner legislatures now began to propose constitutional amendments to the people of their several States which forbade a division or a diversion of the funds, and these were almost uniformly adopted at the first election after being proposed. No State admitted to the Union after 1858, except West Virginia, failed to insert such a provision in its first state constitution. [12]

VI. THE BATTLE TO ESTABLISH THE AMERICAN HIGH SCHOOL

The elementary or common schools which had been established in the different States, by 1850, supplied an elementary or common school education to the children of the masses of the people, and the primary schools which were added, after about 1820, carried this education downward to the needs of the beginners. In the rural schools the American school of the 3 Rs provided for all the children, from the little ones up, so long as they could advantageously partake of its instruction. Education in advance of this common school training was in semi-private institutions--the academies and colleges--in which a tuition fee was charged. The next struggle came in the attempt to extend the system upward so as to provide to pupils, free of charge, a more complete education than the common schools afforded.

THE TRANSITION ACADEMY. About the middle of the eighteenth century a tendency manifested itself, in Europe as well as in America, to establish higher schools offering a more practical curriculum than the old Latin schools had provided. In America it became particularly evident, after the coming of nationality, that the old Latin grammar-school type of instruction, with its limited curriculum and exclusively college- preparatory ends, was wholly inadequate for the needs of the youth of the land. The result was the gradual dying-out of the Latin school and the evolution of the tuition Academy, previously referred to briefly on page 463.

The academy movement spread rapidly during the first half of the nineteenth century. By 1800 there were 17 academies in Massachusetts, 36 by 1820, and 403 by 1850. By 1830 there were, according to Hinsdale, 950 incorporated academies in the United States, and many unincorporated ones, and by 1850, according to Inglis, there were, of all kinds, 1007 academies in New England, 1636 in the Middle Atlantic States, 2640 in the Southern States, 753 in the Upper Mississippi Valley States, and a total reported for the entire United States of 6085, with 12,260 teachers employed and 263,096 pupils enrolled. [13]

The greatest period of their development was from 1820 to 1830, though they continued to dominate secondary education until 1850, and were very prominent until after the Civil War.

CHARACTERISTIC FEATURES. The most characteristic features of these academies were their semi-public control (R. 325), their broadened curriculum and religious purpose, and the extension of their instruction to girls. The Latin Grammar School was essentially a town free school, maintained by the towns for the higher education of certain of their male children. It was aristocratic in type, and belonged to the early period of class education. With the decline in zeal for education, after 1750, these tax-supported higher schools largely died out, and in their place private energy and benevolence came to be depended upon to supply the needed higher education.

One of the main purposes expressed in the endowment or creation of the academies was the establishment of courses which should cover a number of subjects having value aside from mere preparation for college, particularly subjects of a modern nature, useful in preparing youths for the changed conditions of society and government and business. The study of real things rather than words about things, and useful things rather than subjects merely preparatory to college, became prominent features of the new courses of study. Among the most commonly found new subjects were algebra, astronomy, botany, chemistry, general history, United States history, English literature, surveying, intellectual philosophy, declamation, and debating. [14]

Not being bound up with the colleges, as the earlier Latin grammar schools had largely been, the academies became primarily independent institutions, taking pupils who had completed the English education of the common school and giving them an advanced education in modern languages, the sciences, mathematics, history, and the more useful subjects of the time, with a view to "rounding out" their studies and preparing them for business life and the rising professions. They thus built upon instead of running parallel to the common school course, as the old Latin grammar school had done (see Figure 198, p. 666) and hence clearly mark a transition from the aristocratic and somewhat exclusive college-preparatory Latin grammar school of colonial times to the more democratic high school of to-day. The academies also served a very useful purpose in supplying to the lower schools the best-educated teachers of the time.

The old Latin grammar school, too, had been maintained exclusively for boys. Girls had been excluded as "Improper & inconsistent w'th such a Grammar Schoole as ye law injoines, and is ye Designe of this Settlem't." The new academies soon reversed this situation. Almost from the first they began to be established for girls as well as boys, and in time many became co-educational. In New York State alone 32 academies were incorporated between 1819 and 1853 with the prefix "Female" to their title. In this respect, also, these institutions formed a transition to the modern co- educational high school. The higher education of women in the United States clearly dates from the establishment of the academies. Troy (New York) Seminary, founded by Emma Willard, in 1821, and Mt. Holyoke (Massachusetts) Seminary, founded by Mary Lyon, in 1836, though not the first institutions for girls, were nevertheless important pioneers in the higher education of women.

THE DEMAND FOR HIGHER SCHOOLS. The different movements tending toward the building-up of free public-school systems in the cities and States, which we have described in this and the preceding chapter, and which became clearly defined in the Northern States after 1825, came just at the time when the Academy had reached its maximum development. The settlement of the question of general taxation for education, the elimination of the rate-bill by the cities and later by the States, the establishment of the American common school as the result of a long native evolution, and the complete establishment of public control over the entire elementary-school system, all tended to bring the semi-private tuition academy into question. Many asked why not extend the public-school system upward to provide the necessary higher education for all in one common state- supported school. [15]

The demand for an upward extension of the public school, which would provide academy instruction for the poor as well as the rich, and in one common public higher school, now made itself felt. As the colonial Latin grammar school had represented the educational needs of a society based on classes, and the academies had represented a transition period and marked the growth of a middle class, so the rising democracy of the second quarter of the nineteenth century now demanded and obtained the democratic high school, supported by the public and equally open to all, to meet the educational needs of a new society built on the basis of a new and aggressive democracy. Where, too, the academy had represented in a way a missionary effort--that of a few providing something for the good of the people (Rs. 319, 325)--the high school on the other hand represented a coöperative effort on the part of the people to provide something for themselves.

THE FIRST AMERICAN HIGH SCHOOL. The first high school in the United States was established in Boston, in 1821 (R. 326). For three years it was known as the "English Classical School" (R. 327), but in 1824 the school appears in the records as the "English High School." In 1826 Boston also opened the first high school for girls, but abolished it in 1828, due to its great popularity, and instead extended the course of study for girls in the elementary schools.

THE MASSACHUSETTS LAW OF 1827. Though Portland, Maine, established a high school in 1821, Worcester, Massachusetts, in 1824, and New Bedford, Haverhill, and Salem, Massachusetts, in 1827, copying the Boston idea, the real beginning of the American high school as a distinct institution dates from the Massachusetts Law of 1827 (R. 328), enacted through the influence of James G. Carter. This law formed the basis of all subsequent legislation in Massachusetts, and deeply influenced development in other States. The law is significant in that it required a high school in every town having 500 families or over, in which should be taught United States history, bookkeeping, algebra, geometry, and surveying, while in every town having 4000 inhabitants or over, instruction in Greek, Latin, history, rhetoric, and logic must be added. A heavy penalty was attached for failure to comply with the law. In 1835 the law was amended so as to permit any smaller town to form a high school as well.

This Boston and Massachusetts legislation clearly initiated the public high-school movement in the United States. It was there that the new type of higher school was founded, there that its curriculum was outlined, there that its standards were established, and there that it developed earliest and best.

THE STRUGGLE TO ESTABLISH AND MAINTAIN HIGH SCHOOLS. The development of the American high school, even in its home, was slow. Up to 1840 not much more than a dozen high schools had been established in Massachusetts, and not more than an equal number in the other States. The Academy was the dominant institution, the cost of maintenance was a factor, and the same opposition to an extension of taxation to include high schools was manifested as was earlier shown toward the establishment of common schools. The early state legislation, as had been the case with the common schools, was nearly always permissive and not mandatory. Massachusetts forms a notable exception in this regard. The support for the schools had to come practically entirely from increased local taxation, and this made the struggle to establish and maintain high schools in any State for a long time a series of local struggles. Years of propaganda and patient effort were required, and, after the establishment of a high school in a community, constant watchfulness was necessary to prevent its abandonment (R. 329).

In many States, legislation providing for the establishment of high schools was attacked in the courts. One of the clearest cases of this came in Michigan, in a test case appealed from the city of Kalamazoo, and commonly known as the Kalamazoo case. The opinion of the Supreme Court of the State (R. 330) was so favorable and so positive that this decision deeply influenced development in almost all of the Upper Mississippi Valley States. The struggle to establish and maintain high schools in Massachusetts and New York preceded the development in most other States, because there the common school had been established earlier. In consequence, the struggle to extend and complete the public-school system came there earlier also. The development was likewise more peaceful there, and came more rapidly. In Massachusetts this was in large part a result of the educational awakening started by James G. Carter and Horace Mann. In New York it was due to the early support of Governor De Witt Clinton, and the later encouragement and state aid which came from the Regents of the University of the State of New York. Maine, Vermont, and New Hampshire were like Massachusetts in spirit, and followed closely its example. In Rhode Island and New Jersey, due to old conditions, and in Connecticut, due to the great decline in education there after 1800, the high school developed much more slowly, and it was not until after 1865 that any marked development took place in these States. The democratic West soon adopted the idea, and established high schools as soon as cities developed and the needs of the population warranted. In the South the main high- school development dates from relatively recent times.

Gradually the high school has been accepted as a part of the state common- school system by all the American States, and the funds and taxation originally provided for the common schools have been extended to cover the high school as well. The new States of the West have based their legislation largely on what the Eastern and Central States earlier fought out.

