The Ghost-dance religion and the Sioux outbreak of 1890 (part 4 of 4)

The Ghost-dance religion and the Sioux outbreak of 1890 (part 4 of 4)

Should other birds come, he drove them away or paid no attention to them. When at last the eagle came the other birds at once flew away. The eagle swooped down, alighting always at one side and then walking over upon the roof of the trap to get at the bait, when the hunter, putting up his hand through the framework, seized the eagle by the legs, pulled it down and quickly strangled it or broke its neck. He then rearranged the bait and the roof and sat down to wait for another eagle. He might be so lucky as to capture several during the day, or so unfortunate as to take none at all. At night, but not before, he repaired to his own tipi to eat, drink, and sleep, and was at the pit again before daylight. While in the pit he did not eat, drink, or sleep. The eagle hunt, if it may be so called, lasted four days, and must end then, whatever might have been the good or bad fortune of the hunter.

At the expiration of four days he returned to his home with the dead bodies of the eagles thus caught. A small lodge was set up outside his tipi and in this the eagles were hung up by the neck upon a pole laid across two forked sticks driven into the ground. After some further prayers and purifications the feathers were stripped from the bodies as they hung.

The Blackfoot method, as described by Grinnell, in his Blackfoot Lodge Tales, was the same in all essentials as that of the Arapaho. He adds several details, which were probably common to both tribes and to others, but which my Arapaho informants failed to mention. While the hunter was away in the pit his wife or daughters at home must not use an awl for sewing or for other purposes, as, should they do so, the eagle might scratch the hunter. He took a human skull with him into the pit, in order that he might be as invisible to the eagle as the spirit of the former owner of the skull. He must not eat the berries of the wild rose during this period, or the eagle would not attack the bait, and he must put a morsel of pemmican into the mouth of the dead eagle in order to gain the good will of its fellows and induce them to come in and be caught.

The eagle-catching ceremony of the Caddo, Cherokee, and other eastern tribes will be noticed in treating of the Caddo songs.

48. +Bä′hinä′nina′tä ni′tabä′na+

Bä′hinä′nina′tä ni′tabä′na, Bä′hinä′nina′tä ni′tabä′na. Nänä′nina hu′hu, Nänä′nina hu′hu.

Translation

I hear everything, I hear everything. I am the crow, I am the crow.

This is another song expressive of the omniscience of the crow, which, as their messenger from the spirit world, hears and knows everything, both on this earth and in the shadow land. The tune is one of the prettiest of all the ghost songs.

49. +A-bä′qati′ hä′nichä′bi′hinä′na+

A-bä′qati′ hä′nichä′bi′hinä′na, A-bä′qati′ hä′nichä′bi′hinä′na. A-wa′täna′ni ani′ä′tähĭ′näna, A-wa′täna′ni ani′ä′tähĭ′näna.

Translation

With the bä′qati wheel I am gambling, With the bä′qati wheel I am gambling. With the black mark I win the game, With the black mark I win the game.

This song is from the northern Arapaho. The author of it, in his visit to the spirit world, found his former friends playing the old game of the bä′qati wheel, which was practically obsolete among the prairie tribes, but which is being revived since the advent of the Ghost dance. As it was a favorite game with the men in the olden times, a great many of the songs founded on these trance visions refer to it, and the wheel and sticks are made by the dreamer and carried in the dance as they sing.

The game is played with a wheel (bä′qati, “large wheel”) and two pairs of throwing sticks (qa′qa-u′nûtha). The Cheyenne call the wheel ä′ko′yo or äkwi′u, and the sticks hoo′isi′yonots. It is a man’s game, and there are three players, one rolling the wheel, while the other two, each armed with a pair of throwing sticks, run after it and throw the sticks so as to cross the wheel in a certain position. The two throwers are the contestants, the one who rolls the wheel being merely an assistant. Like most Indian games, it is a means of gambling, and high stakes are sometimes wagered on the result. It is common to the Arapaho, Cheyenne, Sioux, and probably to all the northern prairie tribes, but is not found among the Kiowa or Comanche in the south.

The wheel is about 18 inches in diameter, and consists of a flexible young tree branch, stripped of its bark and painted, with the two ends fastened together with sinew or buckskin string. At equal distances around the circumference of the wheel are cut four figures, the two opposite each other constituting a pair, but being distinguished by different colors, usually blue or black and red, and by lines or notches on the face. These figures are designated simply by their colors. Figures of birds, crescents, etc., are sometimes also cut or painted upon the wheel, but have nothing to do with the game. (See plate +CXI+.)

The sticks are light rods, about 30 inches long, tied in pairs by a peculiar arrangement of buckskin strings, and distinguished from one another by pieces of cloth of different colors fastened to the strings. There is also a pile of tally sticks, usually a hundred in number, about the size of lead pencils and painted green, for keeping count of the game. The sticks are held near the center in a peculiar manner between the fingers of the closed hand. When the wheel is rolled, each player runs from the same side, and endeavors to throw the sticks so as to strike the wheel in such a way that when it falls both sticks of his pair shall be either over or under a certain figure. It requires dexterity to do this, as the string has a tendency to strike the wheel in such a way as to make one stick fall under and the other over, in which case the throw counts for nothing. The players assign their own value to each figure, the usual value being five points for one and ten for the other figure, with double that number for a throw which crosses the two corresponding figures, and one hundred tallies to the game.

The wheel-and-stick game, in some form or another, was almost universal among our Indian tribes. Another game among the prairie tribes is played with a netted wheel and a single stick or arrow, the effort being to send the arrow through the netting as nearly as possible to the center or bull’s-eye. This game is called ana′wati′n-hati, “playing wheel,” by the Arapaho.

50. +Ani′äsa′kua′na dă′chäbi′hati′tani+

Ani′äsa′kua′na dă′chäbi′hati′tani bä′qati′bä, Ani′äsa′kua′na dă′chäbi′hati′tani bä′qati′bä. Ni′ati′biku′thahu′ bä′qatihi, Ni′ati′biku′thahu′ bä′qatihi. Di′chäbi′häti′ta′ni′, Di′chäbi′häti′ta′ni′.

Translation

I am watching where they are gambling with the bä′qati wheel, I am watching where they are gambling with the bä′qati wheel. They are rolling the bä′qati, They are rolling the bä′qati. While they gamble with it, While they gamble with it.

In this song the dancer tells how he watched a group of his friends in the spirit world playing the game of the bä′qati, as has been explained in the song last treated.

51. +Ni′chi′a i′theti′hi+

Ni′chi′ă i′theti′hi, Ni′chi′ă i′theti′hi, Chana′ha′ti i′nĭt— Chana′ha′ti i′nĭt— Gu′n baa′-ni′bină thi′aku′-u, Gu′n baa′-ni′bină thi′aku′-u.

Translation

(There) is a good river, (There) is a good river, Where there is no timber— Where there is no timber— But thunder-berries are there, But thunder-berries are there.

This song refers to a trance vision in which the dreamer found his people camped by a good, i. e., perennial, river, fringed with abundant bushes or small trees of the baa-ni′bin or “thunder-berry,” which appears to be the black haw, being described as a sort of wild cherry, in size between the chokecherry and the wild plum. It was eaten raw, or dried and boiled, the seeds having first been taken out. It is very scarce, if found at all, in the southern plains.

52. +Ni′nini′tubi′na hu′hu′+ (former closing song)

[Music]

Ni′nini′tubi′na hu′hu′, Ni′nini′tubi′na hu′hu′. Bäta′hina′ni hu′hu′, Bäta′hina′ni hu′hu′, Nă′hinä′ni häthi′na, Nă′hinä′ni häthi′na.

Translation

The crow has given me the signal, The crow has given me the signal. When the crow makes me dance, When the crow makes me dance, He tells me (when) to stop, He tells me (when) to stop.

This was formerly the closing song of the dance, but is now superseded as such by number 73, beginning Ahu′yu häthi′na. It was also the last song sung when a small party gathered in the tipi at night for a private rehearsal, and was therefore always held in reserve until the singers were about ready to separate. The tune is one of the best. The special office of the crow as the messenger from the spirit world and representative of the messiah has been already explained. He is supposed to direct the dance and to give the signal for its close.

53. +Anihä′ya atani′tă′nu′nawa′+

Anihä′ya atani′tă′nu′nawa′, Anihä′ya atani′tă′nu′nawa′, Häthi′na hesûna′nĭn, Häthi′na hesûna′nĭn, Da‛chä′-ihi′na he′sûna′nĭn, Da‛chä′-ihi′na he′sûna′nĭn—Ih! Ih!

Translation

I use the yellow (paint), I use the yellow (paint), Says the father, Says the father, In order to please me, the father, In order to please me, the father—Ih! Ih!

The meaning of this song is somewhat obscure. It seems to be a message from the messiah to the effect that he paints himself with yellow paint, because it pleases him, the inference being that it would please him to have his children do the same. Those who take part in the sun dance are usually painted yellow, that being the color of the sun. This song is peculiar in having at the end two sharp yelps, in the style of the ordinary songs of the warrior dances.

54. +Ni′naä′niahu′tawa bi′taa′wu+

A′-näni′sa′na, a′-näni′sa′na, Ni′naä′niahu′tawa bi′taa′wu, Ni′naä′niahu′tawa bi′taa′wu, A′-tini′chi′ni′na nä′nisa′na, A′-tini′chi′ni′na nä′nisa′na, Häthi′na hesûna′nĭn, Häthi′na hesûna′nĭn.

Translation

My children, my children, I am flying about the earth, I am flying about the earth. I am a bird, my children, I am a bird, my children, Says the father, Says the father.

In this song the messiah, addressing his children, is represented as a bird (crow?) flying about the whole earth, symbolic of his omniscience. The song has one or two variants.

55. +I′nita′ta′-usä′na+

I′nita′ta′-usä′na, I′nita′ta′-usä′na. Hä′tini′tubibä′ hu′hu, Hä′tini′tubibä′ hu′hu. Hä′tina′ha′wa′bä hu′hu, Hä′tina′ha′wa′bä hu′hu.

Translation

Stand ready, Stand ready. (So that when) the crow calls you, (So that when) the crow calls you. You will see him, You will see him.

This song was composed by Little Raven, one of the delegation of seven from the southern Arapaho and Cheyenne which visited the messiah in Nevada in August, 1891. It is a message to the believers to be ready for the near coming of the new earth. The first line is sometimes sung I′nita′ta-u′sä-hu′na.

56. +Wa′wäthä′bi+

Nä′nisa′na-ŭ′, nä′nisa′na-ŭ′, Wa′wäthä′bichä′chinĭ′nabä′nagu′wa-u′i′naga′thi—He′e′ye′! Häthi′na ne′nahu′, Häthi′na ne′nahu′.

Translation

My children, my children, I have given you magpie feathers again to wear on your heads—He′e′ye′! Thus says our mother, Thus says our mother.

This song affords a good specimen of the possibilities of Indian word building. The second word might serve as a companion piece to Mark Twain’s picture of a complete word in German. It consists of seventeen syllables, all so interwoven to complete the sense of the word sentence that no part can be separated from the rest without destroying the whole. The verbal part proper indicates that “I have given you (plural) a headdress again.” The final syllables, wa-u′i-naga′thi, show that the headdress consists of the tail feathers (wagathi) of the magpie (wa-u-i). The syllable cha implies repetition or return of action, this being probably not the first time that the messiah had given magpie feathers to his visitors.

The magpie (Pica hudsonica or mittalii) of the Rocky mountains and Sierra Nevada and the intermediate region of Nevada and Utah is perhaps the most conspicuous bird in the Paiute country. It bears a general resemblance to a crow or blackbird, being about the size of the latter, and jet black, with the exception of the breast, which is white, and a white spot on each wing. In its tail are two long feathers with beautiful changeable metallic luster. It is a home bird, frequenting the neighborhood of the Paiute camps in small flocks. It is held sacred among the Paiute, by whom the long tail feathers are as highly prized for decorative purposes as eagle feathers are among the tribes of the plains. The standard price for such feathers in 1891 was 25 cents a pair. The delegates who crossed the mountains to visit the messiah brought back with them quantities of these feathers, which thenceforth filled an important place in the ceremonial of the Ghost dance. In fact they were so eagerly sought after that the traders undertook to meet the demand, at first by importing genuine magpie feathers from the mountains, but later by fraudulently substituting selected crow feathers from the east at the same price.

The song is also peculiar in referring to the messiah as “my mother” (nena) instead of “our father” (hesûnanin), as usual.

57. +Ani′qa hĕ′tabi′nuhu′ni′na+

Ani′qa hĕ′tabi′nuhu′ni′na, Ani′qa hĕ′tabi′nuhu′ni′na. Hatăna′wunăni′na hesûna′nĭn, Hatăna′wunăni′na hesûna′nĭn. Ha′tăni′ni′ahu′hi′na he′sûna′nĭn, Ha′tăni′ni′ahu′hi′na he′sûna′nĭn.

Translation

My father, I am poor, My father, I am poor. Our father is about to take pity on me, Our father is about to take pity on me. Our father is about to make me fly around. Our father is about to make me fly around.

This song refers to the present impoverished condition of the Indians, and to their hope that he is now about to take pity on them and remove them from this dying world to the new earth above; the feathers worn on their heads in the dance being expected to act as wings, as already explained, to enable them to fly to the upper regions.

58. +Nä′nisa′taqu′thi hu′na+

Nä′nisa′taqu′thi hu′na—Hi′ă hi′ni′ni′! Nä′nisa′taqu′thi hu′na—Hi′ă hi′ni′ni′! Hi′bithi′ni′na gasi′tu—Hi′ă hi′ni′ni′! Hi′bithi′ni′na gasi′tu—Hi′ă hi′ni′ni′!

Translation

The seven crows—Hi′ă hi′ni′ni′! The seven crows—Hi′ă hi′ni′ni′! They are flying about the carrion—Hi′ă hi′ni′ni′! They are flying about the carrion—Hi′ă hi′ni′ni′!

In this song the dreamer tells of his trance visit to the spirit world, where he found his friends busily engaged cutting up the meat after a successful buffalo hunt, while the crows were hovering about the carrion. Four and seven are the constant sacred numbers of the Ghost dance, as of Indian ritual and story generally.

59. +Ahu′nä he′sûna′nĭn+

Ahu′nä he′sûna′nĭn— Ahu′nä he′sûna′nĭn— Ni′tabä′tani′ bäta′hina′ni, Ni′tabä′tani′ bäta′hina′ni, Ha′kă hä′sabini′na he′sûna′nĭn, Ha′kă hä′sabini′na he′sûna′nĭn.

Translation

There is our father— There is our father— We are dancing as he wishes (makes) us to dance, We are dancing as he wishes (makes) us to dance, Because our father has so commanded us, Because our father has so commanded us.

The literal meaning of the last line is “because our father has given it to us,” the prairie idiom for directing or commanding being to “give a road” or to “make a road” for the one thus commanded. To disobey is to “break the road” and to depart from the former custom is to “make a new road.” The idea is expressed in the same way both in the various spoken languages and in the sign language.

60. +Ga′awa′hu+

Ga′awa′hu, ga′awa′hu, Ni′hii′nä gu′shi′nä, Ni′hii′nä gu′shi′nä. A′tanä′tähinä′na, A′tanä′tähinä′na.

Translation

The ball, the ball— You must throw it swiftly, You must throw it swiftly. I want to win, I want to win.

The author of this song was a woman who in her trance vision saw her girl friends in the other world playing the ball game, as described in song number 7. In this case, however, her partner is urged to throw the ball, instead of to strike it.

61. +Ahu′ ni′higa′hu+

Ahu′ ni′higa′hu, Ahu′ ni′higa′hu. Ha′tani′ni′tani′na, Ha′tani′ni′tani′na.

Translation

The Crow is running, The Crow is running. He will hear me. He will hear me.

This song implies that the Crow (messiah) is quick to hear the prayer of the dancer and comes swiftly to listen to his petition.

62. +Ya′thä-yû′na ta′na-u′qahe′na+

Ne′sûna′—He′e′ye′! Ne′sûna′—He′e′ye′! Ya′thä-yûna ta′na-u′qahe′na—He′e′ye′! Ya′thä-yûna ta′na-u′qahe′na—He′e′ye′! Ta′bini′na hi′ticha′ni—He′e′ye′! Ta′bini′na hi′ticha′ni—He′e′ye′! Bi′taa′wu ta′thi′aku′tawa′—He′e′ye′! Bi′taa′wu ta′thi′aku′tawa′—He′e′ye′!

Translation

My father—He′e′ye′! My father—He′e′ye′! He put me in five places—He′e′ye′! He put me in five places—He′e′ye′! I stood upon the earth—He′e′ye′! I stood upon the earth—He′e′ye′!

The author of this song tells how in his trance he went up to the other world, where he stood upon the new earth and saw the messiah, who took him around to five different places and gave him a pipe. The number five may here have some deeper mythic meaning besides that indicated in the bare narrative.

63. +Ni′naäqa′wa chibä′ti+

Ni′naäqa′wa chibä′ti, Ni′naäqa′wa chibä′ti. Ha′-ina′tä be′yi thi′äya′na, Ha′-ina′tä be′yi thi′äya′na.

Translation

I am going around the sweat-house, I am going around the sweat-house. The shell lies upon the mound, The shell lies upon the mound.

The maker of this song saw in his vision a sweat-house with a white shell lying upon the mound in front, where a buffalo skull is usually placed. The song evidently refers to some interesting religious ceremony, but was heard only once, and from a young man who could give no fuller explanation. I have never seen a shell used in this connection. It may be, as suggested by Reverend H. R. Voth, that the word shell is really a figurative expression for skull. In the old days the whole buffalo head was used, instead of the mere skull.

64. +Hise′hi, hise′hi+

Hise′hi, hise′hi, Hä′tine′bäku′tha′na, Hä′tine′bäku′tha′na, Häti′ta-u′seta′na, Häti′ta-u′seta′na.

Translation

My comrade, my comrade, Let us play the awl game, Let us play the awl game, Let us play the dice game, Let us play the dice game.

The woman who composed this song tells how, on waking up in the spirit world, she met there a party of her former girl companions and sat down with them to play the two games universally popular with the women of all the prairie tribes.

The first is called nĕ′bäku′thana by the Arapaho and tsoñä or “awl game” (from tsoñ, an awl) by the Kiowa, on account of an awl, the Indian woman’s substitute for a needle, being used to keep record of the score. The game is becoming obsolete in the north, but is the everyday summer amusement of the women among the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache in the southern plains. It is very amusing on account of the unforeseen “rivers” and “whips” that are constantly turning up to disappoint the expectant winner, and a party of women will frequently sit around the blanket for half a day at a time, with a constant ripple of laughter and good-humored jokes as they follow the chances of the play. It would make a very pretty picnic game, or could readily be adapted to the parlor of civilization.

The players sit upon the ground around a blanket marked in charcoal with lines and dots, and quadrants in the corners, as shown in figure 95. In the center is a stone upon which the sticks are thrown. Each dot, excepting those between the parallels, counts a point, making twenty-four points for dots. Each of the parallel lines, and each end of the curved lines in the corners, also counts a point, making sixteen points for the lines or forty points in all. The players start from the bottom, opposing players moving in opposite directions, and with each throw of the sticks the thrower moves her awl forward and sticks it into the blanket at the dot or line to which her throw carries her. The parallels on each of the four sides are called “rivers,” and the dots within these parallels do not count in the game. The rivers at the top and bottom are “dangerous” and can not be crossed, and when the player is so unlucky as to score a throw which brings her upon the edge of the river (i. e., upon the first line of either of these pairs of parallels), she “falls into the river” and must lose all she has hitherto gained, and begin again at the start. In the same way, when a player moving around in one direction makes a throw which brings her awl to the place occupied by the awl of her opponent coming around from the other side, the said opponent is “whipped back” to the starting point and must begin all over again. Thus there is a constant succession of unforeseen accidents which furnish endless amusement to the players.

The game is played with four sticks, each from 6 to 10 inches long, flat on one side and round on the other (figure 96). One of these is the trump stick and is marked in a distinctive manner in the center on both sides, and is also distinguished by having a green line along the flat side (figure 97), while the others have each a red line. The Kiowa call this trump stick sahe, “green,” on account of the green stripe, while the others are called guadal, “red.” There are also a number of small green sticks, about the size of lead pencils, for keeping tally. Each player in turn takes up the four sticks together in her hand and throws them down on end upon the stone in the center. The number of points depends on the number of flat or round sides which turn up. A lucky throw with the green or trump stick generally gives the thrower another trial in addition. The formula is:

One flat side up counts 1 One flat side (if sahe) counts 1 and another throw. Two flat sides up, with or without sahe, count 2 Three flat sides up count 3 Three flat sides up, including sahe, count 3 and another throw. All four flat sides up count 6 and another throw. All four round sides up count 10 and another throw.

Only the flat sides count except when all the sticks turn round side up. This is the best throw of all, as it counts ten points and another throw. On completing one round of forty points the player takes one of the small green tally sticks from the pile and she who first gets the number of tally sticks previously agreed on wins the game. Two, four, or any even number of persons may play the game, half on each side. When two or more play on a side, all the partners move up the same number of points at each throw, but only the lucky thrower gets a second trial in case of a trump throw.

The other woman’s game mentioned, the dice game, is called ta-u′sĕta′tina (literally, “striking,” or “throwing against” something) by the Arapaho, and mo′nshimûnh by the Cheyenne, the same name being now given to the modern card games. It was practically universal among all the tribes east and west, and under the name of “hub-bub” is described by a New England writer as far back as 1634, almost precisely as it exists today among the prairie tribes. The only difference seems to have been that in the east it was played also by the men, and to the accompaniment of a song such as is used in the hand games of the western tribes.

The requisites are a small wicker bowl or basket (hatĕchi′na), five dice made of bone or of plum stones, and a pile of tally sticks such as are used in the awl game. The bowl is 6 or 8 inches in diameter and about 2 inches deep, and is woven in basket fashion of the tough fibers of the yucca (figure 98). The dice may be round, elliptical, or diamond-shape and are variously marked on one side with lines and figures, the turtle being a favorite design among the Arapaho (figure 99). Two of the five must be alike in shape and marking. The other three are marked with another design and may also be of another shape. Any number of women or girls may play, each throwing in turn, and sometimes one set of partners playing against another. The players toss up the dice from the basket, letting them drop again into it, and score points according to the way the dice turn up in the basket. The first throw by each player is made from the hand instead of from the basket. One hundred points usually count a game, and stakes are wagered on the result as in almost every other Indian contest of skill or chance. For the purpose of explanation, we shall designate two of the five as “rounds” and the other three as “diamonds,” it being understood that only the marked side counts in the game, excepting when the throw happens to turn up the three diamonds blank while the other two show the marked side, or, as sometimes happens, when all five dice turn up blank. In every case all of one kind at least must turn up to score a point. A successful throw entitles the player to another throw, while a failure obliges her to pass the basket to some one else. The formula is:

1 only of either kind 0 2 rounds 3 3 diamonds (both rounds with blank side up) 3 3 diamonds blank (both rounds with marked side up) 3 4 marked sides up 1 5 (all) blank sides up 1 5 (all) marked sides up 8

A game similar in principle, but played with six dice instead of five, is also played by the Arapaho women, as well as by those of the Comanche and probably also of other tribes.

65. +Na′tu′wani′sa+

Nänisa′na, nänisa′na, Na′tu′wani′sa, na′tu′wani′sa— Hä′nätä′hĭ′näti′, Hä′nätä′hĭ′näti′.

Translation

My children, my children, My top, my top— It will win the game, It will win the game.

The man who made this song when he entered the spirit world in his vision met there one of his boy friends who had died long years before, and once more spun tops with him as in childhood.

Tops are used by all Indian boys, and are made of wood or bone. They are not thrown or spun with a string, but are kept in motion by whipping with a small quirt or whip of buckskin. In winter they are spun upon the ice. The younger children make tops to twirl with the fingers by running a stick through a small seed berry.

66. +He′na′ga′nawa′nen+

He′na′ga′nawa′nen näa′wu′nani′nä bi′gushi′shi He′sûna′nini′—Ahe′e′ye′! He′na′ga′nawa′nen näa′wu′nani′nä bi′gushi′shi He′sûna′nini′—Ahe′e′ye′! Nithi′na hesûna′nini′—Ahe′e′ye′! Nithi′na hesûna′nini′—Ahe′e′ye′!

Translation

When we dance until daylight our father, the Moon, takes pity on us—Ahe′e′ye′! When we dance until daylight our father, the Moon, takes pity on us—Ahe′e′ye′! The father says so—Ahe′e′ye′! The father says so—Ahe′e′ye′!

With the Arapaho, as with many other tribes, the moon is masculine, and the sun is feminine. In mythology the two are brother and sister. There are various myths to account for the spots on the moon’s surface, some discerning in them a large frog, while to others they bear a likeness to a kettle hung over the fire. The Arapaho name for the moon, bi′gushish, means literally “night sun,” the sun itself being called hishinishish, “day sun.” A similar nomenclature exists among most other tribes.

67. +Ni′nä′nina′ti′naku′ni′na na′ga′qu′+

[Music]

A′näni′sa′na, a′näni′sa′na, Ni′nä′nina′ti′naku′ni′na na′ga′qu′, Ni′nä′nina′ti′naku′ni′na na′ga′qu′; Ti′naha′thihu′ nä′nisa′na, Ti′naha′thihu′ nä′nisa′na, Häthi′na He′sûna′nĭn, Häthi′na He′sûna′nĭn.

Translation

My children, my children, It is I who wear the morning star on my head. It is I who wear the morning star on my head; I show it to my children, I show it to my children, Says the father, Says the father.

This beautiful song originated among the northern Arapaho, and is a favorite north and south. In it the messiah is supposed to be addressing his children. There is a rhythmic swing to the vocalic syllables that makes the tune particularly pleasing, and the imagery of thought expressed is poetry itself. The same idea occurs in European ballad and legend, and has a parallel in the angel of the evangelist, “clothed with a cloud, and a rainbow upon his head.”

68. +A′-nena′ tabi′ni′na+

A′-nena′ tabi′ni′na nĕ′tĭqta′wa′hu′, A′-nena′ tabi′ni′na nĕ′tĭqta′wa′hu′. Ä′nii′nahu′gahu′nahu, Ä′nii′nahu′gahu′nahu. Tahu′naha′thihi′na nä′nisa′na, Tahu′naha′thihi′na nä′nisa′na.

Translation

My mother gave me my tĭ′qtawa stick, My mother gave me my tĭ′qtawa stick. I fly around with it, I fly around with it, To make me see my children, To make me see my children.

This song was composed by a woman of the southern Arapaho. The reference is not entirely clear, but it is probable that in her trance vision she saw her children in the other world playing the game mentioned, and that afterward she made the game sticks and carried them in the dance, hoping by this means to obtain another vision of the spirit world, where she could again talk with her children who had gone before her to the shadow land. In one Ghost dance seven different women carried these game sticks.

The băti′qtûba (abbreviated ti′qtûp) game of the Arapaho and other prairie tribes somewhat resembles the Iroquois game of the “snow snake,” and is played by children or grown persons of both sexes. It is a very simple game, the contestants merely throwing or sliding the sticks along the ground to see who can send them farthest. Two persons or two parties play against each other, boys sometimes playing against girls or men against women. It is, however, more especially a girl’s game. The game sticks (bătĭqta′wa) are slender willow rods about 4 feet long, peeled and painted and tipped with a point of buffalo horn to enable them to slide more easily along the ground. In throwing, the player holds the stick at the upper end with the thumb and fingers, and, swinging it like a pendulum, throws it out with a sweeping motion. Young men throw arrows about in the same way, and small boys sometimes throw ordinary reeds or weed stalks. Among the Omaha, according to Dorsey, bows, unstrung, are made to slide along the ground or ice in the same manner.

69. +Yĭ′hä′ä′ä′hi′hĭ′+

Yĭ′hä′ä′ä′hi′hĭ′, Yĭ′hä′ä′ä′hi′hĭ′, Hä′nänä′hi′gutha′-u ga′qaä′-hu′hu′, Hä′nänä′hi′gutha′-u ga′qaä′-hu′hu′.

Translation

Yĭ′hä′ä′ä′hi′hĭ′, Yĭ′hä′ä′ä′hi′hĭ′, I throw the “button,” I throw the “button.”

In his trance vision the author of this song entered a tipi and found it filled with a circle of his old friends playing the ga′qutit, or “hunt the button” game. This is a favorite winter game with the prairie tribes, and was probably more or less general throughout the country. It is played both by men and women, but never by the two sexes together. It is the regular game in the long winter nights after the scattered families have abandoned their exposed summer positions on the open prairie, and moved down near one another in the shelter of the timber along the streams. When hundreds of Indians are thus camped together, the sound of the drum, the rattle, and the gaming song resound nightly through the air. To the stranger there is a fascination about such a camp at night, with the conical tipis scattered about under the trees, the firelight from within shining through the white canvas and distinctly outlining upon the cloth the figures of the occupants making merry inside with jest and story, while from half a dozen different directions comes the measured tap of the Indian drum or the weird chorus of the gaming songs. Frequently there will be a party of twenty to thirty men gaming in one tipi, and singing so that their voices can be heard far out from the camp, while from another tipi a few rods away comes a shrill chorus from a group of women engaged in another game of the same kind.

The players sit in a circle around the tipi fire, those on one side of the fire playing against those on the other. The only requisites are the “button” or ga′qaä, usually a small bit of wood, around which is tied a piece of string or otter skin, with a pile of tally sticks, as has been already described. Each party has a “button,” that of one side being painted black, the other being red. The leader of one party takes the button and endeavors to move it from one hand to the other, or to pass it on to a partner, while those of the opposing side keep a sharp lookout, and try to guess in which hand it is. Those having the button try to deceive their opponents as to its whereabouts by putting one hand over the other, by folding their arms, and by putting their hands behind them, so as to pass the ga′qaä, on to a partner, all the while keeping time to the rhythm of a gaming chorus sung by the whole party at the top of their voices. The song is very peculiar, and well-nigh indescribable. It is usually, but not always or entirely, unmeaning, and jumps, halts, and staggers in a most surprising fashion, but always in perfect time with the movements of the hands and arms of the singers. The greatest of good-natured excitement prevails, and every few minutes some more excitable player claps his hands over his mouth or beats the ground with his flat palms, and gives out a regular war-whoop. All this time the opposing players are watching the hands of the other, or looking straight into their faces to observe every telltale movement of their features, and when one thinks he has discovered in which hand the button is, he throws out his thumb toward that hand with a loud “that!” Should he guess aright, his side scores a certain number of tallies, and in turn takes the button and begins another song. Should the guess be wrong, the losing side must give up an equivalent number of tally sticks. So the play goes on until the small hours of the night. It is always a gambling game, and the stakes are sometimes very large.

The first line of the song here given is an imitation of one of these gambling songs. Among the prairie tribes each song has one or perhaps two words with meaning bearing on the game, the rest of the song being a succession of unmeaning syllables. Among some other tribes, particularly among the Navaho, as described by Dr Washington Matthews, the songs have meaning, being prayers to different animal or elemental gods to assist the player.

As specimens of another variety of gambling songs, we give here two heard among the Paiute of Nevada when visiting the messiah in the winter of 1891–92. They have pretty tunes, very distinct from those of the prairie tribes, and were borrowed by the Paiute from the Mohave, in whose language they may have a meaning, although unintelligible to the Paiute.

Paiute gambling song

[Music]

1. Yo′ho′ maho′yo owa′na, Ha′yămă ha′yămă kăni′yowĭ′. (Repeat.) 2. Ho′tsăni′ăni tsai′-owi′ani′, Iha′ha′ tsima′nimina′ ha′ tsima′nimina′. (Repeat.)

70. +Ni′qa-hu′hu′+

Ni′qa-hu′hu′, ni′qa-hu′hu′, Hu′wĭ′säna′, hu′wĭ′säna′— Ga′qa′ä-hu′hu′, ga′qa′ä-hu′hu′.

Translation

My father, my father, I go straight to it, I go straight to it— The ga′qaä, the ga′qaä.

This song also refers to the game of ga′qutit, just described. The ga′qaä is the “button.”

71. +A′hu′nawu′hu′+

A′hu′nawu′hu′-u′-u′, a′hu′nawu′hu′-u′-u′, Hă′tani′i′bii′na—He′e′ye′! Hă′tani′i′bii′na—He′e′ye′! Ga′qu′tina′ni, Ga′qu′tina′ni, Hi′nä′ähä′k ga′qa′ä—He′e′ye′! Hi′nä′ähä′k ga′qa′ä—He′e′ye′!

Translation

With red paint, with red paint, I want to paint myself—He′e′ye′! I want to paint myself—He′e′ye′! When I play ga′qutit, When I play ga′qutit. It is the “button”—He′e′ye′! It is the “button”—He′e′ye′!

This song refers to the same game described under songs 69 and 70, and like them is based on the trance experience of the composer.

72. +Ani′qa naga′qu+

Ani′qa naga′qu! Ani′qa naga′qu! Ina′habi′ä nina′gănawa′ni, Ina′habi′ä nina′gănawa′ni. Awu′năni′ä—Hi′i′i′! Awu′năni′ä—Hi′i′i′!

Translation

Father, the Morning Star! Father, the Morning Star! Look on us, we have danced until daylight, Look on us, we have danced until daylight. Take pity on us—Hi′i′i′! Take pity on us—Hi′i′i′!

This song is sung about daylight, just before the closing song, after the dancers have danced all night and are now ready to quit and go home. When the new doctrine came among the prairie tribes, the Ghost dance was held at irregular and frequent intervals, almost every other night, in fact—lasting sometimes until about midnight, sometimes until daylight, without any rule. As the ceremonial became crystallized, however, the messiah gave instructions that the dance should be held only at intervals of six weeks, and should then continue four consecutive nights, lasting the first three nights until about midnight, but on the fourth night to continue all night until daylight of the next morning. The original letter containing these directions is given in chapter X. For a long time these directions were implicitly followed, but the tendency now is to the original fashion of one-night dances, at short intervals. This song to the morning star was sung just before daylight on the final morning of the dance.

With all the prairie tribes the morning star is held in great reverence and is the subject of much mythological belief and ceremony. It is universally represented in their pictographs as a cross, usually of the Maltese pattern. In this form it is frequently pictured on the ghost shirts. The Arapaho name, nagaq′, means literally “a cross.” The Kiowa know it as t’aiñso, “the cross,” or sometimes, as dä-e′dal, “the great star.”

73. +Ahu′yu häthi′na+ (closing song)

[Music]

Ahu′yu häthi′na hesûna′nini hu′hu, Ahu′yu häthi′na hesûna′nini hu′hu, Yathû′n äta′-usä′bä—

Yathû′n äta′-usä′bä— Nithi′na hesûna′nĭn, Nithi′na hesûna′nĭn.

Translation

Thus says our father, the Crow, Thus says our father, the Crow. Go around five times more— Go around five times more— Says the father, Says the father.

This is the closing song of the dance since the return of the great delegation of southern Arapaho and Cheyenne who visited the messiah in August, 1891. Before that time the closing song had been number 52, beginning Ni′nini′tubi′na hu′hu′. The literal rendering of the second part is “stop five times,” the meaning and practice being that they must make five circuits singing this song and then stop. As already stated, in accordance with the instructions of the messiah, the Ghost dance is now held (theoretically) at intervals of six weeks and continues for four consecutive nights, closing about midnight, excepting on the last night, when the believers dance until daylight. As daylight begins to appear in the east, they sing the song to the morning star, as just given (number 72), and then, after a short rest, the leaders start this, the closing song, which is sung while the dancers make five circuits, resting a few moments between circuits. Then they unclasp hands, wave their blankets in the air to fan away all evil influences, and go down to the river to bathe, the men in one place and the women in another. After bathing, they resume their clothing and disperse to their various camps, and the Ghost dance is over.

ARAPAHO GLOSSARY

In this and the other glossaries here given it is intended only to give a concise definition of the meaning of each word without going into details of grammar or etymology. The Ghost dance was studied for its mythology, psychology, ritual, and history, and language in this connection was only the means to an end, as it was impossible in a few months of time to devote close attention to the numerous languages spoken by the tribes represented in the dance.

The Arapaho language, as will be seen from the specimens given, is eminently vocalic, almost every syllable ending in a vowel, and there being almost no double consonant sounds. Like the Cheyenne language, it lacks l and r. The most prominent vowel sounds are a, ä, and i, and in some instances there are combinations of several vowel sounds without any intervening consonant. The soft th sound is also prominent. The g and d frequently approximate to k and t, respectively, and b in the standard dialect becomes v among the northern Arapaho. The only sound of the language (excepting the medial k and t) not found in English is the gutteral q, and the language is entirely devoid of the hissing effect of Cheyenne or the choking sounds of Kiowa.

In the songs it is common to prefix a, and to add i, hi, hu, huhu, etc, to the ends of words in order to fill out the meter. In a few cases changes are made in the body of the word for the same purpose. In the glossary these unmeaning syllables are not given where they occur at the end of words. Words beginning with a vowel sound may sometimes be written as beginning with the breathing h, and s is sometimes pronounced sh.

Aä′ninĕ′na—the name by which the Arapaho Grosventres of the Prairie, one of the five principal divisions of the Arapaho, call themselves. It is said to signify “white clay men,” from aäti, “white clay,” and hinĕ′na, “men.” They are called Hitu′nĕna, or “beggars,” by the rest of the tribe, and are commonly known to the whites under the French name of Grosventres, “big bellies.”

Aanû′hawa—another name for the Ha′nahawunĕ′na division of the Arapaho. The meaning of the word is unknown.

Abää′thina′hu—for Bääthi′na.

A′baha′—for Ba′haa′.

Äbäna′änahu′u′—for Bänaä′na.

Abä′nihi—for Bä′ni.

Abä′qati—for Bä′qăti.

Ächiqa′hăwa—I am looking at him. Also Nina′hawa, I look at him. Nă′hănĭ, Here! Look! nahata, look at it (imperative singular); ina′habi′ä, look on us. Compare Hätina′hawa′bä.

Ächĭshinĭ′qahi′na—he was taking me around.

A′gană′—bed-covers of buffalo skin; singular, a′gă′.

Aha′känĕ′na—“crazy men,” one of the degrees of the Arapaho military organization. The word is derived from aha′ka, crazy, and hinĕna, men. The “fire moth,” which flies around and into the fire, is called aha′kăa′, or “crazy,” and the Aha′känĕna are supposed to imitate the action of this moth in the fire dance. See Arapaho song 43 and Cheyenne song 10.

Aha′känithi′ĭ—they are crazy. In the Indian idea “foolish” and “crazy” are generally synonymous. Compare Aha′känen′a and Ahaka′wŭ.

Ahaka′wŭ—the crazy dance. It is called Psam by the Cheyenne, from psa, crazy. See Arapaho song 43 and Cheyenne song 10.

Ahe′eye′!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

A′hene′heni′ăă!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

A′hesûna′nini—for Hesŭna′nĭn.

A′heye′ne′hene′!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

Ahe′yuhe′yu!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

Ahu′—for Ho.

Ahu′hu—for Ho.

Ahu′nä—there it is; there he is.

Ahu′nawu′hu—for Hĭnăw′, paint. Compare Hĭna′wûn.

Ahu′yu—thus; in this way.

Änani′nibinä′si—for Nani′nibinä′sĭ.

Anä′nisa′na—for Näni′sanăû.

Ana′wati′n-hati—“playing wheel” (hati, wheel); a netted gaming wheel. See Arapaho song 50.

Anĕä′thibiwă′hana—for Nĕü′thibiwa′na.

Ane′na—for Ne′na.

Ani′anethahi′nani′na—for Ni′anĕ′hahi′nani′na.

Aniäsa′kua′na—for Ni′äsa′kua′na.

Ani′ätähĭ′näna—for Hänä′tähĭnä′na.

A′niesa′na—for Niesa′na.

Anihä′ya—the yellow (paint).

Ä′nii′nahu′gahu′nahu—for Häni′inĭahu′na.

Ani′niha′niahu′na—for Niniha′niahu′na.

Ani′qa—for Ni′qa.

Ani′qu—for Ni′qa.

Ani′qana′ga—for Ni′qana′ga.

A′nisûna′ahu—for Nisû′na.

Aqa′thinĕ′na—“pleasant men,” from aqa′thi, “pleasant,” and hinĕ′na, “men.” One of the five bands of the southern Arapaho.

+Ärä′păho+—the popular name for the Arapaho tribe. The derivation is uncertain, but it may be, as Dunbar suggests, from the Pawnee verb tirapihu or larapihu, “he buys or trades,” in allusion to the Arapaho having formerly been the trading medium between the Pawnee, Osage, and others in the north, and the Kiowa, Comanche, and others to the southwest (Grinnell). It is worthy of note that old frontiersmen pronounce the name Aräpihu. It is not the name by which they are called by the Cheyenne, Sioux, Shoshoni, Kiowa, Comanche, Apache, Caddo, or Wichita.

+Äräpa′kata+—the Crow name for the Arapaho, evidently another form of the word Arapaho.

Atănätähĭnä′na—I wish to win or beat.

Atani′tanu′newa—I use it. Ati′tănu′wă, use it! (imperative singular).

Äta′-usä′bä—stop so many times (plural imperative). The verb applies only to walking, etc; the generic imperative for stopping or quitting is nä′hinä′ni, q. v.; Hithĕta′-usä, stop! (singular imperative).

Ate′be—for Tĕ′bĕ.

Ate′betana′-ise′ti—for Tĕ′bĕ‛tana′-isĕt.

Ätĭ′‛chäbi′näsä′nă—let us go out gambling.

