The Elizabethan Stage, Vol. 4 (part 2 of 3)

The Elizabethan Stage, Vol. 4 (part 2 of 3)

[Summary and Extracts.] The book, which is ‘made dialogue-wise’ between Spudeus and Philoponus, who does most of the denunciation, is not confined to the stage, but is a comprehensive analysis of contemporary frailty. Epistle to Phillip Earl of Arundel. Preface to the Reader. P. x. ‘Wheras in the processe of this my booke, I haue intreated of certen exercyses vsually practised amongest vs, as namely of Playes and Enterludes.... I would not haue thee so to take mee, as though my speaches tended to the overthrowe and vtter disliking of all kynd of exercyses in generall: that is nothing my simple meaning. But the particulare Abuses which are crept into euery one of these seuerall exercyses is the only thing which I think worthie of reprobation. For otherwise (all Abuses cut away) who seeth not that some kind of playes, tragedies and enterluds, in their own nature are not only of great ancientie, but also very honest and very commendable exercyses, being vsed and practised in most Christian common weales, as which containe matter (such they may be) both of doctrine, erudition, good example, and wholsome instruction; and may be vsed, in tyme and place conuenient, as conducible to example of life and reformation of maners. For such is our grosse and dull nature, that what thing we see opposite before our eyes, do pearce further and printe deeper in our harts and minds, than that thing which is hard onely with the eares.... But being vsed (as now commonly they be) to the prophanation of the Lord his sabaoth, to the alluring and inuegling of the People from the blessed word of God preached, to Theaters and vnclean assemblies, to ydlenes, vnthriftynes, whordome, wantonnes, drunkennes, and what not; and which is more, when they are vsed to this end, to maintaine a great sort of ydle Persons, doing nothing but playing and loytring, hauing their lyuings of the sweat of other Mens browes, much like vnto dronets deuouring the sweet honie of the poore labouring bees, than are they exercyses (at no hand) sufferable. But being vsed to the ends that I haue said, they are not to be disliked of any sober and wise Christian.’ The Maner of Sanctifiyng the Sabaoth in Ailgna. P. 137. ‘Some spend the Sabaoth day (for the most part) in frequenting of baudie Stage-playes and enterludes.’ P. 140. Of Stage-playes and Enterluds, with their wickednes. ‘All Stage-playes, Enterluds, and Commedies are either of diuyne or prophane matter: If they be of diuine matter, then are they most intollerable, or rather Sacrilegious; for that the blessed word of God is to be handled reuerently, grauely, and sagely, with veneration to the glorious Maiestie of God, which shineth therin, and not scoffingly, flowtingly, and iybingly, as it is vpon stages in Playes and Enterluds, without any reuerence, worship, or veneration to the same. The word of our Saluation, the price of Christ his bloud, & the merits of his passion, were not giuen to be derided and iested at, as they be in these filthie playes and enterluds on stages & scaffolds, or to be mixt and interlaced with bawdry, wanton shewes, & vncomely gestures, as is vsed (euery Man knoweth) in these playes and enterludes.... Doo these Mockers and Flowters of his Maiesty, these dissembling Hipocrites, and flattering Gnatoes, think to escape vnpunished? beware, therfore, you masking Players, you painted sepulchres, you doble dealing ambodexters, be warned betymes, and, lik good computistes, cast your accompts before, what wil be the reward therof in the end, least God destroy you in his wrath: abuse God no more, corrupt his people no longer with your dregges, and intermingle not his blessed word with such prophane vanities. For at no hand it is not lawfull to mixt scurrilitie with diuinitie, nor diuinitie with scurrilitie.... Vpon the other side, if their playes be of prophane matters, than tend they to the dishonor of God, and norishing of vice, both which are damnable. So that whither they be the one or the other, they are quite contrarie to the Word of grace, and sucked out of the Deuills teates to nourish vs in ydolatrie, hethenrie, and sinne. And therfore they, cariyng the note, or brand, of God his curse vppon their backs, which way soeuer they goe, are to be hissed out of all Christian kingdomes, if they wil haue Christ to dwell amongst them.’ Quotes the Fathers and ancients against histriones. P. 143. ‘Then, seeing that Playes were first inuented by the Deuil, practised by the heathen gentiles, and dedicat to their false ydols, Goddes and Goddesses, as the howse, stage, and apparell to Venus, the musicke to Appollo, the penning to Minerua and the Muses, the action and pronuntiation to Mercurie and the rest, it is more than manifest that they are no fit exercyses for a Christen Man to follow. But if there were no euill in them saue this, namely, that the arguments of tragedies is anger, wrath, immunitie, crueltie, iniurie, incest, murther, & such like, the Persons or Actors are Goddes, Goddesses, Furies, Fyends, Hagges, Kings, Queenes, or Potentates. Of Commedies the matter and ground is loue, bawdrie, cosenage, flattery, whordome, adulterie; the Persons, or agents, whores, queanes, bawdes, scullions, knaues, Curtezans, lecherous old men, amorous yong men, with such like of infinit varietie. If, I say, there were nothing els but this, it were sufficient to withdraw a good christian from the vsing of them; For so often as they goe to those howses where Players frequent, thei go to Venus pallace, & sathans synagogue [in margin, ‘Theaters and curtaines Venus pallaces’], to worship deuils, & betray Christ Iesus.’ To say that plays are ‘as good as sermons’ is to say that ‘the Deuill is equipolent with the Lord’. P. 144. ‘There is no mischief which these plaies maintain not. For do they not norish ydlenes? and otia dant vitia, ydlenes is the Mother of vice. Doo they not draw the people from hering the word of God, from godly Lectures and sermons? for you shall haue them flocke thither, thick & threefould, when the church of God shalbe bare & emptie.... Do they not maintaine bawdrie, infinit folery, & renue the remembrance of hethen ydolatrie? Do they not induce whordom & vnclennes? nay, are they not rather plaine deuourers of maydenly virginitie and chastitie? For proofe wherof, but marke the flocking and running to Theaters & curtens, daylie and hourely, night and daye, tyme and tyde, to see Playes and Enterludes; where such wanton gestures, such bawdie speaches, such laughing and fleering, such kissing and bussing, such clipping and culling, Suche winckinge and glancinge of wanton eyes, and the like, is vsed, as is wonderfull to behold. Then, these goodly pageants being done, euery mate sorts to his mate, euery one bringes another homeward of their way verye freendly, and in their secret conclaues (couertly) they play the Sodomits, or worse. And these be the fruits of Playes or Enterluds for the most part. And wheras you say there are good Examples to be learned in them, Trulie so there are: if you will learne falshood; if you will learn cosenage; if you will learn to deceiue; if you will learn to play the Hipocrit, to cogge, lye, and falsifie; if you will learne to iest, laugh, and fleer, to grin, to nodd, and mow; if you will learn to playe the vice, to swear, teare, and blaspheme both Heauen and Earth: If you will learn to become a bawde, vncleane, and to deuerginat Maydes, to deflour honest Wyues: if you will learne to murther, slaie, kill, picke, steal, robbe, and roue: If you will learn to rebel against Princes, to commit treasons, to consume treasurs, to practise ydlenes, to sing and talke of bawdie loue and venery; if you will lerne to deride, scoffe, mock, & flowt, to flatter & smooth: If you will learn to play the whore-maister, the glutton, Drunkard, or incestuous person: if you will learn to become proude, hawtie, & arrogant; and, finally, if you will learne to contemne God and al his lawes, to care nither for heauen nor hel, and to commit al kinde of sinne and mischeef, you need to goe to no other schoole, for all these good Examples may you see painted before your eyes in enterludes and playes: wherfore that man who giueth money for the maintenance of them must needs incurre the damage of premunire, that is, eternall damnation, except they repent. For the Apostle biddeth vs beware, least wee communicat with other mens sinnes; & this their dooing is not only to communicat with other mens sinnes, & maintain euil to the destruction of them selues & many others, but also a maintaining of a great sorte of idle lubbers, and buzzing dronets, to suck vp and deuoure the good honie, wherupon the poor bees should liue.’ Exhorts ‘all players & Founders of plaies and enterluds’ to leave their life. P. 146. ‘Away therfore with this so infamous an art! for goe they neuer so braue, yet are they counted and taken but for beggers. And is it not true? liue they not vpon begging of euery one that comes? Are they not taken by the lawes of the Realm for roagues and vacaboundes? I speak of such as trauaile the Cuntries with playes & enterludes, making an occupation of it, and ought so to be punished, if they had their deserts.’ Lords of Misrule in Ailgna.... The Manner of Church-ales in Ailgna.... The maner of keeping of Wakesses, and feasts in Ailgna.... The horrible Vice of pestiferous Dauncing, vsed in Ailgna.... Of Musick in Ailgna, and how it allureth to vanitie.... Beare baiting and other exercyses, vsed unlawfully in Ailgna. P. 177. ‘These Hethnicall exercyses vpon the Sabaoth day, which the Lord hath consecrat to holy vses, for the glory of his Name, and our spirituall comfort, are not in any respect tollerable, or to be suffered. For is not the baiting of a Bear, besides that it is a filthie, stinking, and lothsome game, a daungerous & perilous exercyse? wherein a man is in daunger of his life euery minut of an houre; which thing, though it weare not so, yet what exercyse is this meet for any Christian? what christen heart can take pleasure to see one poore beast to rent, teare, and kill another, and all for his foolish pleasure?... And, to be plaine, I thinke the Deuill is the Maister of the game, bearward and all.’ A Fearfull Example of God his Iudgement vpon the prophaners of his Sabaoth. P. 179. Describes the accident of 13 Jan. 1583, with the page-heading, ‘A wofull cry at Syrap garden’. ‘So that either two or three hundred men, women, and children (by estimation), wherof seuen were killed dead, some were wounded, some lamed, and othersome brused and crushed almost to the death.’ A fearfull Iudgement of God, shewed at the Theaters. P. 180. ‘The like Iudgement (almost) did the Lord shew vnto them a litle befor, being assembled at their Theaters, to see their bawdie enterluds and other trumperies practised: For he caused the earth mightely to shak and quauer, as though all would haue fallen down; wherat the People, sore amazed, some leapt down (from the top of the turrets, pinacles, and towres, wher they stood) to the ground; wherof some had their legs broke, some their arms, some their backs, some hurt one where, some another, and many sore crusht and brused; but not any but they went away sore affraid, & wounded in conscience. And yet can neither the one nor the other fray them from these diuelish exercyses, vntill the Lorde consume them all in his wrath; which God forbid! The Lord of his mercie open the eyes of the maiestrats to pluck down these places of abuse, that god may be honored and their consciences disburthened.’

xxxiii. 1583. GERVASE BABINGTON.