VII. THE STATE UNIVERSITY CROWNS THE SYSTEM

THE COLONIAL COLLEGES. The earlier colleges--Harvard, William and Mary, Yale--had been created by the religious-state governments of the earlier colonial period, and continued to retain some state connections for a time after the coming of nationality. As it early became evident that a democracy demands intelligence on the part of its citizens, that the leaders of democracy are not likely to be too highly educated, and that the character of collegiate instruction must ultimately influence national development, efforts were accordingly made to change the old colleges or create new ones, the final outcome of which was the creation of state universities in all the new and in most of the older States. The evolution of the state university, as the crowning head of the free public school system of the State, represents the last phase which we shall trace of the struggle of democracy to create a system of schools suited to its peculiar needs.

The close of the colonial period found the Colonies possessed of nine colleges. These, with the dates of their foundation, the Colony founding them, and the religious denomination they chiefly represented were:

1636. Harvard College Massachusetts Puritan 1693. William and Mary Virginia Anglican 1701. Yale College Connecticut Congregational 1746. Princeton New Jersey Presbyterian 1753-55 Academy and College Pennsylvania Non-denominational 1754. King's College (Columbia) New York Anglican 1764. Brown Rhode Island Baptist 1765. Rutgers New Jersey Reformed Dutch 1769. Dartmouth New Hampshire Congregational

The religious purpose had been dominant in the founding of each institution, though there was a gradual shading-off in strict denominational control and insistence upon religious conformity in the foundations after 1750. Still the prime purpose in the founding of each was to train up a learned and godly body of ministers, the earlier congregations at least "dreading to leave an illiterate ministry to the churches when our present ministers shall lie in the dust." In a pamphlet, published in 1754, President Clap of Yale declared that "Colleges are Societies of Ministers, for training up Persons for the Work of the Ministry" and that "The great design of founding this School (Yale), was to Educate Ministers in our own Way." In the advertisement published in the New York papers announcing the opening of King's College, in 1754, it was stated that:

IV. The chief Thing that is aimed at in this College, is, to teach and engage the Children to know God in Jesus Christ, and to love and serve him in all Sobriety, Godliness, and Richness of Life, with a perfect Heart and a Willing Mind: and to train them up in all Virtuous Habits, and all such useful Knowledge as may render them creditable to their Families and Friends, Ornaments to their Country, and useful to the Public Weal in their generation.

These colonial institutions were all small. For the first fifty years of Harvard's history the attendance at the college seldom exceeded twenty, and the President did all the teaching. The first assistant teacher (tutor) was not appointed until 1699, and the first professor not until 1721, when a professorship of divinity was endowed. By 1800 the instruction was conducted by the President and three professors--divinity, mathematics, and "Oriental languages"--assisted by a few tutors who received only class fees, and the graduating classes seldom exceeded forty. The course was four years in length, and all students studied the same subjects. The first three years were given largely to the so-called "Oriental languages" Hebrew, Greek, and Latin. In addition, Freshmen studied arithmetic; Sophomores, algebra, geometry, and trigonometry; and Juniors, natural (book) science; and all were given much training in oratory, and some general history was added. The Senior year was given mainly to ethics, philosophy, and Christian evidences. [16] The instruction in the eight other older colleges, before 1800, was not materially different.

GROWTH OF COLLEGES BY 1860. Fifteen additional colleges were founded before 1800, and it has been estimated that by that date the two dozen American colleges then existing did not have all told over one hundred professors and instructors, not less than one thousand nor more than two thousand students, or property worth over one million dollars. Their graduating classes were small. No one of the twenty-four admitted women in any way to its privileges. After 1820, with the firmer establishment of the Nation, the awakening of a new national consciousness, the development of larger national wealth, and a court decision which safeguarded the endowments, interest in the founding of new colleges perceptibly quickened, as may be seen from the adjoining table, and between 1820 and 1880 came the great period of denominational effort. The map shows the colleges established by 1860, from which it will be seen how large a part the denominational colleges played in the early history of higher education in the United States. Up to about 1870 the provision of higher education, as had been the case earlier with the provision of secondary education by the academies, had been left largely to private effort. There were, to be sure, a few state universities before 1870, though usually these were not better than the denominational colleges around them, and often they maintained a non-denominational character only by preserving a proper balance between the different denominations in the employment of their faculties. Speaking generally, higher education in the United States before 1870 was provided very largely in the tuitional colleges of the different religious denominations, rather than by the State. Of the 246 colleges founded by the close of the year 1860, as shown on the map, but 17 were state institutions, and but two or three others had any state connections.

COLLEGES FOUNDED UP TO 1900

Before 1780 10 1780-89 7 1790-99 7 1800-09 9 1810-19 5 1820-29 22 1830-39 38 1840-49 42 1850-59 92 1860-69 73 1870-79 61 1880-89 74 1890-99 54 --- Total 494

(After a table by Dexter corrected by U.S. Comr. Educ. data. Only approximately correct.)

THE NEW NATIONAL ATTITUDE TOWARD THE COLLEGES. After the coming of nationality there gradually grew up a widespread dissatisfaction with the colleges as then conducted, because they were aristocratic in tendency, because they devoted themselves so exclusively to the needs of a class, and because they failed to answer the needs of the States in the matter of higher education. Due to their religious origin, and the common requirement that the president and trustees must be members of some particular denomination, they were naturally regarded as representing the interests of some one sect or faction within the State rather than the interests of the State itself. With the rise of the new democratic spirit after about 1820 there came a demand, felt least in New England and most in the South and the new States in the West, for institutions of higher learning which should represent the State. It was argued that colleges were important instrumentalities for moulding the future, that the kind of education given in them must ultimately influence the welfare of the State, and that higher education cannot be regarded as a private matter. The type of education given in these higher institutions, it was argued, "will appear on the bench, at the bar, in the pulpit, and in the senate, and will unavoidably affect our civil and religious principles." For these reasons, as well as to crown our state school system and to provide higher educational advantages for its leaders, it was argued that the State should exercise control over the colleges.

This new national spirit manifested itself in a number of ways. In New York we see it in the reorganization of King's College, the rechristening of the institution as Columbia, and the placing of it under at least the nominal supervision of the governing educational body of the State. In Pennsylvania an attempt was made to bring the university into closer connection with the State, but this failed. In New Hampshire the legislature tried, in 1816, to transform Dartmouth College into a state institution. This act was contested in the courts, and the case was finally carried to the Supreme Court of the United States. There it was decided, in 1819, that the charter of a college was a contract, the obligation of which a legislature could not impair.

EFFECT OF THE DARTMOUTH COLLEGE DECISION. The effect of this decision manifested itself in two different ways. On the one hand it guaranteed the perpetuity of endowments, and the great period of private and denominational effort (see table) now followed. On the other hand, since the States could not change charters and transform old establishments, they began to turn to the creation of new state universities of their own. Virginia created its state university the same year as the Dartmouth case decision. The University of North Carolina, which had been established in 1789, and which began to give instruction in 1795, but which had never been under direct state control, was taken over by the State in 1821. The University of Vermont, originally chartered in 1791, was rechartered as a state university in 1838. The University of Indiana was established in 1820. Alabama provided for a state university in its first constitution, in 1819, and the institution opened for instruction in 1831. Michigan, in framing its first constitution preparatory to entering the Union, in 1835, made careful provisions for the safeguarding of the state university and for establishing it as an integral part of its state school system, as Indiana had done in 1816. Wisconsin provided for the creation of a state university in 1836, and embodied the idea in its first constitution when it entered the Union in 1848, and Missouri provided for a state university in 1839, Mississippi in 1844, Iowa in 1847, and Florida in 1856. The state university is today found in every "new" State and in some of the "original" States, and practically every new Western and Southern State followed the patterns set by Indiana, Michigan, and Wisconsin and made careful provision for the establishment and maintenance of a state university in its first state constitution.

There was thus quietly added another new section to the American educational ladder, and the free public-school system was extended farther upward. Though the great period of state university foundation came after 1860, and the great period of state university expansion after 1885, the beginnings were clearly marked early in our national history. Of the sixteen States having state universities by 1860 (see Figure 208), all except Florida had established them before 1850. For a long time small, poorly supported by the States, much like the church colleges about them in character and often inferior in quality, one by one the state universities have freed themselves alike from denominational restrictions on the one hand and political control on the other, and have set about rendering the service to the State which a state university ought to render. Michigan, the first of our state universities to free itself, take its proper place, and set an example for others to follow, opened in 1841 with two professors and six students. In 1844 it was a little institution of three professors, one tutor, one assistant, and one visiting lecturer, had but fifty-three students, and offered but a single course of study, consisting chiefly of Greek, Latin, mathematics, and intellectual and moral science (R. 331). As late as 1852 it had but seventy-two students, but by 1860, when it had largely freed itself from the incubus of Baptist Latin, Congregational Greek, Methodist intellectual philosophy, Presbyterian astronomy, and Whig mathematics, and its remarkable growth as a state university had begun, it enrolled five hundred and nineteen.