Äti′chanĭ′na—your pipes. Hicha, a pipe; hiti′cha, this pipe; sĕ′icha, the sacred “flat pipe.” See Arapaho song 2.

Atini′ehini′na—for Thĕni′ehi′nina.

+Atsi′na+—the Blackfoot name for the Aä′ninĕna or Arapaho Grosventres. The word signifies “gut people.”

Awawa—for Wa′wa.

Awatänani—for Watäna′ni.

Awu′năni′ä—another form of ne′chawu′nani—take pity on us.

Ba(-hu)—a road or trail.

Ba′achinĕ′na—Another name for the Nakasinĕ′na (q. v.) or northern Arapaho. The word may mean “red willow (i. e., kinikinik) men,” or “blood-pudding men,” the latter etymology being derived from bä, blood, and chĭni′niki, to put liquid into a bladder.

Bääku′ni—“Red Feather,” the Arapaho name of Paul Boynton, a Carlisle student, and formerly interpreter at Cheyenne and Arapaho agency.

Baa′-ni′bina—“thunder-berries,” from băa′, thunder, and ni′bin, berry; a wild fruit, perhaps the black haw. See Arapaho song 51.

Bääthi′na—cedar tree. See Arapaho song 31.

+Bad Pipes+—one of the three bands of the northern Arapaho. Their present chief is Sharp Nose.

Băĕ′na—turtle. See Arapaho song 25.

Ba′haa′, or Băa′—the Thunder. See Arapaho song 14.

Bähibiwă′hĭna—on their account I am made to cry (immediate present). Bäniwa′nă or nibiwa′na, I am crying; hä′nibiwăhĭna, on its account I am made to cry, for its sake I am crying; nähibiwa′huna′na, then I wept; nähibiwa′huna, then I began to cry or lament; nĕä thibiwa′na, the place where crying begins.

Bä′hinänina′tä—everything.

+Bahwetegow-eninneway+—the Ojibwa name for the Aä′ninĕna or Arapaho Grosventres (Tanner). It signifies “men, or people of the falls,” from bawitig, “falls,” and ininiwŭg, “men, or people.” They are so called on account of their former residence at the rapids of the Saskatchewan.

Bänaä′na—the thunderbirds; singular Ba′haa′, or Ba′awa.

Bä′ni—my (male) comrade. Vocative. Used by a boy or young man speaking to his comrade or partner of the same sex. The corresponding female term is hisä.

Bä′qati—“great wheel,” from —— great, and hati′, a gaming wheel, a wagon. An ordinary wheel is called ni′nae′gûti, “turner.” See Arapaho song 49.

Bä′qătibä—with the bä′qăti, q. v.

Bäsawunĕ′na—one of the five divisions of the Arapaho, and formerly a distinct tribe. The name is variously rendered “wood lodge men” or “big lodge men,” or people, the terminal part being derived from hinĕ′na “men.”

Bäta′hina′ni—he makes me dance. (In the songs when, where, etc., are sometimes understood with verbs). Bäta′t, a dance; nibä′tana, I dance; nitabä′tani, we are dancing; bätäna′ni, when we dance; Thi′gûnăwa′t, the Ghost dance. Compare also Hena′gana′wanĕn.

Bätäna′ni—when we dance. Compare Bäta′hina′ni.

Bătĭ′qtawa—the throwing-stick used in the bătĭ′qtûba game. See Arapaho song 68.

Bătĭ′qtûba—the game of the “throwing-stick” or “snow-snake” among the prairie tribes. See Arapaho song 68.

Bena—for Băĕ′na.

Bĕni′nĕna—“warriors,” the military organization of the Arapaho. See Arapaho song 43.

Bĕni′nina—he gave it to me. Bĕni′na, I gave it to him; bĕ′ninĕ′thĭn, I gave it to you; niibi′nu, I gave it to them; häsa-bini′na, he has given it to us; tabini′na, he (she) gave it to me; da′chi′bini′na, he will give me a hawk-feather.

Bĕtidĕĕ—the Kiowa Apache name for the Arapaho.

Beyi—a (white) shell.

Bi′ga—night.

Bi′gushish—the moon, literally “night sun,” from bi′ga, night, and hishi′sh, sun, or celestial luminary. The sun is distinguished as hishi-nishi′sh, or “day sun,” from hishĭ, day, and hishi′sh. In many Indian languages the sun and moon have but one name, with an adjective prefix or suffix to distinguish between day and night. See Arapaho song 66. The morning star is called naga′q, “the cross;” the milky way is hi′thina′na-ba, “the buffalo road,” or thi′gûni-ba, “the spirit or ghost road;” the pleiades are bä′nakŭth, “the group (sitting).”

Biqăna′kaye′na—I am crying on account of thirst. Naka′yena, I am thirsty.

Bishqa′wa—coming into sight, approaching from a distance. (Third person, singular.)

Bitaa′wu—the earth.

Bitaha′wŭ—the dance of the Bita′hinĕna. See Arapaho song 43.

Bita′hinĕna—“spear men;” one of the degrees of the Arapaho military organization. The name comes from the Cheyenne word for spear, bitahä′na; the Arapaho word for spear is qawă′. See Arapaho song 43.

Bi′täye—captor, seizer; the name by which the Arapaho Hänä′chäthi′ăk, “Sitting Bull,” was called when a boy.

Chăna′ha′t—where there is none. Iyahu′h, it is all gone.

Chäniĭ′nagu′nĭt—he wears them, he is wearing them.

Cha′qtha (singular, Chaq)—“enemies,” the Arapaho name for the Comanche.

Chä′säq—another, another of them; from chä′saiy’, one. See Yathûn.

Chĕbi′nk—greasy, something greasy; figuratively used for pemmican. See Arapaho song 46.

Chi′bät—a sweat-house.

Chĭ′chita′nĕ—literally, a target, a mark to shoot at. A boy’s game. See Arapaho song 4.

Chĭnachi′chibä′iha—venerable, (memorable or ancient) priests of the Chĭ′nachichi′bät, or sacred sweat-lodge, from chĭnachichi′bät, the sacred sweat-lodge, and bäiä, old man. See Arapaho song 43.

Chĭ′nachichi′bät—the sacred large sweat-house; from chi′bät, sweat-house. See Arapaho song 43.

Chĭnăchi′chibä′tĭna—immortal, venerable, or never-to-be-forgotten priests of the sweat-house; from chi′bät, sweat-house. See Arapaho song 43.

Chĭ′nachinĕ′na—water-pouring men; the highest degree of the Arapaho military organization. See Arapaho song 43.

Dă′chäbi′hati′taniĭ′—where there is gambling; where they are gambling. In the Arapaho language there is no generic term for playing for amusement only. Chäbi′hĭnä′na, I am gambling; hänĭ′chäbihĭnäna, I am gambling with it; di′chäbihäti′tani′ĭ, while or when they are gambling with it.

Da‛chä′-ihi′na—in order to please me.

Da‛chi′binina—he will give me a (chicken-) hawk feather. Compare Bĕni′nina.

‛chinathi′na—he having come for me (participle). Nichĭnû′ti′ha, I come for him.

Da′naa′bäna′wa—I moved it (“when” is sometimes understood).

Dä′nasaku′tawa—I am standing upon it.

Dăna′tinĕnawa′ŭ—because I longed, or wished, to see him; da in composition gives the idea of “because.”

De′tawuni′na—he told me. Compare Häthi′na.

Di′chäbihäti′tani′ĭ—while or when, they are gambling with it. Compare Dă′chäbi′hati′taniĭ.

Di′chin—because. Haka is also sometimes used.

Diinĕ′tita′niĕg—living people; human existence.

+Dog soldier+—a popular but incorrect name given by the whites to the military organizations of the prairie tribes. See Arapaho song 43.

E′eye′!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

Ehe′eye′!—ibid.

E′hihänakuwu′hunĭt—he turned into a moose. Naku′wu, moose; iwă′qu, elk.

Ehihä′sina′kawu′hunĭt—for E′hihänakuwu′hunĭt.

Ehihä′sĭniĕhi′nĭt—he is beginning to be a bird, he is turning into a bird; ni′ĕhi, a bird.

E′yahe′eye′!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

Eye′ae′yuhe′yu!—ibid.

E′yehe′!—ibid.

+Forks-of-the-river Men+—the principal of the three bands of the northern Arapaho. Their present chief is Black Coal.

Gaahi′na—another form of Ga′ahinĕ′na.

Ga′ahinĕ′na—“coyote men,” from ga′a, coyote, and hinĕ′na, men; singular, ga′ahinĕ′n. The camp guards or pickets of the Arapaho. See Arapaho song 41.

Ga′awă′, or ga′awăha—a ball, used in the woman’s game of gû‛ga′hawa′t or shinny. See Arapaho song 7.

Gaăwa′tina—canned goods, canned fruits.

Ga′năni′na—he wiped me off, he cleaned me. Ganĕ′naa, I wipe him off.

Ga′qaä—the “button” or small object hidden by the players in the ga′qutit game. See Arapaho song 69.

Ga′qutina′ni—when I play ga′qutit. See Arapaho song 69.

Ga′qutit—the “hunt the button” game of the western tribes. See Arapaho song 69.

Gasi′tu—carrion.

Ga′wunĕ′häna—another form of Gawunĕ′na.

Gawunĕ′na—one of the five bands of the southern Arapaho. The name is the same applied by the Arapaho to the Blackfeet, from whom this band is said to be derived. It is also the Arapaho name for the Blackfoot band of Sioux. The name is of foreign origin and can not be explained by the Arapaho. The Blackfeet are sometimes also called by them Watä′nitä′si, “black feet.”

+Greasy Faces+—one of the three bands of the northern Arapaho. Their present chief is Spotted Horse.

+Grosventres+ (+of the Prairie+)—the name by which the Aä′ninĕ′na (Arapaho division) are commonly known to the whites.

The correct French form is Gros Ventres des Prairies, “Big Bellies of the Prairie,” to distinguish them from the Minitari′, or Hidatsa, who were called Gros Ventres du Missouri. The term Gros Ventres, as applied to this division of the Arapaho, is derived from a misconception of the Indian gesture sign for the tribe, which really denotes “belly people,” i. e. “spongers” or “beggars.”

Gû‛gă′hawa′t—the woman’s game of shinny. See Arapaho song 7.

Gun—but.

Gushi′nä—throw it! (imperative singular). Asegŭ′, I throw it; chegŭ′, throw it here!

Ha′ănake′ĭ—rock, the rock.

Ha′anûnä—forcibly, violently.

Habätä′nani′hi—for Bätäna′ni.

Ha′dă′wuha′na—we have made them desolate; we have deprived them of all happiness.

Hageni′stit—he is making it across the water. Compare Hani′stit.

Ha′hat—the cottonwood tree (Populus monilifera).

Ha-ina′tä—it lies there, it lies upon it.

Häĭ′nawa—I know. Ni′hawa, I do not know.

Ha′ka—because. Dichin has the same meaning.

Ha′nä—for Ha′ănûnä.

Hänä′chä-thi′ă′k—Sitting Bull, the Arapaho apostle of the ghost dance; from hänä′chä, a buffalo bull, and thi′ăk, he is sitting. In early youth, before going to Wyoming, he was called Bi′täye, “Captor.”

Ha′naĕ′hi—little boy (vocative).

Ha′nahawu′nĕn (singular).

Ha′nahawunĕ′na—one of the five divisions of the Arapaho, but now practically extinct. The meaning of the name is unknown, but the final syllables are from hinĕ′na, signifying “men,” or “people.”

Hänäi′säĭ—at the boundaries.

Hä′nänä′higu′tha-u—for Nä′higu′tha.

Häna′nawu′nănu—those who have been taught (?).

Hänä′tähĭnä′na—I win the game (by means of something).

Hä′nätä′hĭ′nät—It will win the game. Ä′nätähĭ′nänä, I win.

Hänĭ—for Häni′ĭnĭ.

Hä′nibiwă′hĭnă—on its account I am made to cry; for its sake I am crying. Compare Bähibiwă′hĭna.

Hänĭ′chäbihĭ′näna—I am gambling with it. Compare Dă′chäbi′hati′taniĭ.

Häni′ĭnĭ—by this means, by its means; abbreviated to häniĭ or häni.

Häni′inĭahu′na—I fly around with it.

Hänina′ta—it is lying there (inanimate). Säshĭ′năna, I lie down.

Häni′nihiga′huna′—for Häni′ĭnĭ nĭhiga′huna,—by its means I am running swiftly.

Hani′stit—he has finished it, now he has finished it. Compare Hageni′stit.

Hänĭta′quna′nĭ—in the pitfall; from ta′quna, a pitfall. See Arapaho song 47.

Ha′qihana—“wolves,” one of the five bands of the southern Arapaho.

Hä′sabini′na—he has given it to us. Compare Bĕni′nina.

Hä′täi′naku′ni—you may have it. Näni′thana′na, I have it.

Hatăna′wunăni′na—he is about to take pity on me. Nä′awu′năna, I pity him; awu′nanĭ or ne′chawu′nani, have pity on me; nitawu′nana, I take pity on them. Compare Ti′awawu′nănu.

Hă′tanbii′na—I wish to paint myself with it. Bii′nanihä′ya, I paint myself.

Hă′tani′i′bii′na—for Ha′tanbii′na.

Hatăni′ina′danĕ′na—I am about to use him to “make medicine,” i. e., to perform a sacred ceremony (remote future). The immediate future is hatăni′nadanĕ′na; inĭ is the root of to use; nadanĕ′na, is to “make medicine,” from the root nĕ′na, to sing. The gesture sign for “song” and “medicine” are also nearly the same. See Arapaho song 33.

Hatăni′niahu′hi′na—he is going to make me fly around. Hăni′niahu′na, I am flying; gaya′ahuha, I make him fly.

Ha′tani′nitani′na—for Hatni′tăni′na.

Hatĕchi′na—the basket bowl used in the dice game. See Arapaho song 64.

Hä′thäbĕ′na (-wa)—I hand it to you.

Ha′thahŭ—star dance; the dance of the Hă′thahu′ha. See Arapaho song 43.

Hă′thahu′ha—star people, from hă′tha, star; one of the degrees of the Arapaho military organization. See Arapaho song 43.

Häthi′na—he tells me, he says to me. Present, häthi′na; future, nĭhiithi′na; perfect, hatnithi′na; he′ităwuni′na, it tells me; de′tawuni′na, another form for “he told me.”

Ha′ti—for Ha′hat.

Hätiku′tha—the humming toy used by boys of the prairie tribes. See Arapaho song 25.

Hätina′hawa′bä—you (plural) will see him; nana′hawă, I see him; ni′nahawa′na, we see them; nahăbi′na, he saw me; na′hawû, I saw him; he′năă′awă, when I see it; tahu′naha′thihi′na, to make me see them. Nina′hawa, I look at him.

Hätinĕ′bäku′thana—let us play nĕ′bäku′thana, the awl game. See Arapaho song 64.

Hätini′tubi′bä—he is calling you (plural); nini′tuwa, I call him.

Häti′ta-usĕta′na—let us play ta′-usĕta′na. See Arapaho song 64.

Hä′tnaa′waa′—it is about to move (immediate future).

Hätnaawaa-uhu—for Hä′tnaa′waa′.

Hätni′tani′na—he will hear me. Näni′ta′nă, I hear him; nitabä′na, I hear it; nini′dănă′û, I heard him. In the form in Arapaho song 61, Hatani′nitani′na, the syllable ni is repeated in the body of the word to fill in the meter.

Hatni′thi′aka′tana—we have it in the center. Nahi′thaä′ntană, I am the center; nähi′thiăni′na′ta, it is in the center.

Hayana′-u′si′ya—for Ya′‛na-u′si′ya.

He!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

Hechä′—when again.

He′e′e′!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

He′ee′ä′ehe′yuhe′yu!—ibid.

He′eye′!—ibid.

He′ităwuni′na—it tells me. Compare Häthi′na.

He′năă′awă—when I see it. Compare Hätina′hawa′bä.

He′nagana′‛wanĕn—when we dance until daylight. The root is naga′nh, daylight, or dawn. Nibä′tanä, I dance; ni′nagănawa′ni, we have danced until daylight. Compare Bäta′hina′ni.

Hesû′na—the father. Hesûna′nĭn, our father; nisû′na, my father, whence hi-nisû′na-hu of the songs.

Hesûna′nĭn—our father. Compare Hesû′na.

Hĕtabi′nuhu′ni′na—I am poor; I am needy.

Hĕthĕ′hinĕ′na—Dog men, from hĕth, dog, and hinĕ′na, men; one of the degrees of the Arapaho military organization. See Arapaho song 43.

Hĕthĕwa′wŭ—The dance of the Hĕthĕhinĕ′na. See Arapaho song 43.

He′wa-u′sa—you are a young crow, you are the offspring of the crow; ho or hu, crow; hosa, a young crow, a little crow. This was the Indian name of Little Raven, the noted Arapaho chief, who died a few years ago.

He′yahe′eye!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

He′yäya′ahe′ye!—ibid.

He′yoho′ho!—ibid.

Hi′a!—ibid.

Hi′bithini′na—they are flying about it. Ninaä′niahu′tawa, I am flying about it. Compare Nänii′ahu′na.

Hichăä′qawŭ—the dance of the Hichăä′quthi. See Arapaho song 43.

Hichăä′quthi—Club men, from chăä′tha, a club; one of the degrees of the Arapaho military organization. See Arapaho song 43.

Hi′chäbä′-i—high up, on high, i. e., in heaven, in the sky, or in a tree top.

Higa′ahina′-ĭt—“The man with the coyote gun;” from gaahi′na, the “coyote men;” a camp guard or picket among the Arapaho. See Arapaho song 41.

Hiii!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

Hi′nä—here; here it is.

Hinä′ähä′k—it is! (strongly affirmative). Compare Hi′nä.

Hină′äthi—the long wing-feather (referring to the longest wing pinion, worn on the head).

Hĭna′wûn—his paint; hĭnă′w’, (red) paint, the Indian clay paint; nina′w’, my paint; hena′w’, your paint.

Hĭ′ni or ĭ′nĭ—that, that one.

Hi′nini′!—an unmeaning song terminal.

Hi′niqa′aga′yetu′sa—for Hĭ′nĭ niqaga′yătusă.

Hinisa′na—his children. Compare Nänisa′năŭ.

Hinisû′nahu—for Nisû′na.

Hĭsä′—my female comrade, or companion (vocative).

Hi′sähihi—for Hĭsä′.

Hise′hi—ibid.

Hĭtäsi′na—(singular, Hĭ′täsi)—“scarred people,” the Arapaho name for the Cheyenne. From hĭtäshi′ni, scarred or cut.

Hiti′cha—this pipe. Compare Äti′chanĭ′na.

Hiticha′ni—for Hiti′cha.

Hitu′nena—the name by which the Aä′ninĕ′na or Arapaho Grosventres of the Prairie are known to the rest of the tribe. Another form is Hitu′nĕni′na. It signifies “begging men,” or more exactly “spongers,” the terminal part being from hinĕ′na, “men.” The Arapaho call the Sioux Natni, and the Asiniboin Tu-natni, or “begging Sioux.”

Hi′yu—here it is. Näyu, there it is; häyu, where is it? what is it?

Ho—crow; usually duplicated as Huhu or Ahuhu in the songs. The crow is the sacred bird of the Ghost dance, and is also held sacred by the Algonquian tribes generally. See Arapaho song 36.

Ho′sa—“Little Crow,” better known as “Little Raven,” the celebrated chief of the southern Arapaho. He died a few years ago and was succeeded by the present head chief Na′wat or Left Hand. The name is derived from ho, “crow,” and sa, the diminutive.

Hu!—an unmeaning exclamation sometimes used by devotees and priests in the Ghost dance when under strong excitement, as Hu! Hu! Hu!

+Hubbub+—the name given by old New England writers to the Indian dice game. See Arapaho song 68.

Huhu—for Ho.

Hu′nă—crows; plural of ho or hu; figuratively used in the songs for crow feathers worn on the head.

Hu′naku′nithi—wearers of the crow feathers; the name given to the seven leaders of the Ghost dance who wear crow feathers on their heads. Ho, crow; plural, hona or huna.

Hu′wĭsä′na—I go straight to it. Huwĭ′sä, you go, etc; qănu′wĭsät, he goes, etc.

Huyu—another form of Hi′yu.

Ih!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

+Ikunuhkatsi+—“All Comrades,” the military society of the Blackfeet. See Arapaho song 43.

Ina′habi′ä—Look on us! Nina′hawa, I look at him. Compare Ächiqa′hăwa.

I′nĭt—timber.

Inita′ta-usä′na—stand ready! (imperative plural) Näni′tata′-usä′na, I am ready.

Inû′na-i′na—the name used by the Arapaho to designate themselves. It signifies “our people,” or “people of our kind.”

I′thaq—a gut; a sheath or case made of bear gut. See Arapaho song 41.

I′thetihi—good.

Iyahu′h—gone, it is all gone.

Iyehe′!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

I′yehe′eye—ibid.

Iyu—another form of Hi′yu.

+Kaninahoic+—the Ojibwa name for the Arapaho.

+Kanina′vish+—ibid.

Kawinahan—the form used by Hayden for Gawunĕ′na or Gawunĕ′häna, q. v.

Ku′niahu′na—I fly with it on my head.

+Maqpĭ′ato+—the Sioux name for the Arapaho. It signifies “blue cloud, i. e., a clear sky;” reason unknown.

+Minnetarees of Fort de Prairie+—The name given by Lewis and Clark to the Aä′ninĕna or Arapaho Grosventres. The Aä′ninĕna are known to the French Canadians as Gros Ventres des Prairies, while the Minitari are called by them Gros Ventres du Missouri, and the American explorers incorrectly compounded the two names.

Näa′wunani′nä—he takes pity on us. Compare Hatăna′wunăni′na.

Na′chichaba′n—they are still making it. Nä′nĭstĭnă, I make it; Näsu′nistină, I still make it.

Naga′q—the morning star. See Arapaho songs 67 and 72. The word literally means “a cross.”

Nahăbi′na—he saw me. Compare Hätina′hawa′bä.

Nă′hănĭ—here! look! Compare Ächiqa′hăwă.

Naha′ta—look at it! (imperative singular). Compare Ächiqa′hăwă.

Na′hawaŭ′—for Na′hawû′.

Na′hawŭû—I saw him. Compare Hätina′hawä′bä.

Nä′hibiwa′huna—then I begin to cry or lament. Compare Bähibiwă′hĭna.

Nä′hibi′wahuna′na—then I wept. Compare Bähibiwă′hĭna.

Nä′higu′tha—I throw it. Nina′gu′tha, I throw it where it can not be found.

Nä′hinä′n—stop!

Nä′inaha′tdäbä′naq—I then saw the multitude plainly.

Na′kash—sage; the wild sage (Artemisia); the name of a prominent northern Arapaho.

Na′kasinĕ′na—the name by which the northern Arapaho call themselves. It signifies “sagebrush men,” from na′kash, “sagebrush,” and hinĕ′na or hinĕ′nina, the plural of hinĕ′n, “man.” They are called Ba′achinĕ′na by the other Arapaho, and Tägyä′ko by the Kiowa.

Nănä′—it is that, that is the thing.

Na′nagă′qănĕt—white-skinned (singular); from na′guă, white (organic) and wană′q, skin. Nûna′chă, white (inorganic); either na′guă or nûna′chă may be used in speaking of a house. Na′nagă′qănĕt is one of the Arapaho names for the whites, the ordinary term being Nia′thn, q. v. See also Niha′nătaye′chet.

Nanaha′thăhi—he showed me. Nanaha′tha, I show him.

Nänä′nina—it is I, I am he (emphatic).

Nana′thina′ni—he came to take me, he came for me. In the songs the adverb “when” or “where” is sometimes understood with the verb. See Arapaho song 38.

Näne′th—when I met him.

Nä′niahu′na—for Näniĭ′ahu′na.

Nänibä′tawă—I am singing it; Näni′bina, I sing; nibä′t, a song.

Nänibä′tia—for Nänibä′tawă.

Nä′‛nihithätu′hŭna—thus I shouted, or called. Nä′‛ni in composition signifies “thus.”

Näni′ibä—it is spotted.

Nani′nibinä′sĭ—the wind makes them sing. Näni′bina, I sing. Compare Nänibä′tawă.

Nänisa′na—for Näni′sanăŭ′.

Näni′sanăŭ′ or Näni′sanăq—my children. Näni′sa, my older child; näni′sanĕ′ăĕ′, my young child.

Nänisa′taqi—for Ni′sataq, seven.

Nänisa′tăquthi—for Ni′sataq, seven.

Nä′nitha′tuhŭ′na—for Nä′‛nihithatu′hŭna.

Näniwu′hună—I carry it as I fly about in circles. Compare Hi′bithini′na with Tahĕti′niahu′na.

Nasu′siyakunawa—I am stripping it. I am unsheathing it. Compare Săniyagu′nawa′.

Na′tănu′ya—what I am using. Tanu′năwa′, I use it.

Na′tenehi′na—another form of Natni or Na′tnihi′na.

Na′tni or Na′tnihi′na—the Arapaho name for the Sioux. The etymology is unknown, but it may possibly be a form of Na′dowe, the generic Algonquian name for Indians of a different stock.

Natu′wani′sa—my top (a toy); from uwani′sa, a top. See Arapaho song 65.

Na′waa′tănû—I prayed to him; ni′awăaa′tanû, I am praying (to him).

Na′wat—“Left Hand,” present head chief of the southern Arapaho.

Na′wathinĕ′ha—the name by which the southern Arapaho are known to the rest of the tribe. It signifies “southerners,” and is said to be an archaic form for Nawunĕ′na, the name by which the southern Arapaho call themselves.

Na′wunĕ′na—the proper name of the southern Arapaho. It signifies “southern men,” from na′wun, “south,” and hinĕ′na, “men.” They are called Nawa′thinĕ′ha, “southerners,” by the northern Arapaho, which is said to be the archaic form.

Năya′qût—the whirlwind. The powers and phenomena of nature are generally personified in Indian thought and language.

Nä′yu—there it is. Compare Iyu.

Nea-i′qaha′ti—for Ne′ia-i′qahat.

Neä′thibiwa′na—the place where crying begins. Compare Bähibiwă′hĭna.

Nĕ′bäku′thana—the “awl game” of the women of the prairie tribes. See Arapaho song 64.

Nĕ′chäi′hit—he gave me this grateful gift; he gave me this, for which I am thankful.

Nĕ′chä′wu′nani—have pity on me (imperative singular). Compare Hatana′wunani′na.

Nehawa′wună′na—I have no sympathy with him. Compare Ti′awawu′nănu.

Nĕ′ia-i′qahat—now he is collecting them; now he begins to gather them.

Ne′na(-hu)—my mother. Nesû′na, my father.

Nesû′na—another form of Nisû′na.

Nĕtĭ′qtawa—my tĭ′qtawa or throwing-stick. The game is called bătĭ′qtûba, abbreviated to tĭ′qtûp. The throwing-stick is called bătĭ′qtawa or tĭ′qtawa. See Arapaho song 68.

Nĕ′tita′wahu—for Netĭ′qtawa.

Ni′ănĕ′thăhi′nani′na—he did not recognize me. The negative idea is contained in änĕ′th; ä′ninani′na, he recognized me.

Ni′ănita′wathi—they push hard, i. e., they persevere. Näni′äni′tawana, I push hard; I do my best; I do right.

Nia′rhari′s-kûrikiwa′s-hûski—proper Wichita name for the Arapaho.

Ni′äsa′kua′na—I am looking on, or watching. Compare Hätina′hawa′bä and Ächiqa′hăwa.

Nia′thu or Nia′‛thuă—the white people; singular, Nia′tha. The word signifies literally expert, skillful, or wise, and is also the Arapaho name for the spider. The word for “white” is nu′na′cha′ă. Compare Na′nagă′qănĕt and Niha′nătaye′chet.

Niathu′a-u—for Niathu′a.

Niati′biku′thahu—for Niati′biku′thathi.

Niati′biku′thathi—they are rolling it.

Nibäi′naku′nithi—they all wear it on their heads. Ninaku′na, I wear it on my head.

Nibä′t—song. Compare Nänibä′tawă.

Nibä′tia—for Nibä′t.

Ni′binu—for Niibi′na.

Ni′bithi′t—I have nothing to eat.

Ni′chiă—river.

Ni′chihinĕ′na—“river men,” the Arapaho name for the Kiowa. From ni′chiă, river, and hinĕ′na, men, so called from the former residence of the Kiowa on upper Arkansas river, from which they were driven by the Arapaho and Sioux.

Niesa′na, or Ni′chisa′na—the young birds. Niĕ′hĕ, bird; niĕ′hisa, a young bird.

Niha′nătaye′chet—yellow-hided (singular); from niha′ne, yellow, and nata′yech, a hide; one of the Arapaho names for the whites. The ordinary term is Nia′thu, q. v.

Nĭhiga′hu—he is running. Näniga′na, I run; năni′higa, he runs; nĭhiga′huna, I am running swiftly.

Nĭhiga′huna—I am running swiftly. Compare Nĭhiga′hu.

Nihii′nä—forcibly, swiftly.

Niibi′na—I gave it to them. Compare Bĕni′nina.

Niitegu—for Nii′tĕhăg.

Nii′tĕhăg—it was he, he was the one.

Niitu′qawigû′niĕ′—where they were coming down; where they were descending toward us.

Ninaä′niahu′na—fly in circles (habitual); I am constantly flying about in circles. Compare Hi′bithini′na and Tahĕti′niahu′na.

Ninaä′niahu′tawa—I am flying about it. Compare Hi′bithini′na.

Ninaä′qăwa′—I go around it.

Ni′nagănawa′ni—we have danced until daylight. Compare He′nagana′‛wanĕn and Bäta′hina′ni.

Ni′nahawa′na—we see them. Compare Hätina′hawa′bä.

Ninä′ninati′nakuni′na—It is I who have (wear) it on my head; I am the one who ties it on my head.

Ninĕ′n—tallow.

Niniha′niahu′na—I fly around yellow. Niha′ne, yellow. Compare Hi′bithini′na and Nänii′ahu′na.

Ni′nini′tubi′na—he has called me.

Nini′tănă′û—I heard him. Compare Hatni′tăni′na.

Nĭnitu′sa—making a sound, resounding.

Ni′qa—father (vocative; no possessive pronoun implied). A more reverential or affectionate form than nisûna.

Niqaga′yătusa—the loudest sounding, the loudest of all. The idea of “loudest” is contained in qaga′y’, and of “sounding” in tusa. See Nĭnitu′sa.

Ni′qahu′hu′—for Ni′qa.

Ni′qana′ga—that one buffalo bull; there is a solitary bull. Hänä′chä, a buffalo bull, is changed in the song to qana′ga. Ni in composition denotes alone, single, from nisi, only one; chäsaiy’, one.

Nisa′na—the same as nisû′na or nesûna, my father.

Ni′sataq—seven. See Yathûn.

Nisû′na—my father. Compare Hesû′na.

Ni′tabä′na—I hear it. Compare Hatni′tani′na.

Nitabä′tani—we are dancing. Compare Bäta′hina′ni.

Nita-i′sa—my relative.

Ni′tawuna′na—I take pity on them. Compare Hatăna′wunani′na.

Nithi′na—he said it, he has said it (immediate past). Compare Häthi′na.

Nuha′wŭ—Fox dance; the dance of the Nuhinĕ′na. See Arapaho song 43.

Nuhinĕ′na—Fox men, from nu, fox, and hinĕ′na, men; one of the degrees of the Arapaho military organization. See Arapaho song 43.

Nu′nagûna′‛-u′ăt—he came with it, he brought it with him.

Nûnaha′wŭ—one of the degrees of the Arapaho military organization; the meaning of the word is unknown. See Arapaho song 43.

Nû′nanû′naa′tăni′na—he is circling above me. See Arapaho song 39.

Nû′nanû′naku′ti—I am circling it, I am waving it about in circles.

Nu′sa-icha′tha—the ceremonial crook or lance carried by the leader of the Bita′hinĕna. See Arapaho song 43.

Qa′qa-u′nûtha—the “throwing sticks” used in the game of the bä′qati. See Arapaho song 49.

+Sani′tika+—Pawnee name for the Arapaho; from the Comanche name Sä′rĕtĭka, “dog eaters.”

Să′niyagu′nawa′—I have stripped it, I have unsheathed it. Nasu′siyakunawa, I am stripping it, I am unsheathing it.

+Sä′pani+—the Shoshoni name for the Aä′ninĕna or Arapaho Grosventres. It signifies “belly people,” from säp, belly, and ni, the tribal suffix.

+Sä′rĕtĕka+—Comanche and Shoshoni name for the Arapaho. It signifies “dog-eaters,” from sä′re, dog, and tĕka, a form of the verb to eat, in allusion to their special fondness for dog flesh. The name is also sometimes used by the Wichita.

Säsa′bä-ithi—looking around, i. e., watchers or lookouts. One of the five bands of the southern Arapaho.

Se′hiwûq—“weasel bear,” from sea weasel, and wûq, bear; also rendered as “gray bear,” from se, gray, and wûq, bear. The name of the keeper of the sĕ′icha or sacred pipe of the Arapaho. See Arapaho song 2.

Sĕ′icha—“flat pipe,” from sĕĭ, flat, and hicha, pipe. The sacred pipe and tribal “medicine” of the Arapaho. See Arapaho song 2.

Ta′ăwŭn—strike it (imperative singular).

Tabini′na—he (she) gave it to me. Compare Bĕni′nĕna.

Ta′‛chawa′gŭna—while I am carrying a load of (buffalo) beef on a horse. Ha′gŭ′, I carry a load of beef on a horse in motion; second person, hagŭ′nĭ; third person, hagŭ′tĭ; ta‛, prefix in composition with the verb, implies “while.”

Tahĕti′niahu′na—I make the deep, or loud, thunder as I fly about in circles (habitual). Compare Ninaä′niahu′na and Tahuna′änä′niahu′na. See Arapaho song 27.

Ta′huna′änä′niahu′na—I make the thunder (or loud resounding noise) as I fly about in circles (habitual). Compare Ninaä′niahu′na and Tahĕti′niahu′na.

Tahu′nahathihi′na—to make me see them. Compare Hätina′hawa′bä.

Ta′na-u′qahe′na—he put me there. Nita′uqa′, I put him there (present).

Tani′bäthă—“pierced noses,” the Arapaho name for the Caddo; tani, nose.

Ta′thiaku′tawa—I stood upon it (?). The regular form for “I was standing upon it” is Nĭqtä′saku′na.

Ta′-usĕta′na or Ta′-usĕta′tina—literally “striking,” or “throwing against” something; the dice game of the women of the prairie tribes. See Arapaho song 64.

Ta′wŭnä—for Ta′ăwŭn.

Tĕ′bĕ—at first, the first time, in the beginning.

Tĕ′bĕ′tana′-isĕt—when he first came; tĕ′bĕ, the first time.

Tha‛kû′hinĕna—“whetstone men,” or “knife-whetting men,” the Arapaho name for the Kiowa Apache (Na-diisha-Dena), and for all other southern Athapascan tribes known to them, including the Lipan, Mescalero, Jicarilla, and Apache proper. The sign for Apache in the sign language of the plains also conveys the same idea, being made by briskly rubbing the left forefinger with the right, as though whetting a knife. Găta‛ka, the Pawnee name for the Kiowa Apache, seems to have a connection with this word.

Thĕni′ehi′nina—I am a bird, from niĕ′hĕ, bird.

Thi′aku—they are there.

Thi′äya—the sweat-house mound. The name is also applied to a stone heap or monument. See Arapaho song 34.

Thiäya′na—on the thi′äya or sweat-house mound.

Thiäya′nĕ—at the thi′äya or sweat-house mound.

Thigûnăwa′t—the Ghost dance, from thig, ghost or spirit of a dead person, and bäta′t, a dance. Compare Bäta′hina′ni.

Ti′awawu′nănu—when I sympathized with them, when I liked them. I sympathize with him, tiăwu′nănă. Ti or tihi in composition with verbs usually conveys the idea of “when.” Nehawa′wunăna, I have no sympathy with him. Compare Hatăna′wunăni′na.

Ti′naha′thihu—I show it to them (habitual), or to show it to them. Ni′naha′thihu, I show it to him.

Ti′qtûp—the common abbreviated form of Bătĭ′qtûbă, q. v.

Uhiyeyeheye!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

Ûtnitha′wuchä′wahănäni′na—we shall surely again be put (with something understood). The idea of “surely” is contained in ûtni′thawĭ; chä is from chä′i′hĭi, “again.”

Wa′ku(-hu)—a feather to wear on the head.

Wa′ku′na—feathers worn on the head; a feather headdress. They are usually painted and beaded, and sometimes mounted on a small stick. A single feather thus worn is called wa′ku.

+Wakiñyañ-oi+—Thunder’s Track. The Sioux name of a locality in eastern South Dakota. See Arapaho song 14.

Waqui′si—Ugly Face Woman, an Arapaho man. Hĭ′si, woman, is frequently abbreviated to si in composition.

Wa′quithi—Bad faces, or Ugly faces; the principal of the five bands of the southern Arapaho. Their chief, Nawat, or Left Hand, is also the principal chief of the southern branch of the tribe.

Watäna′ni—a black mark or picture, from watä′yä, black. See Arapaho song 49.

Wa′tän-ga′a—Black Coyote, from wa′tän, black, and ga′a, coyote. A southern Arapaho, captain of the Indian police, and one of the principal leaders of the Ghost dance among the Arapaho.

Wa′wa—now; it also gives the idea of done, or completed.

Wa′wagathä′na—I have already put him aside, now I have put him aside. Wawa or waw’, “now,” in composition, gives the idea of “already” or completed action.

Wa′wăna′danä′diă—I am about to hum (i. e., with the Hätiku′tha). See Arapaho song 25.

Wawäthäbichä‛chinĭnabänaguwa-u-inagathi—I have given you (plural) again, a headdress of magpie feathers; from wa′wäthä′bichä‛chinĭ′nabä′nak, I have given it back again; wa′-u-i, magpie; waga′thi, a bird’s tail feathers. In the verb the root is from bĭni′na, I give it to him; waw’ denotes completion, as “already” done; chä implies repetition or return of action. See Arapaho song 56.

Wûnayu′uhu—for Wû′nayu′ŭ, they are new. Wû′nayă′, it is new.

Ya′gaahi′na—for Ya′hagaahi′na.

Ya′hagaahi′na—the “coyote gun” or ceremonial club of the Ga′ahinĕ′na or “Coyote men.” See Arapaho song 41.

Yahe′eye′!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

Ya′‛na-u′si′ya—how bright the moonlight is! Na‛-u′si′ya, the moonlight is bright.

Ya′thäyû′na—five places, in five places; from ya′thûn, five, and yûna, places.

Ya′thûn—five. Other numerals are: 1, chä′saiy’; 2, hĕni′si; 3, hĕnä′si; 4, yen; 5, ya′thû or ya′thûn; 6, ni′tataq; 7, ni′sataq; 8, näsataq; 9, thi′ataq; 10, wĕtätaq; 20, ni′sa; 29, ni′sa-thi′atăqu′n; 30, näsa; 40, ye′ya; 50, ya′thaiya; 60, nitatû′sa; 70, ni′satûsa; 80, nä′satû′sa; 90, thi′atû′sa; 100, wĕ′tätû′sa.

Ye′nis—the wild rose. The rosebush is ye′nis; the seed berry is ye′nun, literally “louse child,” from the resemblance of the seeds to nits or lice. See Arapaho song 29.

Ye′nisiti′na—with the wild rose; from ye′nis, the wild rose, and ti′naq, with.

Yĭ′hä′ä′ä′hi′hĭ′—an unmeaning word combination of syllables used in the gambling songs. See Arapaho song 69.

THE CHEYENNE

TRIBAL SYNONYMY

Ba′hakosĭn—Caddo name; “striped arrows,” băh, arrow. The Caddo sometimes also call them Siä′näbo, from their Comanche name.

Cheyenne—popular name, a French spelling of their Sioux name. It has no connection with the French word chien, “dog.”

Dzĭtsĭ′stäs—proper tribal name; nearly equivalent to “our people.”

Gatsa′lghi—Kiowa Apache name.

Hĭtäsi′na (singular Hĭ′täsi)—Arapaho name, signifying “scarred people,” from hĭtäshi′ni, “scarred or cut.” According to the Arapaho statement the Cheyenne were so called because they were more addicted than the other tribes to the practice of gashing themselves in religious ceremonies. The name may have more special reference to the tribal custom of cutting off the fingers and hands of their slain enemies. (See tribal sign, page 1024.)

Ităsupuzi—Hidatsa name, “spotted arrow quills” (Matthews).

Ka′naheăwastsĭk—Cree name, “people with a language somewhat like Cree” (Grinnell).

Niere′rikwats-kûni′ki—Wichita name.

Nanonĭ′ks-kare′nĭki—Kichai name.

Pägănävo—Shoshoni and Comanche name; “striped arrows,” from päga, “arrow,” and nävo, “striped.”

Säk̔o′ta—Kiowa name; seems to refer to “biting.”

Sa-sis-e-tas—proper tribal name according to Clark (Indian Sign Language, 99, 1885). The form should be Dzĭtsĭ′stäs as given above.

Shaiela or Shaiena—Sioux name; “red,” or decorated with red paint. According to Riggs, as quoted by Clark, the Sioux call an alien language a “red” language, while they designate one of their own stock as “white,” so that the name would be equivalent to “aliens.” The Sioux apply the same name also to the Cree.

Shiä′navo—another Comanche name, probably a derivative from the word Cheyenne.

Shiĕ′da—another Wichita name, derived from the word Cheyenne.