[From A very Fruitful Exposition of the Commandements by way of Questions and Answers (1583), 316. More general references to the evils of plays and bear-baiting are on pp. 190, 385. Babington was Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, and tutor in the Earl of Pembroke’s house at Wilton; he afterwards became Bishop successively of Llandaff, Exeter, and Worcester.]

These prophane & wanton stage playes or interludes: what an occasion they are of adulterie and vncleanenesse, by gesture, by speech, by conueyances, and deuices to attaine to so vngodly desires, the world knoweth with too much hurt by long experience. Vanities they are if we make the best of them.... But I referre you to them, that vpon good knowledge of the abominations of them, haue written largely & wel against them. If they be dangerous on the day time, more daungerous on the night certainely: if on a stage, & in open courtes, much more in chambers and priuate houses. For there are manie roumes beside that where the play is, & peraduenture the strangenes of the place & lacke of light to guide them, causeth errour in their way, more than good Christians should in their houses suffer.

xxxiv. 1583 (?). PHILIP SIDNEY.

[From The Defence of Poesie (1595, William Ponsonby; S. R. 29 Nov. 1594), reprinted as An Apologie for Poetrie (1595, Henry Olney), and with 1598 and later editions of Arcadia. Among many modern editions are those by E. Arber (1868), E. Flügel (1889), A. S. Cook (1890), E. S. Schuckburgh (1891), J. C. Collins (1907), and in Gregory Smith (1904), i. 148. The date 1583 is conjecturally assigned by Cook on the ground of the stylistic development since the Arcadia (1580–3). But any date is possible between 1579, when Gosson’s School of Abuse, which probably stimulated it, and Spenser’s Faerie Queene, which it mentions, appeared, and Nov. 1585, when Sidney went to the Low Countries. The book contains a general valuation of poetry, on humanistic lines, together with a criticism of English poetry in particular. Only a few pages are devoted to the drama.]

P. 44. ‘Perchance it is the Comick, whom naughtie Playmakers and Stagekeepers, have iustly made odious. To the argument of abuse, I will answer after. Onely thus much now is to be said, that the Comedy is an imitation of the common errors of our life, which he representeth, in the most ridiculous and scornefull sort that may be. So as it is impossible, that any beholder can be content to be such a one.... So that the right vse of Comedy will (I thinke) by no body be blamed, and much lesse of the high and excellent Tragedy, that openeth the greatest wounds, and sheweth forth the Vlcers, that are couered with Tissue: that maketh Kinges feare to be Tyrants, and Tyrants manifest their tirannicall humors: that with sturring the affects of admiration and commiseration, teacheth, the vncertainety of this world, and vpon how weake foundations guilden roofes are builded.... But it is not the Tragedy they doe mislike: For it were too absurd to cast out so excellent a representation of whatsoeuer is most worthy to be learned.’ P. 50. Answers criticisms of poetry as the ‘Nurse of abuse’, &c. P. 63. Criticizes ‘Our Tragedies and Comedies (not without cause cried out against)’. Even in Gorboduc, much more in other plays, the unities are disregarded (cf. quotations in ch. xix). ‘Besides these gross absurdities, how all theyr Playes be neither right Tragedies, nor right Comedies: mingling Kings and Clownes’ in a ‘mungrell Tragy-comedie.... Our Comedians thinke there is no delight without laughter.... Delight hath a ioy in it, either permanent, or present. Laughter, hath onely a scornful tickling.... But I haue lauished out too many wordes of this play matter. I doe it because as they are excelling parts of Poesie, so is there none so much vsed in England, and none can be more pittifully abused.’

xxxv. 1584. THOMAS LODGE.

[From An Alarum against Usurers (1584; S. R. 4 Nov. 1583), edited with Defence of Poetry by D. Laing (1853, Sh. Soc.).]

[Extract from Epistle to Inns of Court.] ‘About three yeres ago, one Stephen Gosson published a booke, intituled The Schoole of Abuse, in which having escaped in many and sundry conclusions, I, as the occasion then fitted me, shapt him such an answere as beseemed his discourse; which by reason of the slendernes of the subject, (because it was in defence of plaies and play makers) the godly and reverent that had to deale in the cause, misliking it, forbad the publishing: notwithstanding he, comming by a private unperfect coppye, about two yeres since made a reply, dividing it into five sections, and in his Epistle dedicatory, to the right honorable, Sir Frances Walsingham, he impugneth me with these reproches, that I am become a vagarant person, visited by the hevy hand of God, lighter than libertie, and looser than vanitie.’ He proceeds to call Gosson an ‘untamed curtail’ and an ‘injurious Asinius’.

xxxvi. 1584. GEORGE WHETSTONE.