THE AMERICAN FREE PUBLIC-SCHOOL SYSTEM NOW ESTABLISHED. By the close of the second quarter of the nineteenth century, certainly by 1860, we find the American public-school system fully established, in principle at least, in all our Northern States (R. 332). Much yet remained to be done to carry into full effect what had been established in principle, but everywhere democracy had won its fight, and the American public school, supported by general taxation, freed from the pauper-school taint, free and equally open to all, under the direction of representatives of the people, free from sectarian control, and complete from the primary school through the high school, and in the Western States through the university as well, was established permanently in American public policy. It was a real democratic educational ladder that had been created, and not the typical two-class school system of continental European States. The establishment of the free public high school and the state university represent the crowning achievements of those who struggled to found a state-supported educational system fitted to the needs of great democratic States. Probably no other influences have done more to unify the American People, reconcile diverse points of view, eliminate state jealousies, set ideals for the people, and train leaders for the service of the States and of the Nation than the academies, high schools, and colleges scattered over the land. They have educated but a small percentage of the people, to be sure, but they have trained most of the leaders who have guided the American democracy since its birth.

QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION

1. Explain the theory of "vested rights" as applied to private and parochial schools.

2. Does every great advance in provisions for human welfare require a period of education and propaganda? Illustrate.

3. Explain just what is meant by "the wealth of the State must educate the children of the State."

4. Show how the retention of the pauper-school idea would have been dangerous to the life of the Republic.

5. Why were the cities more anxious to escape from the operation of the pauper-school law than were the towns and rural districts?

6. Why were the pauper-school and the rate-bill so hard to eliminate?

7. Explain why, in America, schools naturally developed from the community outward.

8. State your explanation for the older States beginning to establish permanent school funds, often before they had established a state system of schools.

9. Show the gradual transition from church control of education, through state aid of church schools, to secularized state schools.

10. Show why secularized state schools were the only possible solution for the United States.

11. Show that secularization would naturally take place in the textbooks and the instruction, before manifesting itself in the laws.

12. Show how the American academy was a natural development in the national life.

13. Show how the American high school was a natural development after the academy.

14. Show why the high school could be opposed by men who had accepted tax- supported elementary schools. Why has such reasoning been abandoned now?

15. Explain the difference, and illustrate from the history of American educational development, between establishing a thing in principle and carrying it into full effect.

16. Was the early argument as to the influence of higher education on the State a true argument? Why?

17. What would have been the probable results had the Dartmouth College case been decided the other way?

18. Show how the opening of collegiate instruction to women was a phase of the new democratic movement.

19. Show how college education has been a unifying force in the national life.

SELECTED READINGS

In the accompanying Book of Readings the following illustrative selections are reproduced:

316. Mann: The Ground of the Free-School System. 317. Governor Cleveland: Repeal of the Connecticut School Law. 318. Mann: On the Repeal of the Connecticut School Law. 319. Gulliver: The Struggle for Free Schools in Norwich. 320. Address: The State and Education. 321. Michigan: A Rate-Bill, and a Warrant for Collection. 322. Mann: On Religious Instruction in the Schools. 323. Michigan: Petition for a Division of the School Fund. 324. Michigan: Counter-Petition against a Division. 325. Connecticut: Act of Incorporation of Norwich Free Academy, 326. Boston: Establishment of the First American High School. 327. Boston: The Secondary-School System in 1823. 328. Massachusetts: The High School Law of 1827. 329. Gulliver: An Example of the Opposition to High Schools. 330. Michigan: The Kalamazoo Decision. 331. Michigan: Program of Studies at University, 1843. 332. Tappan: The Michigan State System of Public Instruction.

QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS

1. Do Mann's three propositions (316) hold equally true to-day?

2. Of what type of person is the reasoning of Governor Cleveland (317) typical?

3. Assuming Mann's description of Connecticut progress (318) to be correct, how do you account for the legislature following Governor Cleveland's recommendations so readily?

4. Did the leaders in Norwich (319) use good diplomacy?

5. Point out the essential soundness of the reasoning of the New Jersey Report (320).

6. Explain the willingness of people seventy-five years ago to conduct the school business on such a small basis (321) as the rate-bill indicates.

7. Show that, as Mr. Mann points out (322), sectarian schools and a State Church are near together.

8. Point out the weakness in the argument in the Michigan petition (323).

9. State the purpose and nature of the first American high school (326), and contrast it with the earlier academy.

10. Contrast the English Classical School (High School) of Boston of 1823, with the older Latin School (327), as to purpose and instruction.

11. Just what did the Massachusetts Law of 1827 (328) require?

12. Has such opposition as that described in 329 completely died out even now?

13. State the line of reasoning and the conclusions of the Court in the Kalamazoo Case (330). Point out how this decision might influence development elsewhere.

14. Compare the University of Michigan of 1843 (331) with a present-day high school.

15. Show that Michigan (332) had perfected an American educational ladder.

SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES

* Brown, E. E. The Making of our Middle Schools. * Brown, S. W. The Secularization of American Education. Cubberley, E. P. Public Education in the United States. Dexter, E. G. A History of Education in the United States. * Hinsdale, B. A. _Horace Mann, and the Common School Revival in the United States_. * Inglis, A. J. The Rise of the High School in Massachusetts. Martin, George H. _The Evolution of the Massachusetts Public School System_. * Mead, A. R. _The Development of Free Schools in the United States, as Illustrated by Connecticut and Michigan_. Taylor, James M. Before Vassar Opened. * Thwing, Charles F. A History of Higher Education in America.

XXVII. EDUCATION BECOMES A NATIONAL TOOL

I. SPREAD OF THE STATE-CONTROL IDEA

THE FIVE TYPE NATIONS. We have now traced, in some detail, the struggles of forward-looking men to establish national systems of education in five great world nations. In each we have described the steps by means of which the State gradually superseded the Church in the control of education, and the motives and impulses which finally led the State to take over the school as a function of the State. The steps and impelling motives and rate of transfer were not the same in any two nations, but in each of the five the political necessities of the State in time made the transfer seem desirable. Time everywhere was required to effect the change. The movement began earliest and was concluded earliest in the German States, and was concluded last in England. In the German States, France, and Italy the change came rapidly and as a result of legislative acts or imperial decrees. In England and the United States the transfer took place, as we have seen, only in response to the slow development of public opinion.

This change in control and extension of educational advantages was essentially a nineteenth-century movement, and a resultant of the new political philosophy and the democratic revolutions of the later eighteenth century, combined with the industrial revolution of the nineteenth century. A new political impulse now replaced the earlier religious motive as the incentive for education, and education for literacy and citizenship became, during the nineteenth century, a new political ideal that has, in time, spread to progressive nations all over the world.

The five great nations whose educational evolution has been described in the preceding chapters may be regarded as having formed types which have since been copied, in more or less detail, by the more progressive nations in different parts of the world. The continental European two-class school system, the American educational ladder, and the English tendency to combine the two and use the best parts of each, have been reproduced in the different national educational systems which have been created by the various political governments of the world. The continental European idea of a centralized ministry for education, with an appointed head or a cabinet minister in control, has also been widely copied. The Prussian two-class plan has been most influential among the Teutonic and Slavic peoples of Europe, and has also deeply influenced educational development among the Japanese; English ideas have been extensively copied in the English self-governing dominions; and the American plan has been clearly influential in Canada, the Argentine, and in China. The French centralized plan for organization and administration has been widely copied in the state educational organizations of the Latin nations of Europe and South America. In a general way it may be stated that the more democratic the government of a nation has become the greater has been the tendency to break away from the two-class school system, to introduce more of an educational ladder, and to bring in more of the English conception of granting to localities a reasonable amount of local liberty in educational affairs.

SPREAD OF THE STATE CONTROL IDEA AMONG NORTHERN NATIONS. The development of schools under the control of the government, and the extension of state supervision to the existing religious schools, took place in the different cantons of Switzerland, and in Holland, Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, somewhat contemporaneously with the development described for the five type nations. The work of Pestalozzi and Fellenberg, and of their disciples and followers, had given an early impetus to the establishment of schools and teacher-training in the Swiss cantons, most being done in the German-speaking portions.

In Holland, where the Reformation zeal for schools largely died out in the eighteenth century, the organization of the "Society of Public Good," in 1784, by a Mennonite clergyman, did much to awaken a new interest in schools for the people and to inaugurate a new movement for educational organization. In 1795 a revolution took place in Holland, a republic was established, and the extension of educational advantages followed. From 1806 to 1815 Holland was under the rule of Napoleon. A school law of 1806 forms the basis of public education in Holland. This asserted the supremacy of the State in education, and provided for state inspection of schools. In 1812 the French scientist, M. Cuvier, reported to Napoleon that there were 4451 schools in little Holland, and that one tenth of the total population was in school. In 1816 a normal school was established at Haarlem. Both the constitutions of 1815 and 1848 provided for state control of education, which has been steadily extended since the beginning of the revival in 1784. Today Holland provides a good system of public instruction for its people.

In Denmark and Sweden the development of state schools has been worked out, much as in England, in coöperation with the Church, and the Church still assists the State in the administration and supervision of the school systems which were eventually evolved. In each of these countries, too, the continental two-class school system has been somewhat modified by an upward movement of the transfer point between the two and the development of people's high schools, so as to produce a more democratic type of school and afford better educational opportunities to all classes of the population. The annexed diagram, showing the organization of education in Denmark, is typical of this modification and extension.