Staitan—unidentified tribal name, given, by Lewis and Clark. Identical with the Cheyenne, from their own word Hĭstä′itän, “I am a Cheyenne.”

TRIBAL SIGN

The Cheyenne tribal sign, made by drawing the right index finger several times across the left forefinger, is commonly interpreted “cut fingers” or “cut wrists,” and is said to be derived from their custom of cutting off the fingers and hands of slain enemies. Although the same practice was found among other tribes, the Cheyenne were particularly distinguished in this regard. In Mackenzie’s great fight with the Cheyenne in Wyoming, in 1876, two necklaces made of human fingers were found in the captured Indian camp, together with a small bag filled with hands cut from the bodies of children of the Shoshoni tribe, their enemies. One of these necklaces was afterward deposited in the National Museum at Washington. (See Bourke in Ninth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.) Some competent Indian authorities say, however, that the sign is intended to indicate “stripe people,” or “striped-arrow people,” referring to the fact that the Cheyenne usually feathered their arrows with the striped feathers of the wild turkey. This agrees with the interpretation of the name for the Cheyenne in several different languages.

SKETCH OF THE TRIBE

The Cheyenne are one of the westernmost tribes of the great Algonquian stock. In one of their ghost songs they sing of the “turtle river,” on which they say they once lived. (Cheyenne song 3.) From several evidences this seems to be identical with the Saint Croix, which forms the boundary between Wisconsin and Minnesota. This statement agrees with the opinion of Clark (Indian Sign Language), who locates their earliest tradition in the neighborhood of Saint Anthony falls. They were driven out by the Sioux and forced toward the northwest, where they came in contact with the Asiniboin (called by them Hohe′), with whom they were never afterward at peace. At a later period, according to Lewis and Clark, they lived on the Cheyenne branch of Red river, in northern Minnesota, whence they were again driven by the Sioux into the prairie.

In 1805 they wandered about the head of Cheyenne river of Dakota and in the Black hills, and were at war with the Sioux, though at peace with most other tribes. Since then they have pushed on to the west and south, always in close confederation with the Arapaho. These two tribes say they have never known a time when they were not associated. About forty years ago, in Wyoming, the band since known as the northern Cheyenne separated from the others (Clark), and have since lived chiefly in Montana or with the Sioux, with whom the Cheyenne made peace about sixty years ago. The other and larger portion of the tribe continued to range chiefly on the lands of the Arkansas and Canadian in Colorado and the western part of Kansas and Oklahoma. They and the Arapaho made peace with the Kiowa and Comanche in 1840, and raided in connection with these tribes into Texas and Mexico until assigned in 1869 to a reservation in what is now western Oklahoma. In 1874 they, as well as the Kiowa, Comanche, and Kiowa Apache, again went on the warpath in consequence of the depredations of the buffalo hunters, but the outbreak was speedily suppressed. In 1890 they sold their reservation and took allotments in severalty. The northern Cheyenne joined the Sioux in the “Custer war” of 1876–77. At the surrender of the hostiles they were removed to Oklahoma and placed with the southern Cheyenne, but were much dissatisfied with their location, the dissatisfaction culminating in the attempt of a large party, under Dull Knife, to escape to the north, in September, 1878. They were pursued, and a part of them captured and confined at Fort Robinson, Nebraska, whence they made a desperate attempt to escape on the night of January 9, 1879, resulting in the killing of nearly all of the prisoners. They were finally assigned a reservation in Montana, where they now are, with the exception of a few among the Sioux. According to the official report for 1892, the southern Cheyenne in Oklahoma numbered 2,119, the northern Cheyenne in Montana, 1,200, and those with the Sioux at Pine Edge, South Dakota, 120, a total of 3,439.

The Cheyenne have eleven tribal divisions. They have at least two dialects, but probably more. The tribal divisions in their order in the camping circle are—

1. Evĭ′sts-unĭ′pahĭs (“smoky lodges”—Grinnell, fide Clark).

2. Sŭta′ya or Sŭ′tasi′na. This is one of the most important divisions and formerly constituted a distinct tribe, but was afterward incorporated with the Cheyenne. According to concurrent Cheyenne and Blackfoot tradition, as given by Grinnell, they seem originally to have been a part of the Blackfeet, who became separated from the main body of their tribe by the sudden breaking up of the ice while crossing a large river. They drifted to the southward and finally met and joined the Cheyenne in the Black hills. Their name, spelled Suti by Grinnell, is said to mean “strange talkers.” They live now on the upper Washita in Oklahoma and speak a dialect differing considerably from that of the rest of the tribe.

3. Ĭ′sium-itä′niuw’, (“ridge-people;” singular, Ĭ′siumi-tän—Grinnell, fide Clark).

4. Hĕwă-tä′niuw’, “hairy men.” The name is also sometimes used collectively to designate all of the southern Cheyenne as distinguished from the northern Cheyenne, called collectively Hmĭ′sĭs. The southern Cheyenne are also designated collectively as So′wăniă, “southerners.”

5. Ŏ′ivimă′na, “scabby.” This name is said to have been given them originally on account of an epidemic which once broke out among their horses and rendered them mangy.

6. Wi′tapi′u (“haters”—Grinnell, ƒide Clark).

7. Hotă′mi-tä′niuw′, “dog men,” or Mĭ′stäviĭ′nût, “heavy eyebrows.” This is also the name of one of the divisions of their warrior organization.

8. O′tu′gŭnŭ.

9. Hmĭ′sĭs, “eaters.” This is the most important division of the northern Cheyenne, and the name is also used by those of the south to designate all the northern Cheyenne collectively.

10. Anskowĭ′nĭs.

11. Pĭnû′tgû′.

These are the names given to the author by the Cheyenne themselves as the complete list of their tribal divisions. Grinnell, on the authority of the Clark manuscript, names six of these with two others, Matsĭ′shkota, “corpse from a scaffold,” and Miayŭma, “red lodges,” which may be identical with some of the others named above, or may perhaps be degrees of their military organization instead of tribal divisions.

In the great ceremony of the “medicine arrow,” last enacted on the Washita in 1890, the camping circle opened to the south. At all other gatherings of the tribe the circle opened to the east, agreeable to the general Indian custom, the several divisions encamping in the order shown in figure 100.

The Cheyenne, like the prairie tribes generally, are, or were until within a few years past, a nation of nomads, living in skin tipis, and depending almost entirely on the buffalo for food. Yet they have a dim memory of a time when they lived in permanent villages and planted corn, and in their genesis tradition, which occupies four “smokes” or nights in the telling, they relate how they “lost” the corn a long time ago before they became wanderers on the plains. They deposit their dead on scaffolds in trees, unlike their confederates, the Arapaho, who bury in the ground. Their most sacred possession is the bundle of “medicine arrows,” now in possession of the southern division of the tribe. They have a military organization similar to that existing among the Arapaho and other prairie tribes, as described under number 43 of the Arapaho songs. Above all the tribes of the plains they are distinguished for their desperate courage and pride of bearing, and are preeminently warriors among people whose trade is war. They are strongly conservative and have steadily resisted every advance of civilization, here again differing from the Arapaho, who have always shown a disposition to meet the white man half-way. In fact, no two peoples could well exhibit more marked differences of characteristics on almost every point than these two confederated tribes. The Cheyenne have quick and strong intelligence, but their fighting temper sometimes renders them rather unmanageable subjects with whom to deal. Their conservatism and tribal pride tend to restrain them from following after strange gods, so that in regard to the new messiah they assume a rather skeptical position, while they conform to all the requirements of the dance code in order to be on the safe side.

Clark, in his Indian Sign Language, thus sums up the characteristics of the Cheyenne:

As a tribe they have been broken and scattered, but in their wild and savage way they fought well for their country, and their history during the past few years has been written in blood. The men of the Cheyenne Indians rank as high in the scale of honesty, energy, and tenacity of purpose as those of any other tribe I have ever met, and in physique and intellect they are superior to those of most tribes and the equal of any. Under the most demoralizing and trying circumstances they have preserved in a remarkable degree that part of their moral code which relates to chastity, and public sentiment has been so strong in them in regard to this matter that they have been, and are still, noted among all the tribes which surround them, for the virtue of their women.

The Cheyenne language lacks the liquids l and r. It is full of hissing sounds and difficult combinations of consonants, so that it does not lend itself readily to song composition, for which reason, among others, the Cheyenne in the south usually join the Arapaho in the Ghost dance and sing the Arapaho songs.

SONGS OF THE CHEYENNE

1. +O′tä nä′nisĭ′näsists+

O′tä nä′nisĭ′näsĭsts—Ehe′e′ye′! O′tä nä′nisĭ′näsĭsts—Ehe′e′ye′! Mä′tesemä′moestä′nowe′t—Ähe′e′ye′! Mä′tesemä′moestä′nowe′t—Ähe′e′ye′! Ho′ivitu′simo′moĭ′ts—E′ähe′e′ye′! Ho′ivitu′simo′moĭ′ts—E′ähe′e′ye′! Nu′ka′eshe′väo′e′tse′ Nitu′si′mitä′nun, Nitu′si′mitä′nun.

Translation

Well, my children—Ehe′e′ye′! Well, my children—Ehe′e′ye′! When you meet your friends again—Ähe′e′ye′! When you meet your friends again—Ähe′e′ye′! The earth will tremble—E′ähe′e′ye′! The earth will tremble—E′ähe′e′ye′! The summer cloud (?) It will give it to us, It will give it to us.

The interpretation of this song is imperfect and the meaning is not clear. It evidently refers to the earthquake which it is supposed will occur at the moment of contact of the spirit world with the old earth. The literal meaning of the second line, rendered “when you meet your friends again,” is “when you are living together again.”

2. +Ehä′n esho′ini′+

Ehä′n esho′ini′, Ehä′n esho′ini′, Hoi′v esho′ini′, Hoi′v esho′ini′, I′yohä′—Eye′ye′! I′yohä′—Eye′ye′! I′nisto′niwo′ni—Ahe′e′ye′! I′nisto′niwo′ni—Ahe′e′ye′!

Translation

Our father has come, Our father has come, The earth has come, The earth has come, It is rising—Eye′ye′! It is rising—Eye′ye′! It is humming—Ahe′e′ye′! It is humming—Ahe′e′ye′!

This is the song composed by Porcupine, the great leader of the Ghost dance among the northern Cheyenne. It refers to the coming of the new earth which is to come over this old world and which is represented as making a humming or rolling noise as it swiftly approaches.

3. +Nä′niso′näsĭ′stsihi′+

Nä′niso′näsĭ′stsihi′, Nä′niso′näsĭ′stsihi′, Hi′tää′ni mä′noyu′hii′, Hi′tää′ni mä′noyu′hii′, Owa′ni tsi′nitai′-wosi′hi′, Owa′ni tsi′nitai′-wosi′hi′, Tsĭ′nitai′-womai′-wosihi′, Tsĭ′nitai′-womai′-wosihi′. I′häni′ i′hiwo′uhi′, I′häni′ i′hiwo′uhi′.

Translation

My children, my children, Here is the river of turtles, Here is the river of turtles, Where the various living things, Where the various living things, Are painted their different colors, Are painted their different colors. Our father says so, Our father says so.

This song has a very pretty tune. The Cheyenne claim to have lived originally in the north on a stream known to them as the “River of Turtles.” Reverend H. R. Voth, former missionary among the Cheyenne and Arapaho, states that the Indians say that along the banks of this stream were clays of different colors which they used for paint. In a letter of October 1, 1891, he says: “I have now in my possession some red and some gray or drab paint that Black Coyote brought with him from the north, which he claims came from that ancient Turtle river, and which the Indians are now using to paint themselves. They say there are more than two kinds of color at that river, or at least used to be.” According to Clark (Indian Sign Language, page 99) the oldest traditions of the Cheyenne locate their former home on the headwaters of the Mississippi in Minnesota, about where Saint Paul now is. Other facts corroborate this testimony, and the traditional “Turtle river” would seem to be identical with the Saint Croix, which is thus described by Coxe in 1741:

A little higher up is the river Chabadeda, above which the Meschacebe makes a fine lake twenty miles long and eight or ten broad. Nine or ten miles above that lake, on the east side, is a large fair river, called the river of Tortoises, after you have entered a little way, which leads far into the country to the northeast, and is navigable by the greatest boats forty miles. About the same distance farther up, the Meschacebe is precipitated from the rocks about fifty feet, but is so far navigable by considerable ships, as also beyond, excepting another fall, eighty or ninety miles higher, by large vessels, unto its sources, which are in the country of the Sieux, not at a very great distance from Hudson’s bay. There are many other smaller rivers which fall into the Meschacebe, on both sides of it, but being of little note, and the description of them of small consequence, I have passed over them in silence. (Coxe, Carolana, 1741, in French’s Hist. Coll. of La., part 2, 233, 1850.)

4. +Nä′see′nehe′ ehe′yowo′mi+

Nä′see′nehe′ ehe′yowo′mi, Nä′see′nehe′ ehe′yowo′mi, E′nää′ne mä′noyo′h ehe′yowo′mi, E′nää′ne mä′noyo′h ehe′yowo′mi.

Translation

I waded into the yellow river, I waded into the yellow river, This was the Turtle river into which I waded, This was the Turtle river into which I waded.

This song is probably explained by the one immediately preceding.

5. +Wosi′vä-ă′ă′+

Wosi′vä-ă′ă′, Wosi′vä-ă′ă′, Nänima-iyä, Nänima-iyä, Ä′hiya′e′yee′heye′! Ä′hiya′e′yee′heye′!

Translation

The mountain, The mountain, It is circling around, It is circling around, _Ä′hiya′e′yee′heye′! Ä′hiya′e′yee′heye′!_

The interpretation of this song is not satisfactory. It was explained that by the mountain was meant the new earth, which was represented as approaching rapidly with a circular motion.

6. +Ni′ha-i′hi′hi′+

Ni′ha-i′hi′hi′, Ni′ha-i′hi′hi′, Na′eso′yutu′hi′, Na′eso′yutu′hi′, U′guchi′hi′hi′, U′guchi′hi′hi′, Na′nisto′hewu′hi′, Na′nisto′hewu′hi′, Ga′! Na′hewu′hi, Ga′! Na′hewu′hi.

Translation

My father, My father, I come to him, I come to him, The crow, The crow, I cry like it, I cry like it, Caw! I say, Caw! I say.

The connection of the crow with the doctrine of the Ghost dance has already been explained. See Arapaho song 36.

7. +Hi′awu′hi—hi′hi′hai′-yai′+

Hi′awu′hi—Hi′hi′hai′-yai′! Hi′awu′hi—Hi′hi′hai′-yai′! Ni′äsĭ′tano′ni—Hi′hi′hai′-yai′! Ni′äsĭ′tano′ni—Hi′hi′hai′-yai′! Hi′äma′ wihu′i—Hi′hi′hai′-yai′! Hi′äma′ wihu′i—Hi′hi′hai′-yai′! Ni′hihi′no′ni—Hi′hi′hai′-yai′! Ni′hihi′no′ni—Hi′hi′hai′-yai′! Nĭ′shibä′tämo′ni—Hi′hi′hai′-yai′! Nĭ′shibä′tämo′ni—Hi′hi′hai′-yai′!

Translation

The devil—Hi′hi′hai′-yai′! The devil—Hi′hi′hai′-yai′! We have put him aside—Hi′hi′hai′-yai′! We have put him aside—Hi′hi′hai′-yai′! The White Man Above—Hi′hi′hai′-yai′! The White Man Above—Hi′hi′hai′-yai′! He is our father—Hi′hi′hai′-yai′! He is our father—Hi′hi′hai′-yai′! He has blest us—Hi′hi′hai′-yai′! He has blest us—Hi′hi′hai′-yai′!

It is hardly necessary to state that the idea of a devil is not aboriginal, although now embodied in the Indian mythology and language from contact with the whites. The “White Man Above” is understood to mean the ruler whose precursor the messiah is, equivalent to our idea of God.

8. +Ni′ha—E′yehe′! E′he′eye+

Ni′ha—E′yehe′! E′he′eye′! Ni′ha—E′yehe′! E′he′eye′! Tsĭ′stamo′nohyo′t—Ehe′eye′! Tsĭ′stamo′nohyo′t—Ehe′eye′! O′täta′wome′mäpe′wä—He′eye′! O′täta′wome′mäpe′wä—He′eye′! Ni′mistä′tuhä′mi—He′eye′! Ni′mistä′tuhä′mi—He′eye′! E′hiwou′, E′hiwou′—He′!

Translation

My father—E′yehe′! E′he′eye′! My father—E′yehe′! E′he′eye′! When I first met him—Ehe′eye′! When I first met him—Ehe′eye′! “In the blue-green water—He′eye′!” ”In the blue-green-water—He′eye′!” “You must take a bath“—He′eye′!” “You must take a bath”—He′eye′!” Thus he told me, thus he told me—He′!

Quite a number of the Cheyenne ghost songs refer to rivers seen in the spirit world, these being frequently designated by colors, as yellow, blue, etc. It may be that certain rivers play a prominent part in their mythology, and as has been said they locate their earliest traditional home on the “Turtle river.” The word here rendered “blue-green” might mean either blue or green, as in Cheyenne and in many other Indian languages the two colors are not differentiated. Compare Cheyenne song number 16.

9. +Ä′minû′qi+

Ä′minû′qi—I′yahe′yahe′e′! Ä′minû′qi—I′yahe′yahe′e′! Nĭ′stsishi′hiyo′honi′mäni—Ahe′e′ye′! Nĭ′stsishi′hiyo′honi′mäni—Ahe′e′ye′! Nĭ′shka′nĭ nĭ′stsishĭ′nutsi′mani—Ahe′e′ye′! Nĭ′shka′nĭ nĭ′stsishĭ′nutsi′mani—Ahe′e′ye′! Ehä′ni ni′nĭni′etä′ni—Ahe′e′ye′! Ehä′ni ni′nĭni′etä′ni—Ahe′e′ye′!

Translation

My comrade—I′yahe′yahe′e′! My comrade—I′yahe′yahe′e′! Let us go and play shinny—Ahe′e′ye′! Let us go and play shinny—Ahe′e′ye′! Let us look for our mother—Ahe′e′ye′! Let us look for our mother—Ahe′e′ye′! Our father tells us to do it—Ahe′e′ye′! Our father tells us to do it—Ahe′e′ye′!

This song was composed by Mo ki, “Little Woman,” the Cheyenne wife of Grant Left-hand. Although a young woman, she is regarded as a leader in the Cheyenne Ghost dance, having been in frequent trances and composed numerous songs. In this she relates her experience in one trance, during which she and her girl comrade played together the woman’s game of shinny, already described, and then went to look for their mothers, who had gone to the spirit world years before.

10. +He′stutu′ai+

He′stutu′ai—Yä′hä′yä′! He′sutu′äi— [Ad libitum].

Translation

The buffalo head—Yä′hä′yä′! The half buffalo— [Ad libitum].

This song refers to the crazy dance, which the author of the song saw the former warriors of his tribe performing in the spirit world. The crazy dance, called Psam by the Cheyenne and Ahaka′wŭ by the Arapaho, belonged to one order of the military organization already described in treating of the Arapaho songs. (See Arapaho song 43.) The name in both languages is derived from the word for “crazy.” Men, women, and children took part in the ceremony, dressed in skins or other costume to represent various animals, as buffaloes, panthers, deer, and birds, with one bear, two foxes, and seven wolves, besides two “medicine wolves.” Each strove to imitate the animal personated in action as well as in appearance. It was the business of the two foxes to be continually running and stumbling over the others in their efforts to escape from the crowd. The dance, whose essential feature was the doing of everything by contraries, had its parallel among many eastern tribes, particularly among the old Huron and Iroquois. It was considered the most picturesque and amusing dance among the prairie tribes. The “half buffalo” of the song refers to the robe worn by certain of the dancers, which consisted of the upper half of a buffalo skin, the head portion, with the horns attached, coming over the head of the dancers. The dance was an exhibition of deliberate craziness in which the performers strove to outdo one another in nonsensical and frenzied actions, particularly in constantly doing the exact opposite of what they were told to do. It was performed only in obedience to a vow made by some person for the recovery of a sick child, for a successful war expedition, or for some other Indian blessing. It lasted four days, the performers dancing naked the first three days and in full dance costume on the fourth. The leaders in the absurdities were two performers whose bodies and cheeks were painted with white clay, and whose ears were filled with hair shed by the buffalo, which was believed to confer strong “medicine” powers. They carried whistles, and shot at the spectators with blunt arrows. Almost every license was permitted to these two, who in consequence were really held in dread by the others. Among other things the crazy dancers were accustomed to dance through a fire until they extinguished it by their tramping. This was done in imitation of the fire-moth, called aha′kăa′, “crazy,” by the Arapaho, which hovers about a flame or fire and finally flies into it. They also handled poisonous snakes, and sometimes, it is said, would even surround and kill a buffalo by their unaided physical strength. The Cheyenne dance differed somewhat from that of the Arapaho. It was last performed in the south about ten years ago.

11. +Nä′mio′ts+

Nä′mio′ts—Ehe′ee′ye′! Nä′mio′ts—Ehe′ee′ye′! Nä′tosĭ′noe′yotsĭ′nots he′wowi′täs—E′yahe′eye′! Nä′tosĭ′noe′yotsĭ′nots he′wowi′täs—E′yahe′eye′! Nĭ′tsävĭ′sĭwo′mätsĭ′nowa′— Nĭ′tsävĭ′sĭwo′mätsĭ′nowa′.

Translation

I am coming in sight—Ehe′ee′ye′! I am coming in sight—Ehe′ee′ye′! I bring the whirlwind with me—E′yahe′eye′! I bring the whirlwind with me—E′yahe′eye′! That you may see each other— That you may see each other.

The whirlwind is regarded with reverence by all the prairie tribes. In the mythology of the Ghost dance it seems to be an important factor in assisting the onward progress of the new world and the spirit army. It is mentioned also in several Arapaho ghost songs.

12. +A′gachi′hi+

A′gachi′hi, A′gachi′hi, I′nimä′iha′, I′nimä′iha′. Hi′tsina′yo, Hi′tsina′yo— Na′vishi′nima′ yu′suwu′nutu′, Na′vishi′nima′ yu′suwu′nutu′.

Translation

The crow, the crow, He is circling around, He is circling around, His wing, his wing— I am dancing with it, I am dancing with it.

This song refers to the sacred crow feathers, which certain of the dancers wear upon their heads in the Ghost dance, as explained in the Arapaho songs.

13. +Nä′nise′näsĕ′stse+

Nä′nise′näsĕ′stse nä′shi′nisto′ni′va—He′eye′! Nä′nise′näsĕ′stse nä′shi′nisto′ni′va—He′eye′! Nä′niso′niwo′, nä′niso′niwo′, I′votä′omo′mĕstä′o—He′eye′! I′votä′omo′mĕstä′o—He′eye′! Nä′visi′vämä′, nä′vi′sivämä′.

Translation

My children, I am now humming—He′eye′! My children, I am now humming—He′eye′! Your children, your children, They are crying—He′eye′! They are crying—He′eye′! They are hurrying me along, They are hurrying me along.

This song is supposed to be addressed by the father or messiah to his disciples. He tells them that their children in the spirit world are crying to be reunited with their friends here, and thus are hastening their coming. The expression, “I am humming,” may possibly refer to his rapid approach.

14. +Ogo′ch—Ehe′eye′+

Ogo′ch—Ehe′eye′! Ogo′ch—Ehe′eye′! Tseä′nehä′sĭ nä′viho′m, Tseä′nehä′sĭ nä′viho′m. A′ae′vä, A′ae′vä, Nĭ′stsistä′nä′ e′wova′shimä′nĭsts, Nĭ′stsistä′nä′ e′wova′shimä′nĭsts. Ni′shivä′tämä′ni, Ni′shivä′tämä′ni.

Translation

The crow—Ehe′eye′! The crow—Ehe′eye′! I saw him when he flew down, I saw him when he flew down. To the earth, to the earth. He has renewed our life, He has renewed our life. He has taken pity on us, He has taken pity on us.

This song was composed by Grant Left-hand’s wife. The Crow is here considered as the lord of the new spirit world.

15. +Tsĭso′soyo′tsĭto′ho+

Tsĭso′soyo′tsĭto′ho, Tsĭso′soyo′tsĭto′ho, He′stänowä′hehe′, He′stänowä′hehe′, Näviho′säni′hi, Näviho′säni′hi, Tse′novi′tätse′stovi, Tse′novi′tätse′stovi, Ä′koyoni′vähe′, Ä′koyoni′vähe′.

Translation

While I was going about, While I was going about, Among the people, at my home, Among the people, at my home, I saw them, I saw them, Where they gambled, Where they gambled, With the ä‛ko′yo wheel, With the ä‛ko′yo wheel.

This song was also composed by Mo′‛ki, the wife of Grant Left-hand. The expression here rendered “my home” is literally “where I belonged,” as, since the death of her children, she speaks of the spirit world as her own proper home. In this song she tells how she found her departed friends playing the game of the ä‛ko′yo or bä′qăti wheel, as described in Arapaho song 49.

16. +Ni′ha—E′yehe′e′yeye′+

Ni′ha—E′yehe′e′yeye′! Ni′ha—E′yehe′e′yeye′! Hi′niso′nihu′—Hi′yeye′! Hi′niso′nihu′—Hi′yeye′! O′tätä′womi′ mä′piva′—He′e′ye′! O′tätä′womi′ mä′piva′—He′e′ye′! E′tätu′hamo′tu—He′eye′! E′tätu′hamo′tu—He′eye′! Nä′hisi′maqa′niwo′m—Ähe′eye′! Nä′hisi′maqa′niwo′m—Ähe′eye′! E′tä′wu′hotä′nu—He′eye′! E′tä′wu′hotä′nu—He′eye′!

Translation

My father—E′yehe′e′yeye′! My father—E′yehe′e′yeye′! His children—Hi′yeye′! His children—Hi′yeye′! In the greenish water—He′e′ye′! In the greenish water—He′e′ye′! He makes them swim—He′eye′! He makes them swim—He′eye′! We are all crying—Ähe′eye′! We are all crying—Ähe′eye′!

This song conveys nearly the same idea as that of number 8. The expression “We are all crying” might be rendered “We are all pleading, or praying” to the father, to hasten his coming.

17. +A′ga′ch—Ehe′e′ye′+

A′ga′ch—Ehe′e′ye′! A′ga′ch—Ehe′e′ye′! Ve′ta chi—He′e′ye′! Ve′ta′chi—He′e′ye′! E′hoi′otsĭ′stu, E′hoi′otsĭ′stu. Ma′e′tumu′nu′—He′e′ye′! Ma′e′tumu′nu′—He′e′ye′! E′ho′i′o′tso′, E′ho′i′o′tso′. Nä′vi′sivû′qewo′nĭt, Nä′vi′sivû′qewo′nĭt. Nĭstä′kona′oe′vo, Nĭstä′kona′oe′vo. E′he′vo′o′, E′he′vo′o′.

Translation

The crow—Ehe′e′ye′! The crow—Ehe′e′ye′! The grease paint—He′e′ye′! The grease paint—He′e′ye′! He brings it to me, He brings it to me. The red paint—He′e′ye′! The red paint—He′e′ye′! He brings it, He brings it. I prepare myself with it, I prepare myself with it. It will make you strong, It will make you strong. He tells me, He tells me.

Red is a sacred color with all Indians, and is usually symbolic of strength and success, and for this reason is a favorite color in painting the face and body for the dance or warpath, and for painting the war pony, the lance, etc. On all important occasions, when painting the face or body, the skin is first anointed with grease to make the paint adhere better, so as not to obscure the sharp lines of the design.

18. +Nä′niso′näsĭ′stsi—He′e′ye′+

Nä′niso′näsĭ′stsi—He′e′ye′! Nä′niso′näsĭ′stsi—He′e′ye′! Vi′nänä′tuu′wa o′gochi′—Ahe′e′ye′! Vi′nänä′tuu′wa o′gochi′—Ahe′e′ye′! Nĭ′stsivĭ′shiwo′mätsĭ′no, Nĭ′stsivĭ′shiwo′mätsĭ′no.

Translation

My children—He′e′ye′! My children—He′e′ye′!

Kill a buffalo (or beef) for the Crow—Ahe′e′ye′! Kill a buffalo (or beef) for the Crow—Ahe′e′ye′! By that means I shall see you, By that means I shall see you.

This song refers to the feast which accompanies every dance. The implied meaning is that the people must get ready for a dance in order that they may see the Crow, their father.

19. +A′guga′-ihi+

A′guga′-ihi, A′guga′-ihi. Tsi′shistä′hi′sihi′, Tsi′shistä′hi′sihi′. I′hoo′‛tsihi′, I′hoo′‛tsihi′. Tsĭtäwo′‛tähi′, Tsĭtäwo′‛tähi′. Hi′nisa′nûhi′, Hi′nisa′nûhi′. Tsĭtäwo′mohu′, Tsĭtäwo′mohu′.

Translation

The crow woman— The crow woman— To her home, To her home, She is going, She is going. She will see it, She will see it. Her children, Her children. She will see them, She will see them.

This song was also composed by Mo′‛ki, “Little Woman,” the wife of Grant Left-hand. On account of her frequent trances and consequent leadership in the Cheyenne Ghost dance, she assumes the title of the Crow Woman, i. e., the woman messenger from the spirit world. The story of her own and her husband’s connection with the Ghost dance is of interest for the light it throws on the working of the Indian mind, especially with regard to religion.

Mo′‛ki is a young Cheyenne woman married to a young Arapaho, Grant Left-hand, about 30 years of age, a former Carlisle student, and the son of Nawat, or Left-hand, the principal chief of the southern Arapaho. Notwithstanding several years of English education, Grant is a firm believer in the doctrine and the dance, and the principal organizer and leader of the auxiliary “crow dance” in his own tribe, while his wife is as prominent in the Ghost dance among the Cheyenne, and has composed a series of a dozen or more songs descriptive of her various trance experiences in the other world.

Her first child died soon after birth, and the young mother was keenly affected by the bereavement. Afterward a boy was born to them, and became the idol of his parents, especially of the father. He grew up into a bright and active little fellow, but when about 4 years of age was suddenly seized with a spasm in the night and died in a few minutes, almost before his father could reach his bed. This second loss brought deep sorrow to them both, and the mother brooded over it so that there was serious fear for her own life. Then came the Ghost dance and the new doctrine of a reunion with departed friends. The mother went to the dance, fell into a trance, met her children as in life, and played with her little boy. On awaking and returning home she told her husband. He could hardly believe it at first, but it required but little persuasion to induce him to attend the next Ghost dance with her, because, as he said, “I want to see my little boy.” He himself fell into a trance, saw his children, and rode with his little boy on the horse behind him over the green prairies of the spirit land. From that time both became devoted adherents and leaders of the Ghost dance; their trances have been frequent, and every dance is welcomed as another opportunity of reunion with departed friends. The young man was deeply affected as he spoke of his love for his children, the sudden death of the little boy, and their second meeting in the other world, and as his wife sat by his side looking up into our faces and listening intently to every word, although she understood but little English, it could not be doubted that their faith in the reality of the vision was real and earnest. Every Indian parent who has lost a child, every child who has lost a parent, and every young man and woman who has lost a brother, sister, or friend affirms a similar reason for belief in the Ghost dance.

CHEYENNE GLOSSARY

A′ae′vä—for Hoĭ′vă.

A′gach—for O′go‛chi.

A′gachi′hi—for O′go‛chi.

A′guga′-ihi—for Ogo′‛gaĕ.

Ahe′eye′—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

Ähiya′eyee′heye′—ibid.

Ä′ko′yo—the Cheyenne name for the bä′qăti gaming wheel. See Arapaho song 49.

Ä′‛koyonĭ′vă—with the ä‛ko′yo wheel.

Äkwi′u—for ä‛ko′yo, the Cheyenne name of the bä′qati wheel.

Ä′minûqi—my (female) comrade (vocative).

Anskowĭ′nĭs—a Cheyenne division. The meaning of the name is unknown.

+Cheyenne+—the popular name for the Cheyenne tribe. It is derived from their Sioux name Shaie′na or Shai′ela, “red,” and figuratively “alien.”

Dzĭtsĭ′stäs—“our people;” the name used by the Cheyenne for themselves.

Eähe′eye′—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

Ehän or Ehäni—for Ĭhänh.

Ehe′ee′ye′—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

Ehe′eye′—ibid.

E′hevo—for Ï′hiwo.

E′heyowo′mi—yellowish.

Ehoi′otsĭst—he brings it. Another form is Ehoi′otso. Nä′hoiotsĭ′st, I bring it.

Ehoi′otso′—another form of Ehoi′otsĭst.

E′nää′ne—for Hĭnä′änĭ.

E′shoĭn—he has come. Nä′hoĭn, I come.

Etätu′hamo′tu—for Ĭtätu′hamo′‛t.

E′täwu′hotä′nu—for Ĭtäwohwĭtä′nu.

Evĭ′sts-Unĭ′‛pahĭs—“smoky lodges” (Clark), a Cheyenne division.

Ewo‛va′shimä′nĭsts—he has renewed it, he has changed it. Näwova′shimä′nĭsts, I have renewed it.

E′yahe′eye′—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

E′yehe′—ibid.

E′yehe′e′yeye′—ibid.

Eyeye—ibid.

Ga!—caw! an imitation of the cry of the crow.

+Gatsalghi+—the Kiowa Apache name for the Cheyenne.

He!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

He′eye′—ibid.

Hestäno′wh—the people, among the people.

Hestutu′ai—for Ĭ′hĭstutuai.

Hesutu′äh—for I′s-hotu′-ai.

He′wă′-Tä′niuw’—“hairy men;” the name of a principal division of the southern Cheyenne, and also used to designate all of the southern Cheyenne collectively.

He′wowĭtä′su—the whirlwind.

Hi′äma-Wihu′i—for Hiä′mh-Wihu.

Hiä′mh-Wihu—God; literally the “white man” (wihu) “above” (hiä′mh). See Cheyenne song 7.

Hia′wŭhi—the devil. See Cheyenne song 7.

Hi′hi′hai′yai′—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

Hĭnä′änĭ—that is it; it is that one. Compare Hĭtä′änĭ.

Hinisa′nŭhi—for Hĭnĭ′sonh.

Hĭnĭ′sonh—her (his) children. Compare Nänĭ′sonästs.

Hĭtä′änĭ—here it is. Compare Hĭnä′änĭ.

Hitä′niwo′ĭv—“cloud men,” the Cheyenne name for the Arapaho. From hitän, man, and wo′ĭv, cloud.

Hi′tsina′yo—for Hĭ′tsino′n.

Hĭ′tsino′n—his wing. There is no word for wing alone.

Hi′yeye′—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

Hmĭ′sĭs—“eaters,” the name of one of the most important divisions of the northern Cheyenne, and also used collectively in the south to designate the whole of the northern band.

Hohe′—the Cheyenne name for the Asiniboin. The name is originally from the Sioux language, and is said to mean “rebels.”

Hoĭ′vă—the earth, the ground.

Hoo′isi′yonots—the Cheyenne name for the qaqa-u′nûtha, or throwing sticks, used in the game of the bä′qati. See Arapaho song 49.

Ho‛so′ewo′năt—dancing with it, dancing by means of it. Nä′ho‛so, I dance.

Hotă′m-itä′niuw’—“dog men;” the name of a division of the Cheyenne and also of one order of their military organization.

Ĭ′hänh—our father. Compare Ni′hûw’e.

Ĭ′hĭstutuai—buffalo head; hotu′-ai, buffalo.

Ĭ′hiwo—he says, he says so. Nä′hĭv, I say, I say so.

Ihiwo′uhi—for Ĭ′hiwo.

Ihoo′‛ts—she (he) is going there.

Ĭnĭ′mäihă′—he is circling around. Nävĭ′shinĭ′maih, I am circling (going) around; nänĭ′ma-ia, it is circling around.

Ĭ′nisto′niwon—he (she, it) is humming, or making a rolling noise. Nänĭsto′nivă, näshĭnisto′niva, I am humming, etc.

Ĭ′s-hotu′-ai—a half buffalo, i. e., the upper half of a buffalo hide, including the head and horns, worn in the Crazy dance. See Cheyenne song 10. From ĭs, half, and hotu′-ai, buffalo.

Ĭ′sium-itä′niuw’—“ridge people” (Clark), a Cheyenne division.

+Ĭta′supuzi+—“spotted arrow quills;” the Hidatsa name for the Cheyenne (Matthews).

Ĭtätu′hamo′‛t—he causes them to swim. Nä′tuham, I swim; nä′tätu′hăm, let me swim.

Ĭtäwohwĭtä′nu—he makes them better.

Itu′simo′moĭts—it will tremble, or shake. Nä′momoĭts, I tremble.

I′votäomo′mĕstä′o—they are crying. Nä-qai′m, I am crying; nähĭ′simaqä′niwom, we are all crying. Compare Nänĭ′stohew’.

I′yahe′yahe′e—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

Iyo′häĭ—he (she, it) is rising. Nä′ohä, I rise.

Ma′etu′mŭn—red paint. Ma′etŭmh, paint.

Mä′ĭnoyo′hi—Turtle river; for mä-ĭ′nh, turtle (plural, mäĭno′nh), o′‛hĭ, river. Mäpĭ′vă, water.

Mä′noyo′h—for Mä′ĭnoyo′hi.

Mänoyu′hii—for Mä′ĭnoyo′hĭ.

Mäpĭ′vă—water.

+Maranshobishgo+—“cut-throats;” according to Long, the name applied by the Cheyenne to the Sioux. The form is incorrect, as there is no r in the Cheyenne language. According to Hayden, the Cheyenne call the Sioux Oo′homoi′o.

Mätä′sĭvamämowĭstä′nowĭt—when you (plural) are living together again. Nävĭstä′nowimonh, I live with him; nama′mowĭ′stä′nowĭn, we are living together.

Mä′tesemä′moestä′nowet—for Mätä′sĭvamämowĭstä′nowĭt.

Matsĭ′shkota—“corpse from the scaffold;” an unidentified Cheyenne division, on the authority of Clark (Grinnell).

Miayŭma—“red lodges,” an unidentified Cheyenne division, on the authority of Clark (Grinnell).

Mĭ′stävĭ′inût—“heavy eyebrows;” another name for the Hotă′m-itä′niuw’, q. v.

Mo′‛ki—“little woman;” a Cheyenne woman prominent in the Ghost dance.

Mo′nshimonh—The Cheyenne name of the dice game, called ta′-usĕta′na by the Arapaho. See Arapaho song 64.

Na′eso′yutuhi—for Na′suyut.

Nä′hew’—I say.

Nä′hewu′hi—for Nä′hew’.

Nä′hĭsimaqä′niwom—we are all crying. Compare Ivotä′omomĕstä′o.

Nämi′io‛ts—I am coming in sight.

Nä′miots—for Nämi′io‛ts.

Nänĭ′ma-i′ă—it is circling around. Compare Ĭmĭ′mäihă′.

Nä′nise′näsĕ′stse—for Nänĭ′sonästs.

Nänisĭ′näsĭsts—for Nänĭ′sonästs.

Nä′niso′näsĭ′stsi—for Nänĭ′sonästs.

Nänĭ′sonästs—my children. Compare Arapaho Nänĭ′sanaû. Nänĭ′soniwo, your children; hĭnĭ′sonh, his, or her, children.

Nänĭ′soniwo—your children. Compare Nänĭ′sonästs.

Nänĭ′stohew’—I make the sound, I make a cry. Compare I′votäomo′mĕstä′o.

Näsee′nehe′—for Näsĕĭn-hnă.

Näsĕĭn-hnă—I waded in.

Nä′shĭnisto′niva—I am now humming. See Ĭ′nisto′niwon.

Nä′suyut—I come to him.

Nä′tosĭ′noeyots—I shall have it with me. Nä′tänoeyo′tsĭ′nots, I have it.

Nä′vihomh—I looked at him, I saw him. The present tense has the same form: Näviho′t, I look at it; näviho′sänh, I looked on. Compare Tsĭtäwo′moh.

Näviho′sänh—I looked on (present tense, same form). Compare Nä′vihomh.

Nävĭ′sevûqewo′nit—I prepare myself with it.

Nävĭ′shinĭ′maih—I am going (circling) around. Compare Ĭnĭ′mäihă′.

Nävĭ′sivämä—they are hurrying me along. Nä′vĭsitä′n, I hurry.

Niäsătă′nonh—we have put him away, or aside. Nä′satonh, I have put him aside.

+Niererikwats-kûni′ki+—the Wichita name for the Cheyenne. See also Shiĕda.

Ni′ha—for Ni′hûw’e.

Ni′ha-i′hihi′—for Ni′hûw’e.

Nihi′hininh—he is our father. Compare Ni′hûw’e.

Ni′hûw’e—my father. Ni′hûw’, father; Ni′hûw’e, my father; nihi′hinonh, he is our father. Compare I′hänh and Arapaho niqa, father.

Nĭ′mĭ′stätu′häm—you should take a swim or bath. Nätu′ham, I swim or bathe.

Nĭ′nh-nitä′n—he asks, or tells, us to do it. Nänh-itŭ′, I ask, or tell, him to do it.

Ninĭni′etäni—for Nĭ′nh-nitä′n.

Nĭshivä′tämä′ĭnh—he has taken pity on us, he has blest us, he has sympathy for us. Näshivä′tämh, I pity him.

Nĭ′shivä′tämoni—for Nĭshivä′tämä′ĭnh.

Nĭshkă′nh or N‛shkă′nh—our mother. Na′‛ku, mother; na′‛kui, my mother.

Nĭstäko′naoe′vo—it will strengthen you. Nä′hĭko′nähi, I am strong; nähĭko′nă-mäni′hu, I strengthen him.