[From A Touchstone for the Time, printed as an ‘Addition’ to A Mirour for Magestrates of Cyties (1584).]

The tract is mainly on gaming. P. 24. ‘The godly Divines, in public sermons, and others in printed books, have (of late) very sharply inveighed against Stage-plays (unproperly called, Tragedies, Comedies, and Morals), as the springs of many vices, and the stumbling-blocks of godliness and virtue. Truly the use of them upon the Sabbath day, and the abuse of them at all times, with scurrility and unchaste conveyance, ministred matter sufficient for them to blame, and the Magistrate to reforme.’

xxxvii. 1586. WILLIAM WEBBE.

[From A Discourse of English Poetrie (1586), ed. Arber, 27; also in Gregory Smith, i. 226. The promised expression of opinion (p. 42) is on humanist lines.]

The profitte or discommoditie which aryseth by the vse of these Comedies and Tragedies, which is most, hath beene long in controversie, and is sore urged among us at these dayes: what I think of the same, perhaps I shall breefely declare anon.

xxxviii. 1587. WILLIAM RANKINS.

[From A Mirrour of Monsters: Wherein is plainely described the manifold vices & spotted enormities, that are caused by the infectious sight of Playes, with the description of the subtile slights of Sathan, making them his instruments. Compiled by Wil. Rankins. Magna spes est inferni. Seene and allowed. I. C. for T. H. 1587. The reference to Holywell suggests that the author was the dramatist (cf. ch. xxiii).]

Describes the wedding of Fastus and Luxuria at the ‘Chapell Adulterinum’, near to Κοȋλοφρἑαρ ‘by interpretation from the Greeks Hollow well [i.e. Holywell] where my selfe lulled in the lap of Securitie, not long since was brought a sleepe by carelesse cogitations’. The Chapel Adulterinum is ‘the Theater and Curtine’ (4^v). A banquet and mask with torchbearers furnish an allegory of the vices of players, and various allusions, to the fall of the Bear-garden (3), to the 2_d._ payment for entrance (3^v), to advertisements by drums and trumpets (5) and bills (5^v), to doorkeepers and boxholders (6^v), are commented on in marginal notes.

xxxix. 1588. JOHN CASE.

[From Sphaera Civitatis (1588), a commentary on Aristotle’s Politics (ad v. 8; vii. 17). A similar passage from the commentary on the Ethics (iv. 8) in Speculum Moralium Quaestionum (1586), 183, is quoted by Boas, 228. It is interesting to find from The Christmas Prince, 12 (cf. ch. xxiv), that Case once served as lord of misrule at St. John’s, Oxford.]

(a) Lib. v, c. 8.

Alia nunc dubitatio sequitur, Vtrum ludi chorique permittendi sunt in ciuitate? Memini me olim in Ethicis de his rebus obiter disputasse, verum quoniam opportune se offert quaestio, abs re non erit eandem paucissimis demonstrare: censeo ergo quibusdam adhibitis circumstantiis haec tolerari ac permitti debere; non quod per se et vi sua res vtiles, sed quod in moderato illorum vsu splendor comitatis (quae virtus minima non est) manifeste apparet. Sunt igitur ludi non inanes et histrionicae fabulae, veneris illecebrae, sed facetae comoediae magnificaeque tragaediae, in quibus expressa imago vitae morumque cernitur.... Adhuc in his mores hominum depictos discere, praeclara inuenta doctorum obseruare, temporum antiquorum caniciem cernere, vocem, vultum, gestumque splendide componere, varios affectus et passiones mouere, famam acquirere et comparare possumus [in margin: scenae trigemina corona]. Cum ergo ex iis tot commoda existant, non solum toleranda sed etiam iuste approbanda videntur. Insuper antiquissimis olim temporibus in omni praeclare instituta republica floruerunt ista: ergo sunt licita.... Postremo his addi potest ratio quae est in textu, nempe quod hoc modo potentiores viri quos timet ciuitas (coacti ad ista edenda populo) elumbentur sedatioresque fiant.

(b) Lib. vii, c. 17.

Tertium est vt parentes suos liberos diligenter custodiant, et arceant ab audiendis, videndis, spectandis, malis sermonibus, obscoenis idolis Veneris, vanis spectaculis leuissimorum histrionum, qui plusquam ridiculas ne dicam impias fabellas huc illuc vagabundi agunt. Hic opportunè monendi sunt illi, qui suos infantulos iurare et conuitiari docent, qui simulachra Veneris intuenda, artemque amandi perdiscendam suis filiolis proponunt, qui denique ad theatra plena Veneris, plena vanitatis illos non solum ire permittunt sed etiam alliciunt. Non hic omnes ludos omnesque histriones praesertim hystoricos, tragicos, et si placet comicos (modò sint verè faceti) condemno: quippè Aristoteles hoc loco Theodorum quendam peritum tragoediarum actorem laudat, Cicero suum laudauit Roscium, nos Angli Tarletonum, in cuius voce et vultu omnes iocosi affectus, in cuius cerebroso capite lepidae facetiae habitant.

xl. 1588–90. MARTIN MARPRELATE CONTROVERSY.