Finland should also be classed with these northern nations in matters of educational development. Lutheran ideas as to religion and the need for education took deep hold there at an early date (p. 297). A knowledge of reading and the Catechism was made necessary for confirmation as early as 1686, and democratic ideas also found an early home among this people. In consequence the Finns have for long been a literate people. The law making elementary education a function of the State, however, dates only from 1866, and secondary education was taken over from the ecclesiastical authorities only in 1872.

Similarly, Scotland, another northern nation, began schools as a phase of its Reformation fervor. During the eighteenth century the parish schools, created by the Acts of 1646 (R. 179; p. 335) and 1696, proved insufficient, and voluntary schools were added to supplement them. Together these insured for Scotland a much higher degree of literacy than was the case in England. The final state organization of education in Scotland dates from the Scottish Education Act of 1872.

The map reproduced here, showing the progress of general education by the close of the nineteenth century, as measured by the spread of the ability to read and write, reveals at a glance the high degree of literacy of the northern Teutonic and mixed Teutonic nations. It was among these nations that the Protestant Reformation ideas made the deepest impression; it was in these northern States that the Protestant elementary vernacular school, to teach reading and religion, attained its earliest start; it was there that the school was taken over from the Church and erected into an effective national instrument at an early date; and it was these nations which had been most successful, by the close of the nineteenth century, in extending the elements of education to all and thus producing literate populations.

THE STATE-CONTROL IDEA IN THE SOUTH AND EAST OF EUROPE. As we pass to the south and east of Europe we pass not only to lands which remained loyal to the Roman Church, or are adherents of the Greek Church, and hence did not experience the Reformation fervor with its accompanying zeal for education, but also to lands untouched by the French-Revolution movement and where democratic ideas have only recently begun to make any progress. Greece alone forms an exception to this statement, a constitutional government having been established there in 1843. Removed from the main stream of European civilization, these nations have been influenced less by modern forces; the hold of the Church on the education of the young has there been longest retained; and the taking-over of education by the State has there been longest deferred. In consequence, the schools provided have for long been inadequate both in number and scope, and the progress of literacy and democratic ideas among the people has been slow.

Despite the beginnings made by Maria Theresa (p. 475) in the late eighteenth century, Austria dropped backward to a low place in matters of education during the period of reaction following the Napoleonic wars, and the real beginnings of state elementary-schools there date from the law of 1867. The beginnings in Hungary date from 1868. The beginnings of other state elementary school systems are: Greece, 1823; Portugal, 1844; Spain, 1857; Roumania, 1859; Bulgaria, 1881; and Serbia, 1882. In many of these States, despite early beginnings, but little real progress has even yet been made in developing systems of national education that will provide gratuitous elementary-school training for all and inculcate the national spirit. In many of these States the illiteracy of the people is still high, [1] the people are poor, the nations are economically backward, the military and clerical classes still dominate, and intelligent and interested governments have not as yet been evolved.

In Russia, though Catherine II and her successors made earnest efforts to begin a system of state education, the period following Napoleon was one of extreme repressive reaction. The military class and the clergy of the Greek Church joined hands in a government interested in keeping the people submissive and devout. In consequence, at the time of the emancipation of the serfs, in 1861, it was estimated that not one per cent of the total population of Russia was then under instruction, and the ratio of illiteracy by the close of the nineteenth century was the highest in Europe outside of Spain, Portugal, and the Balkan States.

THE STATE-CONTROL IDEA IN THE ENGLISH SELF-GOVERNING DOMINIONS. The English and French settlers in Ontario, Quebec, and the Maritime Provinces of Canada brought the English and French parochial-school ideas from their home-lands with them, but these home conceptions were materially modified, at an early date, by settlers from the northern States of the American Union. These introduced the New England idea of state control and public responsibility for education. In part copying precedents recently established in the new American States, as an outcome of the struggles there to establish free, tax-supported, and state-controlled schools, both Ontario and Quebec early began the establishment of state systems of education for their people. A superintendent of education was appointed in Ontario in 1844, and the Common School Act of 1846 laid the foundation of the state school system of the Province. In the law of 1871 a system of uniform, free, compulsory, and state-inspected schools was definitely provided for. Quebec, in 1845, made the ecclesiastical parish the unit for school administration; in 1852 appointed government inspectors for the church schools; and in 1859 provided for a Council of Public Instruction to control all schools in the Province. The Dominion Act of 1867 left education, as in the United States, to the several Provinces to control, and state systems of education, though with large liberty in religious instruction, or the incorporation of the religious schools into the state school systems, have since been erected in all the Canadian Provinces. Following American precedents, too, a thoroughly democratic educational ladder has almost everywhere been created, substantially like that shown in the Figure on page 708.

In Australia and New Zealand education has similarly been left to the different States to handle, but a state centralized control has been provided there which is more akin to French practice than to English ideas. In each State, primary education has been made free, compulsory, secular, and state-supported. The laws making such provision in the different States date from 1872, in Victoria; 1875, in Queensland; 1878, in South Australia, West Australia, and New Zealand; and 1880, in New South Wales. Secondary education has not as yet been made free, and many excellent privately endowed or fee-supported secondary schools, after the English plan, are found in the different States.

In the new Union of South Africa all university education has been taken over by the Union, while the existing school systems of the different States are rapidly being taken over and expanded by the state governments, and transformed into constructive instruments of the States.

THE STATE-CONTROL IDEA IN THE SOUTH AMERICAN STATES. As we have seen in Chapter XX, the spirit of nationality awakened by the French Revolution spread to South America, and between 1815 and 1821 all of Spain's South American colonies revolted, declared their independence from the mother country, and set up constitutional republics. Brazil, in 1822, in a similar manner severed its connections from Portugal. The United States, through the Monroe Doctrine (1823), helped these new States to maintain their independence. For approximately half a century these States, isolated as they were and engaged in a long and difficult struggle to evolve stable forms of government, left such education as was provided to private individuals and societies and to the missionaries and teaching orders of the Roman Church. After the middle of the nineteenth century, the new forces stirring in the modern world began to be felt in South America as well, and, after about 1870, a well-defined movement to establish state school systems began to be in evidence.

The Argentine constitution of 1853 had directed the establishment of primary schools by the State, but nothing of importance was done until after the election of Dr. Sarmiento as President, in 1868. Under his influence an American-type normal school was established, teachers were imported from the United States, and liberal appropriations for education were begun. In 1873 a general system of national aid for primary education was established, and in 1884 a new law laid the basis of the present state school system. Though some earlier beginnings had been made in some of the other South American nations, Argentine is regarded as the leader in education among them. This is largely due to the democratic nature of the government which, in connection with the deep interest in education of President Sarmiento, [2] found educational expression in the creation of an American-type educational ladder, as the accompanying diagram shows. Large emphasis has been placed on scientific and practical studies in the secondary colegios. The normal school has been given large importance, and made a parallel and connecting link in the educational ladder between the primary schools and the universities. The Argentine school system, probably due to American influences acting through President Sarmiento, forms an exception to the usual South American state school system, as nearly all the other States have followed the French model and created a European two-class school system.

In Chili, the constitution of 1833 declared education to be of supreme importance, and a normal school was established in Santiago, as early as 1840. The basic law for the organization of a state system of primary instruction, however, dates from 1860, and the law organizing a state system of secondary and higher education from 1872.

In Peru, an educational reform movement was inaugurated in 1876, but the war with Chili (1879-84) checked all progress. In 1896 an Educational Commission was appointed to visit the United States and Europe, and the law of 1901 marked the creation of a ministry for education and the real beginnings of a state school system.

The Brazilian constitution of 1824 left education to the several States (twenty and one Federal District), and a permissive law of 1827 allowed the different States to establish schools. It was not until 1854, however, that public schools were organized in the Federal District, and these mark the real beginning of state education in Brazil. Since then the establishment of state schools has gradually extended to the coast States, and inland with the building of railway lines and the opening-up of the interior to outside influences. The basis for state-controlled education has now been laid in all the States, but the attendance at the schools as yet is small. [3]

In some of the other South American States, such as Bolivia, Ecuador, and Venezuela, but little progress in extending state-controlled schools has as yet been made, and the training of the young is still left largely to private effort, the Church, and the religious orders. The illiteracy in all the South American States is still high, in part due to the large native populations, and much remains to be done before education becomes general there. The state-control idea, though, has been definitely established in principle in these countries. With the establishment of stable governments, the building of railroads and steamship lines, and the development of an important international commerce--events which there have characterized the first two decades of the twentieth century--early and important progress in state educational organization and in the extension of educational advantages may be expected.