Nĭstsävĭ′siwomätsĭ′nowă—so that, in order that, you shall see each other; Näwo′m, I see him; näwo′t, I see it.

Nĭ′stsishihi′yohoni′mäni—for Nĭstsishi′yoho′nĭ′mänh.

Nĭstsishĭ′nutsĭmă′nh—let us seek her, or ask for her. Nähĭ′nutsĭnh, I am looking for her.

Nĭstsishi′yoho′nĭ′mänh—let us go and play shinny. Näho′qu, I am playing shinny; ohonĭ′stuts, shinny. See Cheyenne song 9.

Nĭ′stsistä′nä—for Nĭ′stsĭstä′nowän.

Nĭ′stsĭstä′nowän—our life, or existence. Näwŭ′stänĭ′hivĭ′stŭts, my existence.

Nĭ′stsivĭ′shiwomä′tsĭnoh—by that means I shall see you (plural). Compare Tsĭtäwo′moh.

Nĭ′tusimĭ′tänun—he (she, it) will give it to us. Nĭ′mĭtûts, I give it to you; nä′mĭt, I give it to him.

Nuka′eshe′väoe′tse—This form occurs in Cheyenne song 1. The correct form and rendering are uncertain, but it is doubtfully rendered “the summer cloud.” It seems to contain the word ĭshi′v, day.

O′go‛ch or O′go′‛chi or O′go‛ki—the crow. In the Ghost dance the crow is the messenger of the spirit world. The messiah and God are frequently spoken of as “The Crow.” See Arapaho song 36.

Ogo′‛gaĕ—“the crow woman;” from o′go′‛chi, crow.

Ohonĭ′stuts—the shinny game. See Cheyenne song 9 and Arapaho song 7.

O′ivima′na—“scabby;” a Cheyenne division.

Otä—now! well!

Otä′si-Tä′niuw’—“pierced-nose people:” the Cheyenne name for the Caddo.

O′tätawo′m—greenish.

O′täta′womemäpewä—for Otä′tawo′m-mä‛p-ĭ′va. In the greenish (bluish) water, or river. O′tätawom, greenish; mä‛p, water.

O‛tu′gŭnŭ—a Cheyenne division. The meaning of the name is unknown.

Owa′‛ni—living things, creatures, animals (including quadrupeds, birds, insects, etc).

+Pägănä′vo+—“striped arrows,” from päga, arrow, and nävo, striped; the Shoshoni and Comanche name for the Cheyenne. See also Shiä′navo.

Pĭnû′tgû—a Cheyenne division. The meaning of the name is unknown.

Psam—the “crazy dance” of the Cheyenne; psa, crazy. It is somewhat different from the Arapaho crazy dance. See Cheyenne song 10 and Arapaho song 43.

Sa-sis-e-tas—the name used by the Cheyenne to designate themselves, according to Clark. It should be Dzĭtsĭ′stäs q. v.

+Shiä′navo+—another Comanche name for the Cheyenne, probably a derivation from the word Cheyenne.

+Shiĕda+—another Wichita name for the Cheyenne, probably a derivation from the word Cheyenne. See also Niererikwats-kûni′ki.

Shĭshino′wĭts-itä′niuw’—“snake people,” the Cheyenne name for the Comanche.

So′wănia—“southerners;” Cheyenne name sometimes used to designate the southern portion of the tribe in Oklahoma.

+Staitan+—a name used by Lewis and Clark to designate a tribe identical with the Cheyenne. It is a corruption of the Cheyenne word hĭstä′itän, “I am a Cheyenne.”

Sŭtasi′na or Sŭta′ya—“strange talkers” (Clark), one of the most important Cheyenne divisions and formerly a distinct tribe.

Tseä′nehä′sĭ—for Tsi′änu′iäs.

Tsenovi′tätse′stovi—for Tsenowĭ′tätsĭ′stowĭ.

Tsenowĭ′tatsĭ′stowĭ—where there was gambling. Nä′now’shĭ, I gamble.

Tsi′änu`iäs—(when) he flew down. Nä′miha′-u, I fly; nä`nuiha′-u, I fly down.

Tsĭnitai′womai′wosihi—for Tsĭ′unĭtai′womai′w’s.

Tsinitai′wosi′hi—for Tsĭunĭ′taiw’s.

Tsi′shistä′hisihi—for Tsĭshĭ′stäs.

Tsĭshĭ′stäs—where she belongs, i. e., her home. Compare Dzĭtsĭ′stäs, the name given by the Cheyenne to themselves.

Tsĭsoso′yotsĭ′to—while I was going about. Näsoso′yots, I go about, I ramble about.

Tsĭ′stamo′nohyot—when I first reached him, when I arrived where he was. Näta′hyot, I shall reach him.

Tsĭstäwo′moh—she (he) will see them. Näwo′m, I see him; stawo′matsĭ′mh, I see you; tsĭtäwo′‛t, he (she) will see it; nĭ′stsivĭ′shiwomätsĭnoh, by that means I shall see you (plural). Compare Nä′vihomh.

Tsĭtäwo′‛t—she (he) will see it. Compare Tsĭstäwo′moh.

Tsĭ′ŭnĭtai′womai′w’s—where they are painted in different colors; tsĭŭnĭ′taiw’s, different; mai′-tămh, paint.

Tsĭŭnĭ′taiw‛s—different, various.

Tû′‛gani—the Cheyenne name for the Wichita; evidently a derivative from their Comanche name, Do′‛kana, tattooed people.

Ugu′chi′hihi—for O′go′‛chi.

Veta′chi—for Vĭchk.

Vĭchk—grease, used in painting or anointing the face and body.

Vĭ′nänätu′uwă—kill a beef or buffalo for him (imperative). Nä′nätun, I kill it; nä′nätu′uh, I kill it for him; hoiwo′ĭts, a beef.

Wităpä hät or Wităpä′tu—the Cheyenne name for the Kiowa; from their Sioux name Wi′tapähä′tu, people of the island butte.

Wĭ′tapi′u—“haters” (Clark); a Cheyenne division.

Wosĭ′vă—a mountain.

Yä′häyä′—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

Yu′suwu′nutu—for Ho′so′ewo′năt.

THE COMANCHE

TRIBAL SYNONYMY

Bo′dălk̔′iñago—common Kiowa name, signifying “reptile people” or “snake men,” from bo′dal, reptile, insect, and k̔iñago, people.

Cha‛tha—(singular Cha‛), Arapaho name, signifying “enemies.”

Comanche—popular name; of Mexican-Spanish origin and unknown meaning. It occurs as early as 1757, and in the form Cumanche as early as 1720.

Gyai′-ko—the common name given by the Kiowa to the Comanche, signifying “enemies.”

Iatan—the French spelling of the name applied by several of the plains tribes to the Ute Indians, and by extension to the cognate Comanche and Shoshoni. It is a derivative from the name Yuta or Ute, the final n representing a nasalized vowel sound. The nearest approximation is perhaps Iätä-go, the Kiowa (plural) name for the Ute. Variants are L’Iatan, Aliatan, Halitane, Ayutan, Tetau (for Ietau or Ietan), Jetan, Yutan, etc. The form Läitanes occurs as early as 1740 (Margry, +VII+, 457).

Idahi—Kiowa Apache name; meaning unknown.

Ietan—a name applied by some of the prairie tribes to several Shoshonean tribes, particularly the Shoshoni and the Comanche. It occurs in a number of forms and appears as Läitanes as early as 1740 (Margry, +VII+, 457).

La Playe—former French trader’s name, perhaps a corruption of Tête Pele′e.

Na′‛lani—Navaho name, signifying “many aliens” or “many enemies,” applied collectively to the southern plains tribes, but more especially to the Comanche.

Na′nita—Kichai name.

Na′tăa′—Wichita name, variously rendered “snakes,” i. e., “enemies” or “dandies.”

Nüma—proper tribal name used by themselves, and signifying “people.” The Shoshoni and Paiute designate themselves by the same name.

Pa′douca—the name given to the Comanche by the Osage, Quapaw, Kansa, Oto, and other Siouan tribes. It has several dialectic forms and is used in this form by Pénicaut as early as 1719. It may perhaps be a contraction of Pe′nä-tĕka, the name of the principal eastern division of the Comanche.

Sänko—obsolete Kiowa name; it may signify “snakes,” from säne, snake.

Sau′hto—Caddo name.

Shĭshino′wĭts-Itäniuw’—Cheyenne name, signifying “snake people.”

Téte Pele′e—a name said to have been applied to the Comanche by the French traders, signifying “bald heads.” The identification seems doubtful, as the Comanche cut their hair only when mourning.

Yä′mpai-ni or Yä′mpai-Rĭ′kani—Shoshoni name, signifying “yampa people,” or “yampa eaters.” It is properly the name of only one division, but is used collectively for the whole tribe. The yampa plant is the Carum gairdneri.

TRIBAL SIGN

The tribal sign for the Comanche is “snakes,” the same as that for the Shoshoni, but with the finger drawn toward the rear instead of thrust forward.

SKETCH OF THE TRIBE

The Comanche are one of the southern tribes of the great Shoshonean stock, and the only one of that group living entirely on the plains. Their language and traditions show that they are a comparatively recent offshoot from the Shoshoni of Wyoming, both tribes speaking practically the same dialect and until very recently keeping up constant and friendly communication. Within the traditionary period the two tribes lived adjacent to each other in southern Wyoming, since which time the Shoshoni have been beaten back into the mountains by the Sioux and other prairie tribes, while the Comanche have been driven steadily southward by the same pressure. In this southern migration the Pe′nätĕka seem to have preceded the rest of the tribe. The Kiowa say that when they themselves moved southward from the Black-hills region, the Arkansas was the northern boundary of the Comanche.

In 1719 the Comanche are mentioned under their Siouan name of Pa′douca as living in what now is western Kansas. It must be remembered that from 500 to 800 miles was an ordinary range for a prairie tribe, and that the Comanche were equally at home on the Platte and in the Bolson de Mapimi of Chihuahua. As late as 1805 the North Platte was still known as Padouca fork. At that time they roamed over the country about the heads of the Arkansas, Red, Trinity, and Brazos rivers, in Colorado, Kansas, Oklahoma, and Texas. For nearly two hundred years they were at war with the Spaniards of Mexico and extended their raids far down into Durango. They were friendly to the Americans generally, but became bitter enemies of the Texans, by whom they were dispossessed of their best hunting grounds, and carried on a relentless war against them for nearly forty years. They have been close confederates of the Kiowa for perhaps one hundred and fifty years. In 1835 they made their first treaty with the government, and by the treaty of Medicine Lodge in 1867 agreed to go on their present reservation, situated between Washita and Red rivers, in the southwestern part of Oklahoma; but it was not until after the last outbreak of the southern prairie tribes in 1874–75 that they and their allies, the Kiowa and Apache, finally settled on it. They were probably never a large tribe, although supposed to be populous on account of their wide range. Within the last fifty years they have been terribly wasted by war and disease. They numbered 1,512 in 1893.

The gentile system seems to be unknown among the Comanche. They have, or still remember, thirteen recognized divisions or bands, and may have had others in former times. Of these all but five are practically extinct. The Kwă′hări and Pe′nätĕka are the most important. Following in alphabetic order is the complete list as given by their leading chiefs:

1. Detsăna′yuka or No′koni. This band, to which the present head chief Quanah Parker belongs, was formerly called No′koni, “wanderers,” but on the death of Quanah’s father, whose name was also No′koni, the name was tabued, according to Comanche custom, and the division took the name of Detsăna′yuka, “bad campers,” intended to convey the same idea of wandering.

2. Ditsä′kăna, Wĭ′dyu, Yäpä, or Yä′mpäri′ka. This division was formerly known as Wĭ′dyu, “awl,” but for a reason similar to that just mentioned the name was changed to Ditsä′kăna, “sewers,” which conveys the same idea, an awl being the substitute for a needle. They are equally well known as Yäpä, the Comanche name of the root of the Carum gairdneri, known to the Shoshoni and Bannock as yampa, or sometimes as Yämpä-ri′ka, a dialectic form signifying “yampa eaters.” The whole Comanche tribe is known to the Shoshoni under the name of Yä′mpaini or Yämpai-rĭ′kani, “yampa people” or “yampa eaters.” The Yäpä are sometimes known also as Etsitü′biwat, “northerners,” or “people of the cold country,” from having usually ranged along the northern frontier of the tribal territory; a fact which may account for the Shoshoni having designated the whole tribe by their name.

3. Kewa′tsăna. “No ribs;” extinct.

4. Kotsa′i. Extinct.

5. Ko′tso-tĕ′ka. “Buffalo eaters,” from ko′tso, buffalo, and tĕ′ka, the root of the verb “to eat.”

6. Kwa′hări or Kwa′hădi. “Antelopes.” This division was one of the most important of the tribe, and was so called because its members frequented the prairie country and the staked plains, while the Pe′nätĕka and others ranged farther east on the edge of the timber region. They were the last to come in after the surrender in 1874. The Kwa′hări, Ditsä′kana, and Detsăna′yuka were sometimes designated together by the whites as northern Comanche as distinguished from the Pe′nätĕka, who were known as eastern or southern Comanche.

7. Motsai′. Perhaps from pä-motsan, “a loop in a stream.” These and the Tĕna′wa were practically exterminated in a battle with the Mexicans about 1845.

8. Pä′gatsû. “Head of the stream” (pä, a stream); extinct.

9. Pe′nätĕka, or Penä′nde. “Honey eaters.” These and the Kwa′hări were the two most important divisions in the tribe. They lived on the edge of the timber country in eastern Texas, and hence were frequently known to the whites as eastern or southern Comanche. They had but a loose alliance with their western kinsmen, and sometimes joined the Texans against them. Other Comanche names for them are Te′yuwĭt, “hospitable;” Tĕ′‛kăpwai, “no meat,” and Ku′baratpat, “steep climbers.”

10. Po′hoi. “Wild-sage people,” i. e., Shoshoni. This is not properly the name of a Comanche division, but of some immigrant Shoshoni from the north incorporated with the Comanche.

11. Tänĭ′ma. “Liver eaters,” from nĭm or nüm, liver. This band is extinct, only one old man being known to survive.

12. Tĕna′wa or Te′nähwĭt. From tĕ′näw’, “down stream.” Extinct. See Motsai′ above.

13. Wa-ai′h. “Maggot.” Extinct.

The Comanche were nomad buffalo hunters, constantly on the move, cultivating nothing from the ground, and living in skin tipis. Excepting that they are now confined to a reservation and forced to depend on government rations, they are but little changed from their original condition. They are still for the most part living in tipis of canvas, and are dressed in buckskin. They were long noted as the finest horsemen of the plains, and bore a reputation for dash and courage. They have a high sense of honor, and hold themselves superior to the other tribes with which they are associated. In person they are well built and rather corpulent. Their language is the trade language of the region, and is more or less understood by all the neighboring tribes. It is sonorous and flowing, its chief characteristic being a rolling r. It has no l. The language has several dialects, and is practically the same as that of the Shoshoni in the north. Their present head chief is Quanah Parker, an able man, whose mother was an American captive. His name, Kwäna or Kwai′na, signifies a sweet smell.

Having taken but little part in the Ghost dance, the Comanche have but few songs in their own language, but these are particularly pleasing for their martial ring or soothing softness. They call the dance A′p-Anĕ‛ka′ra, “the father’s dance” (from a′pă, father; nĕ‛ka′ra, a dance), or by another name which signifies the “dance with joined hands.”

SONGS OF THE COMANCHE

1. +Heyo′hänä Häe′yo+

[Music]

He′e′yo′! Heyo′hänä′ Häe′yo! Heyo′hänä′ Häe′yo! Te′äyä′ torä′bi ai′‛-gi′na—He′e′yo′! Te′äyä′ torä′bi ai′‛-gi′na—He′e′yo′! Te′äyä′ toa′hä tä′bi wo′n‛gin—Ăhi′ni′yo′! Te′äyä′ toa′hä tä′bi wo′n‛gin—Ăhi′ni′yo′!

Translation

_He′e′yo′! Heyo′hänä′ Häe′yo! Heyo′hänä′ Häe′yo!_ The sun’s beams are running out—He′e′yo′! The sun’s beams are running out—He′e′yo′! The sun’s yellow rays are running out—Ähi′ni′yo′! The sun’s yellow rays are running out—Ähi′ni′yo′!

This song was probably sung at daylight, when the first rays of the sun shone in the east, after the dancers had been dancing all night. The introductory part is a suggestion from the songs of the mescal rite, to which the Comanche are so much attached. Although the words convey but little meaning, the tune is unique and one of the best of all the ghost songs on account of its sprightly measure.

Te′äyä refers to the sun’s rays or beams; torä′bi, a possessive form of tä′bi, sun; (mû′ä, moon); toa′hä, from a′häp, yellow; ai′‛-gi′na and wo′n‛gin or wa′n‛gin, running out, streaming out.

2. +Ya′hi′yû′niva′hu+

Ya′hi′yû′niva′hu Hi′yû′niva′hi′yû′niva′hu Ya′hi′yû′niva′hi′na′he′ne′na′ Hi′ya′hi′nahi′ni′na′ Hi′yû′niva′hu Hi′yû′niva′hi′yû′niva′hu Ya′hi′yû′niva′hi′ya′he′ne′na′.

This song has no meaning, but is of the lullaby order, with a sweet, soothing effect.

3. +Yani′tsini′hawa′na+

Yani′tsini′hawa′na! Yani′tsini′hawa′na! Hi′niswa′vita′ki′nĭ, Hi′niswa′vita′ki′nĭ.

Translation

_Yani′tsini′hawa′na! Yani′tsini′hawa′na!_ We shall live again, We shall live again.

The term hi′niswa′vita′ki′nĭ signifies “we are coming to life again,” or “we shall live again;” from nüswa′vitaki′nĭ, “I am beginning to be alive again.”

4. +Ni′nini′tuwi′na+

Ni′nini′tuwi′na hu′hu Ni′nini′tuwi′na hu′hu Wäta′tsina′na hu′hu Wäta′tsina′na hu′hu Ni′hima′tsi asi′si Ni′hima′tsi asi′si.

This is the Arapaho closing song (Arapaho song 52), as adopted by the Comanche, to whom, of course, it has no real meaning. It is given here as an example of the change which comes to an Indian song when adopted by an alien tribe.

THE PAIUTE, WASHO, AND PIT RIVER TRIBES

PAIUTE TRIBAL SYNONYMY

Hogăpä′goni—Shoshoni name, “rush arrow people” (hogăp, a small water reed; pägă, “arrow”).

Nüma—proper tribal name, signifying “people” or “Indians;” the same name is also used for themselves by the Shoshoni and Comanche.

Pai-yu′chimŭ—Hopi name.

Pai-yu′tsĭ—Navaho name.

Palŭ—Washo name.

Paiute or Piute—popular name, variously rendered “true (pai) Ute” or “water (pä) Ute”—pronounced among themselves Paiuti.

+Note.+—The northern bands of the Paiute are frequently included with Shoshoni and others under the name of Snakes, while the others are often included with various Californian tribes under the collective name of Diggers.

SKETCH OF THE PAIUTE

CHARACTERISTICS

The Paiute belong to the great Shoshonean stock and occupy most of Nevada, together with adjacent portions of southwestern Utah, northwestern Arizona, and northwestern and southeastern California. The Pahvant and Gosiute on their eastern border are frequently, but improperly, classed as Paiute, while the Chemehuevi, associated with the Walapai in Arizona, are but a southern offshoot of the Paiute and speak the same language. With regard to the Indians of Walker River and Pyramid Lake reservations, who constitute the main body of those commonly known as Paiute, Powell claims that they are not Paiute at all, but another tribe which he calls Paviotso. He says: “The names by which the tribes are known to white men and the department give no clue to the relationship of the Indians. For example, the Indians in the vicinity of the reservation on the Muddy and the Indians on the Walker River and Pyramid Lake reservations are called Pai or Pah Utes, but the Indians know only those on the Muddy by that name, while those on the other two reservations are known as Paviotsoes, and speak a very different language, but closely allied to, if not identical with, that of the Bannocks.” (Comr., 45.) The Ghost dance originated among these Indians in the neighborhood of Walker river, from whom the songs here given were obtained, and for convenience of reference we shall speak of them under their popular title of Paiute, without asserting its correctness.

The different small bands have little political coherence and there is no recognized head chief. The most influential chiefs among them in modern times have been Winnemucca, who died a few years ago, and Natchez. Wovoka’s leadership is spiritual, not political. The Indians of Walker river and Pyramid lake claim the Bannock as their cousins, and say that they speak the same language. As a rule they have been peaceable and friendly toward the whites, although in the early sixties they several times came into collision with miners and emigrants, hostility being frequently provoked by the whites themselves. The northern Paiute are more warlike than those of the south, and a considerable number of them took part with the Bannock in the war of 1878. Owing to the fact that the great majority of the Paiute are not on reservations, many of them being attached to the ranches of white men, it is impossible to get any correct statement of their population, but they may be safely estimated at from 7,000 to 8,000 and are thought to be increasing. In 1893 those on reservations, all in Nevada, were reported to number, at Walker River, 563; at Pyramid Lake, 494; at Duck Valley (Western Shoshone agency, in connection with the Shoshoni), 209. Nevada Indians off reservation were estimated to number 6,815, nearly all of whom were Paiute.

As a people the Paiute are peaceable, moral, and industrious, and are highly commended for their good qualities by those who have had the best opportunities for judging. While apparently not as bright in intellect as the prairie tribes, they appear to possess more solidity of character. By their willingness and efficiency as workers, they have made themselves necessary to the white farmers and have been enabled to supply themselves with good clothing and many of the comforts of life, while on the other hand they have steadily resisted the vices of civilization, so that they are spoken of by one agent as presenting the “singular anomaly” of improvement by contact with the whites. Another authority says: “To these habits and excellence of character may be attributed the fact that they are annually increasing in numbers, and that they are strong, healthy, active people. Many of them are employed as laborers on the farms of white men in all seasons, but they are especially serviceable during the time of harvesting and hay-making.” (Comr., 46.) They would be the last Indians in the world to preach a crusade of extermination against the whites, such as the messiah religion has been represented to be. Aside from their earnings among the whites, they derive their subsistence from the fish of the lakes, jack rabbits and small game of the sage plains and mountains, and from piñon nuts and other seeds which they grind into flour for bread. Their ordinary dwelling is the wikiup or small rounded hut of tulé rushes over a framework of poles, with the ground for a floor and the fire in the center and almost entirely open at the top. Strangely enough, although appreciating the advantages of civilization so far as relates to good clothing and such food as they can buy at the stores, they manifest no desire to live in permanent houses or to procure the furniture of civilization, and their wikiups are almost bare of everything excepting a few wicker or grass baskets of their own weaving.

The Paiute ghost songs have a monotonous, halting movement that renders them displeasing to the ear of a white man, and are inferior in expression to those of the Arapaho and the Sioux. A number of words consisting only of unmeaning syllables are inserted merely to fill in the meter. Like the cognate Shoshoni and Comanche, the language has a strong rolling r.

GENESIS MYTH

At first the world was all water, and remained so a long time. Then the water began to go down and at last Kura′ngwa (Mount Grant) emerged from the water, near the southwest end of Walker lake. There was fire on its top (it may have been a volcano), and when the wind blew hard the water dashed over the fire and would have extinguished it, but that the sage-hen (hutsi—Centrocercus urophasianus) nestled down over it and fanned away the water with her wings. The heat scorched the feathers on the breast of the sage-hen and they remain black to this day. Afterward the Paiute got their first fire from the mountain through the help of the rabbit, who is a great wonder-worker, “same as a god.” As the water subsided other mountains appeared, until at last the earth was left as it is now.

Then the great ancestor of the Paiute, whom they call Nümi′naă′, “Our Father,” came from the south in the direction of Mount Grant, upon which his footprints can still be seen, and journeyed across to the mountains east of Carson sink and made his home there. A woman, Ibidsíi, “Our Mother,” followed him from the same direction, and they met and she became his wife. They dressed themselves in skins, and lived on the meat of deer and mountain sheep, for there was plenty of game in those days. They had children—two boys and two girls. Their father made bows and arrows for the boys, and the mother fashioned sticks for the girls with which to dig roots. When the children grew up, each boy married his sister, but the two families quarreled until their father told them to separate. So one family went to Walker lake and became Aga′ih-tĭka′ra, “fish eaters” (the Paiute of Walker lake), while the other family went farther north into Idaho and became Kotso′-tĭkăra, “buffalo eaters” (the Bannock), but both are one people and have the same language. After their children had left them, the parents went on to the mountains farther east, and there Nüminaă′ went up into the sky and his wife followed him.

THE WASHO

Associated with the Paiute are the Washo, or Wâ′siu, as they call themselves, a small tribe of about 400 souls, and having no affinity, so far as known, with any other Indians. They occupy the mountain region in the extreme western portion of Nevada, about Washo and Tahoe lakes and the towns of Carson and Virginia City. They formerly extended farther east and south, but have been driven back by the Paiute, who conquered them, reducing them to complete subjection and forbidding them the use of horses, a prohibition which was rigidly enforced until within a few years. Thus broken in spirit, they became mere hangers-on of the white settlements on the opening up of the mines, and are now terribly demoralized. They have been utterly neglected by the government, have never been included in any treaty, and have now no home that they can call their own. They are devoted adherents of the messiah, but usually join in the dance with the nearest camp of Paiute, whose songs they sing, and have probably no Ghost songs in their own language. We quote a gloomy account of their condition in 1866. The description will apply equally well today, excepting that their numbers have diminished:

This is a small tribe of about 500 Indians, living in the extreme western part of the state. They are usually a harmless people, with much less physical and mental development than the Paiutes, and more degraded morally. They are indolent, improvident, and much addicted to the vices and evil practices common in savage life. They manifest an almost uncontrollable appetite for intoxicating drinks. They are sensual and filthy, and are annually diminishing in numbers from the diseases contracted through their indulgences. A few have learned the English language and will do light work for a reasonable compensation. They spend the winter months about the villages and habitations of white men, from whom they obtain tolerable supplies of food and clothing. The spring, summer, and autumn months are spent in fishing about Washo and Tahoe lakes and the streams which flow through their country. They also gather grass seed and pine nuts, hunt rabbits, hares, and ducks. There is no suitable place for a reservation in the bounds of their territory, and, in view of their rapidly diminishing numbers and the diseases to which they are subjected, none is required. (Comr., 47.)

THE PIT RIVER INDIANS

Another group of Indians closely associated with the Paiute on the northwest consists of a number of small tribes, known collectively to the whites as Pit River or Hot Springs Indians, holding the basin of Pit river in northeastern California from Goose lake to the junction with the Sacramento. Among their tribes or bands are the Achoma′wi, Huma′whi, Estakéwach, Hantéwa, Chumâ′wa, Atua′mih or Hamefku′ttelli, Ilma′wi, and Pa′kamalli. (Powers, Tribes of California.) They are at present supposed to constitute a distinct linguistic group, but it is probable that better information will show their affinity with some of the neighboring Californian stocks. With the exception of a few at Round Valley reservation, California, none of them are on reservations or have any official recognition by the government. They probably number 1,000 to 1,500 souls. The northern bands have suffered much from Modoc slave raids in former days, and are much inferior in physique and intellect to those lower down the river, who were the terror of northern California thirty years ago, and who are described by recent observers as good workers, intelligent, brave, and warlike. (A. G. O., 9.)

SONGS OF THE PAIUTE

1. +Nüvä′ ka ro′răni′+

Nüvä′ ka ro′răni′! Nüvä′ ka ro′răni′! Nüvä′ ka ro′răni′! Nüvä′ ka ro′răni′! Gosi′pa′ hävi′gĭnû′, Gosi′pa′ hävi′gĭnû′.

Translation

The snow lies there—ro′răni′! The snow lies there—ro′răni′! The snow lies there—ro′răni′! The snow lies there—ro′răni′! The Milky Way lies there, The Milky Way lies there.

This is one of the favorite songs of the Paiute Ghost dance. The tune has a plaintive but rather pleasing effect, although inferior to the tunes of most of the ghost songs of the prairie tribes. The words as they stand are very simple, but convey a good deal of meaning to the Indian. It must be remembered that the dance is held in the open air at night, with the stars shining down on the wide-extending plain walled in by the giant sierras, fringed at the base with dark pines, and with their peaks white with eternal snows. Under such circumstances this song of the snow lying white upon the mountains, and the Milky Way stretching across the clear sky, brings up to the Paiute the same patriotic home love that comes from lyrics of singing birds and leafy trees and still waters to the people of more favored regions. In the mythology of the Paiute, as of many other tribes, the Milky Way is the road of the dead to the spirit world. Ro′răni′ serves merely to fill in the meter.

2. +Dĕna′ gayo′n+

Dĕna′ gayo′n, Dĕ′na ga′yoni′, Dĕna′ gayo′n, Dĕ′na ga′yoni′, Bawă′ doro′n, Ba′wă do′roni′, Bawă′ doro′n, Ba′wă do′roni′.

Translation

A slender antelope, a slender antelope, A slender antelope, a slender antelope, He is wallowing upon the ground, He is wallowing upon the ground, He is wallowing upon the ground, He is wallowing upon the ground.

This song evidently refers to a trance vision in which the sleeper saw an antelope rolling in the dust, after the manner of horses, buffalo, and other animals.

3. +Do′ tĭ′mbi+

Do′ tĭ′mbi, Do′ tĭ′mbi-nä′n, Do′ tĭ′mbi, Do′ tĭ′mbi-nä′n, Tĭ′mbi bai′-yo, Tĭ′mbi ba′i-yo-ä′n, Tĭ′mbi bai′-yo, Tĭ′mbi ba′i-yo-ä′n.

Translation

The black rock, the black rock, The black rock, the black rock, The rock is broken, the rock is broken, The rock is broken, the rock is broken.

This song may refer to something in Paiute mythology. Nä′n and ä′n are unmeaning syllables added to fill out the measure.

4. +Päsü′ wĭ′noghän+

Päsü′ wĭ′noghän, Päsü′ wĭ′noghän, Päsü′ wĭ′noghän, Wai′-va wĭ′noghän, Wai′-va wĭ′noghän, Wai′-va wĭ′noghän.

Translation

The wind stirs the willows, The wind stirs the willows, The wind stirs the willows, The wind stirs the grasses, The wind stirs the grasses, The wind stirs the grasses.

Wai′-va (or wai in composition) is the sand grass or wild millet of Nevada (Oryzopsis membranacea), the seeds of which are ground by the Paiute and boiled into mush for food.

5. +Pägü′nävä′+

Pägü′nävä′! Pägü′nävä′! Tûngwü′kwiji′! Tûngwü′kwiji′! Wûmbe′doma′! Wûmbe′doma′!

Translation

Fog! Fog! Lightning! Lightning! Whirlwind! Whirlwind!

This song is an invocation of the elemental forces. It was composed by an old woman, who left the circle of dancers and stood in the center of the ring while singing it.

6. +Wûmbĭ′ndomä′n+

Wûmbĭ′ndomä′n, Wûmbĭ′ndomä′n, Wûmbĭ′ndomä′n, Wûmbĭ′ndomä′n. Nuvä′rĭ′p noyo′wană′, Nuvä′rĭ′p noyo′wană′, Nuvä′rĭ′p noyo′wană′, Nuvä′rĭ′p noyo′wană′.

Translation

The whirlwind! The whirlwind! The whirlwind! The whirlwind! The snowy earth comes gliding, the snowy earth comes gliding; The snowy earth comes gliding, the snowy earth comes gliding.

This song may possibly refer to the doctrine of the new earth, here represented as white with snow, advancing swiftly, driven by a whirlwind. Such an idea occurs several times in the Arapaho songs.

7. +Kosi′ wûmbi′ndomä′+

Kosi′ wûmbi′ndomä′, Kosi′ wûmbi′ndomä′, Kosi′ wûmbi′ndomä′. Kai′-va wûmbi′ndomä′, Kai′-va wûmbi′ndomä′, Kai′-va wûmbi′ndomä′.

Translation

There is dust from the whirlwind, There is dust from the whirlwind, There is dust from the whirlwind. The whirlwind on the mountain, The whirlwind on the mountain, The whirlwind on the mountain.

8. +Dombi′na so′wina′+

Dombi′na so′wina′, Dombi′na so′wina′, Dombi′na so′wina′. Kai′-va so′wina′, Kai′-va so′wina′, Kai′-va so′wina′.

Translation

The rocks are ringing, The rocks are ringing, The rocks are ringing. They are ringing in the mountains, They are ringing in the mountains, They are ringing in the mountains.

This song was explained to refer to the roaring of a storm among the rocks in the mountains.

9. +Sû′ng-ä ro′yonji′+

Sû′ng-ä ro′yonji′, Sû′ng-ä ro′yon, Sû′ng-ä ro′yonji′, Sû′ng-ä ro′yon, Sû′ng-ä ro′yonji′, Sû′ng-ä ro′yon. Pu′i do′yonji′, Pu′i do′yon, Pu′i do′yonji′, Pu′i do′yon, Pu′i do′yonji′, Pu′i do′yon.

Translation

The cottonwoods are growing tall, The cottonwoods are growing tall, The cottonwoods are growing tall. They are growing tall and verdant, They are growing tall and verdant, They are growing tall and verdant.

This song seems to refer to the return to spring. Throughout the arid region of the west the cottonwood skirting the borders of the streams is one of the most conspicuous features of the landscape. See Arapaho song 13.

PAIUTE GLOSSARY

Agai′h-tĭka′ra—“fish eaters;” the distinctive name of the Paiute of Walker lake, Nevada.

Bai′-yo—it is broken.

Ba′wă—going around in a circle.

Dĕna—for Tĭ′na.

Do—black.

Dombi′na—for Tĭ′mbi or Tübi.

Do′roni—rolling on the ground, wallowing.

Do′yon or Do′yonji—it is growing tall.

Ga′yon or Ga′yoni—slender, tall and slender.

Gosi′pa—the Milky Way, the road of the dead. See Paiute song 1.

Hävi′gĭnû—it lies there, it lies there asleep; hävi′kwă, sleep.

Hogăpä′goni—“rush-arrow people;” the Shoshoni name for the Paiute; from hogăp, a small water reed; pägă, arrow, and ni, the tribal suffix.

Hutsi—the sage-hen (Centrocercus urophasianus).

Ĭbidsi′ĭ—“our mother;” the mythic maternal ancestor of the Paiute.

+Jack Wilson+—see Wovoka.

Ka—the root of the verb sit; yä′nakatü′, I am sitting down.

Kai-va—mountain.

Kosi—for Kosi′ba.

Kosi′ba—dust.

Kotso′-tĭka′ra—“buffalo eaters;” the Paiute name for the Bannock. Compare Ko′tso-tĕ′ka, a Comanche division.

Kura′ngwa—“very high peak;” applied to Mount Grant, the sacred mountain of the Paiute, west of Hawthorne and near the southwestern end of Walker lake, Nevada.

Kwohi′tsauq or Ќwijau′h—“big rumbling belly,” one of the names assumed by Wovoka the messiah. It was originally the name of his paternal grandfather.

Nänigü′kwa—the Paiute name of the Ghost dance. The word signifies the “dance in a circle;” nüka, a dance.

Noyo′ä—to come gliding or creeping; the verb is applied to the movement of a snake or of an object which progresses without the aid of feet.

Noyo′wana—for Noyo′ä.

Nümä—“people,” or “Indians,” the name used to designate themselves by the Paiute, Shoshoni, and Comanche.

Nümĭ′-naă′—“our father;” the mythic ancestor of the Paiute.

Nüvä—for Nüvä′bi.

Nüvä′bi—snow.

Nüvä′-ri′pă—snowy earth, snow-covered earth (compound word); from nüvä′bi, snow, and ri′pă or ti′pă, earth.

Pägü′nävä—fog.

Paiute or Piu′te—(Pai-yu′t) the name by which the Nüma of Nevada and the adjacent region are popularly and officially known. It has been rendered as “true (pai) Ute” or “water (pä) Ute.” They themselves pronounce the word in three syllables, Pai-u′-ti.

+Pai-yu′chimŭ+—the Hopi name for the Paiute.

+Pai-yu′tsĭ+—the Navaho name for the Paiute.

+Palŭ+—the Washo name for the Paiute.

Päsü′—for Päsü′bi.

Päsü′bi—willow.

+Pavio′tso+—the proper tribal name of the Indians of Walker River and Pyramid Lake reservations in Nevada, according to Powell, who considers them distinct from the Paiute.

Pu′i—for Pu′igai′-yu.

Pu′igai′-yu—verdant, green (applied to growing plants).

Ro′răni—an unmeaning word used to fill out the measure of the songs.

Ro′yon or Ro′yonji—other forms of Do′yon.

+Snake Indians+—a name loosely applied to various northern bands or tribes of Shoshonean stock, including Paiute, Bannock, Shoshoni, and sometimes even the Comanche.

Sowi′na—ringing like a bell, roaring.

Sû′ng-ä—for Sû′ng-äbi.

Sû′ng-äbi—cottonwood.

Taivo—the Paiute, Shoshoni, and Comanche name for a white man. See Tä′vibo.

Tăkwû′kwij—lightning.

Tä′vibo—“white man,” the father of Wovoka the messiah. The word has a connection with täbi or tävi, the sun; tävä′năgwăt, the east or sunrise place, and tai′-vo, the Shoshoni and Comanche name for a white man.

Tĭ′mbi or Tĭ′mbin—a rock; another form is tübi.

Tĭ′na—antelope.

Tûngwü′kwiji—for Tăkwû′kwij.

Wai′va—the sand grass or wild millet of Nevada (_Oryzopsis membranacea_). In composition the word becomes wai. See Paiute song 4.

+Wa′siu+—the name by which the Washo call themselves.

+Wĭ′kiup+—the popular name of the Paiute dwelling, made in conical form, about 8 or 10 feet high, and open at the top, of tulé rushes woven over a framework of poles. The word is of uncertain origin.

Wĭ′noghän—shaken by the wind, waving in the wind.

Wo′voka or Wü′voka—“the cutter,” the proper name of the Paiute messiah, known to the whites as Jack Wilson. A few years ago he assumed also the name of Kwohi′tsauq, “big rumbling belly,” from his paternal grandfather. See chapter +IX+ ante.

Wûbi′doma—whirlwind, hurricane. Hi′gwă, wind; pitä′nägwă-higwă′, the south wind.

Wûmbe′doma—for Wûbi′doma.

Wûmbĭ′ndomän—for Wûbi′doma.

THE SIOUX

TRIBAL SYNONYMY

Chahrarat—Pawnee name (Grinnell).

Dakota, Nakota, or Lakota—proper tribal name, according to dialect, “allies, friends;” sometimes also they speak of themselves as Oceti Sakowin, the “seven council fires,” in allusion to their seven great divisions.

Itahatski—Hidatsa name, “long arrows” (Matthews).

K̔odalpä-K̔iñago—Kiowa name, “necklace people,” perhaps a misconception of neck-cutting people, i. e., beheaders.

Maranshobishgo—Cheyenne name, “cut-throats” (Long). The name is plainly incorrect, as the Cheyenne language has no r.

Nadowesi or Nadowesiu—“little snakes” or “little enemies,” Nadowe, “snake” and figuratively “enemy,” being the common Algonquian term for all tribes of alien lineage. The Ojibwa and others designated the Iroquois, living east of them, as Nadowe, while the Sioux, living to the west, were distinguished as Nadowesi or Nadowesiu, whence come Nadouessioux and Sioux.

Natnihina or Natni—Arapaho name; Hayden gives the form as Natenehina, which he renders “cut-throats or beheaders,” but it may be derived from Nadowe, as explained above.

Niake′tsikûtk—Kichai name.

Pambizimina—Shoshoni name, “beheaders.”

Papitsinima—Comanche name, “beheaders,” from papitsi, signifying to behead, and nĭma or nüma, people.

Shahañ—Osage, Kansa, Oto, etc, name (Dorsey).

Sioux—popular name, abbreviated from Nadouessioux, the French form of their Ojibwa name.

Tsaba′kosh—Caddo name, “cut-throats.”

TRIBAL SIGN

A sweeping pass of the right hand in front of the neck, commonly rendered “cut-throats” or “beheaders,” but claimed by the Kiowa to refer to a kind of shell necklace formerly peculiar to the Sioux.

SKETCH OF THE TRIBE

The Sioux constitute the largest tribe in the United States, and are too well known to need an extended description here. Although now thought of chiefly as a prairie tribe, their emergence upon the plains is comparatively recent, and within the historic period their range extended as far eastward as central Wisconsin, from which, and most of Minnesota, they have been driven out by the westward advance of the Ojibwa. There is ground for believing that the true home of the whole Siouan stock is not in the west, or even in the central region, but along the south Atlantic slope. (See the author’s Siouan Tribes of the East.)

The Sioux language has three well-marked dialects—the eastern or Santee, the middle or Yankton (including the Asiniboin in the north), and the western or Teton. The tribe consists of seven great divisions, each of which again has or had subdivisions. Dorsey enumerates over one hundred in all. Each grand division had its own camping circle, and when two or more such divisions camped together they usually camped in concentric circles. (Dorsey.) The seven great divisions are: 1. Mde-wakañ-toñwañ (Medewacanton), “village of the Spirit lake;” 2. Waqpekute (Wahpacoota), “leaf shooters;” 3. Waqpetoñwañ (Wahpeton), “leaf village;” 4. Sisitoñwañ (Sisseton), variously rendered “slimy village” or “swamp village;” 5. Ihanktoñwañ (Yankton), “end village;” 6. Ihanktoñwañna (Yanktonais), “upper end village;” 7. Titoñwañ (Teton), “prairie village.”