[The texts of the Marprelate pamphlets have been edited by W. Pierce, The Marprelate Tracts (1911); some were reprinted earlier by E. Arber and in J. Petheram, Puritan Discipline Tracts (1842–60). The best accounts of this ribald controversy on Church government are E. Arber, An Introductory Sketch to the Martin Marprelate Controversy (1879); W. Pierce, Historical Introduction to the Marprelate Tracts (1908); J. D. Wilson, The Marprelate Controversy (1909, C. H. iii. 374), and Martin Marprelate and Shakespeare’s Fluellen (1912); R. B. McKerrow, Works of Nashe, v (1910), 34, 184; G. Bonnard, La Controverse de Martin Marprelate (1916). It seems probable that Martin was a composite personality; Sir Roger Williams, John Penry, and Job Throckmorton may all have had a share in the pamphlets. The replies were inspired by Richard Bancroft, then Canon of Westminster and a member of the High Commission. It seems clear that both Lyly and Nashe took part in them, and Pappe with an Hatchet may reasonably be ascribed to Lyly. Nashe has often been regarded as Pasquil, but Mr. McKerrow does not think that any of the pamphlets can be supposed with any certainty to be his; he probably contributed to the lost plays. Of these Bonnard, 92, would distinguish five--(a) Martin anatomized, (b) the May Game of Martinism, (c) Martin carried to hell, as a vice, (d) Martin as cock, ape, and wolf, (e) Martin ravishing Divinity; but (b) seems to be referred to as a forthcoming pamphlet rather than as a play, and of the others (d) and (e) almost certainly, and possibly all four, were episodes in the same piece. F. Bacon in his Advertisement Touching the Controversies (Works, viii. 74), written in the summer of 1589, criticizes the episcopal policy of answering like by like, and ‘this immodest and deformed manner of writing lately entertained, whereby matters of religion are handled in the style of the stage’.]

(a)

[From The Epistle to the Terrible Priests of the Confocation House (Oct.-Nov. 1588), 11, 19, reprinted by E. Arber (1880); also by J. Petheram (1842) in Puritan Discipline Tracts (Martinist).]

Sohow, brother Bridges [John Bridges, Dean of Salisbury] ... you haue bin a worthy writer as they say of a long time, your first book was a proper Enterlude, called Gammar Gurtons needle. But I think that this trifle, which sheweth the author to haue had some witte and inuention in him, was none of your doing: Because your bookes seeme to proceede from the braynes of a woodcocke as hauing neyther wit nor learning.... What if I should report abroad, that cleargie men come vnto their promotions by Simonie? haue not you giuen me iuste cause? I thinke Simonie be the bishops lacky. Tarleton tooke him not long since in Don Iohn [Aylmer] of Londons cellor.

(b)

[From A Whip for an Ape: Or Martin displaied (Apr. 1589), 53, 133, in Bond, Lyly, iii. 417 (Anti-Martinist).]

Now Tarleton’s dead, the Consort lackes a vice: For knaue and foole thou maist beare pricke and price.

* * * * *

And ye graue men that answer Martins mowes, He mockes the more, and you in vaine loose times: Leaue Apes to dogges to baite, their skins to crowes, And let old Lanam lash him with his rimes.

(c)

[From _Anti-Martinus, sive Monitio cuiusdam Londinensis, ad Adolescentes utriusque Academiae_, signed A. L. (1589; S. R. 3 July 1589), 59 (Anti-Martinist).]

Libros autem Martini qui legit, nihil aliud reperiet, quam perpetuatum conuitium; sic autem vibratum, vt facile videas ad huiusmodi scurrilitates conquirendas, totam eius vitam theatris illis Londinensibus, & leuissimis scenis, vel scurrarum & nepotum circulis insidiatam.

(d)

[From Theses Martinianae, or Martin Junior (c. 22 July 1589), sig. D ij (Martinist).]

‘There bee that affirme the rimers and stage-players to haue cleane putte you out of countenaunce ... the stage-players, poore rogues, are not so much to be blamed, if being stage-players, that is plaine rogues (saue onely for their liueries) they in the action of dealing against Maister Martin, have gotten them many thousande eie witnesses, of their wittelesse and pittifull conceites.’ The writer condoles with those who ‘for one poor penny’ play ‘ignominious fools for an hour or two together’. Martin may ‘contemn such kennel-rakers and scullions as have sold themselves’ to be laughed at as ‘a company of disguised asses’.

(e)

[From Martins Months Minde (Aug. 1589), in Grosart, Nashe, i. 164, 166, 175, 177, 180, 189 (Anti-Martinist).]