THE STATE-SCHOOL IDEA IN EASTERN ASIA. In 1854 Admiral Perry effected the treaty of friendship with Japan which virtually opened that nation to the influences of western civilization, and one of the most wonderful transformations of a people recorded in history soon began. In 1867 a new Mikado came to the throne, and in 1868 the small military class, which had ruled the nation for some seven hundred years, gave up their power to the new ruler. A new era in Japan, known as the Meiji, dates from this event. In 1871 the centuries-old feudal system was abolished, and all classes in the State were declared equal before the law. This same year the first newspaper in Japan was begun. In 1872 the first educational code for the nation was promulgated by the Mikado. This ordered the general establishment of schools, the compulsory education of the people (R. 334 a), and the equality of all classes in educational matters. Students were now sent abroad, especially to Germany and the United States; foreign teachers were imported; an American normal-school teacher was placed in charge of the newly opened state normal school; the American class method of instruction was introduced; schoolbooks and teaching apparatus were prepared, after American models; middle schools were organized in the towns; higher schools were opened in the cities; and the old Academy of Foreign Languages was evolved (1877) into the University of Tokyo. In 1884 the study of English was introduced into the courses of the public schools. In 1889 a form of constitution was granted to the people, and a parliament established. [4]

Adapting the continental European idea of a two-class school system to the peculiar needs of the nation, the Japanese have worked out, during the past half-century, a type of state-controlled school system which has been well adapted to their national needs. [5] Instruction in national morality, based on the ancestral virtues, brotherly affection, and loyalty to the constitution and the ruling class (R. 334 b-c), has been well worked out in their schools. Though the government has remained largely autocratic in form, the Japanese have, however, retained throughout all their educational development the fundamental democratic principle enunciated in the Preamble to the Educational Code of 1872 (R. 334 a), viz., that every one without distinction of class or sex shall receive primary education at least, and that the opportunity for higher education shall be open to all children. So completely has the education of the people been conceived of as one of the most important functions of the State that all education has been placed under a centralized state control, with a Cabinet Minister in charge of all administrative matters connected with the education of the nation.

Since near the end of the nineteenth century what promises to be an even more wonderful transformation of a people-political, social, scientific, and industrial--has been taking place in China (R. 335). A much more democratic type of national school system than that of the Japanese has been worked out, and this the new (1912) Republic of China is rapidly extending in the provinces, and making education a very important function of the new democratic national life. [6] In the beginning, when displacing the centuries-old Confucian educational system, [7] the Chinese adopted Japanese ideas and organized their schools (1905) somewhat after the Japanese model. Later on, responding to the influence of many American- educated Chinese and to the more democratic impulses of the Chinese people, the new government established by the Republic of 1912 changed the school system at first established so as to make it in type more like the American educational ladder. The new Chinese school system is shown in the drawing on page 721. The university instruction is modern and excellent, and the addition of the cultural and scientific knowledge worked out in western Europe to the intellectual qualities of this capable people can hardly fail to result, in time, in the production of a wonderful modern nation, [8] probably in one of the greatest nations of the mid-twentieth century.

In 1891 the independent Kingdom of Siam, [9] awakened from its age-long isolation by new world influences, sent a prince to Europe to study and report on the state systems of education maintained there. As a result of his report a department of public education was created, which later evolved into a ministry of public instruction, and elementary schools were opened by the State in the thirteen thousand old Buddhist temples. These schools offered a two-year course in Siamese, followed by a five-year course in English, given by imported English teachers. Schools for girls were provided, as well as for boys. Since this beginning, higher schools of law, medicine, agriculture, engineering, and military science have been added, taught largely by imported English and American teachers. In consequence of the new educational organization, and the new influences brought in, the whole life of this little kingdom has been transformed during the past three decades.

GENERAL ACCEPTANCE OF THE STATE-FUNCTION CONCEPTION. The different national school systems, the creation of which has so far been briefly described, are typical and represent a great world movement which characterized the latter half of the nineteenth century. This movement is still under way, and increasing in strength. Other state school organizations might be added to the list, but those so far given are sufficient. Beginning with the nations which were earliest to the front of the onward march of civilization, the movement for the state control of education, itself an expression of new world forces and new national needs, has in a century spread to every continent on the globe. To-day progressive nations everywhere conceive of education for their people as so closely associated with their social, political, and industrial progress, and their national welfare and prosperity (R. 336), that the control of education has come to be regarded as an indispensable function of the State. State constitutions (R. 333) have accordingly required the creation of comprehensive state school systems; legislators have turned to education with a new interest; bulky state school codes have given force to constitutional mandates; national literacy has become a goal; the diffusion of political intelligence by means of the school has naturally followed the extension of the suffrage; while the many new forces and impulses of a modern world have served to make the old religious type of education utterly inadequate, and to call for national action to a degree never conceived of in the days when religious, private, and voluntary educational effort sufficed to meet the needs of the few who felt the call to learn. What a few of the more important of these new nineteenth-century forces have been, which have so fundamentally modified the character and direction of education, it may be worth while to set forth briefly, before proceeding further.

II. NEW MODIFYING FORCES

THE ADVANCE OF SCIENTIFIC KNOWLEDGE. The first and most important of these nineteenth-century forces, and the one which preceded and conditioned all the others, was the great increase of accurate knowledge as to the forces and laws of the physical world, arising from the application of scientific method to the investigation of the phenomena of the material world (R. 337). During the nineteenth century the intellect of man was stimulated to activity as it had not been before since the days when little Athens was the intellectual center of the world. What the Revival of Learning was to the classical scholars of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the movement for scientific knowledge and its application to human affairs was to the nineteenth. It changed the outlook of man on the problems of life, vastly enlarged the intellectual horizon, and gave a new trend to education and to scholarly effort. What the scholars of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries had been slowly gathering together as interesting and classified phenomena, the scientific scholars of the nineteenth century organized, interpreted, expanded, and applied. Since the day of Copernicus (p. 386) and Newton (p. 388) a growing appreciation of the permanence and scope of natural law in the universe had been slowly developing, and this the scholars of the nineteenth century fixed as a principle and applied in many new directions. A few of the more important of these new directions may profitably be indicated here.

In the domain of the physical sciences very important advances characterized the century. Chemistry, up to the end of the first quarter of the nineteenth century largely a collection of unrelated facts, was transformed by the labors of such men as Dalton (1766-1844), Faraday (1791-1867), and Liebig into a wonderfully well-organized and vastly important science. Liebig carried chemistry over into the study of the processes of digestion and the functioning of the internal organs, and reshaped much of the instruction in medicine. Liebig is also important as having opened, at Giessen, in 1826, the first laboratory instruction in chemistry for students provided in any university in the world. By many subsequent workers chemistry has been so applied to the arts that it is not too much to say that a knowledge of chemistry underlies the whole manufacturing and industrial life of the present, and that the degree of industrial preeminence held by a nation to-day is largely determined by its mastery of chemical processes.

Physics has experienced an equally important development. It, too, at the beginning of the nineteenth century was in the preliminary state of collecting, coördinating, and trying to interpret data. In a century physics has, by experimentation and the application of mathematics to its problems, been organized into a number of exceedingly important sciences. In dynamics, heat, light, and particularly in electricity, discoveries and extension of previous knowledge of the most far-reaching significance have been made. What at the beginning of the nineteenth century was a small textbook study of natural philosophy has since been subdivided into the two great sciences of physics and chemistry, and these in turn into numerous well-organized branches. Today these are taught, not from textbooks, but in large and costly laboratories, while manufacturing establishments and governments now find it both necessary and profitable to maintain large scientific institutions for chemical and physical research.

The great triumph of physics, from the point of view of the reign of law in the world of matter, was the experimental establishment (1849) of the fundamental principle of the conservation of energy. This ranks in importance in the world of the physical sciences with the theory of evolution in the biological. The perfection of the spectroscope (1859) revealed the rule of chemical law among the stars, and clinched the theory of evolution as applied to the celestial universe. The atomic theory of matter [10] was an extension of natural laws in another direction. In 1846 occurred the most spectacular proof of the reign of natural law which the nineteenth century witnessed. Two scientists, in different lands, [11] working independently, calculated the orbit of a new planet, Neptune, and when the telescope was turned to the point in the heavens indicated by their calculations the planet was there. It was a tremendous triumph for both mathematics and astronomy. Such work as this meant the firm establishment of scientific accuracy, and the ultimate elimination of the old theories of witchcraft, diabolic action, and superstition as controlling forces in the world of human affairs.

The publication by Charles Lyell (1797-1875) of his Principles of Geology, in 1830, marked another important advance in the knowledge of the operations of natural law in the physical world, and likewise a revolution in thinking in regard to the age and past history of the earth. Few books have ever more deeply influenced human thinking. The old theological conception of earthly "catastrophes" [12] was overthrown, and in its place was substituted the idea of a very long and a very orderly evolution of the planet. Geology was created as a new science, and out of this has come, by subsequent evolution, a number of other new sciences [13] which have contributed much to human progress.

Another of the great books of all time appeared in 1859, when Charles Darwin (1809-1882) published the results of thirty years of careful biological research in his Origin of Species. This swept away the old theory of special and individual creation which had been cherished since early antiquity; and substituted in its place the reign of law in the field of biological life. This substitution of the principle of orderly evolution for the old theory of special creation marked another forward step in human thinking, [14] and gave an entirely new direction to the old study of natural history. [15] In the hands of such workers as Wallace (1823-1913), Asa Gray (1810-88), Huxley (1825-94), and Spencer (1820-1903) it now proved a fruitful field.