The first four divisions collectively are known as Isañati or Santee Sioux. The name is supposed to be derived from isañ, the dialectic word for “knife.” They formerly held Mississippi, Minnesota, and upper Red rivers in Minnesota and were afterward gathered on reservations at Devils lake, North Dakota; Lake Traverse (Sisseton agency) and Flandreau, South Dakota; and Santee agency, Nebraska. Those at Lake Traverse and Flandreau have now taken allotments as citizens.

The Yankton and Yanktonais, together speaking the middle dialect, occupied chiefly the country of James river, east of the Missouri, in North Dakota and South Dakota and extending into Iowa. They are now on Yankton and Crow Creek reservations in South Dakota, and Fort Peck reservation, Montana.

The Teton constitute more than two-thirds of the whole Sioux tribe, and held nearly the whole country southwest of the Missouri from Cannonball river to the South Platte, extending westward beyond the Black hills. They are all now on reservations in South and North Dakota. They are again subdivided into seven principal divisions: 1. Sichañgu, “burnt thighs” (Brulés), now on Rosebud reservation; 2. Ogalala, referring to “scattering” of dust in the face (Clark), now on Pine Ridge reservation, under the celebrated chief Red Cloud (Maqpe-Luta); 3. Hunkpapa, “those who camp at the end (or opening) of the camping circle” (Clark), on Standing Rock reservation; 4. Minikañzu, “those who plant by the water,” on Cheyenne River reservation; 5. Itazipko, “without bows” (Sans Arcs), on Cheyenne River reservation; 6. Sihasapa, “black feet” (not to be confounded with the Blackfoot tribe), on Cheyenne River and Standing Rock reservations; 7. Ohenoñpa, “two kettles,” on Cheyenne River and Rosebud reservations. According to the official report for 1893, the Sioux within the United States number about 23,410, which, with 600 permanently settled in Manitoba, make the whole population about 24,000 souls.

The Sioux, under the name of Nadouessi, are mentioned by the Jesuit missionaries as early as 1632. They made their first treaties with our government in 1815. The most prominent events in their history since that date have been the treaty of Prairie du Chien in 1825, which defined their eastern boundary and stopped the westward advance of the Ojibwa; the Minnesota massacre of 1862, which resulted in the expulsion of the Sioux from Minnesota; the Sioux war of 1876–77, largely consequent on the unauthorized invasion of the Black hills by miners, and the chief incident of which was the defeat and massacre of an entire detachment under General Custer; the treaty by which the great reservation was broken up in 1889, and the outbreak of 1890, with the massacre of Wounded Knee.

By reason of their superior numbers the Sioux have always assumed, if not exercised, the lordship over all the neighboring tribes with the exception of the Ojibwa, who, having acquired firearms before the Sioux, were enabled to drive the latter from the headwaters of the Mississippi, and were steadily pressing them westward when stopped by the intervention of the United States government. The Sioux in turn drove the Cheyenne, Crow, Kiowa, and others before them and forced them into the mountains or down into the southern prairies. The eastern bands were sedentary and largely agricultural, but the Teton were solely and preeminently wandering buffalo hunters. All dwelt in tipis—the word is from the Sioux language—which were of bark in the timber country and of buffalo skins on the plains. In warlike character they are probably second only to the Cheyenne, and have an air of proud superiority rather unusual with Indians. Clark says of them, “In mental, moral, and physical qualities I consider the Sioux a little lower but still nearly equal to the Cheyenne, and the Teton are the superior branch of the family.” (Indian Sign Language, 345.) The eastern Sioux are now far advanced toward civilization through the efforts of teachers and missionaries for over a generation, and the same is true in a less degree of the Yankton, while the majority of the Teton are still nearly in their original condition.

I found the Sioux very difficult to approach on the subject of the Ghost dance. This was natural, in view of the trouble that had resulted to them in consequence of it. When I was first at Pine Ridge, the troops still camped there served as a reminder of the conflict, while in the little cemetery at the agency were the fresh graves of the slain soldiers, and only a few miles away was the Wounded Knee battlefield and the trench where the bodies of nearly three hundred of their people had been thrown. To my questions the answer almost invariably was, “The dance was our religion, but the government sent soldiers to kill us on account of it. We will not talk any more about it.” Another reason for their unwillingness was the fact that most of the interpreters were from the eastern or Santee portion of the tribe, and looked with contempt on the beliefs and customs of their more primitive western brethren, between whom and themselves there was in consequence but little friendly feeling. On one occasion, while endeavoring to break the ice with one of the initiates of the dance, I told him how willingly the Arapaho had given me information and even invited me to join in the dance. “Then,” said he, “don’t you find that the religion of the Ghost dance is better than the religion of the churches?” I could not well say yes, and hesitated a moment to frame an answer. He noticed it at once and said very deliberately, “Well, then, if you have not learned that you have not learned anything about it,” and refused to continue the conversation.

The Sioux ghost songs are all in the dialect of the Teton, who took the most active interest in the dance, which was hardly known among the bands east of the Missouri. The vocalic character of the language, and the frequent liquid l of this dialect, renders these songs peculiarly musical, while for beauty of idea and expression they are second only to those of the Arapaho.

SONGS OF THE SIOUX

1. +A′te he′ye e′yayo+

Opening song

A′te he′ye e′yayo! A′te he′ye e′yayo! A′te he′ye lo, A′te he′ye lo. Nitu′ñkañshi′la wa′ñyegala′ke—kta′ e′yayo′! Nitu′ñkañshi′la wa′ñyegala′ke—kta′ e′yayo′! A′te he′ye lo, A′te he′ye lo. Ni′takuye wañye′găla′ke—kta e′yayo′! Ni′takuye wañye′găla′ke—kta e′yayo′! A′te he′ye lo, A′te he′ye lo.

Translation

The father says so—E′yayo! The father says so—E′yayo! The father says so, The father says so. You shall see your grandfather—E′yayo′! You shall see your grandfather—E′yayo′! The father says so, The father says so. You shall see your kindred—E′yayo′! You shall see your kindred—E′yayo′! The father says so, The father says so.

This is the opening song of the dance. While singing it, all the dancers stand motionless with hands stretched out toward the west, the country of the messiah and the quarter whence the new spirit world is to come. When it is ended, all cry together, after which they join hands and begin to circle around to the left. “Grandfather,” as well as “father,” is a reverential term applied to the messiah.

2. +Mi′chĭ′nkshi nañpe+

Michĭ′nkshi nañpe ma′yuzaye, Michĭ′nkshi nañpe ma′yuzaye, A′te he′ye lo, A′te he′ye lo. Ini′chaghe-kte, Ini′chaghe-kte, A′te he′ye lo, A′te he′ye lo. Chăno′ñpa wa′ñ chi′cha-u′pi,

Chăno′ñpa wa′ñ chi′cha-u′pi, A′te he′ye lo′, A′te he′he lo′. Cha′-yani′pi-kta′, Cha′-yani′pi-kta′, A′te he′ye lo′, A′te he′ye lo′.

Translation

My son, let me grasp your hand, My son, let me grasp your hand, Says the father, Says the father. You shall live, You shall live, Says the father, Says the father. I bring you a pipe, I bring you a pipe, Says the father, Says the father. By means of it you shall live, By means of it you shall live, Says the father, Says the father.

This song refers to the sacred pipe which, according to the Sioux tradition, was brought to them by a mysterious young woman from the spirit world. The story, as outlined by Captain J. M. Lee, is as follows: In the old times the Sioux were always at war, not only with other tribes, but also among themselves. On one occasion two young men were out hunting when they saw a young woman approaching them with folded arms. Seeing that she was not of their own tribe, one proposed to the other that they kill her, but he refused and urged that they wait until they learned what she wanted. The first speaker, however, was about to kill her as she drew near, when she suddenly stooped down and took from around her ankle something resembling an anklet, which she waved about her head. The motion was so rapid that it seemed as though a cloud encircled her for a few moments, when she ceased, and the snake which she had taken from off her ankle glided away through the grass. But the young warrior who had thought to kill her had disappeared, swept from the face of the earth.

Turning now to his companion, she said, “To you I come as a friend and helper. Your people have been killing each other. I bring you a pipe, which is a token of peace,” and she held out a pipe as she spoke. “When you smoke it your thoughts will be of peace, and no murderer (i. e., no one who kills a member of his own tribe) must be allowed to smoke it.” She returned with him to his village, where the women prepared for her reception a large tipi, to which the chiefs of the tribe came to listen to her instructions. She taught them to be at peace with one another, if they would be happy, and when they listened to her words and accepted her teachings, she gave them the sacred medicine pipe to smoke thenceforth in their councils as a perpetual reminder of the peace covenant of the Lakota. Her mission now ended, she said she must leave them, and although they begged her earnestly to stay with them, she could not tarry longer, but disappeared as suddenly and mysteriously as she had come.

A variant of this legend is given by Colonel Mallery in his paper in the Tenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, where it is illustrated by a colored plate from a picture by the Indian story teller. According to this version, the pipe maiden was the mysterious white Buffalo Cow, and brought, with the pipe, a package of four grains of maize of different colors. This corn sprang from the milk which dropped from her udder, and was thus, with the flesh of the buffalo itself, appointed from the beginning to be the food of all the red tribes. The seeming snakes about her waist and ankles were really blades of grass (corn?). She taught the people to call her “grandmother,” a reverential title among Indians, and after leading them to her relatives, the buffalo, she faded from their sight as they stood gazing at her.

The pipe holds an important part in the mythology and ritual of almost all our tribes, east and west, and no great ceremony is complete and no treaty was ever ratified without it. It is generally symbolic of peace and truth. As a peace emblem, it was formerly carried by every bearer of a friendly message from one tribe to another and was smoked in solemn ratification of treaties, the act of smoking being itself in the nature of an oath. Among the prairie tribes an individual accused of crime is offered the sacred pipe, and if he accepts it and smokes he is declared innocent, as no Indian would dare to smoke it if guilty. The ordinary ceremonial pipe of the prairie tribes is made of the red stone, known as catlinite, from the famous pipestone quarry in Minnesota in the old country of the Sioux. The peace pipe of the Cherokee was made of a white stone, somewhat resembling talc, from a quarry near Knoxville, Tennessee. It is said to have had seven stem holes, emblematic of the seven clans of the Cherokee, and was smoked by seven counselors at the same time. In every case the tribe has a legend to account for the origin of the pipe. A flat pipe is the tribal “medicine” of the Arapaho, and is still preserved with the northern band in Wyoming. (See Arapaho songs 1 and 2.) Besides the stone pipe, there are also in use pipes of clay or bone, as well as cigarettes, but as a rule no ceremonial character attaches to these. In ceremonial smoking the pipe is passed around the circle of councilors, each of whom takes only a few whiffs and then hands it to his neighbor. Each one as he receives the pipe offers it first to the sun, holding the bowl up toward the sky and saying, “Grandfather, smoke;” then to the earth, the fire, and perhaps also to each of the four cardinal points and to one or another of their mythologic heroes. Among the Kiowa I have seen a man hold up the pipe to the sky, saying, “Smoke, Sinti” (Sinti being their great mythologic trickster), and then in the same way, “Smoke, Jesus.”

In the Ghost dance at Rosebud and Pine Ridge, as usually performed, a young woman stood in the center of the circle holding out a pipe toward the messiah in the west, and remained thus throughout the dance. Another young woman usually stood beside her holding out a bäqati wheel (see Arapaho song 49) in the same way. This feature of the dance is said to have been introduced by Short Bull.

3. +He tuwe′cha he+

He tuwe′cha he u echa′ni hwo? He tuwe′cha he u echa′ni hwo? Huñku oki′le chaya he u hwo? Huñku oki′le chaya he u hwo? A′te-ye he′ye lo, A′te-ye he′ye lo.

Translation

Who think you comes there? Who think you comes there? Is it someone looking for his mother? Is it someone looking for his mother? Says the father, Says the father.

In this the singer tells how he was greeted by his former friend upon entering the spirit world, to which he had gone in search of his mother.

4. +Wana′yañ ma′niye+

Wana′yañ ma′niye, Wana′yañ ma′niye. Tata′ñka wañ ma′niye, Tata′ñka wañ ma′niye, A′te he′ye lo, A′te he′ye lo.

Translation

Now he is walking, Now he is walking. There is a buffalo bull walking, There is a buffalo bull walking, Says the father, Says the father.

The maker of this song, in her vision of the spirit world, evidently saw a herd of buffalo, with a bull walking about near them. The form of the verb shows that a woman is supposed to be talking.

5. +Lechel miyo′qañ-kte+

Lechel miyo′qañ-kte lo—Yo′yoyo′! Lechel miyo′qañ-kte lo—Yo′yoyo′! Taku maka′ a-icha′gha hena mita′wa-ye lo—Yo′yoyo′! Taku maka′ a-icha′gha hena mita′wa-ye lo—Yo′yoyo′! A′te he′ye lo—Yo′yoyo′! A′te he′ye lo—Yo′yoyo′! E′ya Yo′yoyo′! E′ya Yo′yoyo′!

Translation

This is to be my work—Yo′yoyo′! This is to be my work—Yo′yoyo′! All that grows upon the earth is mine—Yo′yoyo′! All that grows upon the earth is mine—Yo′yoyo′! Says the father—Yo′yoyo′! Says the father—_Yo′yoyo′! E′ya Yo′yoyo′! E′ya Yo′yoyo′!_

6. +Michinkshi′yi tewa′qila che+

Michinkshi′yi tewa′qila che—Ye′ye′! Michinkshi′yi tewa′qila che—Ye′ye′! Oya′te-ye i′nichagha′pi-kta che—Ye′ye′! Oya′te-ye i′nichagha′pi-kta che—Ye′ye′! A′teye he′ye lo, A′teye he′ye lo. Haye′ye′ E′yayo′yo′! Haye′ye′ E′yayo′yo′!

Translation

I love my children—Ye′ye′! I love my children—Ye′ye′! You shall grow to be a nation—Ye′ye′! You shall grow to be a nation—Ye′ye′! Says the father, says the father. Haye′ye′ E′yayo′yo′! Haye′ye′ E′yayo′yo′!

7. +Mila kiñ hiyu′michi′chiyana+

Mila kiñ hiyu′michi′chiyana, Mila kiñ hiyu′michi′chiyana. Wa′waka′bla-kte—Ye′ye′! Wa′waka′bla-kte—Ye′ye′! Oñchi he′ye lo—Yo′yo′! Oñchi he′ye lo—Yo′yo′! Puye chiñyi wa′sna wakaghiñyiñ-kte, Puye chiñyi wa′sna wakaghiñyiñ-kte, Oñchi heye lo—Yo′yo! Oñchi heye lo—Yo′yo!

Translation

Give me my knife, Give me my knife, I shall hang up the meat to dry—Ye′ye′! I shall hang up the meat to dry—Ye′ye′! Says grandmother—Yo′yo′! Says grandmother—Yo′yo′! When it is dry I shall make pemmican, When it is dry I shall make pemmican, Says grandmother—Yo′yo! Says grandmother—Yo′yo!

This song brings up a vivid picture of the old Indian life. In her trance vision the old grandmother whose experience it relates came upon her friends in the spirit world just as all the women of the camp were engaged in cutting up the meat for drying after a successful buffalo hunt. In her joy she calls for her knife to assist in the work, and says that as soon as the meat is dry she will make some pemmican.

In the old days an Indian camp during the cutting up of the meat after a buffalo hunt was a scene of the most joyous activity, some faint recollection of which still lingers about ration day at the agency. Thirty years ago, when a grand hunt was contemplated, preparations were made for days and weeks ahead. Couriers were sent out to collect the neighboring bands at a common rendezvous, medicine-men began their prayers and ceremonies to attract the herd, the buffalo songs were sung, and finally when all was ready the confederated bands or sometimes the whole tribe—men, women, children, horses, dogs, and travois—moved out into the buffalo grounds. Here the immense camp of hundreds of tipis was set up, more ceremonies were performed, and the mounted warriors rode out in a body to surround and slaughter the herd. The women followed close after them to strip the hides from the fresh carcasses and cut out the choice portion of the meat and tallow and bring it into camp. Here the meat was cut into thin strips and hung upon frames of horizontal poles to dry, while the tallow was stripped off in flakes. In the dry prairie atmosphere one day is usually sufficient to cure the meat, without the aid of salt or smoke. When thus dried it is known as “jerked beef.” While the meat is fresh, for the first day or two the camp is a scene of constant feasting, the juicy steaks or the sweet ribs being kept broiling over the coals in one tipi or another until far into the night. It is the harvest home of the prairie tribes. As soon as the meat is dry, the tipis are taken down and packed into the wagons along with the meat, and one family after another starts for home until in a short time the great camp is a thing of the past.

The jerked beef or venison is commonly prepared for eating by being boiled until reasonably tender. In eating, the Indian takes a strip thus cooked, dips one end into a soup made by dissolving some salt in warm water, takes the portion thus salted between his teeth, and saws off enough for a mouthful with a knife held in his other hand. Between mouthfuls he takes bites from a strip of dried tallow placed in the dish with the meat.

For pemmican the jerked beef or other meat is toasted over a fire until crisp and is then pounded into a hash with a stone hammer. In the old times a hole was dug in the ground and a buffalo hide was staked over so as to form a skin dish, into which the meat was thrown to be pounded. The hide was that from the neck of the buffalo, the toughest part of the skin, the same used for shields, and the only part which would stand the wear and tear of the hammers. In the meantime the marrow bones are split up and boiled in water until all the grease and oil come to the top, when it is skimmed off and poured over the pounded beef. As soon as the mixture cools, it is sewed up into skin bags (not the ordinary painted parfléche cases) and laid away until needed. It was sometimes buried or otherwise cached. Pemmican thus prepared will keep indefinitely. When prepared for immediate use, it is usually sweetened with sugar, mesquite pods, or some wild fruit mixed and beaten up with it in the pounding. It is extremely nourishing, and has a very agreeable taste to one accustomed to it. On the march it was to the prairie Indian what parched corn was to the hunter of the timber tribes, and has been found so valuable as a condensed nutriment that it is extensively used by arctic travelers and explorers. A similar preparation is in use upon the pampas of South America and in the desert region of South Africa, while the canned beef of commerce is an adaptation from the Indian idea. The name comes from the Cree language, and indicates something mixed with grease or fat. (Lacombe.)

8. +Le he′yahe′+

Le he′yahe′—Ye′ye! Le he′yahe′—Ye′ye! Kañghi-ye oya′te-ye cha-ya waoñ we lo, Kañghi-ye oya′te-ye cha-ya waoñ we lo.

Translation

This one says—Ye′ye! This one says—Ye′ye! I belong indeed to the nation of Crows, I belong indeed to the nation of Crows.

This song may better be rendered, “I am a Crow nation,” i. e., I represent the nation of Crows, the Crow nation probably typifying the spirits of the dead in the other world, as explained in Arapaho song 36. In several of the ghost songs there occur such expressions as “I am a Crow,” “the Crow woman is going home,” etc. Compare Sioux song 18.

9. +Niya′te-ye′ he′uw′e+

Niya′te-ye′ he′uw′e, niya′te-ye′ he′uw′e, Wa′ñbăli gălĕ′shka wa′ñ-yañ nihi′youwe, Wa′ñbăli gălĕ′shka wa′ñ-yañ nihi′youwe.

Translation

It is your father coming, it is your father coming, A spotted eagle is coming for you, A spotted eagle is coming for you.

This song probably refers to a transformation trance vision, such as is frequently referred to in the ghost songs, where the spirit friend suddenly assumes the form of a bird, a moose, or some other animal.

10. +Miyo′qañ kiñ wañla′ki+

Miyo′qañ kiñ wañla′ki—Ye′yeye′! Miyo′qañ kiñ wañla′ki—Ye′yeye′! Hena wa′ñlake, Hena wa′ñlake, Ha′eye′ya he′yeye′, Ha′eye′ya he′yeye′.

Translation

You see what I can do—Ye′yeye′! You see what I can do—Ye′yeye′! You see them, you see them, Ha′eye′ya he′yeye′! Ha′eye′ya he′yeye′!

In this song the Father is probably represented as calling his children to witness that he has shown them visions of the spirit world and their departed friends.

11. +Michĭ′nkshi mita′waye+

E′yaye′ye′! E′yaye′ye′! Michĭ′nkshi mita′waye, Michĭ′nkshi mita′waye.

Translation

E′yaye′ye′! E′yaye′ye′! It is my own child, It is my own child.

The form of the verb indicates that this song was composed by a woman, who had evidently met her dead child in the spirit world.

12. +A′te he′ u-we+

A′te he′ u-we, A′te he′ u-we, A′te eya′ya he′ u-we′ lo, A′te eya′ya he′ u-we′ lo, Ya′nipi-kta′ e′ya u′-we lo, Ya′nipi-kta′ e′ya u′-we lo.

Translation

There is the father coming, There is the father coming. The father says this as he comes, The father says this as he comes, “You shall live,” he says as he comes, “You shall live,” he says as he comes.

This is a reiteration of the messiah’s promise of eternal life in the new spirit world.

13. +Wa′sna wa′tiñ-kta′+

Wa′sna wa′tiñ-kta′—E′yeye′yeye′! Wa′sna wa′tiñ-kta′—E′yeye′yeye′! Le′chiya′-ya eya′pi-lo—E′yeye′yeye′! Le′chiya′-ya eya′pi-lo—E′yeye′yeye′! E′ya he′-ye lo, E′ya he′-ye lo, A′te-ye he′ye lo, A′te-ye he′ye lo.

Translation

I shall eat pemmican—E′yeye′yeye′! I shall eat pemmican—E′yeye′yeye′! They say so, they say so, The father says so, the father says so.

For the explanation of this song reference, see song number 7.

14. +A′te lena ma′qu-we+

A′te lena ma′qu-we—Ye′ye′ye′! A′te lena ma′qu-we—Ye′ye′ye′! Peta wañ—yañyañ ma′qu-we—Ye′ye′ye′! Peta wañ—yañyañ ma′qu-we—Ye′ye′ye′! A′te ma′qu-we—Ye′ye′ye′! A′te ma′qu-we—Ye′ye′ye′!

Translation

It was the father who gave us these things—Ye′ye′ye′! It was the father who gave us these things—Ye′ye′ye′! It was the father who gave us fire—Ye′ye′ye′! It was the father who gave us fire—Ye′ye′ye′! The father gave it to us—Ye′ye′ye′! The father gave it to us—Ye′ye′ye′!

This was frequently used as the opening song of the Sioux Ghost dance. Fire is held in reverence among all Indian tribes as one of the greatest gifts of the Author of Life, and every tribe has a myth telling how it originated and how it was obtained by the people. In most of these myths the fire is represented as being at first in the possession of some giant or malevolent monster, from whom it is finally stolen by a hero, after a series of trials and difficulties worthy of the heroes of the Golden Fleece.

15. +Ina′ he′kuwo′+

Ina′ he′kuwo′; ina′ he′kuwo′. Misu′nkala che′yaya oma′ni-ye, Misu′nkala che′yaya oma′ni-ye. I′na he′kuwo′; i′na he′kuwo′.

Translation

Mother, come home; mother, come home. My little brother goes about always crying, My little brother goes about always crying. Mother, come home; mother, come home.

This touching song was a favorite among the Sioux. It was composed by a young woman who saw her dead mother in the other world, and on waking out of her trance vision implores the mother to come back to them again, as her little brother is forever crying after her.

16. +Wa′na wanasa′pi-kta+

Wa′na wanasa′pi-kta, Wa′na wanasa′pi-kta. Ŭñchi′ ita′zipa michu′-ye, Ŭñchi′ ita′zipa michu′-ye, A′te he′ye lo, a′te he′ye lo.

Translation

Now they are about to chase the buffalo, Now they are about to chase the buffalo, Grandmother, give me back my bow, Grandmother, give me back my bow, The father says so, the father says so.

The author of this song, in his trance vision of the spirit world, sees his old-time friends about to start on a buffalo hunt, and calls to his grandmother to give him back his bow, so that he may join them. The form, “give it back to me,” is intended to show how far remote is the old life of the Indians, before they used the guns and other things of the white man. The last line has no particular connection with the rest, except as a common refrain of the ghost songs.

17. +He′! kii′ñyañka a′gali′-ye+

He′! kii′ñyañka a′gali′-ye, He′! kii′ñyañka a′gali′-ye, Wañ! le′chiya wanasa′pi-kta′ keya′pi lo, Wañ! le′chiya wanasa′pi-kta′ keya′pi lo, Wañhi′nkpe ka′gha-yo! Wañhi′nkpe ka′gha-yo! A′te he′ye lo, A′te he′ye lo.

Translation

He! They have come back racing, He! They have come back racing, Why, they say there is to be a buffalo hunt over here, Why, they say there is to be a buffalo hunt over here, Make arrows! Make arrows! Says the father, says the father.

This song may be considered supplementary to the last. In the old times, when going on a buffalo hunt, it was customary among the Sioux to send out a small advance party to locate the herd. On finding it, these men at once returned at full gallop to the main body of hunters, but instead of stopping on reaching them they dashed past and then turned and fell in behind. It is to this custom that the first line refers. The author of the song, on waking up in the spirit world, sees the scouting party just dashing in with the news of the presence of the buffalo. Everyone at once prepares to join the hunt and “the father” commands him to make (or get ready) his arrows and go with them.

18. +Mi′ye wañma′yañka-yo+

Mi′ye wañma′yañka-yo! Mi′ye wañma′yañka-yo! Ka′ñghi oya′te wañ chañku′ waka′ghe lo, Ka′ñghi oya′te wañ chañku′ waka′ghe lo, Yani′pi-kta′-cha, yani′pi-kta′-cha. Kola he′ye lo, kola he′ye lo.

Translation

Look at me! Look at me! I make a road for one of the Crow nation (?), I make a road for one of the Crow nation (?). You shall live indeed, you shall live indeed. Our friend says so, our friend says so.

The idea of this song is somewhat similar to that of number 8. It has no reference to the Crow Indians. As has been already explained, the crow is symbolic of the spirit world, and when the “friend”—the father or messiah—declares that he makes a road for one of the Crow nation he means that he has prepared the way for the return of their friends who are gone before.

19. +Maka′ sito′maniyañ+

Maka′ sito′maniyañ ukiye, Oya′te uki′ye, oya′te uki′ye, Wa′ñbali oya′te wañ hoshi′hi-ye lo, Ate heye lo, ate heye lo, Maka o′wañcha′ya uki′ye. Pte kiñ ukiye, pte kiñ ukiye, Kañghi oya′te wañ hoshi′hi-ye lo, A′te he′ye lo, a′te he′ye lo.

Translation

The whole world is coming, A nation is coming, a nation is coming, The Eagle has brought the message to the tribe. The father says so, the father says so. Over the whole earth they are coming. The buffalo are coming, the buffalo are coming, The Crow has brought the message to the tribe, The father says so, the father says so.

This fine song summarizes the whole hope of the Ghost dance—the return of the buffalo and the departed dead, the message being brought to the people by the sacred birds, the Eagle and the Crow. The eagle known as wañ′bali is the war eagle, from which feathers are procured for war bonnets.

20. +Le′na wa′kañ+

Le′na wa′kañ waka′gha-che, A′te he′ye lo, a′te he′ye lo, O′găle kiñhañ wakañ waka′gha-che, A′te he′ye lo, a′te he′ye lo, Chănoñ′pa kiñ waka′gha-che, A′te he′ye lo, a′te he′ye lo.

Translation

It is I who make these sacred things, Says the father, says the father. It is I who make the sacred shirt, Says the father, says the father. It is I who made the pipe, Says the father, says the father.

This song refers to the sacred pipe (see Sioux song 2 and Arapaho song 2) and the ghost shirt.

21. +Miyo′qañ kiñ chichu′-che+

Miyo′qañ kiñ chichu′-che, A′te he′ye lo′, a′te he′ye lo′, O′găle kiñ ni′niye′-kta, A′te he′ye lo′, a′te he′ye lo′.

Translation

Verily, I have given you my strength, Says the father, says the father. The shirt will cause you to live, Says the father, says the father.

This song also refers to the ghost shirt, which was supposed to make the wearer invulnerable.

22. +Michĭ′nkshi tahe′na+

Michĭ′nkshi tahe′na ku′piye, Michĭ′nkshi tahe′na ku′piye, Mako′che wañ washte aya′găli′pi-kte, A′te he′ye lo′, a′te he′ye lo′.

Translation

My child, come this way, My child, come this way. You will take home with you a good country, Says the father, says the father.

This song may refer to the vision of the new earth, which the messiah showed to the Sioux delegates when they visited him. (See page 797.) The first line means literally “return in this direction,” the imperative form used being between a command and an entreaty.

23. +Wana wichĕ′shka+

Wana wichĕ′shka a′ti-ye, Wana wichĕ′shka a′ti-ye. Wihu′ta oho′măni, wihu′ta oho′măni, Oka′tañna, oka′tañna, Koyañ wowa′hiñ-kte, Koyañ wowa′hiñ-kte.

Translation

Now set up the tipi, Now set up the tipi. Around the bottom, Around the bottom, Drive in the pegs, Drive in the pegs. In the meantime I shall cook, In the meantime I shall cook.

The form of the verb oka′tañna shows that it is a woman speaking, even if we did not learn this from the context. To those who know the Indian life it brings up a vivid picture of a prairie band on the march, halting at noon or in the evening. As soon as the halt is called by some convenient stream, the women jump down and release the horses from the wagons (or the travois in the old times, and hobble them to prevent them wandering away. Then, while some of the women set up the tipi poles, draw the canvas over them, and drive in the pegs around the bottom and the wooden pins up the side, other women take axes and buckets and go down to the creek for wood and water. When they return, they find the tipis set up and the blankets spread out upon the grass, and in a few minutes fires are built and the meal is in preparation. The woman who composed the song evidently in her vision accompanied her former friends on such a march.

24. +A′te mi′chuye+

A′te mi′chuye, A′te mi′chuye, Wañhi′nkpe mi′chuye, Wañhi′nkpe mi′chuye, A′hiye, a′hiye. Wa′sna wa′tiñkte, Wa′sna wa′tiñkte.

Translation

Father, give them to me, Father, give them to me, Give me my arrows, Give me my arrows. They have come, they have come. I shall eat pemmican, I shall eat pemmican.

The maker of this song, while in the spirit world, asks and receives from the Father some of the old-time arrows with which to kill buffalo, so that he may once more feast upon pemmican.

25. +Hañpa wecha′ghe+

Hañpa wecha′ghe, Hañpa wecha′ghe, Tewa′qila-la he, Tewa′qila-la he. Wa′ñbleni′chala he kaye lo, Wa′ñbleni′chala he kaye lo, Toke′cha wa′ñwegalaki′ñ-kte, Toke′cha wa′ñwegalaki′ñ-kte, Nihu′ñ koñ he he′ye lo, Nihu′ñ koñ he he′ye lo.

Translation

I made moccasins for him, I made moccasins for him, For I love him, For I love him. To take to the orphan, To take to the orphan.

Soon I shall see my child, Soon I shall see my child, Says your mother, Says your mother.

This song evidently relates the trance vision of a mother who saw her child in the spirit world, and expresses the hope that she may soon be reunited with him. In accordance with the custom of the Ghost dance, it is probable that she made a pair of moccasins to give him when next they met, and that she carried them in the dance as she sang.

26. +Waka′ñyañ iñya′ñkiñ-kte+

Waka′ñyañ iñya′nkiñ-kte, Waka′ñyañ iñya′nkiñ-kte, Chañgăle′shka wañ luza′hañ iñya′ñkiñ-kte, Chañgăle′shka wañ luza′hañ iñya′ñkiñ-kte, Wañwa′yag upo, wañwa′yag upo, A′te he′ye lo, a′te he′ye lo.

Translation

The holy (hoop) shall run, The holy (hoop) shall run, The swift hoop shall run, The swift hoop shall run. Come and see it, Come and see it, Says the father, Says the father.

This song refers to the game wheel and sticks (bä′qati, Arapaho) already described in the Arapaho songs. It is said that the medicine-man of Big Foot’s band carried such a hoop with him in their flight from the north, and displayed it in every dance held by the band until the fatal day of Wounded Knee. A similar hoop was carried and hung upon the center tree at the dance at No Water’s camp near Pine Ridge. To the Indian it symbolizes the revival of the old-time games.

SIOUX GLOSSARY

A′găli (-ye)—they have returned; waku, I am returning or coming home; wagali′, I have returned.

Ahi′ (-ye)—they have come; wa-u′, I come; hi, he has come.

A-icha′gha—growing upon; from kagha, to grow or spring up.

A′te or Ate-ye—father; ate kiñ, the father; ate-mita, my father; ni′-ate, your father; at-kuku, his or her father. Ye is a syllable sometimes added to fill in the meter.

Ati′-ye—set up the tipi; here ye is the imperative suffix.

Aya′găli′pi-kte—you (plural) will take home with you, you will bring back with you; from awa′găle, I take it home.

Chañgăle′shka—a hoop; the bä′qati hoop. See Sioux song 26, and Arapaho songs.

Chañku′—road, trail.

Chăno′ñpa—pipe; o′ñpa, to smoke; cha′ñ-li, tobacco.

Cha-yani′pi-kta—you (plural) will live; from ni′wa-uñ, I live, I go about alive; the regular form is Yanipi-kta q. v.

Cheya′ya—he is constantly crying. Wa-che′yă, I cry; the final ya implies repetition or habit.

Chi′cha-u′pi—I bring it to you (plural). Chicha implies I to thee, or I mean thee; u implies come, from wa-u, I come; pi is the plural participle, and with chicha implies I bring it to you, or I come with it to you.

Chichu′-chĕ—I give it to you, indeed; waku′, I give it to him; chĕ conveys the idea of verily or indeed. Compare Maqu′-we.

Chiñyi—for Kiñhiñ, when, when it is so.

Echani—you think so about it; echa′mi, I think; echa′ni hwo, who do you think?

Eya!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

Eya—he says; epa, I say. Eya′ya, he reiterates, he says again; e′yahe, eya′pi, they say.

E′yahe—another form of eya, he says, q. v.

Eya′pi—they say. Compare Eya.

Eya′ya—he reiterates, he says again. The final ya implies repetition. Compare Eya.

E′yaye′ye!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

E′yayo′!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs to fill in the measure.

E′yeye′yeye!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

Găle′shka—spotted.

Ha′eye′ya!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

Hañpa—moccasin.

Ha′yeye′!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

He—(1) an exclamation, look! look here! (2) an interrogative particle, after the sentence; (3) the demonstrative “that.”

Hĕku′wo—come home now, return home at once; wa-u, I come; he, a prefix implying now, or directly.

He′na—those, plural of he, that.

He′uwĕ—that is he coming; from he, that; u, coming; and wĕ, the feminine particle.

Heyahe (-ye)—he says that, he says this; ye is usually the female suffix. Compare He′ye.

He′ye—he says.

He′yeye′!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

Hiyumichi′chiya′na—hand me my own; na, the female imperative particle.

Hoshi′hi (-ye)—he has arrived with a message; he has brought a message; from hoshi′, to tell news, to carry a message.

Hûñku—his mother; inû′ñ, mother.

Hwo—an interrogative sign, used by a man; a woman says wi.

Ina′—mother; my mother.

Ini′chaghapi-kte—you (plural) will grow or live. Compare Inichaghe-kte.

Inichaghe-kte—you (singular) will grow, i. e., you will live; icha′ghehe, it is growing.

Iñyañkiñ-kte—it shall run; from iñyañka, to run.

Ita′zipa—a bow (to shoot with).

Ka′gha-yo—make them; waka′ghe, I make it; yo, an imperative particle.

Kañghi′—a crow.

Kaye—another form of kaya, to take to one.

Keya′pi—they say that, they say it; epa, to say.

Kii′ñyañka—racing; from iñyañka, to run; the prefix ki implies a contest or emulation.

Kiñ—the.

Kiñhañ—explained as another form of kiñ; the ordinary meaning is when or if.

Ko′la—friend.

Koñ—that (demonstrative); it sometimes conveys the idea of “aforesaid.”

Ko′yañ—in the meantime.

Ku′pi-ye—you will return.

Lechel—thus, in this way; from le, this.

Lechi′ya—over here in this place; from le, this.

Lena—these things; from le, this.

Lo—an emphatic or euphonic particle used at the end of a phrase or sentence; it may be described as an emphatic or euphonic period. Lo is used by men, ye by women.

Lu′zahañ—swift.

Maka′—earth, the earth.

Mako′che—a country.

Mani′ye—he walks (habitual); mawani, I walk; the suffix ye usually denotes a female speaker.

Maq′pe-Luta—Red Cloud, the noted chief of the Ogalala Teton Sioux at Pine Ridge; from maqpi′ya, a cloud, and luta, red.

Maqu′-we—he gave to me, indeed; from waku′, I give it; we is an emphatic particle. Compare Chichu′-chĕ.

Ma′yuza (-ye)—grasp it with me, let me grasp it.

Michĭ′nkshi (-yi)—my son, my offspring; chĭnksh, son.

Mi′chu (-ye)—give it back to me.

Mila—knife.

Misu′ñkala—my little brother. Mi, my; la, the diminutive.

Mita′wă or Mita′waye—it is mine, from mi, I, my, and tawă, it belongs.

Mi′ye—I, myself, me.

Miyo′qañ—my power, my work. Compare Miyo′qañ-kte.

Miyo′qañ-kte—it will be my work, my power, the way I shall do; from mi, my; o′qañ, action, work, strength, and kte, the future suffix.

Nañpe—hand; mi-na′ñpe, my hand.

Nihi′youwĕ—he is coming for you; from the root u, to come; wĕ is the feminine particle, which shows that a woman is speaking.

Nihu′ñ—your (singular) mother.

Niniye′-kta—it will cause you to live; miye′, to come to live; ni, in composition, you, your; kta, the future suffix.

Nita′kuye—your kindred; mita′kuye, my relative.

Nitu′ñkañshi′la—your grandfather; mitu′ñkañshi′la, my grandfather. The final la is a euphonic diminutive.

Niya′te—for Ni-a′te, your father.

O′găle—shirt, coat.

Oho′măni—around, round about.

Oka′tañna—drive it in, drive them in (as nails or tipi pegs); na is the female imperative particle.

Oki′le—looking for its own; owa′le, I look for it; owa′kile, I look for my own.

Oma′ni (-ye)—walking around, going about.

Oñchi—grandmother.

O′wañcha′ya—all over, everywhere.

Oya′te—tribe, nation.

Peta—fire.

Pte—buffalo (generic), buffalo cow.

Puze or Puza—dry.

Shaie′la or Shaie′na—“red,” i. e., “alien;” the Sioux name for the Cheyenne. The root of the word is sha, red, with la or na, the diminutive, frequently used merely for euphony.

Sitomăni-yañ—everybody, all over, everywhere.

Tahe′na—on this side, this way, in this direction.

Ta′ku—something, whatever.

Tatañka—a buffalo bull; pte, a buffalo cow, or a buffalo (generic).

Tewa′qi′la or Tewa′qila-la—I love him; the final la is a diminutive or endearing particle, sometimes added to verbs as well as to nouns.

Tipi—a tent, a house; from, ti, to dwell or abide.

Toke′cha—soon, before long.

Tuwe′-cha—who indeed? who can it be? tu′we, who?

U—coming; wa-u, I come.

Uki′ye—they are coming; wa′-u, I come.

Uñchi′—grandmother, my grandmother.

Upo—you come (plural imperative); from wa′-u, I come.

U-we—coming, as he comes; see u; we is another form of ye, an emphatic or euphonic particle.

Wa′chipi—a dance.

Wa′kañ—sacred, mysterious, sacred thing.

Waka′gha-chĕ—it is I who made it, I made it indeed. The particle chĕ conveys the idea of indeed, verily.

Waka′ghe—I make it.

Wakaghi′ñyiñ-kte—I shall make it; waka′ghe, I make it.

Waka′ñyañ—sacredly, mysteriously; from wa′kañ, sacred, mysterious.

Wañ—a.

Wañ!—look! see! why!

Wana—now.

Wana′ghi—ghost, spirit of the dead.

Wana′ghi wa′chipi—Ghost dance, from wana′ghi, ghost, or spirit of the dead, and wa′chipi, a dance.

Wanasa′pi—see Wanasa′pi-kta.

Wanasa′pi-kta—they will chase buffalo, they are about to chase buffalo; from wana′sa, to hunt game by surrounding and shooting it. Kta or kte is the future sign.

Wañbale′nichala—a little orphan; from wa′ñbăle′nicha, an orphan.

Wa′ñbăli—eagle, the war eagle.

Wañhi′nkpe—arrow, arrows.

Wañ-la′ki—you see it; wañbăla′ki, I see it.

Wañma′yañka-yo—look at me! wañbăla′ka, I see it; yo, the imperative suffix.

Wa′oñ we—I am in that condition, I am it; we is the feminine suffix.

Wañwayag—to see it. Compare Wañma′yañka-yo.

Wañwe′gala′kiñ-kte—I shall see my own. Compare Wañma′yañka-yo.

Wañyañ—for wañ, a (the article).

Wañyegalake-kta—you (plural) shall see your own; from wañbăla′ki, I see it. Kte or kta is the future suffix.

Washte′—good.

Wa′sna—pemmican. See Sioux song 7.

Wati′ñ-kte—I shall eat; wawa′te, I eat.

Wawa′kabla-kte—I shall spread out the meat to dry; ka′bla, to spread out meat for drying.

Wa′yana—now; another form of wana.

We—an emphatic suffix particle equivalent to verily or indeed.

Wecha′ghe—I made them for him.

Wichĕ′shka—a tipi; the word literally means only the opening at the top of the tipi.

Wihu′ta—the bottom of a tipi.