To the Reader. ‘Roscius pleades in the Senate house; Asses play vpon harpes; the Stage is brought into the Church; and vices make plaies of Churche matters.... These Iigges and Rimes, haue nipt the father [Martin] in the head & kild him cleane, seeing that hee is ouertaken in his owne foolerie. And this hath made the yong youthes his sonnes, to chafe and fret aboue measure, especiallie with the Plaiers, (their betters in all respects, both in wit, and honestie) whom sauing their liueries (for indeede they are hir Maiesties men, and these not so much as hir good subiects) they call Rogues, for playing their enterludes, and Asses for trauelling all daie for a pennie [in margin, Martin the vice condemneth the Plaiers, Eigulus, sigulum].... A true report of the death and buriall of Martin Marprelate. ... Martin ... being ... sundrie waies verie curstlie handled; as ... wormd and launced, that he tooke verie grieuouslie, to be made a May-game vpon the Stage [in margin, The Theater] ... as he saw that ... euerie stage Plaier made a iest of him ... fell into a feauer.... Martin, ... calling his sonnes ... said ... I perceiue that euerie stage plaier, if he play the foole but two houres together, hath somewhat for his labour: and I ... nothing.... [The common people are] now wearie of our state mirth, that for a penie, may haue farre better by oddes at the Theater and Curtaine, and any blind playing house euerie day.... In lept I ... with ... twittle tattles; that indeede I had learned in Alehouses, and at the Theater of Lanam and his fellowes.* ... These gambols (my sonnes) are implements for the Stage, and beseeme Iesters, and Plaiers, but are not fit for Church plotters.... Afterwards ensued his bequestes, in manner and forme following ... Item, all my foolerie I bequeath to my good friend Lanam; and his consort, of whom I first had it.’

(f)

[From A Countercuffe giuen to Martin Iunior: ... by Pasquill of England (Aug. 1589), in McKerrow, Nashe, i. 59 (Anti-Martinist).]

The Anotamie latelie taken of him, the blood and the humors that were taken from him, by launcing and worming him at London vpon the common Stage ... are euident tokens, that beeing thorow soust in so many showres, hee had no other refuge but to runne into a hole, and die as he liued, belching.

(g)

[From The Protestatyon of Martin Marprelat (1589, before 20 Oct.), 25 (Martinist).]

Then among al the rimers and stage plaiers, which my Ll. of the cleargy had suborned against me I remember Mar-Martin, Iohn a Cant. his hobbie-horse, was to his reproche, newly put out of the Morris, take it how he will; with a flat discharge for euer shaking his shins about a May-pole againe while he liued.

(h)

[From _The Returne of the renowned Caualiero Pasquill of England_ (c. 20 Oct. 1589) in McKerrow, Nashe, i. 82, 92, 100 (Anti-Martinist).]

Howe whorishlie Scriptures are alleaged by them, I will discouer (by Gods helpe) in another new worke which I haue in hand, and intituled it, The May-game of Martinisme. Verie defflie set out, with Pompes, Pagents, Motions, Maskes, Scutchions, Emblems, Impreases, strange trickes, and deuises, betweene the Ape and the Owle, the like was neuer yet seene in Paris-garden. Penry the welchman is the foregallant of the Morrice, with the treble belles, shot through the wit with a Woodcocks bill: I woulde not for the fayrest horne-beast in all his Countrey, that the Church of England were a cup of Metheglin, and came in his way when he is ouer-heated; euery Bishopricke woulde prooue but a draught, when the Mazer is at his nose. Martin himselfe is the Mayd-marian, trimlie drest vppe in a cast Gowne, and a Kercher of Dame Lawsons, his face handsomlie muffled with a Diaper-napkin to couer his beard, and a great Nosegay in his hande, of the principalest flowers I could gather out of all hys works. Wiggenton daunces round about him in a Cotten-coate, to court him with a Leatherne pudding, and a woodden Ladle. Paget marshalleth the way, with a couple of great clubbes, one in his foote, another in his head, & he cryes to the people with a loude voice, Beware of the Man whom God hath markt. I can not yet find any so fitte to come lagging behind, with a budget on his necke, to gather the deuotion of the lookers on, as the stocke-keeper of the Bridewel-house of Canterburie; he must carrie the purse, to defray their charges, and then hee may be sure to serue himselfe.... Methought Vetus Comœdia beganne to pricke him at London in the right vaine, when shee brought foorth Diuinitie wyth a scratcht face, holding of her hart as if she were sicke, because Martin would haue forced her, but myssing of his purpose, he left the print of his nayles vppon her cheekes, and poysoned her with a vomit which he ministred vnto her, to make her cast vppe her dignities and promotions.... Who commeth yonder Marforius, can you tell me? MARFORIUS. By her gate and her Garland I knowe her well, it is Vetus Comœdia. She hath been so long in the Country, that she is somewhat altred: this is she that called in a counsell of Phisitians about Martin, and found by the sharpnes of his humour, when they had opened the vaine that feedes his head, that hee would spit out his lunges within one yeere.... PASQUIL. I haue a tale to tell her in her eare, of the slye practise that was vsed in restraining of her.

(i)

[From Pappe with an Hatchet (1589, end of Oct.) in Bond, Lyly, iii. 408 (Anti-Martinist).]

Sed heus tu, dic sodes, will they not bee discouraged for the common players? Would these Comedies might be allowed to be plaid that are pend, and then I am sure he would be decyphered, and so perhaps discouraged.

He shall not bee brought in as whilom he was, and yet verie well, with a cocks combe, an apes face, a wolfs bellie, cats clawes, &c. but in a cap’de cloake, and all the best apparell he ware the highest day in the yeare....

... Would it not bee a fine Tragedie, when Mardocheus shall play a Bishoppe in a Play, and Martin Hamman, and that he that seekes to pull downe those that are set in authoritie aboue him, should be hoysted vpon a tree aboue all other. [In margin] If it be shewed at Paules, it will cost you foure pence: at the Theater two pence: at Sainct Thomas a Watrings nothing.