In 1856 the German Virchow (1821-1902) made his far-reaching contribution of cellular pathology to medical science; between 1859 and 1865 the French scientist Pasteur (1822-95) established the germ theory of fermentation, putrefaction, and disease; about the same time the English surgeon Lister (1827-1914) began to use antiseptics in surgery; and, in 1879, the bacillus of typhoid fever was found. Out of this work the modern sciences of pathology, aseptic surgery, bacteriology, and immunity were created, and the cause and mode of transmission of the great diseases [16] which once decimated armies and cities--plague, cholera, malaria, typhoid, typhus, yellow fever, dysentery--as well as the scourges of tuberculosis, diphtheria, and lockjaw, have been determined. The importance of these discoveries for the future welfare and happiness of mankind can scarcely be overestimated. Sanitary science arose as an application of these discoveries, and since about 1875 a sanitary and hygienic revolution has taken place.

The above represent but a few of the more important of the many great scientific advances of the nineteenth century. What the thinkers of the eighteenth century had sowed broadcast through a general interest in science, their successors in the nineteenth reaped as an abundant harvest. The three great master keys of science--the higher mathematics, the principle of the conservation of energy, and the principle of orderly evolution of life according to law--so long unknown to man, had at last been discovered, and, with these in their possession, men have since opened up many of the long-hidden secrets of cause and growth and form and function, both in the heavens and on the earth, and have revealed to a wondering world the prodigious and eternal forces of an orderly universe. The fruitfulness of the Baconian method (p. 390) in the hands of his successors has far surpassed his most sanguine expectations.

THE APPLICATIONS OF SCIENCE AND THE RESULT. All this work, as has been frequently pointed out (R. 338), had of necessity to precede the applications of science to the arts and to the advancement of the comforts and happiness of mankind. The new studies soon caught the attention of younger scholars; special schools for their study began to be established by the middle of the nineteenth century; [17] enthusiastic students of science began forcefully to challenge the centuries-long supremacy of classical studies; funds for scientific research began to be provided; the printing-press disseminated the new ideas; and thousands of applications of science to trade and industry and human welfare began to attract public attention and create a new demand for schools and for a new extension of learning. During the past century the applications of this new learning to matters that intimately touch the life of man have been so numerous and so far-reaching in their effects that they have produced a revolution in life conditions unlike anything the world ever experienced before. In all the days from the time of the Crusades to the end of the Napoleonic Wars the changes in living effected were less, both in scope and importance, than have taken place in the century since Napoleon was sent to Saint Helena.

THIS TRANSFORMATION WE CALL THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION. This, as we pointed out earlier (p. 492), began in England in the late eighteenth century. France did not experience its beginnings until after the Napoleonic Wars, though after about 1820 the transformations there were rapid and far- reaching. In the United States it began about 1810-15, and between 1820 and 1860 the industrial methods of the people of the northeastern quarter of the United States were revolutionized. Between 1860 and 1900 they were revolutionized again. In the German States the transformation began about 1840, though it did not reach its great development until after the establishment of the Empire, in 1871. Since the middle of the nineteenth century, with the development of factories, the building of railroads, and the extension of steamship lines, even the most remote countries have been affected by the new forces. Nations long primitive and secluded have been modernized and industrialized; century-old trades and skills have been destroyed by machinery; the old home and village industries have been replaced by the factory system; cities for manufacturing and trade have everywhere experienced a rapid development; and even on the farm the agricultural methods of bygone days have been replaced by the discoveries of science and the products of invention. Almost nothing is done to-day as it was a century ago, and only in remote places do people live as they used to live. The nature and extent of the change which has been wrought, and some estimate as to its effect upon educational procedure, may perhaps be better comprehended if we first contrast living conditions before and after this industrial transformation.

LIVING CONDITIONS A CENTURY AGO. A century ago people everywhere lived comparatively simple lives. The steam engine, while beginning to be put to use (p. 493), had not as yet been extensively applied and made the willing and obedient slave of man. The lightning had not as yet been harnessed, and the now omnipresent electric motor was then still unknown. Only in England had manufacturing reached any large proportions, and even there the methods were somewhat primitive. Thousands of processes which we now perform simply and effectively by the use of steam or electric power, a century ago were done slowly and painfully by human labor. The chief sources of power were then man and horse power. The home was a center in which most of the arts and trades were practiced, and in the long winter evenings the old crafts and skills were turned to commercial account. What every family used and wore was largely made in the home, the village, or the neighborhood.

Travel was slow and expensive and something only the well-to-do could afford. To go fifty miles a day by stage-coach, or one hundred by sailing packet on the water, was extraordinarily rapid. "One could not travel faster by sea or by land," as Huxley remarked, "than at any previous time in the world's history, and King George could send a message from London to York no faster than King John might have done." The steam train was not developed until about 1825, and through railway lines not for a quarter- century longer. It took four days by coach from London to York (188 miles); six weeks by sailing vessel from Southampton to Boston; and six months from England to India. People moved about but little. A journey of fifty miles was an event--for many something not experienced in a lifetime. To travel to a foreign land made a man a marked individual. Benjamin Franklin tells us that he was frequently pointed out on the streets of Philadelphia, then the largest city in the United States, as a man who had been to Europe. George Ticknor has left us an interesting record (R. 339) of his difficulties, in finding anything in print in the libraries of the time, about 1815, or any one who could tell him about the work of the German universities, which he, as a result of reading Madame de Staël's book on Germany, was desirous of attending. [18]

Everywhere it was a time of hard work and simple living. Every youngster had to become useful at an early age. The work of life, in town or on the farm, required hard and continual labor from all. Farm machinery had not been perfected, and hand labor performed all the operations of ploughing and sowing, reaping and harvesting. With the introduction of the factory system, men, women, and children were used to operate machinery, children being apprenticed to the mills at about eight years of age and working ten to twelve hours a day. This soon worked the life out of human beings, and in consequence sickness, wretchedness, juvenile delinquency, ignorance, drunkenness, pauperism, and crime increased greatly as cities grew and the factory system drew thousands from the farms to the towns. When Queen Victoria came to the throne (1837) one person in twelve in England was a pauper, and the lot of the poor was wretched in the extreme. In cities they lived in cellars and basements and hovels. There was practically no sanitation or drainage. Streets and alleys were filthy. Graveyards were commonly located in the heart of a town. A pure water-supply through water-mains was unknown. Pumps and water-carriers supplied nearly all the needs. There was in consequence much sickness, and such diseases as typhoid and malaria ran rampant.

CHANGE IN LIVING CONDITIONS TO-DAY. In a century all has been changed. Steam and electricity and sanitary science have transformed the world; the railway, steamship, telegraph, cable, and printing-press have made the world one. The output of the factory system has transformed living and labor conditions, even to the remote corners of the world; sanitary science and sanitary legislation have changed the primitive conditions of the home and made of it a clean and comfortable modern abode; men and women have been freed from an almost incalculable amount of drudgery and toil, and the human effort and time saved may now be devoted to other types of work or to enjoyment and learning. Thousands who once were needed for menial toil on farm or in shop and home are now freed for employment in satisfying new wants and new pleasures that mankind has come to know, [19] or may devote their time and energies to forms of service that advance the welfare of mankind or minister to the needs of the human spirit.

Labor-saving devices and the applications of scientific work have touched all phases of life and labor of men and women, and under modern methods of transportation go everywhere. The American self-binding reaper is found in the grain-fields of Russia and the Argentine; one may buy cans of kerosene and tinned meats and vegetables almost anywhere in the world today; sewing machines and phonographs add to the comfort and pleasure of the African native and the dweller on the Yukon; "milady" in Siam uses cosmetics manufactured for the devotees of fashion in Paris; the Sultan of Sulu wears an elegant American wrist-watch; the Dahomeny tribesman has a safety razor, and a mirror of French plate; the Persian dandy wears shoes and haberdashery made in the United States; old Chinamen up the Yellow River Valley read their Confucius by the light of an Edison Mazda; the steam train wends its way up from Jaffa to Jerusalem; the gasoline power boat chugs its course up the Nile the Pharaohs sailed; and modern surgical methods and instruments are used in the hospitals of Manila and Singapore, Cairo and Cape Town. A rupee spent for thread at Calcutta starts the spindles going in Manchester; a new calico dress for a Mandalay belle helps the cotton-print mills of Leeds; a new carving set for a Fiji Islander means more labor for some cutlery works in Sheffield; a half- dollar for a new undershirt in Panama means increased work for a cotton mill in New England; a new blanket called for against the winter's cold of Siberia moves the looms of some Rhode Island town; a dime spent for a box of matches in Alaska means added labor and profit for a match factory in California; a new bath tub in Paraguay spells increased output for a factory at Milan or Turin; and the Christmas wishes of the children in Brazil give work to the toy factories of Nüremberg.