Wowa′hiñ-kte—I shall cook; wowa′hañ, I cook (generic).

Yanipi-kta—you (plural) will live; from ni′wa-uñ, I am alive.

Yañyañ—an unmeaning word used in the songs to fill up the measure.

Ye—an emphatic, imperative, or precatory particle or suffix, usually spoken by a woman. In the songs it seems frequently to be used merely for euphony.

Ye′ye!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

Yoyoyo—ibid.

THE KIOWA AND KIOWA APACHE

KIOWA TRIBAL SYNONYMY

Be′shĭltchă—Kiowa Apache name, meaning unknown.

Caygua—Spanish form, from their proper name, Kaigwu.

Gahe′wa—Wichita and Kichai name; another form of Kiowa.

Kâ′igwŭ—“real or principal people,” proper tribal name.

Kai-wă—Comanche and Caddo name; from their proper name, Kaigwu.

Kiowa—popular name, a corruption of the name used by themselves.

Kwŭ’da—“going out;” old name formerly used by the Kiowa for themselves.

Ñĭ′chihinĕ′na—“river men,” Arapaho name; so called because they formerly lived on upper Arkansas river, from which the Arapaho claim to have driven them.

Tepda—“coming out,” “issuing;” another old name formerly used by the Kiowa for themselves.

Witapä′hat or Witapä′tu—Cheyenne name, from their Sioux name, Witapähä′tu.

Wi′tapähä′tu—“island butte people” (?), Sioux name.

KIOWA TRIBAL SIGN

The Kiowa tribal sign indicates “hair cut off at right ear,” in allusion to a former custom of the warriors. From a careless habit in making this sign it has sometimes been wrongly interpreted to mean “foolish,” or “rattle-brain.”

SKETCH OF THE KIOWA

So far as present knowledge goes, the Kiowa constitute a distinct linguistic stock; but it is probable that more material will enable us to prove their connection with some tribes farther north, from which direction they came. They are noticed in the Spanish records as early at least as 1732. Their oldest tradition, which agrees with the concurrent testimony of the Shoshoni and Arapaho, locates them about the junction of Jefferson, Madison, and Gallatin forks, at the extreme head of Missouri river, in the neighborhood of the present Virginia City, Montana. They afterward moved down from the mountains and formed an alliance with the Crow, with whom they have since continued on friendly terms. From here they drifted southward along the base of the mountains, driven by the Cheyenne and Arapaho. About 1840 they made peace with the latter tribes, with which they have since commonly acted in concert. The Sioux claim to have driven them out of the Black hills, and in 1805 they were reported as living upon the North Platte. According to the Kiowa account, when they first reached Arkansas river they found their passage opposed by the Comanche, who claimed all the country to the south. A war followed, but peace was finally concluded, when the Kiowa crossed over to the south side of the Arkansas and formed a confederation with the Comanche, which continues to the present day. In connection with the Comanche they carried on a constant war upon the frontier settlements of Mexico and Texas, extending their incursions as far south at least as Durango. Among all the prairie tribes they were noted as the most predatory and bloodthirsty, and have probably killed more white men in proportion to their numbers than any of the others. They made their first treaty with the government in 1837, and were put upon their present reservation jointly with the Comanche and Apache in 1868. Their last outbreak was in 1874–75, in connection with the Comanche, Apache, and Cheyenne. While probably never very numerous, they have been greatly reduced by war and disease. Their last terrible blow came in the spring of 1892, when the measles destroyed over 300 of the three confederated tribes. Their present chief is Gu′i-pä′go, Lone Wolf. They occupy the same reservation with the Comanche and Apache, between Washita and Red rivers, in southwestern Oklahoma, and numbered 1,017 in 1893.

The Kiowa do not have the gentile system, and there is no restriction as to intermarriage among the divisions. They have six tribal divisions, including the Apache associated with them, who form a component part of the Kiowa camping circle. A seventh division, the K̔uăto, is now extinct. The tribal divisions in the order of the camping circle are:

1. K̔a′ta—“biters,” i. e., Arikara or Ree; so called, not because of Arikara origin, but because they were more intimate with that tribe in trade and otherwise when the Kiowa lived in the north.

2. Ko′‛gu′i—“elks.”

3. Kâ′igwŭ—“Kiowa proper.” This is the oldest division, to which belongs the keeping of the medicine tipi, in which is the grand medicine of the tribe.

4. Kiñep—“big shields.” This is the largest division in the tribe and of corresponding importance.

5. Semät—“thieves,” the Apache.

6. Koñtä′lyui—“black boys.” Sometimes also called Si′ndiyu′i, “Sindi’s children.” Said to be of darker color than the rest of the tribe, which, if true, might indicate a foreign origin. Sindi is the great mythic hero of the Kiowa.

7. K̔u′ato—“pulling up from the ground or a hole.” An extinct division, speaking a slightly different dialect, and exterminated by the Sioux in one battle about the year 1780. On this occasion, according to tradition, the Kiowa were attacked by an overwhelming force of Sioux and prepared to retreat, but the chief of the K̔uato exhorted his people not to run, “because, if they did, their relatives in the other world would not receive them.” So they stood their ground and were killed, while the others escaped. Their place in the tribal camp circle is not known.

In the annual sun dance and in other great tribal gatherings the several divisions camped in the order shown in figure 104.

Although brave and warlike, the Kiowa are considered inferior in most respects to the Comanche. In person they are dark and heavily built, forming a marked contrast to the more slender and brighter-complexioned prairie tribes farther north. Their language is full of choking and nasal sounds, and is not well adapted to rhythmic composition, for which reason they frequently used the Arapaho songs in the Ghost dance, without any clear idea of the meaning or correct pronunciation, although they have quite a number of songs of their own.

THE KIOWA APACHE

A small tribe of Athapascan stock, calling themselves Na′-isha or Na-di′isha-de′na, and popularly known as Apache or Kiowa Apache, has been associated with the Kiowa as far back as the traditions of either tribe go. While retaining their distinct language, they nearly all speak and understand Kiowa and form a component part of the Kiowa camping circle. In dress and general habits of life they are in no way distinguishable. They have come from the north with the Kiowa, and are mentioned under the name of Cataka as living in the Black-hills country in 1805. La Salle speaks of them under the name of Gattacka as early as 1681. There is no reason to suppose that they ever formed a part of the Apache proper of Arizona and New Mexico, but are probably, like the Sarsi, a distinct Athapascan people who have always lived east of the mountains, and who, having been obliged by weakness of numbers to unite themselves with a stronger tribe, have since shared their migratory fortunes southward along the plains. The Na-isha are called Ga′taqka by the Pawnee and sometimes by the Wichita; Cataka by Lewis and Clark, in 1805; Kataka in their first treaty with the government, made jointly with the Kiowa in 1837; Ta′shĭn by the Comanche; Gĭnä′s by the Wichita; Ka′ntsi, “deceivers,” by the Caddo; Kĭri′năhĭs by the Kichais; Tha‛kahinĕ′na, “knife-whetting men (?)” by the Arapaho, and Mûtsiănătä′niuw′, “whetstone people,” by the Cheyenne. They have several names among the Kiowa, but are commonly known by them as Semät, “thieves.” Other Kiowa names for them are Tagu′i, of unknown meaning, and Sa′dălso′mte-k̔iñago, “weasel people.” The tribal sign for them, as for the Apache, Lipan, and Navaho, conveys the idea of “knife whetters.” In 1891 they numbered 325. In 1893 they had been reduced, chiefly by an epidemic of measles, to 224.

More extended information in regard to the Kiowa and Kiowa Apache will be given in the author’s memoir, “Calendar History of the Kiowa Indians,” now in preparation for the Bureau of Ethnology.

SONGS OF THE KIOWA

1. +Da′ta-i so′da′te+

Da′ta-i so′da′te, Da′ta-i so′da′te. Do′m ezä′nteda′te, Do′m ezä′nteda′te. De′ĭmhä′date, De′ĭmhä′date. Be′a‛ma′nhäyi′, Be′a‛ma′nhäyi′.

Translation

The father will descend, The father will descend. The earth will tremble, The earth will tremble. Everybody will arise, Everybody will arise. Stretch out your hands, Stretch out your hands.

This is a summary of the Ghost dance doctrine, closing with an invocation to all present to stretch out their hands toward the west and pray to the Father to hasten his coming.

2. +Da′k̔′ñago (ĭm) zä′nteähe′dal+

Da′k̔i′ñago (ĭm) zä′nteähe′dal, Da′k̔i′ñago (ĭm) zä′nteähe′dal, De′dom ezä′nteähe′dal, De′dom ezä′nteähe′dal. De′ĭmgo (ä-)dä′tode′yo′, De′ĭmgo (ä-)dä′tode′yo′. De′beko′datsä′, De′beko′datsä′.

Translation

The spirit army is approaching, The spirit army is approaching, The whole world is moving onward, The whole world is moving onward. See! Everybody is standing watching, See! Everybody is standing watching. Let us all pray, Let us all pray.

In this song the verb ĭmzä′nteähe′dal implies that the spirits are coming on like an army or like a great herd of animals. The termination he′dal implies that it is a matter of report or common belief and not of personal knowledge.

3. +Gu′ato ädâ′ga+

Gu′ato ädâ′ga nyä′ongu′m, Gu′ato ädâ′ga nyä′ongu′m, Go′mtäyä′ ätso′dalsâ′dal, Go′mtäyä′ ätso′dalsâ′dal. Ä′nyä‛gâlo′nte, Ä′nyä‛gâlo′nte. Tä′lyi ĭmhä′go, Tä′lyi ĭmhä′go.

Translation

I scream because I am a bird, I scream because I am a bird, I bellow like a buffalo, I bellow like a buffalo. The boy will rise up, The boy will rise up.

This song was composed by Pa-guadal, “Red Buffalo,” at a Ghost dance held on Walnut creek in the summer of 1893, under the direction of the prophet Pa-iñgya (see page 907), for the purpose of resurrecting Red Buffalo’s son, who had recently died. Pa-iñgya assured the people that if they held the dance as he directed, the dead boy would rise up alive from the ground before their eyes. In the dance Red Buffalo became “crazy” and composed this song. In his trance he evidently imagined himself a bird. His father was one of the “buffalo doctors,” or surgeons of the tribe, who are under the special protection of the buffalo and whose war cry is an imitation of the bellowing of a buffalo bull. Red Buffalo claims to have inherited his father’s knowledge; hence his assertion that he bellows like a bull. The boy was not resurrected.

4. +Da′ta-i nyä′hoănga′mo+

Ä′häyä′ Ehä′eho′! Ä′häyä′ Ehä′eho′! E′häyä′ Ehä′eho′! E′häyä′ Ehä′eho′! Da′ta-i nyä′hoănga′mo, Da′ta-i nyä′hoănga′mo. Äde′tepo′nbä, Äde′tepo′nbä, Ä′guănpo′nbä, Ä′guănpo′nbä.

Translation

_Ä′häyä′ Ehä′eho′! Ä′häyä′ Ehä′eho′! E′häyä′ Ehä′eho′! E′häyä′ Ehä′eho′!_ The father shows me the road, The father shows me the road. I went to see my friends, I went to see my friends, I went to see the dances, I went to see the dances.

The composer of this song went, in her trance, to the other world, led by the Father, who pointed out the way, and saw there her former friends and joined them in the dance.

5. +Dak̔iñ′a bate′yä+

Dak̔iñ′a bate′yä, Dak̔iñ′a bate′yä. Guăto ton nyäâmo, Guăto ton nyäâ′mo. Ähiñ′äih nyäâ′mo, Ähiñ′äih nyäâ′mo.

Translation

The spirit (God) is approaching, The spirit (God) is approaching. He is going to give me a bird tail, He is going to give me a bird tail. He will give it to me in the tops of the cottonwoods, He will give it to me in the tops of the cottonwoods.

The “bird tail” refers to the feathers (wakuna, Arapaho) worn on the heads of the dancers (figure 91). The song is peculiar in implying that the recipient must climb up into the tree tops to obtain it.

6. +Na′da′g äka′na+

Heyĕ′heyĕ′heyĕ′heye′ Äho′ho′! Heyĕ′heyĕ′heyĕ′heye′ Äho′ho′! Na′da′g äka′na, Na′da′g äka′na, De′gyägo′mga da′tsä′to, De′gyägo′mga da′tsä′to. Äo′ñyo, Äo′ñyo.

Translation

_Heyĕ′heyĕ′heyĕ′heye′ Äho′ho′! Heyĕ′heyĕ′heyĕ′heye′ Äho′ho′!_ Because I am poor, Because I am poor, I pray for every living creature, I pray for every living creature. Äo′ñyo! Äo′ñyo!

Although the words of this song do not contain much meaning, the tune is one of the best among the Kiowa ghost songs. The introductory line gives somewhat the effect of Comanche song 1. The last line is supposed to be a prayer or entreaty to the messiah, and is an imitation of the Kiowa funeral wail.

7. +Ze′bät-gâ′ga igu′ănpa′-ima′+

Ze′bät-gâ′ga igu′ănpa′-ima′, Ze′bät-gâ′ga igu′ănpa′-ima′. Bälä′gâ na′ta′dălgo′ma, Bälä′gâ na′ta′dălgo′ma. Tä′lyiă be′`pe′te, Tä′lyiă be′`pe′te.

Translation

He makes me dance with arrows, He makes me dance with arrows. He calls the bow my father,

He calls the bow my father. Grandmother, persevere, Grandmother, persevere.

This song embodies the Ghost-dance idea of a return to the old Indian things. The expression, “He calls the bow my father,” is worthy of an oriental poet. The last line is a general exhortation to the women to persevere or “push hard” in the dance.

8. +Be′ta! To′ngyä-gu′adăl+

Be′ta! To′ngyä-gu′adăl äto′tl-e′dal, Be′ta! To′ngyä-gu′adăl äto′tl-e′dal. Bä′ate′ñyi, Bä′ate′ñyi. Da′te gyäko′m ä′omhe′dăl, Da′te gyäko′m ä′omhe′dăl.

Translation

Now I understand! Red Tail has been sent, Now I understand! Red Tail has been sent. We cry and hold fast to him, We cry and hold fast to him. He was made to live a long time, He was made to live a long time.

This song was made by Mary Zoñtom, a woman who speaks very fair English, and refers to a young man named To′ngyä-gu′adal, Red Tail, who used to go into frequent trances. The expression “he was sent” implies that he is a recognized messenger to the spirit world, while “we hold fast to him” is equivalent to “we have faith in him.”

9. +Da′ta′-i änka′ñgo′na+

Da′ta′-i änka′ñgo′na, Da′ta′-i änka′ñgo′na. Da′mânhä′go, Da′mânhä′go. Ka′ante damânhä′go, Ka′ante damânhä′go.

Translation

My father has much pity for us, My father has much pity for us. I hold out my hands toward him and cry, I hold out my hands toward him and cry. In my poverty I hold out my hands toward him and cry, In my poverty I hold out my hands toward him and cry.

10. +Da′ta-i iñka′ñtähe′dal+

Ähä′yä Ehä′eho′, Ähä′yä Ehä′eho′. Da′ta-i iñka′ñtähe′dal. A‛da′ta′-i dä′sa, Ä‛da′ta′-i mâ′nsâ′dal, Ä‛da′ta′-i to′ñsâ′dal, Ä‛da′ta′-i o′mda.

Translation

_Ähä′yä Ehä′eho′, Ähä′yä Ehä′eho′._ My father has had pity on me. I have eyes like my father’s, I have hands like my father’s, I have legs like my father’s, I have a form like my father’s.

“So God created man in his own image.”

11. +Dak`iñ′ago äho′ähe′dal+

Dak`iñ′ago äho′ähe′dal, Dak`iñ′ago äho′ähe′dal. Gâ′dal-gâ′ga äho′ähe′dal, Gâ′dal-gâ′ga äho′ähe′dal. Do′m-gâ′ga äho′ähe′dal, Do′m-gâ′ga äho′ähe′dal.

Translation

The spirit host is advancing, they say, The spirit host is advancing, they say. They are coming with the buffalo, they say, They are coming with the buffalo, they say. They are coming with the (new) earth, they say, They are coming with the (new) earth, they say.

12. +E′hyu′ñi degi′ăta+

[Music]

E′hyuñ′i degi′ăta, E′hyuñ′i degi′ăta. Tsä′hop ä′ä′he′dal, Tsä′hop ä′ä′he′dal. Na de‛gu′ănta, de‛gu′ănta; Na de‛gu′ănta, de‛gu′ănta; Gâ′dal-guñ t`añ′gya deo′ta, Gâ′dal-guñ t`añ′gya deo′ta. Go′ dehi′äta, dehi′äta, Go′ dehi′äta, dehi′äta.

Translation

I am mashing the berries, I am mashing the berries. They say travelers are coming on the march, They say travelers are coming on the march. I stir (the berries) around, I stir them around; I take them up with a spoon of buffalo horn, I take them up with a spoon of buffalo horn, And I carry them, I carry them (to the strangers), And I carry them, I carry them (to the strangers).

This song gives a pretty picture of the old Indian home life and hospitality. In her dream the woman who composed it imagines herself cooking fruit, when the word comes that travelers are approaching, the verb implying that they are on the march with their children, dogs, and household property. She stirs the berries around a few times more, lifts them out with a spoon of buffalo horn, and goes to offer them to the strangers. The translation is an exact paraphrase of the rhythmic repetition of the original. The berry called eyhuñ′i, “principal or best fruit,” is not found in the present country of the Kiowa, but is remembered among the pleasant things of their old home in the north. It is described as a species of cherry.

13. +Go′mgyä-da′ga+

Go′mgyä-da′ga, Go′mgyä-da′ga, Do′ nyä′zä′ngo, Do′ nyä′zä′ngo, Go′ da′gya iñhä′po, Go′ da′gya iñhä′po.

Translation

That wind, that wind Shakes my tipi, shakes my tipi, And sings a song for me, And sings a song for me.

To the familiar this little song brings up pleasant memories of the prairie camp when the wind is whistling through the tipi poles and blowing the flaps about, while inside the fire burns bright and the song and the game go round.

14. +Dak̔iñ′a daka′ñtähe′dal+

Dak̔iñ′a daka′ñtähe′dal, Dak̔iñ′a daka′ñtähe′dal. Tsi′sûs-ä daka′ñtähe′dal, Tsi′sûs-ä daka′ñtähe′dal. Da′gya nyäpa′de, Da′gya nyäpa′de. Da′gya iñatä′gyi, Da′gya iñatä′gyi.

Translation

God has had pity on us, God has had pity on us. Jesus has taken pity on us, Jesus has taken pity on us. He teaches me a song, He teaches me a song. My song is a good one, My song is a good one.

In their confounding of aboriginal and Christian ideas the Kiowa frequently call the Indian messiah “Jesus,” having learned the latter as a sacred name through the whites.

15. +Anso′ gyätä′to+

[Music]

Anso′ gyätä′to, Anso′ gyätä′to; Â′dalte′m ga′tä′dalto′-o′, Â′dalte′m ga′tä′dalto′-o′; Änĭmhä′go, Änĭmhä′go.

Translation

I shall cut off his feet, I shall cut off his feet; I shall cut off his head, I shall cut off his head; He gets up again, he gets up again.

This is one of the favorite Kiowa ghost songs and refers to the miraculous resurrection of the dismembered buffalo, according to the promise of the messiah, as related in Sword’s narrative. See page 797.

KIOWA GLOSSARY

Äähe′dal—they are coming, it is said (ää′, I come); the suffix hedal implies a report.

Ädâ′ga—because I am; the suffix ga gives the idea of because.

Â′daltem—head; literally hair bone, i. e., skull; from â′dal, hair, and tem, bone.

Ädalto′yui—“young mountain sheep,” literally “herders” or “corralers,” one of the degrees of the Kiowa military organization. Also called Teñbeyu′i. (See Arapaho song 43.)

Ä‛′data′i—like my father, resembling my father; from data′-i, father, my father.

Ädä′tode′yo′—he is standing watching it; ädä′tode, I stand watching it.

Äde′tepo′nbä—I went to see my friends; äde′teponbäta, I am going, etc; de′te, friend.

Äguănpo′nbä—I went to see dancing; ägu′anponbä′ta, I am going to see a dance; guan, a dance.

Ähäyä′—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

Ä′hiñ-aih—in the tops of the cottonwood; from ä′hiñ, cottonwood, and aih, in or on the tree tops.

Aho′ähe′dal—they are approaching, it is said (as a family on the move, or an army on the march, with household goods, etc); the suffix hedal implies a report or rumor. Äho′ä, I am coming on, with my family and possessions. Compare Imzä′nteähe′dal.

Äho′ho!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

Ähyä′to—the Kiowa name for the Arapaho, meaning unknown. The Kiowa call the wild plum by the same name.

Äka′na—for Äka′on, q. v.

Äka′on—I am poor. The words for “rich” and “poor” refer rather to reputation and mental and moral qualities than to temporal possessions. A man may own many horses, but if he has no war record he is accounted poor.

Änĭmhä′go—he gets up again, he rises again. Dehä′go, I rise; behä′, get up; ĭmhä′go, he will get up.

Ankañ′gona—he pities us much; gyäkañ′ti, it is a pity. Compare Iñkañ′tähe′dal.

Anso—feet; anso′i, foot.

Ä′nyä′gâlo′nte—I bellow like a buffalo (habitual); nyäo′nto, I am bellowing like a buffalo.

Äomhe′dal—he was made so; äo′mdatso′ha, I am made so, I am rendered thus.

Ä′piatañ—“wooden stabber, or lance;” the name of a Kiowa sent by his tribe as a delegate to the messiah in 1890.

Asa′tito′la—“he whom we send to work,” i. e., “the messenger;” the name by which the Kiowa prophet, Bi′äñk̔i, is now known.

Äto′tl-e′dal—he was sent; gyäto′, I send him.

Ätso′dalsâ′dal—I have wings (attached); from tsodal, wing.

Bä′ateñ′yi—we cry and hold fast to him; gyäteñ′ta, I cry and hold fast to him.

Bäte′yä—he is approaching; äba′teyä, I am approaching. Compare Imzä′nteähe′dal.

Be′a‛mâ′nhäyi—stretch out your (plural) hands in entreaty. Dea′‛mânhä′go, I stretch out, etc; bea′‛mânhä, stretch out your (singular vocative), etc.

Be′dălgu′at—another Kiowa name for the Wichita; signifying “painted or tattooed lips;” from bedal, lips or mouth, and guat, painted, tattooed, or written. See Do‛gu′at.

Be′dălpago—“hairy mouths;” one of the Kiowa names for the whites; from bedal, lips or mouth, pa, downy hair or fuzz, and go or gua, the tribal terminal. Compare Ta‛ka′-i.

Beta!—an exclamation about equivalent to I see, I understand.

Bi′äñk̔i—“eating man,” “eater,” a Kiowa prophet and medicine-man; also known as Asa′tito′la, “the messenger.”

Botk̔iñ′ago—the Kiowa name for the Aä′ninĕ′na or Arapaho Grosventres. The name signifies “belly people;” from bot, belly or stomach, and k̔iñago, people, from k̔iñahi, “man.”

Dä-e′dal—“great star;” from dä, star, and e′dal, great; one of the Kiowa names for the morning star. It is more commonly called T’aiñso, “the cross.” (See Arapaho song 72.)

Da′gya—a song.

Dakañ′äthe′dal—another form of Iñkañ′tähe′dal, q. v.

Dak̔iñ′a—spirit, God; plural dak̔iñ′ago; from da-i, medicine, mystery, and k̔iña or k̔iñahi, man.

Dak̔iñ′ago—spirits, the spirits; spirit, God, dak̔iñ′a.

Da′mânhä′go—for Dea′‛mânhä′go.

Däsa—I have eyes; dä, t’ä, eye.

Da′ta-i—father.

Da′te—a long time.

Da′tekañ—“keeps his name always,” a Kiowa prophet about 1881, who undertook to bring back the buffalo.

Datsä′to—I pray for them; nĭ′ndatsä′to, I pray for him.

Dea′‛mânhä′go—I hold out my hands toward him in entreaty. Compare Be′a‛mâ′nhäyi.

De′beko′datsä—let us all pray or worship, we must all pray or worship; deda′tsäto, I pray.

De′dom—all the world; from dom, the earth, and de, all, complete.

Degi′ăta—I am mashing or pounding it.

De‛gu′ănta—I stir it around.

De′gyägo′mga—every living creature; the prefix de conveys the idea of every or all.

Dehi′äta—I take it.

De′ĭmgo—look, everybody! See, everybody around! The prefix de gives the idea of everybody or all.

De′ĭmhä′date—everybody will arise; from dehä, I rose up from a reclining position. The prefix de gives the idea of everybody, all, or completeness, according to context.

Deo′ta—I lift it up, I raise it.

Do′—tipi.

Do‛gu′at—the Kiowa name for the Wichita, signifying “painted or tattooed faces,” from dobä, face, and gu′at, painted, engraved, or written.

Dom—the earth.

Dom-gäga—with the earth; gâga, with, in composition.

Ehä′eho′!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

E′häyä!—ibid.

E′hyuñi—“principal, real, or best fruit;” a berry, probably a dwarf cherry, described as a black grape-like fruit growing in clusters on bushes from 4 to 6 feet high, in the Sioux country. It was eaten raw or mixed with pemmican.

E′manki′na—“can’t hold it,” a Kiowa policeman, now dead, seen by Asatitola in a vision.

E′‛peya—“afraid of him,” a Kiowa warrior who died while a prisoner at Fort Marion, Florida, about 1875.

Ezä′nteähe′dal—it is approaching, they say. Compare Imzä′nteähe′dal.

Ezä′nteda′te—it will shake, or tremble (impersonal).

Gâ′dal-gâ′ga—with the buffalo; gâga, with, in composition; gâdal, buffalo, generic; pa, a buffalo bull.

Gâ′dal-guñ—a buffalo horn; from gâdal, buffalo; and gu′ñti, horn.

Gatä′dalto—I shall cut it off, I am cutting it off (present and future alike).

Go—and.

Go′mgyä-da′ga—that wind; from gomgyä, wind, and daga, that, the, in composition.

Go′mtäyä—on (my) back; from gomtä or gombă, back.

Guadal—red.

Guăn—a dance.

Guan-â′dalka-i—“dance frenzy;” from guan, a dance, and â′dalka-i, crazy or foolish; the Kiowa name for the Ghost-dance ecstasy.

Gu′ato—bird.

Gyäko′m—life, living; hita′ägyä′komta′yä, I am alive.

Gyätä′to—I shall cut them off; gatä′dalto, I cut it off.

Häoñ′yo, or Äoñ′yo—a cry of grief, especially at funerals.

Heyĕ′heyĕ′heyĕ′heyĕ!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

Imhä′go—he would get up, he would arise. Compare Änĭmhä′go.

Imzä′nteähe′dal—they are approaching, it is said; from dezä′nteä, I move about; the termination hedal makes it a matter of report or common belief, equivalent to “they say.” Compare Ezä′nteähe′dal. The verb implies coming on like a herd or company or like persons on a march. The simple verb for approaching is äba′teä. Compare Bate′yä and Äho′ähe′dal.

Iñatä′gyi—it is a good one; from tãgya or gyätä′gya, good.

Iñhä′po or Iñhäpa′de—he sings for me (as if to teach me); dagya gehäpo, I sing a song for him.

Iñkañ′tähe′dal—he has had pity on me; from gyäkañ′ti, (it is a) pity. Compare Ankañ′gona.

Ka′ante—another form of Ka′on, poor. Compare Äka′on.

Kâitseñ′ko—“principal, or real dogs;” the highest degree of the Kiowa military organization. (See Arapaho song 43.)

Komse′ka-k̔iñ′ahyup—the former Kiowa name for the Arapaho. It signifies “men of the worn-out leggings;” from komse, “smoky, soiled, or worn-out,” kati, “leggings,” and k̔iñ′ahyup, “men.”

Mânsâ′dal—I have hands or arms; mânto, hand, arm.

Ma′sep—the Kiowa name for the Caddo, signifying “pierced noses;” from mak̔on, nose, and sep, the root of a verb signifying to pierce or sew with an awl.

Na—I, my; sometimes put before the verb to make it emphatic.

Na ädâ′ga—because I am (emphatic); from na, I, my, and ädâ′ga (q. v.), because I am.

Nada′g—for Na ädâ′ga, q. v.

Nyäâ′mo—he will give it to me; nyänâ′mo, I shall give it to him. There are a number of verbs for give, according to the nature of the thing given.

Nyä′hoănga′mo—he shows or tells me the road; nyän′hoănga′mo, I show him the road; hoăn, road.

Nyäo′ngum—I scream; from äno′nde, it screams, or makes utterance with the mouth.

Nyäpa′de—for Iñhä′po or Iñhäpa′de, q. v.

Nyäzä′ngo—it shakes mine; änzä′ngo, it shakes his.

O′mda—I have a shape or form (implying a likeness, as ä‛data′-i o′mda, I have a form like my father’s).

Pa-gu′adal—“red buffalo;” from pa, a buffalo bull, said gu′adal, red. A Kiowa man, the author of one of the Ghost-dance songs.

Pa′-iñgya—“standing in the middle;” a Kiowa prophet who, in 1887, preached the speedy destruction of the whites and the return of the buffalo.

Poläñ′yup—“rabbits;” the lowest degree of the Kiowa military organization. (See Arapaho song 43.)

Sa′he—green. (See Arapaho song 64.)

Säk̔o′ta—the Kiowa name for the Cheyenne; the word seems to refer to “biting.”

Set-t’aiñ′ti—“white bear,” a noted Kiowa chief, about 1865–1875. The name comes from set, bear, t’aiñ, white, and ti, the personal suffix.

Soda′te—he will descend; äso′ta, I descend.

Tägyä′ko—the Kiowa name for the Na′kasinĕ′na or northern Arapaho. The word has the same meaning, “sagebrush people,” from tägyi, “sage brush,” and ko, the tribal suffix.

T’aiñ′so—the morning star; literally “the cross;” it is sometimes also called Dä-e′dal, the “great star.” (See Arapaho song 43.)

Ta‛ka′-i—one of the Kiowa names for the whites; the word means literally “prominent ears, or ears sticking out,” as compared with the ears of the Indian, which are partly concealed by his long hair. The same name is also applied to a mule or donkey. Compare Be′dal-pa′go.

Tälyi—a boy.

T‛añgya—a spoon; under certain circumstances the suffix gyă is dropped and the word becomes t’a.

T‛añ′peko—skunkberry (?) people; one of the degrees of the Kiowa military organization. (See Arapaho song 43.)

Teñ′beyui—“young mountain sheep,” another name for the Ädalto′yui, q. v.

Ton—tail; gu′ato-ton, bird tail; frequently used to denote a fan or headdress made of the tail feathers of an eagle, hawk, or other bird.

Tongyä-gu′adal—“red tail;” the name of a Kiowa man; from ton or tongyä, tail, and gu′adal, red.

Toñkoñ′go—“black legs,” one of the degrees of the Kiowa military organization. (See Arapaho song 43).

To′ñsâdal—I have legs; from toñti, leg.

Tsä′hop—movers, emigrants (moving with household goods, etc). The word has no singular form.

Tsäñ′yui—“rabbits;” another name for the Poläñ′yup degree of the Kiowa military organization. (See Arapaho song 43.)

Tseñtän′mo—horse headdress people (?), one of the degrees of the Kiowa military organization. (See Arapaho song 43.)

Tsi′sûs (Tsi′sûs-ä)—Jesus.

Tsoñ—an awl.

Tsoñ′ä—the awl game. (See Arapaho song 64.)

Yä′‛pähe—soldiers; the military organization of the Kiowa. (See Arapaho song 43.)

THE CADDO AND ASSOCIATED TRIBES

CADDO TRIBAL SYNONYMY

Asinais—an old French name, from Hasinai.

Caddo—popular name, from Kä′dohadä′cho.

Cadodaquio—Joutel (1687), another form of Kä′dohadä′cho.

Cenis—old French name used by Joutel in 1687; from Hasinai.

Dä′sha-i—Wichita name.

Dĕ′sa—another form of Dä′sha-i.

Hasi′nai or Hasi′ni—the proper generic term for at least the principal Caddo divisions, and perhaps for all of them. It is also used by them as synonymous with “Indians.”

Kä′dohădä′cho—the name of the Caddo proper, as used by themselves.

Ma′se′p—Kiowa name; “pierced nose,” from mak̔on, nose, and sep, the root of a verb signifying to pierce or sew with an awl.

Na′shonĭt or Na′shoni—Comanche name, frequently used also by the neighboring tribes to designate the Caddo; the Nassonite of the early French writers on Texas.

Nez Percé—French traders’ name; “pierced nose.”

Ni′rĭs-hări′s-kĭ′riki—another Wichita name.

Otä′s-itä′niuw′—Cheyenne name; “pierced nose people.”

Tani′bänĕn, Tani′bänĕnina, Tani′bätha—Arapaho name; “pierced nose people,” tani, nose.

CADDO TRIBAL SIGN

“Pierced nose,” in allusion to their former custom of boring the nose for the insertion of a ring.

SKETCH OF THE CADDO

The Caddo are the principal southern representatives of the Caddoan stock, which includes also the Wichita, Kichai, Pawnee, and Arikara. Their confederacy consisted of about a dozen tribes or divisions, claiming as their original territory the whole of lower Red river and adjacent country in Louisiana, eastern Texas, and southern Arkansas. The names of these twelve divisions, including two of foreign origin, have been preserved as follows:

Kä′dohadä′cho (Caddo proper).

Nädä′ko (Anadarko).

Hai′-nai (Toni).

Nä′bai-dä′cho (Nabedache).

Nä′kohodo′tsi (Nacogdoches).

Näshi′tosh (Natchitoches).

Nä′ka‛na′wan.

Hădai′-i (Adai, Adaize).

Hai′-ĭsh (Eyeish, Aliche, Aes).

Yä′tăsi.

I′măha—a band of Omaha, or perhaps more probably Kwâpâ, who lived with the Kä′dohadä′cho, but retained their own distinct language. There are still a few living with the Caddo, but they retain only the name. It will be remembered that when the Caddo lived in eastern Louisiana the Arkansas or Kwâpâ were their nearest neighbors on the north, and these Imaha may have been a part of the Kwâpâ who lived “up stream” (U′mañhañ) on the Arkansas. The Caddo call the Omaha tribe by the same name.

Yowa′ni—originally a band of the Heyowani division of the Choctaw. They joined the Caddo a long time ago, probably about the time the Choctaw began to retire across the Mississippi before the whites. Some few are still living with the Caddo and retain their distinct language. There is evidence that some Koasati (Cooshatties) were mixed with them.

The Kä′dohadä′cho seem to be recognized as the principal Caddo division, and the generic term Hasi′nai by which the confederates designate themselves is sometimes regarded as belonging more properly to the three divisions first named. According to their own statements some of the dialects spoken by the several divisions were mutually unintelligible. At present the Kädohadächo and Nädäko are the ruling dialects, while the Näbaidächo, Näkohodotsi, Hădai′-i, and Hai′-ĭsh are practically extinct. The Kichai, Bidai, and Akokisa, who formerly lived near the Caddo on the eastern border of Texas, did not belong to the confederacy, although at least one of these tribes, the Kichai, is of the same stock and is now on the same reservation.

The Caddo have ten gentes: Na′wotsi, Bear; Tasha, Wolf; Ta′năhă, Buffalo; Ta′o, Beaver; Iwi, Eagle; Oăt, Raccoon; Ka′g‛aih, Crow; Ka′găhănĭn, Thunder; Kĭshi, Panther; Sûko, Sun. The Bear gens is the most numerous. The Buffalo gens is sometimes called also Koho′ or Alligator, because both animals bellow in the same way. These of a particular gens will not kill the animal from which the gens takes its name, and no Caddo in the old times would kill either an eagle or a panther, although they were not afraid to kill the bear, as are so many of the western tribes. The eagle might be killed, however, for its feathers by a hunter regularly initiated and consecrated for that purpose.

The original home of the Caddo was on lower Red river in Louisiana. According to their own tradition, which has parallels among several other tribes, they came up from under the ground through the mouth of a cave in a hill which they call Cha′‛kanĭ′nă, “The place of crying,” on a lake close to the south bank of Red river, just at its junction with the Mississippi. In those days men and animals were all brothers and all lived together under the ground. But at last they discovered the entrance to the cave leading up to the surface of the earth, and so they decided to ascend and come out. First an old man climbed up, carrying in one hand fire and a pipe and in the other a drum. After him came his wife, with corn and pumpkin seeds. Then followed the rest of the people and the animals. All intended to come out, but as soon as the wolf had climbed up he closed the hole, and shut up the rest of the people and animals under the ground, where they still remain. Those who had come out sat down and cried a long time for their friends below, hence the name of the place. Because the Caddo came out of the ground they call it ină′, mother, and go back to it when they die. Because they have had the pipe and the drum and the corn and pumpkins since they have been a people, they hold fast to these things and have never thrown them away.

From this place they spread out toward the west, following up the course of Red river, along which they made their principal settlements. For a long time they lived on Caddo lake, on the boundary between Louisiana and Texas, their principal village on the lake being called Sha′chidĭ′ni, “Timber hill.” Their acquaintance with the whites began at a very early period. One of their tribes, the Nädäko, is mentioned under the name of Nandacao in the narrative of De Soto’s expedition as early as 1540. The Kädohadächo were known to the French as early as 1687. The relations of the Caddo with the French and Spaniards were intimate and friendly. Catholic missions were established among them, about the year 1700 and continued to exist until 1812, when the missions were suppressed by the Spanish government and the Indians were scattered. In the meantime Louisiana had been purchased by the United States, and the Caddo soon began to be pushed away from their ancient villages into the western territory, where they were exposed to the constant inroads of the prairie tribes. From this time their decline was rapid, and the events of the Texan and Mexican wars aided still further in their demoralization. They made their first treaty with the United States in 1835, at which time they were chiefly in Louisiana, southwest of Red river and adjoining Texas. They afterward removed to Brazos river in Texas, and to Washita river in Indian Territory in 1859. When the rebellion broke out, the Caddo, not wishing to take up arms against the government, fled north into Kansas and remained there until the close of the war, when they returned to the Washita. Their present reservation, which they hold only by executive order and jointly with the Wichita, lies between Washita and Canadian rivers in western Oklahoma, having the Cheyenne and Arapaho on the north and west and the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache on the south. In 1893 they numbered 507.

In person the Caddo are rather smaller and darker than the neighboring prairie tribes, and from their long residence in Louisiana, they have a considerable admixture of French blood. They are an agricultural tribe, raising large crops of corn, pumpkins, and melons, and still retaining industrious habits in spite of their many vicissitudes of fortune. They were never buffalo hunters until they came out on the plains. They formerly lived in conical grass houses like the Wichita, but are now in log houses and generally wear citizen’s dress excepting in the dance. The old custom which gave rise to the name and tribal sign of “Pierced Nose” is now obsolete. In 1806 Sibley said of them, “They are brave, despise danger or death, and boast that they have never shed white man’s blood.” Their former enemies, the prairie tribes, bear witness to their bravery, and their friendship toward the whites is a part of their history, but has resulted in no great advantage to themselves, as they have been dispossessed from their own country and are recognized only as tenants at will in their present location.

They and the Wichita received the new doctrine from the Arapaho, and were soon among its most earnest adherents, notwithstanding the fact that they were regarded as the most advanced of all the tribes in that part of the country. It may be that their history had led them to feel a special need of a messiah. They have been hard and constant dancers, at one time even dancing in winter when there was nearly a foot of snow upon the ground. Their first songs were those which they had heard from the Arapaho, and sang in corrupted form, with only a general idea of their meaning, but they now have a number of songs in their own language, some of which are singularly pleasing in melody and sentiment.

THE WICHITA, KICHAI, AND DELAWARE

Closely associated with the Caddo on the same reservation are the Wichita, with their subtribes, the Tawakoni and Waco, numbering together 316 in 1893; the Delaware, numbering 94, and the Kichai (Keechies), numbering only 52. Of these, all but the Delaware, who are Algonquian, belong to the Caddoan stock. The Wichita and their subtribes, although retaining in indistinct form the common Caddoan tradition, claim as their proper home the Wichita mountains, near which they still remain. Sixty years ago their principal village was on the north side of the north fork of Red river, a short distance below the mouth of Elm creek, in Oklahoma. They live in conical grass houses and, like the other tribes of the stock, are agricultural. They call themselves Kĭ′tikĭti′sh—they are called Tawe′hash by the Caddo and Kichai—and are known to most of their other neighbors and in the sign language as the “Tattooed People” (Do′kănă, Comanche; Do‛gu′at, Kiowa), from an old custom now nearly obsolete. For the same reason and from their resemblance to the Pawnee, with whose language their own has a close connection, the French called them Pani Pique′s.

The Kichai or Keechie, or Ki′tsäsh, as they call themselves, are a small tribe of the same stock, and claim to have moved up Red river in company with the Caddo. Their language is different from that of any of their neighbors, but approaches the Pawnee.

The Delaware are a small band of the celebrated tribe of that name. They removed from the east and settled with the main body in Kansas, but drifted south into Texas while it was still Spanish territory. After a long series of conflicts with the American settlers of Texas, before and after the Mexican war, they were finally taken under the protection of the United States government and assigned to their present reservation along with other emigrant tribes from that state.

SONGS OF THE CADDO

1. +Ha′yo tă′ia’ ă′ă′+

Nä′nisa′na, Nä′nisa′na, Ha′yo tă′ia′ ă′ă′, Ha′yo tă′ia′ ă′ă′, Na′wi hă′iă′ i′nă′, Na′wi hă′iă′ i′nă′.