(k)

[From G. Harvey, An Advertisement for Papp-Hatchett (1589, Nov. 5), printed with Pierces Supererogation (1593) and in Grosart, Harvey, ii. 131, 213 (Philo-Martinist).]

Had I bene Martin ... it should haue beene one of my May-games, or August triumphes, to haue driuen Officials, Commissaries, Archdeacons, Deanes, Chauncellors, Suffraganes, Bishops and Archbishops, (so Martin would have florished at the least) to entertaine such an odd, light-headded fellow for their defence; a professed iester, a Hickscorner, a scoff-maister, a playmunger, an Interluder; once the foile of Oxford, now the stale of London, and ever the Apesclogge of the presse, Cum Priuilegio perennitatis.... I am threatened with a Bable, and Martin menaced with a Comedie: ... All you, that tender the preseruation of your good names, were best to please Pap-hatchet, and fee Euphues betimes, for feare lesse he be mooued, or some One of his Apes hired, to make a Playe of you; and then is your credit quite vndone for euer, and euer: Such is the publique reputation of their Playes. He must needes be discouraged, whom they decipher. Better, anger an hundred other, then two such; that haue the Stage at commaundement, and can furnish-out Vices, and Diuels at their pleasure.

(l)

[From An Almond for a Parrat, Or Cutbert Curry-knaues Almes (1590, early), in McKerrow, Nashe, iii. 354 (Anti-Martinist).]

Therefore we must not measure of Martin as he is allied to Elderton or tongd like Will Tony, as he was attired like an Ape on the Stage, or sits writing of Pamphlets in some spare outhouse, but as he is Mar-Prelat of England.

(m)

[From The First parte of Pasquils Apologie ... Printed where I was, and where I will bee readie by the helpe of God and my Muse, to send you the May-game of Martinisme for an intermedium, betweene the first and seconde parte of the Apologie (2 July 1590), in McKerrow, Nashe, i. 135 (Anti-Martinist). It may be doubted whether The May-game of Martinism ever had an existence outside the allusions to it in these pamphlets.]

And when I haue sent you the May-game of Martinisme, at the next setting my foote into the styrroppe after it, the signet shall be giuen, and the fielde fought.

xli. 1589. RICHARD (?) PUTTENHAM.

[From The Arte of English Poesie (1589; S. R. 9 Nov. 1588), edited by E. Arber (1869); also in J. Haslewood, Ancient Critical Essays, vol. i (1811), and in part in Gregory Smith, ii. 1. On the author, cf. ch. xxiii.]

Most of the treatise (bks. ii, iii) deals with the technicalities of poetic structure and style, which the author sometimes illustrates from interludes and verses of his own. Bk. i praises poetry in general, on familiar but non-controversial humanist lines, and discusses with some classical erudition the origin of various types of poetry, as tragedy, comedy, and pantomime (c. 11), comedy (c. 14), tragedy (c. 15), staging (c. 17), pastoral (c. 18). In a brief account of English poets (c. 31) occurs: ‘But the principall man in this profession at the same time [Edward’s] was Maister Edward [sic] Ferrys a man of no lesse mirth and felicitie that way, but of much more skil, and magnificence in his meeter, and therefore wrate for the most part to the stage, in Tragedie and sometimes in Comedie or Enterlude, wherein he gaue the king so much good recreation, as he had thereby many good rewardes.... Of the later sort I thinke thus. That for Tragedie, the Lord of Buckhurst and Maister Edward Ferrys for such doings as I haue sene of theirs do deserue the hyest price: Th’ Earle of Oxford and Maister Edwardes of her Maiesties Chappell for Comedy and Enterlude.’

xlii. 1589. THOMAS NASHE.

[From an epistle To the Gentlemen Students of Both Universities, prefixed to Robert Greene’s Menaphon (1589; S. R. 23 Aug. 1589), reprinted from ed. 1610, which has some corrections possibly by Nashe, in McKerrow, iii. 311, with valuable notes (iv. 444) upon the allusions and supposed allusions. The suggestion of Collier that Menaphon was originally printed in 1587 appears to be baseless. Outside the three passages quoted, Nashe praises Watson’s translation of Antigone. McKerrow’s collection of material for the critical discussion of the epistle is so full that I need only compare briefly my conclusions with his. In (i) Nashe seems to me to be criticizing (a) ‘tragedians’, which for me are clearly ‘tragic actors’, while McKerrow inclines to make them ‘writers of tragedy’, and (b) their dramatists, who include blank-verse ‘Art-masters’, which I agree with McKerrow is more likely, in view of the fact that Greene above all flourished his University degree, to mean ‘masters of their art’ than ‘masters of Arts’, and translating tradesmen or serving-men with no education beyond a grammar-school. The slight suggestions that Nashe may have had Marlowe especially in mind are perhaps hardly sufficient to outweigh his statement in Have with you to Saffron Walden (1596) that he ‘neuer abusd Marloe’; and Marlowe was a University man, and no tradesman or serving-man. On the other hand, there is no specific praise of Marlowe with other University poets in the epistle. The whole of (i) is a precise parallel to the following lines by Thomas Brabine, also prefixed to Menaphon:

‘Come foorth you witts that vaunt the pompe of speach, And striue to thunder from a Stage-mans throate: View Menaphon a note beyond your reach; Whose sight will make your drumming descant doate: Players auaunt, you know not to delight; Welcome sweete Shepheard; worth a Schollers sight.’