Trains and huge steamers move today along the great trade routes of the modern world, exchanging both the people and their products. The holds of the ships are filled with coal and grain and manufactured implements and commodities of every description, while their steerage space is crowded with modern Marco Polos and Magellans going forth to see the world. The Hindoo walks the streets of Cape Town, London, Sydney, New York, San Francisco, and Valparaiso; the Russian Jew is found in all the Old and New World cities; the Englishman and the American travel everywhere; the Japanese are fringing the Pacific with their laboring classes; toiling Italians and Greeks are found all over the world; peasants from the Balkans gather the prune and orange crops of California; the moujic from the Russian Caucasus tills the wheat-fields of the Dakotas; while the Irish, Scandinavians, and Teutons form the political, farming, and commercial classes in many far-distant lands. In the recent World War Serbs from Montana and Colorado fought side by side with Serbs from Belgrade and Nisch; Greeks from New York and San Francisco helped their brothers from Athens drive the Bulgars back up the Vardar Valley; Italians from New Orleans and Rio de Janeiro helped their kinsmen from the valley of the Po hold back the Hun from the Venetian plain; Chinese from the valleys of the Tong-long and the Yang-tse-Kiang backed up the Allied armies by tilling the fields of France; and Algerian and Senegalese natives helped the French hold back the Teutonic hordes from the ravishment of Paris. So completely has the old isolation been broken down! So completely is the world in flux! So small has the world become!

It was almost a century from the time instruction in Greek was revived in Florence (1396) until Linacre first lectured on Greek at Oxford (c. 1492); six months after the X-ray was perfected in Germany it was in use in the hospitals of San Francisco. In the Middle Ages thousands might have died of starvation in Persia or Egypt, a famous city in Asia Minor might have been destroyed by an earthquake and many people killed, or war might have raged for years in the Orient without a citizen of western Europe knowing of it all his life. Today any important event anywhere within the range of the telegraph or the cable would be reported in tomorrow morning's paper, and carefully described and illustrated in the magazines at an early date. Man is no longer a citizen of a town or a state, but of a nation and of the world. How intelligently he can use this larger citizenship depends today largely upon the character and the extent of the education he has received.

EFFECT OF THESE CHANGES ON THE LABORING-CLASSES. At first the effect of the introduction of factory-made goods and labor-saving devices was to upset the old established institutions. Trades practiced by the guilds since the Middle Ages were destroyed, because factories could turn out goods faster and cheaper than guild workmen could make them. The age-old apprenticeship system began to break down. Everywhere people were thrown out of employment, and a vast shifting of occupations took place. There was much discontent, and laborers began to unite, where allowed to do so, [20] with a view to improving their economic and political condition by concerted action. The political revolutions of 1848 throughout Europe were in part a manifestation of this discontent, and the right to organize was everywhere demanded and in time generally obtained. Among the planks in their platform were equality of all before the law; the limitation of child and woman labor; better working conditions and wages; the provision of schools for their children at public expense; and the extension of the right of suffrage.

Despite certain unfortunate results following the change from age-old working conditions, the century of transition has seen the laboring man making gains unknown before in history, and the peasant has seen the abolition of serfdom [21] and feudal dues. Homes have gained tremendously. The drudgery and wasteful toil have been greatly mitigated. To-day there is a standard of comfort and sanitation, even for those in the humblest circumstances, beyond all previous conceptions. The poorest workman to-day can enjoy in his home lighting undreamed of in the days of tallow candles; warmth beyond the power of the old smoky soft-coal grate; food of a variety and quality his ancestors never knew; kitchen conveniences and an ease in kitchen work wholly unknown until recently; and sanitary conveniences and conditions beyond the reach of the wealthiest half a century ago. The caste system in industry has been broken down, and men and their children may now choose their occupations freely, [22] and move about at will. Wages have greatly increased, both actually and relatively to the greatly improved standard of living. The work of women and children is easier, and all work for shorter hours. Child labor is fast being eliminated in all progressive nations. In consequence of all these changes for the better, people to-day have a leisure for reading and thinking and personal enjoyment entirely unknown before the middle of the nineteenth century, and governments everywhere have found it both desirable and necessary to provide means for the utilization of this leisure and the gratification of the new desires. Along with these changes has gone the development of the greatest single agent for spreading liberalizing ideas --the modern newspaper--"the most inveterate enemy of absolutism and reaction." Despite censorships, suppressions, and confiscations, the press has by now established its freedom in all enlightened lands, and the cylinder press, the telegraph, and the cable have become "indispensable adjuncts to the development of that power which every absolutist has come to dread, and with which every prime minister must daily reckon."

III. EFFECT OF THESE CHANGES ON EDUCATION

GENERAL RESULT OF THESE CHANGES. The general result of the vast and far- reaching changes which we have just described is that the intellectual and political horizon of the working classes has been tremendously broadened; the home has been completely altered; children now have much leisure and do little labor; and the common man at last is rapidly coming into his own. Still more, the common man seems destined to be the dominant force in government in the future. To this end he and his children must be educated, his wife and children cared for, his home protected, and governments must do for him the things which satisfy his needs and advance his welfare. The days of the rule of a small intellectual class and of government in the interests of such a class have largely passed, and the political equality which the Athenian Greeks first in the western world gave to the "citizens" of little Athens, the Industrial Revolution has forced modern and enlightened governments to give to all their people. In consequence, real democracy in government, education, justice, and social welfare is now in process of being attained generally, for the first time in the history of the world.

The effect of all these changes in the mode of living of peoples is written large on the national life. The political and industrial revolutions which have marked the ushering-in of the modern age have been far-reaching in their consequences. The old home life and home industries of an earlier period are passing, or have passed, never to return. Peoples in all advanced nations are rapidly swinging into the stream of a new and vastly more complex world civilization, which brings them into contact and competition with the best brains of all mankind. At the same time a great and ever-increasing specialization of human effort is taking place on all sides, and with new and ever more difficult social, political, educational, industrial, commercial, and human-life problems constantly presenting themselves for solution. The world has become both larger and smaller than it used to be, and even its remote parts are now being linked up, to a degree that a century ago would not have been deemed possible, with the future welfare of the nations which so long bore the brunt of the struggle for the preservation and advancement of civilization.

THESE CHANGES AND THE SCHOOL. It is these vast and far-reaching political, industrial, and social changes which have been the great actuating forces behind the evolution and expansion of the state school systems which we have so far described. The American and French political revolutions, with their new philosophy of political equality and state control of education, clearly inaugurated the movement for taking over the school from the Church and the making of it an important instrument of the State. The extension of the suffrage to new classes gave a clear political motive for the school, and to train young people to read and write and know the constitutional bases of liberty became a political necessity. The industrial revolution which followed, bringing in its train such extensive changes in labor and in the conditions surrounding home and child life, has since completely altered the face of the earlier educational problem. What was simple once has since become complex, and the complexity has increased with time. Once the ability to read and write and cipher distinguished the educated man from the uneducated; to-day the man or woman who knows only these simple arts is an uneducated person, hardly fit to cope with the struggle for existence in a modern world, and certainly not fitted to participate in the complex political and industrial life of which, in all advanced nations, he or she [23] to-day forms a part.

It is the attempt to remould the school and to make of it a more potent instrument of the State for promoting national consciousness (R. 340) and political, social, and industrial welfare that has been behind the many changes and expansions and extensions of education which have marked the past half-century in all the leading world nations, and which underlie the most pressing problems in educational readjustment to-day. These changes and expansions and problems we shall consider more in detail in the chapters which follow. Suffice it here to say that from mere teaching institutions, engaged in imparting a little religious instruction and some knowledge of the tools of learning, the school, in all the leading nations, has to-day been transformed into an institution for advancing national welfare. The leading purpose now is to train for political and social efficiency in the more democratic types of governments being instituted among peoples, and to impart to the young those industrial and social experiences once taught in the home, the trades, and on the farm, but which the coming of the factory system and city life have deprived them otherwise of knowing.

NEW PROBLEMS TO BE MET BY EDUCATION. As participation in the political life of nations has been extended to larger and larger groups of the people, and as the problems of government have become more and more complex, the schools have found it necessary to add instruction in geography, history, government, and national ideals and culture to the earlier instruction. In the less democratic nations which have evolved national school systems, this new instruction has often been utilized to give strength to the type of government and social conditions which the ruling class desired to have perpetuated. This has been the evident purpose in Japan (R. 334), though the government of Imperial Germany formed perhaps the best illustration of such perversion. This was seen and pointed out long ago by Horace Mann (R. 281). There the idea of nationality through education (R. 342) was carried to such an extreme as made the government oppressive to subject peoples and a menace to neighboring States. [24] On the other hand, the French have used their schools for national ends (R. 341) in a manner that has been highly commendable.

As the social life of nations has become broader and more complex, a longer period of guidance has become necessary to prepare the future citizens of the State for intelligent participation in it. As a result, child life everywhere has and is still experiencing a new lengthening of the period of dependence and training, and all national interests now indicate that the period devoted to preparing for life's work will need to be further lengthened. All recent thinking and legislation, as well as the interests of organized labor and the public welfare, have in recent decades set strongly against child labor. Economically unprofitable under modern industrial conditions, and morally indefensible, it has at last come to be accepted as a principle, by progressive nations, that it is better for children and for society that they remain under some form of instruction until they are at least sixteen years of age. To this end the common primary school has been continued upward, part-time continuation schools of various types have been organized for those who must go to labor earlier, and people's high schools or middle schools have been added (see Figure 210, p. 713) to give the equivalent of a high-school education to the children of the classes not patronizing the exclusive and limited tuition secondary school.