Translation

Nä′nisa′na, Nä′nisa′na, Our father dwells above, Our father dwells above, Our mother dwells below, Our mother dwells below.

“Our mother” here refers to the earth.

2. +Wû′nti ha′yano′ di′witi′a+

[Music]

Nä′nisa′na, nä′nisa′na, Wû′nti ha′yano′ di′witi′a ha′yo′, Wû′nti ha′yano′ di′witi′a ha′yo′, A′ă ko′ia′ ha′yo′, A′ă ko′ia′ ha′yo′, Wû′nti ha′ya′no ta′-ia′ ha′yo′, Wû′nti ha′ya′no ta′-ia′ ha′yo′.

Translation

Nä′nisa′na, nä′nisa′na, All our people are going up, All our people are going up, Above to where the father dwells, Above to where the father dwells, Above to where our people live, Above to where our people live.

3. +Nû′na ĭ′tsiya′+

He′yawe′ya! He′yawe′ya! Nû′na ĭ′tsiya′ si′bocha′ha′, Nû′na ĭ′tsiya′ si′bocha′ha′, Wû′nti ha′yano′ ha′nĭn gû′kwû′ts-a′, Wû′nti ha′yano′ ha′nĭn gû′kwû′ts-a′, He′yahe′eye′! He′yahe′eye′!

Translation

He′yawe′ya! He′yawe′ya! I have come because I want to see them, I have come because I want to see them, The people, all my children, The people, all my children. He′yahe′eye! He′yahe′eye!

This song was composed by a woman named Nyu′taa. According to her story, she saw in her trance a large company approaching, led by a man who told her he was the Father and that he was coming because he wished to see all his children.

4. +Na′tsiwa′ya+

Na′tsiwa′ya, na′tsiwa′ya, Na′ ika′—Wi′ahe′e′ye′, Na′ ika′—Wi′ahe′e′ye′, Wi′ahe′e′ye′ye′yeahe′ye′, Wi′ahe′e′ye′ye′yeahe′ye′.

Translation

I am coming, I am coming, The grandmother from on high, Wi′ahe′e′ye′, The grandmother from on high, Wi′ahe′e′ye′, _Wi′ahe′e′ye′ye′yeahe′ye′, Wi′ahe′e′ye′ye′yeahe′ye′!_

This song also was composed by the woman Nyu′taa. In her trance vision she fell asleep and seemed (still in the vision) to be awakened by the noise of a storm, when she looked and saw approaching her the Storm Spirit, who said to her, “I come, the grandmother from on high.” The Caddo call thunder the “grandmother above” and the sun the “uncle above.”

5. +Na′-iye′ ino′ ga′nio′sĭt+

Wa′hiya′ne, wa′hiya′ne, Na′-iye′ ino′ ga′nio′sĭt, Na′-iye′ ino′ ga′nio′sĭt. Wa′hiya′ne, wa′hiya′ne.

Translation

Wa′hiya′ne, wa′hiya′ne, My sister above, she is painted, My sister above, she is painted. Wa′hiya′ne, wa′hiya′ne.

This is another song composed by Nyu′taa, who herself explained it. In this trance vision she saw a spirit woman painted with blue stripes on her forehead and a crow on her chin, who told her that she was “her sister, the Evening Star.” While singing this song Nyu′taa was sitting near me, when she suddenly cried out and went into a spasm of trembling and crying lasting some minutes, lifting up her right hand toward the west at the same time. Such attacks were so common among the women at song rehearsals as frequently to interfere with the work, although the bystanders regarded them as a matter of course and took only a passing notice of these incidents.

6. +Na′a ha′yo ha′wano+

Nä′nisa′na, nä′nisa′na, Na′a ha′yo ha′wano, Na′a ha′yo ha′wano.

Translation

Nä′nisa′na, nä′nisa′na, Our father above (has) paint, Our father above (has) paint.

This refers to the sacred paint used by the participants in the Ghost dance, and which is believed to confer health and the power to see visions.

7. +Wû′nti ha′yano ka′ka′na′+

Nänisa′na, nänisa′na, Wû′nti ha′yano ka′ka′na′ ni′‛tsiho′, Wû′nti ha′yano ka′ka′na′ ni′‛tsiho′, Aa′ ko′ia′ ta′-ia′ ha′yo′, Aa′ ko′ia′ ta′-ia′ ha′yo′.

Translation

Nä′nisa′na, nänisa′na, All the people cried when I returned, All the people cried when I returned, Where the father dwells above, Where the father dwells above.

This song was composed by a girl who went up to the spirit world and saw there all her friends, who cried when she started to leave them again.

8. +Na′wi i′na+

Nä′nisa′na, nä′nisa′na, E′yahe′ya, e′yahe′ya, he′e′ye′! E′yahe′ya, e′yahe′ya, he′e′ye′! Na′wi i′na ha′yo ă′ă—He′yoi′ya, he′e′ye′! Na′wi i′na ha′yo ă′ă—He′yoi′ya, he′e′ye′!

Translation

_Nä′nisa′na, nä′nisa′na, E′yahe′ya, e′yahe′ya, he′e′ye′! E′yahe′ya, e′yahe′ya, he′e′ye′!_ We have our mother below; we have our father above—He′yoi′ya, he′e′ye′! We have our mother below; we have our father above—He′yoi′ya, he′e′ye′!

This song was composed by a woman named Niaha‛no′, who used to have frequent trances in which she would talk with departed Caddo and bring back messages from them to their friends. “Our mother below” is the earth. (See page 1096.)

9. +Ni′ ika′ na′a+

Ni′ ika′ na′a ha′na′, Ni′ ika′ na′a ha′na′; Na′a-a′ ha′na′, Na′a-a′ ha′na′.

Translation

There are our grandmother and our father above, There are our grandmother and our father above; There is our father above, There is our father above.

By “grandmother” is meant the storm spirit or thunder. (See Caddo song 4.)

10. +Hi′na ha′natobi′na+

Hi′na ha′natobi′na i′wi-na′, Hi′na ha′natobi′na i′wi-na′, Na′ iwi′ i′wi-na′, Na′ iwi′ i′wi-na′; Na′nana′ ha′taha′, Na′nana′ ha′taha′.

Translation

The eagle feather headdress from above, The eagle feather headdress from above, From the eagle above, from the eagle above; It is that feather we wear, It is that feather we wear.

This refers to the eagle feather worn on the heads of the dancers. (See song number 12.) This song is in the Hai-nai dialect.

11. +Na′ ăă′ o′wi′ta′+

Na′ ăă′ o′wi′ta′, Na′ ăă′ o′wi′ta′, Na′ kiwa′t Hai′-nai′, Na′ kiwa′t Hai′-nai′.

Translation

The father comes from above, The father comes from above, From the home of the Hai-nai above, From the home of the Hai-nai above.

This song, like the last, was composed by one of the Hai-nai tribe, and refers to the silent majority of the band in the spirit world.

12. +Na′ iwi′ o′wi′ta′+

[Music]

Na′ iwi′ o′wi′ta′, Na′ iwi′ o′wi′ta′; Do′hya di′wabo′n na′ na′ iwi′ o′wi′ta′, Do′hya di′wabo′n na′ na′ iwi′ o′wi′ta′; Na′ha′ na′daka′a′, Na′ha′ na′daka′a′.

Translation

See! the eagle comes, See! the eagle comes; Now at last we see him—look! look! the eagle comes, Now at last we see him—look! look! the eagle comes; Now we see him with the people, Now we see him with the people.

This refers to what the Caddo call the “return of the eagle feathers” in the Ghost dance. With the Caddo, as with other tribes, the eagle is a sacred bird, and in the old times only the few medicine-men who knew the sacred formula would dare to kill one for the feathers. Should anyone else kill an eagle, his family would die or some other great misfortune would come upon him. The formula consisted of certain secret prayers and ritual performances. Among the Cherokee the eagle killer’s prayer was a petition to the eagle not to be revenged upon the tribe, because it was not an Indian, but a Spaniard, who had killed him—an indication of the vivid remembrance in which the cruelty of the early Spaniards was held among the southern tribes. To further guard against the anger of the eagles, the Cherokee eagle killer, on his return to the village, announced that he had killed, not an eagle, but a snowbird, the latter being too small and insignificant to be dreaded. The eagle-killing ceremony among the northern prairie tribes has been already described under Arapaho song 47. The Caddo eagle killer always took with him a robe or some other valuable offering, and after shooting the eagle, making the prayer, and pulling out the tail and wing feathers he covered the body with the robe and left it there as a peace offering to the spirit of the eagle. The dead eagle was never brought home, as among the Cherokee. The last man of the Caddo who knew the eagle-killing ritual died some years ago, and since then they have had to go without eagle feathers or buy them from the Kiowa and other tribes. Since Sitting Bull came down and “gave the feather” to the leaders of the dance the prohibition is removed, and men and women alike are now at liberty to get and wear eagle feathers as they will.

13. +A′nana′ hana′nito′+

A′nana′ hana′nito′ ni′ahu′na—He′e′ye′! A′nana′ hana′nito′ ni′ahu′na—He′e′ye′! A′nana′sa′na′? A′nana′sa′na′? Ha′yo ha′nitu′ ni′ahu′na—He′e′ye′! Ha′yo ha′nitu′ ni′ahu′na—He′e′ye′! A′nana′sa′na′? A′ana′sa′na′?

Translation

The feather has come back from above—He′e′ye′! The feather has come back from above—He′e′ye′! Is he doing it? Is he doing it? The feather has returned from on high—He′e′ye′! The feather has returned from on high—He′e′ye′! Is he doing it? Is he doing it?

This refers to the return of the eagle feathers, as noted in the preceding song. The question “Is he doing it?” is equivalent to asking, “Is this the work of the father?”—an affirmative answer being understood.

14. +Na′ iwi′ ha′naa′+

Na′ iwi′ ha′naa′, Na′ iwi′ ha′naa′; Wû′nti ha′yano′ na′nia′sana′, Wû′nti ha′yano′ na′nia′sana′. Na′ha na′ni′asa′, Na′ha na′ni′asa′.

Translation

There is an eagle above, There is an eagle above; All the people are using it, All the people are using it. See! They use it, See! They use it.

This song also refers to the use of eagle feathers in the dance.

15. +Wi′tŭ′ Ha′sini′+

[Music]

E′yehe′! Nä′nisa′na, E′yehe′! Nä′nisa′na. Wi′tŭ′ Ha′sini′ di′witi′a′a′, Wi′tŭ′ Ha′sini′ di′witi′a′a′. Ki′wat ha′-ime′—He′e′ye′! Ki′wat ha′-ime′—He′e′ye′! Na′hayo′ na′, Na′hayo′ na′ă′ă′ ko′iă′—He′e′ye′! I′na ko′iă′—He′e′ye′! I′na ko′iă′—He′e′ye′!

Translation

_E′yehe′! Nä′nisa′na, E′yehe′! Nä′nisa′na._ Come on, Caddo, we are all going up, Come on, Caddo, we are all going up. To the great village—He′e′ye′! To the great village—He′e′ye′! With our father above, With our father above where he dwells on high—He′e′ye′! Where our mother dwells—He′e′ye′! Where our mother dwells—He′e′ye′!

The sentiment and swinging tune of this spirited song make it one of the favorites. It encourages the dancers in the hope of a speedy reunion of the whole Caddo nation, living and dead, in the “great village” of their father above, and needs no further explanation.

CADDO GLOSSARY

Ăă—father.

Ăă Kakĭ′mbawiût—“the prayer of all to the Father;” from aa, the Father, i. e., God, and tsĭmba′dikû, I pray; the Ghost dance, also called Nä′nisa′na Gao′shăn, Nä′nisa′na dance.

A′nana—for Nănă′.

A′nanasa′na—for Nana′sana.

Ba′hakosĭn—“striped arrows,” from bah, arrow; the Caddo name for the Cheyenne. They sometimes call them Siä′näbo, from their Comanche name.

Cha′‛kanĭ′na—“the place of crying;” the traditional first settlement of the Caddo tribes, where they came up out of the ground, at the mouth of Red river, on the south bank, in Louisiana.

Detse-ka′yăă—“dog eaters;” the Caddo name for the Arapaho.

Di′wabon—we see him; tsibo′nă, I see him.

Di′wïti′ă—we are all going up, we shall all ascend; tsidiû′, I ascend.

Do′hya—now, at once.

E′yahe′ya!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

E′yehe′!—ibid.

Ganio′sĭt—he (she) is painted; atsĭno′sĭt, I paint myself.

Gao′shăn—a dance; ga′tsioshăn, I dance.

Gû′kwûts—my (plural); gûkwû′nda, my (singular); _ha′nĭn gû′kwûts_, my children.

Hă′-iă—he (she) dwells there below. Compare Ko′iă.

Ha′-imi—large.

Hai′-nai—a tribe of the Caddo confederacy.

Hă′naă or Hă′nă—there he is! that is he!

Ha′nani′to—this feather, the feather; ni′toh, feather; ha′taha, feather (generic).

Ha′natobi′na—a feather headdress; feathers prepared to wear on the head.

Ha′nĭn—children.

Ha′nitu—for Ni′toh.

Hasi′ni or Hasi′nai—the Caddo; the generic name used by themselves.

Ha′taha—feather (generic); nitoh, feather (specific).

Ha′wano—paint.

Ha′yano—people.

Ha′yo—above, on high. Compare Naha′yo.

He′eye′!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

He′yahe′eye′!—ibid.

He′yawe′ya!—ibid.

He′yoi′ya!—ibid.

Hi′na—eagle feathers.

Ika—grandmother; a term sometimes applied to the thunder or storm spirit.

Ină′—mother; na ină′, mother above.

I′tsiya—I have come; hatsi′ûs, I come.

I′wi—eagle; also the name of a Caddo gens.

Ka′găhănĭn—thunder; a Caddo gens.

Ka′g‛aih—crow; a Caddo gens.

Kaka′na—they cried; ha‛tsikaka′s, I cry.

Ka′ntsi—“cheats;” the Caddo name for the Kiowa Apache, Lipan, and Mescalero.

Kĭ′shi—panther; a Caddo gens.

Kiwa′t—village, town, settlement.

Koho′—alligator; another name for the Ta′năhă or Buffalo gens of the Caddo.

Ko′iă—where he dwells above; tă′-iă, he dwells above; datsii′ă, I dwell above.

Na—see! look! now!—also coming down from above, as iwi-na, the eagle coming down from above.

Năă′—father above, i. e., God; from ăă′, father, and na, above, on high.

Na′daka—with the people.

Nahă′—that’s all! now you see! there now!

Naha′yo—up, above, the plural of Ha′yo. Hasi′ni diwĭti′a na′hayo, all the Caddo are going up, everybody of the Caddo is going up.

Na-iye′—sister above; from na, above, in composition, and iye′, sister.

Nănă′ or Nă′nănă′—that one (demonstrative).

Nana′sana—is he making it?

Na‛ni′asa—they are using it; ha′tsĭna′sa, I use it.

Na′nia′sana—for Na`ni′asa.

Nä′nisa′na—an Arapaho word, adopted by the Caddo in the Ghost-dance songs and meaning “my children.”

Nä′nisa′na gao′shăn—“Nänisana dance,” one of the Caddo names for the Ghost dance, from gao′shăn, a dance, and nänisa′na (q. v.), an Arapaho word which forms the burden of so many Arapaho Ghost-dance songs. It is also called Ăă Kakĭ′mbawiût, “the prayer of all to the Father.”

Na′tsiwa′ya—I am coming.

Na′wi—below; ha′yo, above.

Nawotsi—bear; a Caddo gens.

Ni—a syllable prefixed merely to fill in the meter.

Niahu′na—for Nĭ′tahŭ′nt.

Nĭ′tahŭ′nt—it has returned. It has come back; tsĭtsihŭ′nă, I return; Ni′‛tsiho, when I returned.

Ni′toh—feather (specific); ha′taha, feather (generic).

Ni′‛tsiho—when I returned. Compare Nĭ′tahŭ′nt.

Nû′na—because.

O′ăt—raccoon; a Caddo gens.

O′wita—he comes; a′tsiûs, I come.

Sha′‛chidĭ′ni—“Timber hill,” a former Caddo settlement on Caddo lake, Louisiana.

Si′bocha′ha—I want to see them; hatsi′bos, I see.

Sûko—sun; a Caddo gens.

Tă′-iă—he dwells above. Compare Ko′iă.

Ta′năhă—buffalo; a Caddo gens.

Ta′o—beaver; a Caddo gens.

Tasha—wolf; a Caddo gens.

Tsaba′kosh—cut-throats; the Caddo name for the Sioux.

Wa′hiya′ne!—an unmeaning exclamation used in the songs.

Wi′ahe′eye′!—ibid.

Wi′tŭ!—come on! get ready.

Wû′nti—all of them.

AUTHORITIES CITED

=Adjutant-General=’s Office [A. G. O.].—(Documents on file in the office of the Adjutant-General, in the War Department at Washington, where each is officially designated by its number, followed by the initials A. G. O. In response to specific inquiries additional information was received in letters from the same office and incorporated into the narrative.)

1—Report of Captain J. M. Lee, on the abandonment of Fort Bidwell, California (1890), Doc. 16633-1, 1890; 2—Documents relating to the Apache outbreak, 1881; 3—Documents relating to Sword-bearer and the Crow outbreak, 1887; 4—Captain J. M. Lee, abandonment of Fort Bidwell, Doc. 16633-1, 1890; 5—Report on the Ghost dance, by Lieutenant H. L. Scott, February 10, 1891, Doc. ——; 6—Report on the abandonment of Fort Bidwell, by Captain J. M. Lee, Doc. 16633-1, 1890; 7—Statement of Judge H. L. Spargur in Lee’s report on Fort Bidwell, Doc. 16633-1, 1890; 8—Letters of Assistant Adjutant-General Corbin and Quartermaster-General Batchelder; 9—Affidavits with Lee’s report on the abandonment of Fort Bidwell, Doc. 16633-1, 1890.

=Albany Institute.= See =MacMurray=.

=Allis=, Rev. =Samuel=. Forty Years Among the Indians and on the Eastern Borders of Nebraska. (Transactions and Reports of the Nebraska State Historical Society, II. Lincoln, Nebraska, 1887. 8^o. 133–166.)

1—135.

=American Anthropologist.= See Phister.

=American Ethnology and Archæology, Journal of.= See Bandelier.

=Archæological Institute of America, Report of.= See Bandelier.

=Bancroft, G.= History of the United States of America, from the discovery of the continent. The author’s last edition. New York, 1884. 8^o.

1—II, 371; 2—II, 378; 3—II, 463.

=Bandelier, A. F.= Documentary history of the Zuñi tribe. (Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, +III+. Boston and New York, 1892. 4^o.)

1 a—103–115.

—— Final report of investigations among the Indians of the southwestern United States, Part II. (Papers of the Archæological Institute of America, American Series, IV. Cambridge, 1892. 8^o.)

1 b—62.

=Barclay, Robert.= The inner life of the religious societies of the commonwealth; considered principally with reference to the influence of church organization on the spread of Christianity. London, 1876. 8^o.

=Bartlett, C. H.= Letter to the Bureau of Ethnology, dated October 29, 1895.

=Bible.= The Holy Bible, containing the Old and New Testaments; translated out of the original tongues, etc. New York (American Bible Society), 1870. 12^o.

=Bourke=, Capt. =J. G.= The medicine-men of the Apache. (Ninth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Washington, 1892. 4^o. The description of the dance of the medicine-man, Nakai-doklini, is taken from the account in this paper, supplemented by a personal letter from the author.)

1—505.

=Brinton=, Dr =D. G.= Myths of the New World: A treatise on the symbolism and mythology of the Red race of America. New York, Leypoldt and Holt, 1868. 12^o.

1—168, passim.

=Brown, John P.= The Dervishes; or oriental spiritualism. By John P. Brown, secretary and dragoman of the legation of the United States of America at Constantinople, etc. London, 1868. 12^o.

=Bureau of Ethnology, Reports of.= See Bourke and Mallery.

=Catlin, G.= Letters and notes on the manners, customs, and condition of the North American Indians. Written during eight years’ travel (1832–1839) among the wildest tribes of Indians in North America, etc. Two volumes. 4th edition. London, 1844. 8^o.

1—II, 117; 2—II, 118; 3—II, 98; 4—II, 99.

=Century Magazine.= See Roosevelt.

=Clark, Benjamin.= The Cheyenne Indians. (A manuscript history and ethnography of the Cheyenne Indians, written at the request of General Philip Sheridan by Benjamin Clark, interpreter at Fort Reno, Oklahoma.)

Now in possession of Dr George Bird Grinnell of New York city.

=Clark, W. P.= The Indian sign language, with brief explanatory notes, etc, and a description of some of the peculiar laws, customs, myths, superstitions, ways of living, code of peace and war signals of our aborigines. Philadelphia, 1885. 8^o.

=Colby=, Gen. =L. W.= The Sioux Indian war of 1890–91. By Brigadier-General L. W. Colby, commanding the Nebraska National Guard. (Transactions and reports of the Nebraska State Historical Society, III, 144–190; Fremont, Nebraska, 1892. 8^o.)

1—153; 2—150; 3—155; 4—157; 5—159–170; 6—159; 7—164; 8—165–170; 9—(McGillycuddy) 180; 10—165.

=Commissioner= [Comr.]. Annual report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs to the Secretary of the Interior. (Sixty-first annual report, Washington, 1892. 8^o.)

1—Report of Agent W. P. Richardson, 1852, 71, and report of Agent W. P. Badger, 1859, 144; 2—Agent Danilson, 1875, 258; 3—Agent Tiffany, 1881, 10; 4—Commissioner Price, 1881, viii-ix; Agent Tiffany, 1881, 10–11; 5—Agent Linn, 1884, 102; 6—Agent Patrick, 1885, III; 7—Agent Scott, 1891, vol. I, 258; 8—Agent Smith, 1873, 319; 9—Agent Boyle, 1870, 58; 10—Superintendent Meacham, 1870, 50; 11—Agent Cornoyer, 1873, 317–18; 12—Commissioner Brunot, 1871, 98; 13—Umatilla council, 1891, 95–7; 14—Superintendent Colonel Ross, 1870, 30; 15—Superintendent Meacham, 1870, 50–54; 16—Report, 1871, 95; 17—Superintendent Odeneal, 1872, 362; 18—Subagent White, 1843, 451; 19—ibid, 453; 20—Commissioner Hayt, 1877, 10; 21—ibid, 10; 22—ibid, 12; 23—ibid, 11; 24—ibid, 12; 25—ibid, 12–13; 26—Commissioner Hayt, 1878, xxxiv; 27a—ibid, xxxv; 27b—Agent Rust, 1891, I, 223; 28—Commissioner Morgan, 1891, I, 132–3; 29—Agent Wright, ibid, 411–2; 30—Dorchester report, ibid, 529; 31—Commissioner Morgan, ibid, 124; 32—Agent Wright, ibid, 411–12; 33—ibid, 128, 130; 34—ibid, 130; 35—ibid, 130; 36—ibid, 130; 37—ibid, 130; 38—ibid, 131; 39—ibid, 132; 40—ibid, 132; 41—Commissioner Morgan, 1892, 128; 42—Dorchester, 1891, vol. I, 532; 43—Agent Wood, 1892, 396, 399; 44—Mrs Z. A. Parker, in report of Superintendent Dorchester, vol. I, 1891, 529–531; also published in the New York Evening Post of April 18, 1891, and in Journal of American Folk-lore, April-June, 1891; 45—Report on the Utes, Pai-Utes, etc, by J. W. Powell and G. W. Ingalls, 1873, 45; 46—Superintendent Parker, 1866, 115; 47—ibid, 115.

=Dorsey=, Rev. =J. O.= See Journal of American Folk-lore.

=Drake, B.= Life of Tecumseh and of his brother the Prophet; with a historical sketch of the Shawanoe Indians. Cincinnati, 1852. 12^o.

1—87, passim; 2—88; 3—93; 4—130; 5—142; 6—151; 7—153; 8—158; 9—193.

=Drake, S. G.= The aboriginal races of North America, comprising biographical sketches of eminent individuals and an historical account of the different tribes, from the first discovery of the continent to the present period, etc, 15th edition, revised with valuable additions, by Professor H. L. Williams. New York, 1880 (?). 8^o.

1—625.

=Dutton=, Major =C. E.= The submerged trees of the Columbia river. (Science, New York, February 18, 1887, page 156.)

=Eells=, Rev. =Myron=. (Letter in regard to the Shakers of Puget sound, quoted at length in the chapter on that subject. Works by the same author, referred to in the same chapter and in the tribal synopsis accompanying the chapter on the Nez Percé war, are “History of Indian Missions on the Pacific Coast,” and “Ten Years of Missionary Work among the Indians at Skokomish, Washington Territory, 1874–1884.”—Congregational House, Boston, 1886. 12^o.)

Mr Eells was born in the state of Washington, has been for many years engaged in mission work in that section, and is the author of valuable works relating to the tribes and languages of the state.

—— History of Indian missions on the Pacific coast—Oregon, Washington, and Idaho. By Reverend Myron Eells, missionary of the association. Philadelphia and New York, American Sunday School Union, 1882 (?). 12^o.

=Evans, F. W.= Shakers: Compendium of the origin, history, principles, rules and regulations, government, and doctrines of the United Society of Believers in Christ’s second appearing, with biographies of Ann Lee, etc. New York, 1859. 12^o.

=Fletcher, J. E.= See Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes.

=Ghost Dance= [G. D.]. (Documents relating to the Ghost dance and the Sioux outbreak of 1890, on file in the Indian Office in special case 188, labeled “Ghost Dance and Sioux Trouble.”)

1—Fisher, Document 37097-1890; 2—Campbell, Document 36274-1890; 3—Campbell, Document 20274-1890; 4—Report of Lieutenant H. L. Scott (copy from A. G. O.), Document 9234-1891; 5—Statement of Porcupine, the Cheyenne, Document 24075-1890; 6—Blakely, September 30, 1890, Document 32876-1890; 7—Agent McLaughlin, October 17, 1890, Document 32670-1890; 8—Document 17236-1891; 9—Statement of Porcupine, Document 24075-1890; 10—Agent Bartholomew, December 15, 1890, Document 39419-1890; 11—Clipping from Santa Fé (New Mexico) News, December 11, 1890, Document 39419-1890; 12—Agent Plumb, Document 35519-1890; 13—ibid, Document 38743-1890; 14—ibid, Document 2178-1891; 15—Agent Fisher, Document 37097-1890; 16—Clipping from Omaha (Nebraska) Bee, February 10, 1891, Document 6155-1891; 17—Blakely and Captain Bowman, Document 32876-1890; 18—Agent Simons, Document 37859-1890; 19—Agent Warner, Document 37260-1890; 20—Agent McChesney, Document 18807-1890; Document 17024-1890; 21—Gallagher, Document 18482-1890; McChesney, 18807-1890; Wright, 18823-1890; McLaughlin, 19200-1890; 22—Cook letter, September 11, Document 30628-1890; 23—Special Agent Reynolds, September 25, 30046-1890; 24—Wright, December 5, 38608-1890; 25—McLaughlin, October 17, 32607-1890; 26—Royer, October 12, 32120-1890; 27—Palmer, October 29 and November 4, 34061-1890, 34656-1890; 28—Letters and telegrams, October 30 to November 21, from Royer, Palmer, Dixon, Belt, et al., 34060-1890; 34807-1890; 34904-1890; 34906-1890; 34910-1890; 35104-1890; 35105-1890; 35349-1890; 35412-1890; 35413-1890; 35831-1890; 36021-1890; 29—McLaughlin, November 19, 36346-1890; 30—President Harrison, November 13, 35104-1890; 31—Secretary Noble, December 1, 37003-1890; 32—Palmer, 35956-1890; Reynolds, 36011-1890; McLaughlin, 36022-1890; Royer, 36569-1890; 33—Noble, 37003-1890; Wright, 37174-1890; Palmer, 38688-1890; 34—McLaughlin, 36868-1890; 37465-1890; Cody order, 37559-1890; Belt, 39602-1890; 35—McLaughlin, December 24, 1890-26; 36—McLaughlin, 38860-1890; 39602-1890; December 24, 1890-26; Miles, 39535-1890; 37—General Miles, December 11, 39216-1890; 38—Miles, December 28, 1890-415; 39—Miles, December 30, 1890-504; 40—Royer, December 29, 40415-1890; Miles, December 29, 1890-414; 41—Miles, December 29, 1890-414; 42—Cooper, 40415-1890; 43—Royer, December 31, 1890-529; 44—Royer, January 2, 1891-145; 45—Miles order, January 12, 6040-1891; 46—Corbin, 7724-1891; military letters, etc, 10937-1891; Welsh, etc, 12772-1891; Burns, 12561-1891; 47—Documents 3512-1891; 7720-1891; 7976-1891; 10937-1891; 11944-1891; including statements of Acting Agent Captain Pierce, of army officers, Dr McGillycuddy, Indian survivors, and Deadwood Pioneer; 48—Kingsbury, 8217-1891; 49—Viroqua, 38445-1890; 50—Texas Ben, 36087-1890; Johnson, November 27, 1890; 51—Herrick, 37440-1890; 52—Belt, 8699-1893; Hopkins, 9979-1893; 11305-1893; 13243-1893; Browne, 14459-1893; 53—Scott, February 10, 9234-1891; 54—ibid; 55—Commissioner Morgan, November 24, 36342-1890; 36467-1890.

=Grinnell=, Dr =G. B.= See Journal of American Folk-lore; also article on Early Blackfoot History (American Anthropologist, Washington, April, 1892), and personal letters.

Dr Grinnell, editor of Forest and Stream, in New York city, and author of Pawnee Hero Stories and Blackfoot Lodge Tales, is one of our best authorities on the prairie tribes.

=Hamilton=, Rev. =William=. Autobiography. (Transactions and Reports of the Nebraska State Historical Society, I, 60–73. Lincoln, Nebraska, 1885. 8^o.)

1–72.

=Hayden, F. V.= Contributions to the ethnography and philology of the Indian tribes of the Missouri valley, etc. Prepared under the direction of Captain William F. Reynolds, T. E., U.S.A., and published by permission of the War Department. Philadelphia, 1862. 4^o.

=Heckewelder, J.= History, manners, and customs of the Indian nations who once inhabited Pennsylvania and the neighboring states. New and revised edition, with introduction and notes by Reverend William C. Reichel. Philadelphia, 1876. 8^o. Originally published in the Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, Vol. I.

1—291–293.

=Howard=, Gen. =O. O.= Nez Percé Joseph; an account of his ancestors, his lands, his confederates, his enemies, his murders, his war, his pursuit, and capture. By O. O. Howard, brigadier-general, U. S. A. New York, 1881. 12^o.

1—52; 2—64–72; 3—83.

=Huggins, E. L.= Smohalla, the prophet of Priest rapids. (Overland Monthly, February, 1891; vol. +XVII+, No. 98; second series, pages 208–215.)

Captain Huggins, now of the staff of General Miles, visited Smohalla in an official capacity about the same time as Major MacMurray. Some additional details were furnished by him in personal conversation with the author.

1—209; 2—209–215.

=Humboldt, A.= Political essay on the kingdom of New Spain, etc. Translated from the original French by John Black. London, 1811; 4 volumes, 8^o.

1—I, 200–203; IV, 262.

=Indian Informants.= (Among the Paiute in Nevada information and songs were obtained directly from Wovoka, the messiah, from his uncle, Charley Sheep, and others; among the Shoshoni and northern Arapaho in Wyoming, from Norcok, Shoshoni interpreter, Henry Reid, half-blood Cheyenne interpreter, Nakash, Sharp Nose, and others; at Pine Ridge, among the Sioux, from Fire-thunder, American Horse, Edgar Fire-thunder of Carlisle, Louis Menard and Philip Wells, mixed-blood interpreters, and others; among the Arapaho and Cheyenne in Oklahoma, from Black Coyote, Left-hand, Sitting Bull, Black Short Nose, and numerous others, and from the Carlisle students, Paul Boynton, Robert Burns, Clever Warden, Grant Left-hand, Jesse Bent, and others; among the Comanche, from Quanah, William Tivis (Carlisle) and his brother, Mo`tumi; among the Kiowa, from Biäñk̔i, Gunaoi, Tama (a woman), Igiagyähona (a woman), Mary Zoñtam, and others, with the Carlisle or Hampton students, Paul Setk′opti, Belo Cozad, and Virginia Stumbling Bear, and from Andres Martinez, a Mexican captive and interpreter; among the Caddo, from George Parton and his daughter Eliza, John Wilson, and Robert Dunlap, half-blood interpreter; among the Wichita, from the chief Towakoni Jim. Detailed information in regard to the Smohalla and Shaker beliefs and rituals among the Columbia river tribes was obtained in Washington from Charles Ike, half-blood Yakima interpreter, and chief Wolf Necklace of the Pälus.)

=Indian Office= [Ind. Off.]. (Documents on file in the Indian office, exclusive of those relating directly to the Ghost dance and Sioux outbreak of 1890, those being filed in separate cases labeled “Ghost Dance.” See Commissioner and Ghost Dance.)

1—Letter of Agent Graham to General Clark, dated February 22, 1827; 2—Document indorsed “The Kickapoo Prophet’s Speech,” dated St. Louis, February 10, 1827.

=Jackson, Helen= (“=H. H.=”). A century of dishonor. A sketch of the United States government’s dealings with some of the Indian tribes, etc. New edition, etc. Boston, 1885. 12^o.

=Janney, S. M.= The life of George Fox; with dissertations on his views concerning the doctrine, testimonies, and discipline of the Christian church, etc. Philadelphia, 1853. 8^o.

=Journal of American Folk-lore= [J. F. L.]. (An octavo quarterly magazine published at Boston.)

1—“The Ghost Dance in Arizona,” an article originally published in the Mohave Miner, and reprinted from the Chicago Inter-Ocean of June 25, 1891, in V, No. 16, January-March, 1892, pages 65–67; 2—ibid; 3—ibid; 4—Mrs Z. A. Parker, “The Ghost Dance at Pine Ridge,” from an article in the New York Evening Post of April 18, 1891, quoted in IV, No. 13, April-June, 1891, pages 160–162. The same number of the journal contains other notices of the messiah and the Ghost dance; 5—G. B. Grinnell, “Account of the Northern Cheyennes Concerning the Messiah Superstition,” in IV, No. 12, January-March, 1891, pages 61–69; 6—“Messianic Excitements among the White Americans,” from an article in the New York Times of November 30, 1890, in IV, No. 13, April-June, 1891; Rev. J. O. Dorsey, The Social Organization of the Siouan Tribes, in IV, No. 14, July-September, 1891.

=Keam, Thomas V.= Letters and oral information.

Mr Keam, of Keams Cañon, Arizona, has been for a number of years a trader among the Navaho and Hopi (Moki), speaks the Navaho language fluently, and takes an intelligent interest in everything relating to these tribes. He has furnished valuable information orally and by letter, together with much kind assistance while the author was in that country.

=Kendall, E. A.= Travels through the northern parts of the United States in the years 1807 and 1808. In three volumes. New York, 1809. 8^o.

1—II, 290; 2—II, 292 and 296; 3—II, 287; 4—II, 292.

=Lee=, Captain =J. M.= See Adjutant-General’s Office.

Additional information has been furnished by Captain Lee in personal letters and in conversation.

=Letter Book= [L. B.]. (The letter book of the Indian Office containing, among other things, letters bearing on the Ghost dance, supplementary to the documents in the “Ghost dance files.”)

1—Belt, October 8 and October 20, 205–287; 206–211; 2—Belt, November 15, 207–237; 3—Noble, 208–245.

=Lewis and Clark.= Explorations. Washington, 1806. 12^o.

The edition used is the earliest printed account, in the form of a message to Congress from the President, Thomas Jefferson, communicated February 19, 1806.

=McCullough, J.= See Pritts, J.

=McKenney, T. L.=, and =Hall, J.= History of the Indian tribes of North America, with biographical sketches and anecdotes of the principal chiefs. Embellished with one hundred and twenty portraits from the Indian gallery in the Department of War at Washington. In three volumes. Philadelphia, 1858. 8^o.

1—vol. 1, 64, 65.

=MacMurray=, Major =J. W.= [MacMurray MS.]. The Dreamers of the Columbia River valley in Washington Territory. A revised manuscript copy, with notes and other additions of an article originally read before the Albany Institute January 19, 1886, and published in the Transactions of the Albany Institute, +XI+, Albany, 1887, pages 240–248.

Under instructions from General Miles, commanding the Department of the Columbia, Major MacMurray, in 1884, made an official investigation of the Smohalla religion, with special reference to the Indian land grievances in that section, and his report on the subject contains a large body of valuable information.

=Mallery=, Colonel =Garrick=. Picture writing of the American Indians. (Tenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology (1888–89), 1–822. Washington, 1893. 8^o.)

1—290.

=Matthews=, Dr =Washington=. Ethnography and philology of the Hidatsa Indians. Washington, 1877. 8^o. (Published as No. 7 of Miscellaneous publications of the United States Geological Survey.)

—— (Personal letters and oral information.)

Dr Matthews, surgeon in the United States Army, lately retired, formerly stationed on the upper Missouri and afterward for several years at Fort Wingate, New Mexico, is the authority on the Navaho and Hidatsa Indians.

1—Letter of October 23, 1891; 2—ibid.

=Merrick, J. L.= Life and religion of Mohammed, as contained in the Sheeah tradition of the Hyat-ul-Kuloob; translated from the Persian. Boston, 1850. 8^o.

=Minnesota Historical Collections.= See Warren.

=Mormons.= The Mormons have stepped down and out of celestial government; the American Indians have stepped up and into celestial government. 8^o. 4 pages. (n. d.)

An anonymous leaflet, published apparently at Salt Lake City, Utah, about July, 1892, advertising a series of lectures on the fulfillment of Mormon prophecies through the Indian messiah movement and the Sioux outbreak.

=Nebraska Historical Society.= See Allis; Colby; Hamilton.

=Overland Monthly.= See Huggins.

=Parker, Z. A.= See Commissioner and Journal of American Folk-lore.

=Parkman, Francis.= The conspiracy of Pontiac, and the Indian war after the conquest of Canada. Two volumes. Boston, 1886. 8^o.

1—II, 328; 2—I, 207; 3—I, 183; 4—I, 187; 5—I, 255; 6—II, 311.

=Parr, Harriet.= The life and death of Jeanne d’Arc, called the Maid, etc. Two volumes, London, 1866. 12^o.

=Phister=, Lieut. =N. P.= The Indian Messiah. (American Anthropologist, Washington, +IV+, No. 2, April, 1891.)

A statement by Lieutenant Phister is also appended to the report of Captain lee on the abandonment of Fort Bidwell. See Adjutant-General’s Office.

1—American Anthropologist, +IV+, No. 2, 105–7; 2—ibid; 3—ibid.

=Powers, Stephen.= Tribes of California. (Vol. +III+ of Contributions to North American Ethnology; U. S. Geographical and Geological Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region.) Washington, 1877. 4^o.

=Prescott, W. H.= History of the Conquest of Mexico. Edited by John Foster Kirk. Three volumes. (1873?) Philadelphia. 12^o.

1—I, 61; 2—I, 346; 3—I, 309.

=Pritts, J.= Incidents of border life, illustrative of the times and condition of the first settlements in parts of the middle and western states, etc. Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, 1839. 8^o.

1—98 (McCullough’s narrative).

=Remy, J.=, and =Brenchley, J.= A Journey to Great Salt Lake City, with a sketch of the history, religion, and customs of the Mormons, and an introduction on the religious movement in the United States. Two vols., London, 1861. 8^o.

=Roosevelt, T.= In cowboy land. (Century Magazine, +XLVI+, No. 2, New York, June, 1893.)

1—283 (Century).

=Schaff, Philip.= A Religious Encyclopedia; or, dictionary of biblical, historical, doctrinal, and practical theology. Based on the Real-Encyklopädie of Herzog, Plitt, and Hauck. Edited by Philip Schaff, D. D., LL. D., professor in the Union Theological Seminary, New York, etc. Three volumes. Vol. +I+, New York, 1882. Large 8^o.

=Schoolcraft, H. R.= Historical and statistical information respecting the history, condition, and prospects of the Indian tribes of the United States. Collected and prepared under the direction of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, etc. Published by authority of Congress. Six volumes, 4^o. Philadelphia, 1851–1857.

1—IV, 240 (Fletcher); 2—IV, 259.

=Science.= See Dutton.

=Scott=, Capt. =H. L.= The Messiah dance in the Indian Territory. Essay for the Fort Sill lyceum, March, 1892 (manuscript).

Additional valuable information has been obtained from Captain Scott’s official reports on the Ghost dance (see Ghost Dance and Adjutant-General’s Office) and from personal letters and conversations.

=Scribner’s Magazine.= See Welsh.

=Shea, J. G.= History of the Catholic missions among the Indian tribes of the United States, 1529–1854. New York, (1855?). 12^o.

Contains references to the Columbia river missions.

=Short Bull.= Sermon delivered at the Red Leaf camp, October 31, 1890. Copy kindly furnished by George Bartlett, formerly of Pine Ridge agency, South Dakota. It appears also in the report of General Miles, in Report of the Secretary of War, Vol. +I+, 1891, 142.

=Sickels=, Miss =E. C.= (Notes and oral information in regard to the dance and songs at Pine Ridge.)

The author is also indebted to the kindness of Miss Sickels for the manuscript copy of Sword’s account of the Ghost dance.

=Snyder=, Colonel =Simon=. (Personal letter concerning the Sword-bearer outbreak of 1887.)

=Southey, Robert.= The life of Wesley and rise and progress of Methodism. By Robert Southey. Second American edition with notes, etc., by the Reverend David Curry, +A. M.+ Two volumes, New York, 1847. 12^o.