As large numbers of immigrants from distant lands have entered some of the leading nations, notably England and the United States, and particularly immigrants from less advanced nations where general education is not as yet common, and where far different political, social, judicial, and hygienic conditions prevail, a new duty has been thrust upon the school of giving to such incoming peoples, and their children, some conception of the meaning and method and purpose of the national life of the people they have come among. The national schools have accordingly been compelled to give attention to the needs of these new elements in the population, and to direct their attention less exclusively to satisfying the needs of the well-to-do classes of society. Educational systems have in consequence tended more and more to become democratic in character, and to serve in part as instruments for the assimilation of the stranger within the nation's gates and for the perpetuation and improvement of the national life.

EDUCATION A CONSTRUCTIVE NATIONAL TOOL. One result of the many political, social, and industrial changes of a century has been to evolve education into the great constructive tool of modern political society. For ages a church and private affair, and of no great importance for more than a few, it has to-day become the prime essential to good government and national progress, and is so recognized by the leading nations of the world. As people are freed from autocratic rule and take upon themselves the functions of government, and as they break loose from their age-old political, social, and industrial moorings and swing out into the current of the stream of modern world-civilization, the need for the education of the masses to enable them to steer safely their ship of state, and take their places among the stable governments of a modern world, becomes painfully evident. In the hands of an uneducated people a democratic form of government is a dangerous instrument, while the proper development of natural resources and the utilization of trade opportunities by backward peoples, without being exploited, is almost impossible. In Russia, Mexico, and the Central American "republics" we see the results of a democracy in the hands of an uneducated people. There, too often, the revolver instead of the ballot box is used to settle public issues, and instead of orderly government under law we find injustice and anarchy. A general system of education that will teach the fundamental principles of constitutional liberty, and apply science to production in agriculture and manufacturing, is almost the only solution for such conditions. By contrast with the surrounding "republics" one finds in Guatemala [25] a country that has used education intelligently as a tool to advance the interests of its people.

When the United States freed Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines from Spanish rule, a general system of public education, modeled after the American educational ladder, was created as a safeguard to the liberty just brought to these islands, and to education the United States added courts of justice and bureaus of sanitation as important auxiliary agencies. As a result the peoples of these islands have made a degree of progress in self-government and industry in three decades not made in three centuries under Spanish rule. The good results of the work done in these islands in establishing schools, building roads and bridges, introducing police courts, establishing good sanitary conditions, building hospitals and training nurses, applying science to agriculture, developing tropical medicine, and training the people in the difficult art of self- government, will for long be a monument to the political foresight and intelligent conceptions of government held by the American people. In a similar way the French have opened schools in Morocco, Algiers, Tunis, Senegal, Madagascar, and French Indo-China, as have the English in Egypt, India, Hong Kong, [26] the West Indies, and elsewhere. With the freeing of Palestine from the rule of the Turk, the English at once began the establishment of schools and a national university there, and doubtless they will do the same in time in Persia and Mesopotamia.

Germany, too, before the World War, but with less benevolent purposes than the Americans, the French, or the English, was also busily engaged in extending her influence through education. Her universities were thrown open to students from the whole world, and excellent instruction did they offer. The "Society for the Extension of Germanism in Foreign Countries" rendered an important service. Professors were "exchanged"; the introduction of instruction in the German language into the schools of other nations was promoted; and German schools were founded and encouraged abroad. Especially were Realschulen promoted to teach the wonders of German science, pure and applied. In southern Brazil and the Argentine, and in Roumania, Bulgaria, and Turkey, particular efforts were made to extend German influence and pave the way for German commercial and perhaps political expansion. Primary schools, girls' schools, and Real-schools in numbers were founded and aided abroad, and their progress reported to the colonial minister at home. All through the Near East the German was busily building, through trade and education, a new empire for himself. Had he been content to follow the slower paths of peaceful commercial and intellectual conquest, with his wonderful organization he would have been irresistible. With one gambler's throw he dashed his future to the ground, and unmasked himself before the world!

EXPANSION OF THE EDUCATIONAL IDEA. In all lands to-day where there is an intelligent government, the education of the people through a system of state-controlled schools is regarded as of the first importance in moulding and shaping the destinies of the nation and promoting the country's welfare. Beginning with education to impart the ability to read and write and cipher, and as an aid to the political side of government, the education of the masses has been so expanded in scope during the century that today it includes aims, classes, types of schools, and forms of service scarcely dreamed of at the time the State began to take over the school from the Church, with a view to extending elementary educational advantages and promoting literacy and citizenship. What some of the more important of these expansions have been we shall state in a following chapter, but before doing so let us return to another phase of the problem--that of the progress of educational theory--and see what have been the main lines of this progress in the theory as to the educational purpose since the time when Pestalozzi formulated a theory for the secular school.

QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION

1. What does the emphasis on the People's High Schools in Denmark indicate as to the political status of the common people there?

2. Explain the educational prominence of Finland, compared with its neighbor Russia.

3. Show the close relation between the character of the school system developed in Japan and the character of its government. In China.

4. Show why the state-function conception of education is destined to be the ruling plan everywhere.

5. Show the close connection between the Industrial Revolution and a somewhat general diffusion of the fundamental principles revealed by the study of science.

6. Show how the Industrial Revolution has created entirely new problems in education, and what some of these are.

7. Show the connection between the Industrial Revolution and political enfranchisement.

8. Enumerate some of the educational problems we now face that we should not have had to deal with had the Industrial Revolution not taken place.

9. Why has the result of these changes been to extend the period of dependence and tutelage of children?

10. Outline an educational solution of the problem of Mexico. Of Russia. Of Persia.

11. Show how Germany found it profitable to establish Realschulen in such distant countries as Turkey, Mesopotamia, and the Argentine.

12. Describe the expansion of the educational idea since the days when Pestalozzi formulated the theory for the secular school.

13. What is the social significance of the development of parallel secondary schools and courses, in all lands?

14. Contrast the American and the European secondary school in purpose. Why should the American be a free school, while those in Europe are tuition schools?

15. Show why the essentially democratic school system maintained in the United States would not be suited to an autocratic form of government.

16. Show that the weight of a priesthood and the force of religious instruction in the schools would be strong supports for monarchical forms of government.

17. Homogeneous monarchical nations look after the training of their teachers much better than does such a cosmopolitan nation as the United States. Why?

SELECTED READINGS

In the accompanying Book of Readings the following illustrative selections are reproduced:

333. Switzerland: Constitutional Provisions as to Education and Religious Freedom. 334. Japan: The Basic Documents of Japanese Education. (a) Preamble to the Education Code of 1872. (b) Imperial Rescript on Moral Education. (c) Instructions as to Lessons on Morals. 335. Ping Wen Kuo: Transformation of China by Education. 336. Mann: Education and National Prosperity. 337. Huxley: The Recent Progress of Science. 338. Anon.: Scientific Knowledge must precede Invention. 339. Ticknor: Illustrating Early Lack of Communication. 340. Monroe: The Struggle for National Realization. 341. Buisson, F.: The French Teacher and the National Spirit. 342. Fr. de Hovre: The German Emphasis on National Ends. 343. Stuntz: Landing of the Pilgrims at Manila.

QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS

1. Compare the Swiss and American Federal organizations, and state just what the Swiss Constitution (333) provides as to education.

2. Suppose you knew nothing about the Japanese, what type of government would you take theirs to be from reading the Imperial Rescript (334b)?

3. In comparing the Chinese transformation and the Renaissance (335), does Mr. Ping propose comparable events?

4. Show that Mr. Mann's argument (336) is still sound.

5. Does Huxley overdraw (337) our dependence on science?

6. From 338, show why the Middle Ages were so poor in inventions and discoveries.

7. Are there universities anywhere to-day of which we know as little as Ticknor was able to find out (339) a century ago?

8. Show that Monroe's statements are true that the struggle for national realization (340) has dominated modern history from the fifteenth century on.

9. Compare the conceptions as to the function of education in a State as revealed in the selections as to French (341) and German (342) educational purpose.

10. Show the entirely new character of the event (343) described by Stuntz.

SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES

* Buisson, F. and Farrington, F. E. _French Educational Ideals of To- day_. Butler, N. M. "Status of Education at the Close of the Century"; in Proceedings National Education Association, 1900, pp. 188-96. Davidson, Thos. "Education as World Building"; in _Educational Review_, vol. xx, pp. 325-45. (November, 1900.) Doolittle, Wm. H. Inventions of the Century. Foster, M. "A Century's Progress in Science"; in _Educational Review_, vol. xviii, pp. 313-31. (November, 1899.) * Friedel, V. H. The German School as a War Nursery. Gibbons, H. de B. _Economic and Industrial Progress of the Century_. Hughes, J. L., and Klemm, L. R. _Progress of Education in the Nineteenth Century_. * Huxley, Thos. "The Progress of Science"; in his _Methods and Results_. * Kuo, Ping Wen. The Chinese System of Public Education. Lewis, R. E. The Educational Conquest of the Far East. Macknight, Thos. Political Progress of the Century. * Ross, E. A. "The World Wide Advance of Democracy"; in his _Changing America_. Routledge, R. A Popular History of Science. Sandiford, Peter, Editor. Comparative Education. * Sedgwick, W. T., and Tyler, H. W. A Short History of Science. * Thwing, C. F. Education in the Far East. Webster, W. C. General History of Commerce. White, A. D. The-Warfare of Science and Theology.