=Stenhouse=, Mrs =T. B. H.= Tell it all: The story of a life’s experience in Mormonism. Hartford, Connecticut, 1874.

Contains particular reference to the endowment robe.

=Stephen, A. M.= Letters and oral information.

The late Mr Stephen lived and studied for years among the Navaho, Hopi (Moki), Cohonino, and other Indians of northern New Mexico and Arizona, and was a competent authority on these tribes, particularly the Hopi, whose ethnology he was investigating in conjunction with Dr J. Walter Fewkes, for the Hemenway Archeological Expedition.

1—Letter of September 17, 1891; 2—Letter of November 22, 1891; 3—Oral information; 4—Letter of September 17, 1891.

=Sutherland, T. A.= Howard’s campaign against the Nez Percé Indians. By Thomas A. Sutherland, volunteer aid-de-camp on General Howard’s staff. Portland, Oregon, 1878. Pamphlet, 8^o.

1—39.

=Tanner, John.= A narrative of the captivity and adventures of John Tanner. New York, 1830. 8^o.

1—155–158.

=Thompson, A. H.= (Of the United States Geological Survey. Oral information concerning the religious ferment among the Paiute of Utah in 1875.)

=Treaties.= A compilation of all the treaties between the United States and the Indian tribes, now in force as laws. Prepared under the provisions of the act of Congress approved March 3, 1873, etc. Washington, 1873. 8^o.

1—439.

=Voth=, Rev. =H. R.= (Correspondence and notes.)

Mr Voth, now stationed among the Hopi, at Oraibi, Arizona, was formerly superintendent of the Mennonite Arapaho Mission, at Darlington, Oklahoma. Being interested in the ethnology and language of the Arapaho, he gave close attention to the Ghost dance during the excitement, and has furnished much valuable information, orally and by letter, in regard to the songs and ritual of the dance.

=War.= Annual report of the Secretary of War. Washington. 8^o. (Volumes quoted: 1877—I; 1881—I; 1888—I; 1891—I.)

1—Colonel Carr; Brevet Major-General Willcox, department commander, and Major-General McDowell, division commander, in Report 1881—I, 140–154; 2—Report of Brigadier-General Ruger and of Special Agent Howard, with other papers in the same connection, 1888—I; 3a—General Howard in Report, 1877, I, 630; 3b—(Referred to) Report of scout Arthur Chapman, 1891—I, 191–194; 4—Short Bull’s sermon, 1891—I, 142–143; 5—Report of General Brooke, ibid, 135–136; 6—Report of General Miles, ibid, 147–148; 7—Miles, ibid, 145; 8—Miles, ibid, 146–147; General Ruger, 182–183; Lieutenant-Colonel Drum, 194–197; Captain Fechét, 197–199; 9—Miles, ibid, 147; 10—Miles, ibid, 147 and 153; 11—Miles, ibid, 147; Ruger, 184; Lieutenant Hale, 200–201; Captain Hurst, 201–202; Lieutenant-Colonel Sumner, 224; 12—Miles, ibid, 147; Lieutenant-Colonel Sumner, etc, 209–238; 13—Miles, ibid, 150; 14—Miles, ibid, 150; 15—Ruger, ibid, 185; Maus, ibid, 214; 16—Miles, ibid, 130; 17—Miles, ibid, 130; 18—Miles, ibid, 150; 19—Miles, ibid, 154; 20—Miles, ibid, 151; 21—Miles, ibid, 151; 22—Miles, ibid, 152; 23—Miles, ibid, 152–153; 24—Report of Lieutenant Getty, ibid, 250–251; 25—Reports of Colonel Merriam, Lieutenant Marshall, et al., ibid, 220–223; 26—Miles, ibid, 154; 27—Miles, ibid, 154.

=Warren, W. W.= History of the Ojibways, based upon traditions and oral statements. (In collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, V. St. Paul, 1885.) 8^o.

1—321–324; 2—321–324.

=Welsh, Herbert.= The meaning of the Dakota outbreak. (Scribner’s Magazine, +IX+, No. 4; New York, April, 1891, pages 429–452.)

Mr Welsh is president of the Indian Rights Association, and a close and competent observer of Indian affairs.

1—445; 2—450; 3—452.

=Wickersham, James.= Tschaddam or Shaker religion. (Manuscript published almost entire in chapter +VIII+ herein, together with extracts from personal letters on the same subject.)

Judge James Wickersham is the historian of the state of Washington and the attorney for the Shaker Indian organization. He has devoted considerable attention to the Indians of the state, and is now engaged in preparing a monograph on the Nisqually tribe.

ERRATUM

From a letter of Judge James Wickersham, already quoted as an authority on the Shaker religion of the Columbia River tribes, it appears that Aiyal is not the same individual as Yowaluch, as was stated by our Yakima informants, who were doubtless deceived by the resemblance of sound. Judge Wickersham writes: “I know this man Aiyal, and he and Yowaluch, while great friends, are not the same person. Aiyal is a Cowlitz, and was sent by Yowaluch to the Yakima, together with John W. Simmons, to convert that tribe.”

INDEX TO PART 2

+Ă′ă kakimeawi′ut+, Caddo name of ghost dance, 791

+Aä′ninĕna+, an Arapaho division, 955

—, an Arapaho synonym, 1013

+Aanû′hawă+, an Arapaho division, 956

+Achoma′wi+, a Pit river band, 1052

+Adai+, a Caddo division, 1092

+Adaize+, a Caddo division, 1092

+Â′dal-k̔ato′igo+, a Sahaptin synonym, 744

+Ädalto′yui+, a Kiowa warrior order, 989

+Adams, Agent+, at Anadarko council, 913

+Adams, Wm.+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872

+Adventists+, account of the, 944

+Aes+, a Caddo division, 1092

+Afraid-of-him+, Biäñk̔i’s vision of, 910

+Aga′ih-tĭka′ra+, see +Fisheaters+.

+Agents+, knowledge of, concerning indians, 767

—, inconsiderateness of, 837

—, placed under military orders, 850

—, policy concerning, 828

—, replacement of, 845, 887

—, Sioux, ghost dance beyond control of, 850

—, Sioux, irresponsibility of, 833

+Agriculture+ of the Caddo, 1094

+Aha′känĕ′na+, an Arapaho warrior order, 988

+Ähyäto+, Kiowa name of the Arapaho, 953

+Aiyal+, correction concerning, 1111

—, see +Yowaluch, Louis+.

+Akokisa+, status of the, 1093

+Aliatan+, a synonym of Comanche, 1043

+Aliche+, a Caddo division, 1092

+Allis, Samuel+, on Kickapoo prayer stick, 697

+Almotu+, a Pälus village, 735

+Alone Man+, Catch-the-Bear killed by, 857

+American Horse+, acknowledgments to, 655

—, ghost-dance council held by, 820

— on Wounded Knee massacre, 869, 885

— on the Sioux outbreak, 839, 843

—, emissary to Bad-lands refugees, 867

—, Kicking Bear’s surrender effected by, 868

—, delegate to Washington, 891

+Americans+, indian belief of origin of, 721

—, indian regard for, 676

+Amulet+, Caddo, described, 904

+Anadarko+, a Caddo division, 1092

—, Kiowa council at, 913

+Angell, Henry+, in Sioux outbreak, 863

+Anointment+ of body, 1037

+Anos-anyotskano+, Kichai name of the Arapaho, 953

+Anskowĭ′nĭs+, a Cheyenne division, 1026

+Apache+, absence of ghost dance among, 805

— in ghost dance, 653, 802, 805, 898

— and Kiowa early warfare, 1079

—, medicine-man of the, 704

—, refusal of, to accept Äpiatañ’s report, 914

—, use of bull-roarer by, 975

+A′p-anĕka′ra+, Comanche name of ghost dance, 791

+Äpiatañ+, journey of, to the Sioux, 908

—, Kiowa delegate to Wovoka, 903, 911, 913

—, portrait of, 912

—, result of interview of, 911

—, report of messiah visit of, 913

—, report on messiah doctrine by, 900

—, medal presented to, 914

+Aqa′thinĕ′na+, an Arapaho division, 957

+Arapaho+, ceremonial smoking by the, 918

—, cycles of the, 701

—, delegation of, to Wovoka, 900

—, early knowledge of messiah by, 797

—, etymology of, 1013

—, features of ghost dance among, 802

—, ghost dance among the, 653, 786, 807, 817, 820, 895, 926, 927

—, ghost-dance doctrine spread by, 902

—, glossary of the, 1012

—, knowledge of messiah among, 894

— name of the Caddo, 1092

— name of the Cheyenne, 1023

— name of the Comanche, 1043

— name of ghost dance, 791

— name of the Kiowa Apache, 1081

— name of the Sioux, 1057

— police, acknowledgments to, 655

—, population of the, 957

—, religion of the, 775

—, sacred pipe of the, 1063

—, sketch of the, 954

—, songs of the, 958

—, symbolic representation of, 789

— tribal signs, 954

— tribal synonymy, 953

— visit of Äpiatañ to, 911

—, visit of, to Wovoka, 774, 807, 901

—, visit to the, 778

+Äräpa′kata+, Crow name of the Arapaho, 953, 1014

+Arcs Plats+, a synonym of Kutenai, 731

+Arikara+, ghost dance among the, 817

+Arizona+ visited by Smohalla, 719

+Armstrong, James+, visit of Kickapoo delegation to, 699

+Armstrong, R. B.+, prayer stick in possession of, 699

+Arnold, Mrs L. B.+, acknowledgments to, 655

— adoption of Sioux child by, 880

+Arrow+, medicine, ceremony of, 1026

+Arrow game+ of the Arapaho, 962

+Arrows+ of the Cheyenne, 1024

—, sacred, in Sioux ceremony, 823

—, sacred, in Sioux ghost dance, 788, 915, 916

—, symbolism of, in ghost dance, 789

+Äsatitola+, present name of Biäñk̔i, 909

+Asay, J. F.+, on mortality at Wounded Knee, 870

—, on Sioux ghost dance, 915

+Asinais+, a Caddo synonym, 1092

+Asiniboin+ and Cheyenne hostility, 1024

—, ghost dance among the, 817

—, Tenskwatawa religion among the, 679

+Atahnam+, a Yakima mission, 717

+Ä′tänûm-‛lĕma+, sketch of the, 738

+Atsina+, Blackfoot name of Gros Ventres, 955

+Atua′mih+, a Pit river band, 1052

+Authorities cited+, list of, 1104

+Awl game+ of plains tribes, 1002–1004

+Ayutan+, a synonym of Comanche, 1043

+Aztecs+, culture of the, 658

+Ba′achinĕna+, name of northern Arapaho, 954, 1014

+Bääku′ni+, Arapaho name of Paul Boynton, 971

+Bad Faces+, an Arapaho division, 957

+Bad lands+, flight of Sioux to, 850, 851, 861, 884

—, Sioux in, surrounded by troops, 866

—, return of Sioux from, 868

+Bad Pipes+, an Arapaho division, 956

+Bahakosĭn+, Caddo name of the Cheyenne 1023

+Bahwetegow-ēninnewug+, Ojibwa name of Gros Ventres, 955

+Ball+ of the Arapaho, 964

+Bancroft, George+, on French and Indian war, 663

—, on the Lenape, 662

+Bannock+ and Paiute affinity, 1048, 1051

—, early knowledge of messiah by, 802

—, ghost dance among, 785, 805, 807

—, messiah delegates among the, 894

—, Mormon emissaries among the, 704

—, Porcupine’s visit to the, 793

—, present habitat of the, 806

—, reception of, into Mormon church, 790

—, Tävibo among the, 701

—, visit of Äpiatañ among, 911

—, visit of, to Wovoka, 818

+Bannock Jim+, Wovoka confounded with, 765

+Bä′qati game+ described, 994

— in ghost song, 1036, 1075

+Bäqati wheel+, use of, in ghost dance, 1064

+Bark+, Cheyenne delegate to Wovoka, 895

+Bark+, cedar, headdress of, in Shaker ceremony, 761

+Bartlett, C. H.+, acknowledgments to, 655

—, prayer slick presented by, 698

+Bä′sawunĕ′na+, an Arapaho division, 955

+Basket+, mystic, in Columbia indian cosmology, 722

+Basket+ used in dice game, 1004

+Bathing+ in ghost-dance ceremony, 921

+Bäti′qtûba+ game of the Arapaho, 1007

+Battlelemuleemauch+, a Mitaui synonym, 734

—, an Okanagan division, 734

+Bed+ of prairie tribes, 963

+Be′dălpago+, Kiowa name of the whites, 978

+Beekman, Dora+, founder of the Beekmanites, 945

+Beekmanites+, account of, 945

+Bell+, —, a wilderness worshiper, 946

+Bells+ used in Shaker ceremony, 749, 755

— used in Smohalla worship, 730

+Bĕni’nĕna+, an Arapaho warrior society, 986

+Benoit, Felix+, interpreter in Sioux outbreak, 865

+Bent, George+, acknowledgments to, 655

—, on absence of clans among Cheyenne, 956

+Bent, Jesse+, acknowledgments to, 655

+Berliner, Emile+, acknowledgments to, 655

+Berry dance+ of northwestern indians, 728

+Be′shiltchă+, Kiowa synonym, 1078

+Bĕtidĕĕ+, Kiowa Apache name of the Arapaho, 953

+Biäñk̔i+, account of, 909–910

— compared with other prophets, 930

—, influence of, in ghost dance, 914

+Bible+, Shaker regard for the, 750, 755

+Bidai+, status of the, 1093

+Big Foot+, complaints by band of, 836

—, excitement among band of, 848

—, game-wheel carried by band of, 1075

—, ghost dance at camp of, 847, 853

— joined by Sitting Bull’s warriors, 860

—, participation of, in Sioux outbreak, 861

—, arrest of band of, 876

—, surrender of, 867

—, second flight of, 865

—, military movement against, 864

—, illness of, 868

— killed at Wounded Knee, 870

+Big Road+ as a peacemaker, 887

—, delegate to Washington, 891

—, emissary to Bad-lands refugees, 867

+Billy John+, see +Sha′awĕ+.

+Bird head+, use of, in battle, 790

+Birds+, stuffed, used in ghost dance, 916

+Bitahi′nĕna+, an Arapaho warrior order, 988

+Bitäye+, another name of Sitting Bull, 896

+Black, Buffalo+, a ghost-dance leader, 902

+Black Coal+, an Arapaho chief, 956

—, opposition of, to ghost dance, 808

+Black Coyote+, an Arapaho ghost-dance leader, 897, 898

—, acknowledgments to, 655

—, sacred paint obtained by, 1029

—, song rehearsal in tipi of, 819

—, visit of, to Wovoka, 774, 775, 894, 900, 903

+Blackfeet+, a Teton division, 1059

—, absence of ghost dance among, 816, 817

—, dog soldiers of the, 986

—, eagle trapping by the, 993

—, former union of, with Cheyenne, 1025

—, native name of the, 957

—, name of Gros Ventres by, 955

—, Tenskwatawa religion among the, 680

+Black Fox+, firing at Wounded Knee begun by, 869

+Black hills+ formerly occupied by Kiowa, 1079

— inhabited by Cheyenne, 1024

—, result of settlement of, 825, 826, 1059

+Black-leg people+, a Kiowa warrior order, 989

+Black Short Nose+, acknowledgments to, 655

—, an Arapaho chief, 956

—, Wovoka’s message delivered by, 780

+Blood+, use of, in Sioux arrow ceremony, 823

+Blowing+ in Shaker ceremonial, 761

+Blue Cloud people+, an Arapaho synonym, 789

+Blue Whirlwind+, portrait of, 877

—, wounding of, at Wounded Knee, 869

+Bobbydoklinny+, see +Nakai-doklĭ′ni+.

+Bodălk̔iñago+, Kiowa name of the Comanche, 1043

+Bone+, arrowheads of, in Sioux ceremony, 823

+Bone, Albert S.+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872

+Boston men+, application of name, 721

+Bot-k̔iñ′ago+, Kiowa name of Gros Ventres, 955

+Bourke, J. G.+, acknowledgments to, 655

—, on Apache medicine-man, 704

—, on Apache use of bull-roarer, 975

—, on necklaces of human fingers, 1024

+Bow, sacred+, in Sioux ceremony, 823

—, in Sioux ghost-dance, 788

+Boynton, Paul+, acknowledgments to, 655

—, ghost song composed by, 971

—, experience of, while in trance, 923

+Braddock+, Pontiac at defeat of, 668

+Brinton, D. G.+, cited on white deliverer among indians, 658

+Broken Arm+, delegate to Wovoka, 820

+Brooke, Gen. J. R.+, troops under, in Sioux outbreak, 850

—, operations of, in Sioux outbreak, 875, 882

—, on reduction of Sioux rations, 845

—, conference of, with Sioux chiefs, 867

+Brown, A. J.+, mission of, 946

+Brown, J. P.+, quoted on the Dervishes, 948

+Browne, H. G.+, acknowledgments to, 655

+Brulés+, a Teton division, 1058

—, ghost dance among the, 847

+Brunot+, —, on Columbia river land reserve, 709

+Buffalo+, ceremony for restoration of, 906

—, effect of extermination of, 825, 829, 831, 833

— hair used in medicine, 1033

— hunting by the Sioux, 824

— hunting, how conducted, 1071

— in Biäñk̔i’s vision, 910

— in ghost-dance doctrine, 821, 1064

— in Sioux mythology, 1063

—, indian dependence on, 980

—, Kiowa belief concerning, 906

—, belief in restoration of, 799, 907, 1088

— skull, use of, in Sioux ceremony, 822

—, vision of, 797, 821

+Buffalo Bill+, see +Cody, W. F.+

+Buffalo Black+, see +Black+.

+Buffalo-eaters+, name applied to the Bannock, 1051

+Buffalo gap+, appearance of troops at, 850

+Bull Head+, Sioux police under, 855

— at arrest of Sitting Bull, 857

—, Sitting Bull shot by, 857

— shot by Catch-the-Bear, 857

— killed in Sitting-Bull fight, 858

+Bull-roarer+ of the Arapaho, 974, 975

+Burns, Robert+, acknowledgments to, 655

+Caddo+, account of the, 1092

—, clan system of the, 956

—, delegation of, to Wovoka, 901, 903

—, ghost-dance among the, 653, 786, 802, 895, 898, 902, 905, 926, 927

—, glossary of the, 1102

— name of ghost dance, 791

— name of the Arapaho, 953

— name of the Cheyenne, 1023

— name of the Comanche, 1043

— name of the Kiowa Apache, 1081

— name of the Sioux, 1057

— name of the Wichita, 1095

—, refusal of, to accept Äpiatañ’s report, 914

—, songs of the, 1096

—, synonymy of the, 1092

—, tribal sign of the, 1092

+Caddoan stock+, tribes composing the, 1092

+Cadodaquio+, a Caddo synonym, 1092

+Cailloux+, a Cayuse synonym, 743

+Calendar+, Kiowa, pictography of, 906, 907, 909

+Calispel+, a synonym of Pend d’Oreille, 731

+Campbell, Frank+, account of Täviho by, 702

+Camping+ by prairie tribes, 1073

+Camping circle+ of the Arapaho, 956

— of the Cheyenne, 1026

— of the Kiowa, 1080

— of the Sioux, 1058

+Candles+ used in Shaker ceremony, 755, 761, 762

+Can’t-hold-it+, Biäñk̔i’s vision of, 910

+Capron, Captain+, troops under, at Pine Ridge, 850

+Captain Dick+, account of ghost dance by, 784

+Captor+, another name of Sitting Bull, 896

+Cardinal points+, fires at, in ghost dance, 915

— in ghost dance, 789

— in Sioux ceremony, 823

—, smoke offering to, 918, 1063

+Carignan+, —, on movements of Sitting Bull, 855

+Carlisle students+ as messiah delegates, 900

— in ghost dance, 923, 924, 971, 1038

+Carr, Gen. E. A.+, arrest of Nakai-doklĭ′ni by, 705

—, operations of, in Sioux outbreak, 882

—, troops under, in Sioux outbreak, 850

+Carroll, Major+, Porcupine’s account made to, 793

+Cascade indians+, a Kwikwûlĭt synonym, 741

+Casey, Lieut. E. W.+, killed in Sioux outbreak, 872, 888

+Caswall+, —, on the Kentucky revival, 943

+Cataka+, a synonym of Kiowa Apache, 1081

+Catch-the-Bear+, an adherent of Sitting Bull, 857

— killed in Sitting Bull fight, 857

+Catlin, George+, on Känakûk, 692, 697

—, on meaning of Känakûk, 693

—, on Shawano prophet, 673

—, on Shawano religion among Blackfeet, 680

—, on Tecumtha, 691

—, visit of, to Känakûk, 696

+Cautantouwit+, an Algonquian god, 982

+Caygua+, a Kiowa synonym, 1078

+Cayuse+ and Klûkatät hostility, 738

— opinion of land assignments, 710

—, present habitat of the, 805

—, sketch of the, 743

+Cedar+, sacred regard for, 809, 979

— used in ghost dance, 911, 921

+Cedar Tree+, hypnotism performed by, 924

+Celilo+, Smohalla performances at, 725

+Cenis+, a Caddo synonym, 1092

+Ceremonial+, see +Ritual+.

+Ceremonial smoking+ by the Arapaho, 918

+Ceremony+ of the ghost dance, 915

+Chahrarat+, Pawnee name of the Sioux, 1057

+Cha′k̔anĭ′nă+, a Caddo mythic cave, 1093

+Chämnä′+, location of, 739

+Chämnä′pûm+, sketch of the, 739

+Chapman, Arthur+, interview of, with Wovoka, 766

+Chasing Hawk+, vision of, 797, 821

+Cha‛tha+, Arapaho name of the Comanche, 1043

+Chaudière+, a Colville synonym, 732

+Cheeschapahdisch+, see +Cheez-tah-paezh+.

+Cheez-tah-paezh+, account of, 706

—, see +Sword-bearer+.

+Chehalis+ membership in Shaker church, 759

—, Shaker religion among the, 747

+Chekisschee+, a Lower Spokan synonym, 732

+Chemehuevi+, a Paiute offshoot, 1048

—, ghost dance among the, 805, 814

+Cherokee+ and Iroquois treaty, 670

—, cedar in mythology of, 809

— conception of the sun, 971

— myth of the cedar, 979

—, peace pipe of the, 1063

—, power of Shawano prophet among, 676

—, sacred regard of, for the crow, 982

—, sacred regard of, for the eagle, 1100

+Cheschopah+, see +Cheez-tah-paezh+.

+Chese-cha-pahdish+, see +Cheez-tah-paezh+.

+Chese-Topah+, see +Cheez-tah-paezh+.

+Cheyenne+, absence of clans among, 956

— and Kiowa early warfare, 1079

— and Sioux early warfare, 1059

—, Arapaho warrior order derived from, 988

— delegates, visit of, to Wovoka, 774, 778, 817, 894, 900, 901

—, effect of Porcupine’s visit on the, 819

—, fires built by, in ghost dance, 921

—, former habitat of the, 1029

—, ghost dance among the, 653, 786, 802, 817, 895, 915, 926, 927

—, ghost-dance doctrine spread by, 902

—, glossary of the, 1039

—, knowledge of messiah among, 894

— name of the Arapaho, 953

— name of the Comanche, 1043

— name of the Kiowa Apache, 1081

— name of the Sioux, 1057

— notion concerning thunder, 969

—, population of the, 1025

—, religion of the, 775

—, reservation experience of the, 833

— scouts in Sioux outbreak, 867, 881

—, sketch of the, 1024

—, songs of the, 1028

—, Sword-bearer among the, 706

—, symbolic representation of, 789

—, synonymy of the, 1023

—, tribal divisions of the, 1025

+Cheyenne River agency+, delegates from, to Washington, 891

—, delegates from, to Wovoka, 820

—, indians of, in Sioux outbreak, 885

—, table of rations at, 839

—, waning of ghost dance at, 846

+Children+ killed at Wounded Knee, 876, 877, 885

+Chilluckittequaw+, a Chilû′ktkwa synonym, 741

+Chilû′ktkwa+, sketch of the, 741

+Chimnahpum+, a Chämnä′pûm synonym, 739

+Chimnapoos+, a Chämnä′pûm synonym, 739

+Chinachichibat+, native name of Dog soldiers, 986

+Chĭ′nachinĕ′na+, an Arapaho priestly order, 989

+Chinese+, indian belief of origin of, 721

+Chinook+, hypnotism among the, 762

+Chivington+ and Wounded Knee massacres compared, 881

+Chohoptins+, a Sahaptin synonym, 744

+Chopunnish+, a Pä′lus synonym, 735

—, a Sahaptin synonym, 744

+Christianity+, effect of, on indian ceremonials, 718

—, influence of, in indian religion, 699

—, influence of, in Shaker religion, 750, 761

—, influence of, on the Kiowa, 1088

—, see +Civilization+.

+Chualpay+, a Colville synonym, 732

+Chumâ′wa+, a Pit river band, 1052

+Civilization+, effect of, on Arapaho and Cheyenne, 1027

—, effect of, on indians, 675, 829

—, effect of, on savagery, 669

—, effect of, on the Caddo, 1094

—, see +Christianity+.

+Clams, Billy+, a Shaker enthusiast, 756

+Clan system+ unknown to Arapaho, 956

— unknown to Comanche, 1044

— unknown to Kiowa, 1079

+Clark, General+, visit to, by Känakûk, 693–694

+Clark, W. P.+, on Cheyenne characteristics, 1027

—, on Cheyenne divisions, 1025

—, on Cheyenne early habitat, 1024, 1029

—, on meaning of Hunkpapa, 1059

—, on meaning of Ogalala, 1058

—, on Sioux characteristics, 1059

+Clarke, Ben+, on absence of clans among Cheyenne, 956

+Claws+, animal, use of, in battle, 790

— attached to amulet, 904

— used in ghost dance, 916

+Clickahut+, a Klû′kătät synonym, 738

+Clickitat+, a Klû′kătät synonym, 738

+Cloud Horse+, visit of, to Wovoka, 797, 819

+Club men+, an Arapaho warrior order, 987

+Cody, W. F.+, ordered to arrest Sitting Bull, 854

+Cœur d’Alênes+, present habitat of, 805

—, sketch of the, 733

+Coffey, Dora S.+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872

+Cohonino+, ghost dance among the, 785, 811

+Colby, Gen. L. W.+, acknowledgments to, 655

—, in Sioux outbreak, 876

—, letter from McGillycuddy to, 831

—, on close of Sioux outbreak, 888

—, on killing of Lieutenant Casey, 889

—, on mortality at Wounded Knee, 871

—, on second encounter at Wounded Knee, 882

—, on Sioux outbreak, 861, 867

—, Sioux child adopted by, 879

+Color+, differentiation of, by indians, 1032

—, sacred, red as a, 1037

— symbolism in ghost dance, 919

— symbolism in Shaker ceremony, 761

— symbolism in Smohalla ritual, 725, 729

+Columbia region+, tribes of the, 731

+Columbia River indians+ defined, 716

—, a synonym of Wa′napŭm, 735

— in Shaker church, 759

—, Smohalla doctrine among, 716

+Columbias+, an Isle de Pierre synonym, 734

+Colville+, sketch of the, 732

+Comanche+, absence of clans among, 956

— and Kiowa early warfare, 1079

— drawings of the ghost dance, 1060

—, ghost dance among the, 653, 901, 926–927

—, Kiowa inferior to the, 1080

— myth concerning thunderbird, 968

— name of the Arapaho, 954

— name of the Caddo, 1092

— name of the Cheyenne, 1023

— name of the ghost dance, 791

— name of the Kiowa Apache, 1081

— name of the Sioux, 1057

— name of the whites, 703, 978

— name of the Wichita, 1095

—, sketch of the, 1043

—, songs of the, 1046

—, synonymy of the, 1043

—, tribal sign of the, 1043

+Condorcanqui+, Peruvian insurrection under, 660

+Conrad, Captain+, orders Selwyn to visit Kuwapi, 799

+Consecration+ of dance ground, 918

— of the earth, 924

— of feathers, 919

+Cook, R. L.+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872

+Cooke, C. S.+, interpreter for Sioux delegation, 891

+Coolidge, Sherman+, acknowledgments to, 655

+Cooper, A.+, acknowledgments to, 655

+Cooshatti+, see +Koasati+.

+Coospellar+, a synonym of Pend d’Oreille, 731

+Copunnish+, a Sahaptin synonym, 744

+Corn+, Arapaho mythic origin of, 959

— in Caddo mythology, 1093

— in Cheyenne mythology, 1027

— Sioux mythic origin of, 1063

— pollen used in Navaho ceremonies, 705

+Coronado+ on indian dependence on buffalo, 980

+Corpse-from-a-scaffold+, a Cheyenne division, 1026

+Corwine, R. W.+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872

+Cosĭ′spä+, see +Kasĭ′spä+.

+Cosmology+ explained by Smohalla, 720

— of the Arapaho, 959, 983

— of the Caddo, 1093

— of the Cherokee, 971

— of Columbia tribes, 722

— of the Paiute, 1050

+Costello, John+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872

+Costume+ of ghost dancers, 788, 814, 916

—, see +Ghost shirt+.

+Coteea′kun+, see +Kotai′aqan+.

+Cotonné+, a synonym of Kutenai, 731

+Cottonoi+, a synonym of Kutenai, 731

+Cottonwood+ in Paiute ghost song, 1055

—, sacred character of, 968

—, use of, by indians, 967

+Coutanie+, a synonym of Kutenai, 731

+Coville, F. V.+, acknowledgments to, 655

+Cowejo+, name applied to Wovoka, 705

+Cowlitz+ membership in Shaker church, 759

+Coxe, D.+, on Turtle river, 1029

+Coyote men+, duties of, 985

+Cozad, Belo+, acknowledgments to, 655

+Craft, Father+, regard of indians for, 874

—, at battle of Wounded Knee, 872

—, wounded at Wounded Knee, 878

+Crazy dance+ of the Arapaho, 988

—, description of the, 1033

+Crazy men+, an Arapaho warrior order, 988

+Cree+, absence of ghost dance among, 817

— name of the Cheyenne, 1023

—, Tenskwatawa religion among the, 679

+Creek indians+, power of Shawano prophet among, 676

—, Tecumtha among the, 687

—, war of the, 677

+Cremation+ practiced by the Shawano, 674

+Crook, General+, Sioux commissioner, 839

—, Sioux regard for, 826

+Cross+, sign of, in Shaker religion, 748, 761

—, symbolism of the, 1011

+Crow+, personification of the, 1001, 1035, 1038, 1068

—, reference to, in ghost song, 978, 984, 994, 997, 1031

—, sacred regard for the, 919, 982, 1072

—, symbolism of the, 823, 1072

+Crow creek+, control of indians at, 849

+Crow dance+ described, 921

—, organization of, 901

+Crow Dog+, ghost dance led by, 847

—, removal of, advised, 844

—, flight of, to Bad lands, 884

—, surrender of, 868

+Crow feathers+, indians defrauded with, 999

—, sacred regard for, 1034

+Crow Foot+ killed in Sitting Bull fight, 858–859

+Crow indians+, absence of ghost dance among, 816

—, account of medicine-man of, 706

—, and Sioux early warfare, 1059

—, hostility of the, 707

—, name of the Arapaho by, 953, 1013

—, scouts in the Nez Percé war, 714

—, scouts in Sioux outbreak, 850, 881

—, symbolic representation of, 789

+Crow Woman+, name applied to Mo‘ki, 1038

+Crucifix+ used in Shaker ceremonies, 755

+Cuimnapum+, a Chämnä′pûm synonym, 739

+Culbertson brothers+, outlaws, account of, 889

+Cumanche+, a synonym of Comanche, 1043

+Cummings, Pierce+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872

+Custer massacre+, references to, 825, 860, 1059

—, and Wounded Knee affair compared, 881

+Custer war+, Cheyenne in the, 1025

—, Sioux compensated for losses in, 891

+Cutsahnim+, a Yä′kĭmá synonym, 737

+Cycles+ of time among indians, 701

+Dakota+, a synonym of Sioux, 1057

—, geographic location of, 826

—, nonagricultural character of, 838

+Dalles indians+, a Wasko synonym, 741

+Dance+, berry, of northwestern indians, 728

—, friendship, introduced by Pa′thĕskĕ, 700

—, mortuary, of northwestern indians, 728

—, salmon, of northeastern indians, 728

— of Arapaho warrior orders, 987

— of the Dervishes, 950

— of Saint John, account of, 935

—, see +Crazy dance+, +Crow dance+, +Ghost dance+, +Omaha dance+.

+Dance wheel+ of the Apache, 704

+Dä′sha-i+, a Caddo synonym, 1092

+Da′tekañ+, mystic performances of, 906

+Dawes, Senator+, telegram to, on Sioux trouble, 835

+Delaware indians+, account of, 1095

—, delegation of, to Wovoka, 903

—, final defeat of, 672

—, ghost-dance doctrine among, 786, 902

—, opposition of the, to Tecumtha, 684

+Delaware prophet+, account of the, 662

+Deoñ+, acknowledgments to, 655

+Dervishes+, hypnotism among the, 948

+Dĕ′sa+, a Caddo synonym, 1092

+Des Chutes+ (+Lower+), a Waiäm synonym, 741

+De Soto+, Caddo encountered by, 1094

+Detsăna′yuka+, a Comanche band, 1044

+Detsekayaa+, Caddo name of the Arapaho, 953

+Devil+, indian idea of the, 1031

+De Vreede, Jan+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872

+Dice game+ of the Arapaho, 1004–1005

+Diggers+, application of term, 1048

—, ghost dance among the, 804

+Disease+ cured by ghost dance, 786

—, indian notion of origin of, 721

+Ditsä′kăna+, a Comanche band, 1044

+Dock-spus+, a Tûkspû′sh synonym, 743

+Doctrine+ of the ghost dance, 777

+Do‛gu′at+, Kiowa name of the Wichita, 1095

+Dog men+, a Cheyenne division, 1026

—, an Arapaho warrior order, 988

+Dog River indians+, a Kwikwûlĭt synonym, 741

+Dog soldiers+, insignia of the, 987

—, sketch of the, 986

+Do′k̔ănă+, Comanche name for Wichita, 1095

+Dorsey, J. O.+, on Omaha game, 1008

—, on Siouan camping circles, 1058

—, on Siouan names of the Sioux, 1057

+Dow, Lorenzo+, on the Kentucky revival, 943

+Drake, B.+, on losses at Prophet’s town, 689

—, on Tecumtha, 672, 684, 686, 691

+Dreamer religion+ in the northwest, 713, 719

+Dreams+ as part of Shaker religion, 748

— confounded by indians, 666

—, divination by, 716, 723

— in ancient times, 929

—, indian belief in, 673

—, scarification as a result of, 898

—, see +Hypnotism+, +Trance+, +Vision+.

+Drexel mission+ during Wounded Knee trouble, 874

+Drum+ in Caddo mythology, 1093

— in Crow dance, 922

— in Smohalla ritual, 725

+Drum, Colonel+, indian police praised by, 860

—, ordered to arrest Sitting Bull, 855

+Duck+ in Arapaho mythology, 959

+Dull Knife+, a Cheyenne leader, 1025

+Dunbar, J. B.+, on etymology of Arapaho, 1013

+Dunlap, Robert+, acknowledgments to, 655

+Dunmoi, Laura+, Äpiatañ’s letter read by, 911

+Dunn+, —, in Sioux outbreak, 865

+Dutton, C. E.+, on submerged trees of Columbia river, 722

+Dyer, A. C.+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872

+Dyer, D. B.+, acknowledgments to, 655

—, guide on visit to Wovoka, 768

—, interpreter on visit to Wovoka, 771

+Dzĭtsĭstäs+, a synonym of Cheyenne, 1023

+Eagle+ represented on ghost shirts, 798, 823

—, sacred regard for the, 919, 982, 992, 1072, 1100

—, vision of, in ghost dance, 917

—, when killed by the Caddo, 1093, 1100

+Eagle-bone+ whistle used by medicine-man, 868

+Eagle feathers+ in Cohonino ceremony, 813

—, on ghost shirts, 798

—, sacred use of, 992

—, song pertaining to, 1100

—, use of, by Wovoka, 776

— used in ghost dance, 916, 979, 1099, 1101

— used in hypnotism, 923, 925

+Eagle Pipe+, flight of, to Bad lands, 884

+Eagles+, how trapped by the Arapaho, 992

— kept by pueblo tribes, 992

+Earth+, personification of the, 1096, 1099

—, regeneration of the, 959, 1051, 1073

—, sacred regard for the, 918

—, turtle as a symbol of, 976

+Earthquake+, effect of, on the Creek, 687

—, myth concerning, 976

—, reference to, in Cheyenne song, 1028

+Eater+, see +Biäñk̔i+.

+Eaters+, a Cheyenne division, 1026

+Echebool+, a Tlaqluit synonym, 740

+Echeloot+, a Tlaqluit synonym, 740

+Eclipse+, how regarded by indians, 674

—, Paiute notion of, 773

— predicted by Smohalla, 720

—, Wovoka entranced during, 771

+Eclipses+, calendar of, in Nevada, 774

+Edson, Casper+, Arapaho delegate to Wovoka, 900

—, Wovoka’s letter written by, 780

+Education+, how regarded by the Sioux, 837

—, see +Christianity+, +Civilization+.

+Edwards, Captain+, in Sword-bearer affair, 707

+Edwardsville+, treaty of, 692

+Eells, Edwin+, attitude of, toward Shaker religion, 756

+Eells, Myron+, acknowledgments to, 655

—, attitude of, toward Shaker religion, 756

—, on Shaker religion, 747

—, on Slocum’s trance, 746

+Elliott, George+, killed at Wounded Knee, 872

+Eloot+, a Tlaqluit synonym, 740

+Emankina+, Biäñk̔i’s vision of, 910

+Endowment robe+ of the Mormons, 790

+Eneeshur+, a Tapänäsh synonym, 740

+English+, indian belief of origin of, 721

—, indian regard for the, 676

+Enteatkeon+, a tribe mentioned by Stevens, 736

+E’pea+, Biäñk̔i’s vision of, 910

+Epidemics+ among the Sioux, 830, 840

+Estakéwach+, a Pit river band, 1052

+Etsitü′biwat+, a Comanche band, 1045

+Evans+ on French prophets, 939

— on the Kentucky revival, 942

— on the Shakers, 942

+Evĭ′sts-unĭ′‛pahĭs+, a Cheyenne division, 1025

+Ewers, Capt. E. P.+, ordered to arrest Hump, 862

—, Sitting Bull’s fugitives surrendered to, 862

+Eyackimah+, a Yäk̔ĭma synonym, 737

+Eyeish+, a Caddo division, 1092

+Facial painting+ by the Arapaho, 971

—, ceremonial, 1037

— in Smohalla ceremony, 729

—, see +Painting+.

+Fall indians+, a synonym of Gros Ventres, 955

+Fast Thunder+, conduct of, in Sioux outbreak, 884

— on the Sioux outbreak, 839

+Fasting+ as a medium for trances, 700

— during eagle trapping, 993

— preliminary to ghost dance, 822

+Feast+, ghost dance accompanied by, 1038

— in Smohalla ceremony, 729

—, sacred, in Sioux ceremony, 824

+Feather+, ghost-dance ceremony of the, 909, 919

+Feathers+ as medium of exchange, 992

— as protecting “medicine”, 790

— attached to amulet, 904

—, ceremonial use of, 999

—, crow, indians defrauded with, 901

—, crow, sacred regard for, 1034

—, eagle, attached to ghost shirts, 798

—, eagle, Caddo sacred use of, 1093

—, eagle, in Cohonino ceremony, 813

—, eagle, sacred use of, 992

—, eagle, song pertaining to, 1100

—, eagle, used in hypnotism, 923, 925

—, eagle, used in ghost dance, 916, 979, 1099, 1101

—, eagle, used in war bonnets, 1072

—, head, of the Arapaho, 964, 965

— in Smohalla ceremony, 729

—, Kiowa robe of, 906

—, magpie, ceremonial use of, 999

—, magpie, presented by Wovoka, 901

—, magpie, prized by Paiute, 775

—, sacred use of, by Wovoka, 776

—, symbolism of, in ghost dance, 789

—, turkey, on Cheyenne arrows, 1024

— used in Crow dance, 922

—, use of, in ghost dance, 786, 919, 1084

+Fechét, Capt. E. G.+, at arrest of Sitting Bull, 856, 857

—, pursuit of Sitting Bull’s warriors by, 858

+Fewkes, J. W.+, on Hopi use of bull-roarer, 975

+Few Tails+ affair, account of, 889, 890

+Fifth-monarchy men+, account of, 938

+Fingers+, human, necklace of, 1024

+Fire+, forest, how regarded by indians, 808

— handling by crazy dancers, 1033

— in Caddo mythology, 1093

— in ghost-dance circle, 915, 921

— in ghost-dance doctrine, 786

—, in Paiute dance circle, 802

—, Paiute mythic origin of, 1051

—, sacred, method of making, 668

—, sacred regard for, 919, 1070

— tabued, in certain ghost dances, 802

+Fire Thunder+, acknowledgments to, 655

—, visit of, to Wovoka, 894

+Fisheaters+, a Paiute band, 818, 1051

+Fiske, John+, on turtle in primitive mythology, 976

+Flag+, heraldic, of Smohalla, 725, 726

—, use of, in ghost dance, 823

+Flagellants+, account of the, 935

+Flags+ used in Smohalla ceremony, 729

+Flatbow+, a synonym of Kutenai, 731

+Flathead indians+, land treaty with, 731

—, present habitat of, 805

+Fletcher, Agent+, on Winnebago cycles, 701