In (ii) I am rather more inclined than McKerrow to think that the ‘Nouerint’ and the ‘Kidde in Æsop’ may glance at Kyd, who was not one of the University group, and was a grammarian, a translator, and very likely already a serving-man. But the attempts to trace him elsewhere in the passage come to very little; nor is one playwright only necessarily in question, so that, although the ‘handfuls of Tragicall speeches’ may point to a play of Hamlet as already extant in 1589, the inference that Kyd was its author becomes extremely thin. In (iii) Nashe attacks the players as parasitic on the poets, in terms closely resembling those used later by Greene in his Groatsworth of Wit (No. xlviii). Probably Roscius is here Alleyn, and Caesar stands for the poets in general. I do not agree with Fleay, L. of S. 10, 99, that the epistle reflects a rivalry between the poets of the Queen’s men and those of Pembroke’s, who indeed did not yet exist, or any other company. The issue is between the University poets on the one hand and the players and illiterate poets on the other.]

P. 311. ‘I am not ignorant how eloquent our gowned age is grown of late; so that euery mechanicall mate abhorres the English he was borne too, and plucks, with a solemne periphrasis, his vt vales from the inkehorne: which I impute, not so much to the perfection of Arts, as to the seruile imitation of vainglorious Tragedians, who contend not so seriously to excell in action, as to embowell the cloudes in a speech of comparison, thinking themselues more than initiated in Poets immortality, if they but once get Boreas by the beard and the heauenly Bull by the deaw-lap. But heerein I cannot so fully bequeath them to folly, as their ideot Art-masters, that intrude themselues to our eares as the Alcumists of eloquence, who (mounted on the stage of arrogance) think to out-braue better pennes with the swelling bumbast of a bragging blanke verse. Indeede it may bee the ingrafted ouerflow of some kil-cow conceit, that ouercloyeth their imagination with a more than drunken resolution, being not extemporall in the inuention of any other meanes to vent their manhoode, commits the disgestion of their cholericke incumbrances to the spacious volubilitie of a drumming decasillabon. Mongst this kind of men that repose eternitie in the mouth of a Player, I can but ingrosse some deep read Grammarians, who, hauing no more learning in their skull than will serue to take vp a commoditie, nor Art in their braine than was nourished in a seruing mans idlenesse, will take vppon them to be the ironicall Censors of all, when God and Poetrie doth know they are the simplest of all. To leaue these to the mercy of their Mother tongue, that feed on nought but the crums that fall from the Translators trencher, I come (sweet friend) to thy Arcadian Menaphon, ...’ P. 315. ‘I’le turne backe to my first text of Studies of delight, and talke a little in friendship with a few of our triuiall translators. It is a common practise now a dayes amongst a sort of shifting companions, that runne through euery Art and thriue by none, to leaue the trade of Nouerint, whereto they were borne, and busie themselues with the indeuours of Art, that could scarcely Latinize their neck verse if they should haue neede; yet English Seneca read by Candlelight yeelds many good sentences, as Blood is a begger, and so forth; and if you intreate him faire in a frostie morning, hee will affoord you whole Hamlets, I should say handfuls of Tragicall speeches. But O griefe! Tempus edax rerum, whats that will last alwayes? The Sea exhaled by droppes will in continuance bee drie, and Seneca, let blood line by line and page by page, at length must needes die to our Stage; which makes his famished followers to imitate the Kidde in Æsop, who, enamoured with the Foxes newfangles, forsooke all hopes of life to leape into a newe occupation; and these men, renouncing all possibilities of credite or estimation, to intermeddle with Italian Translations: wherein how poorely they haue plodded, (as those that are neither prouenzall men, nor are able to distinguish of Articles,) let all indifferent Gentlemen that haue trauailed in that tongue discerne by their two-pennie pamphlets: & no maruell though their home borne mediocritie bee such in this matter; for what can bee hoped of those that thrust Elisium into hell, and haue not learned, so long as they haue liued in the Spheres, the iust measure of the Horizon without an hexameter? Sufficeth them to bodge vp a blanke verse with ifs and ands, and otherwhile for recreation after their Candle-stuffe, hauing starched their beards most curiously, to make a Peripateticall path into the inner parts of the Citie, and spend two or three howers in turning ouer French Doudie, where they attract more infection in one minute, then they can do eloquence all daies of their life, by conuersing with any Authors of like argument.’ P. 323. ‘There are extant about London many most able men to reuiue Poetry ... as, for example, Mathew Roydon, Thomas Atchelow, and George Peele; the first of whom, as he hath shewed himselfe singular in the immortall Epitaph of his beloued Astrophell, besides many other most absolute Comike inuentions (made more publike by euery mans praise, than they can be by my speech), so the second hath more than once or twice manifested his deepe witted schollership in places of credite: and for the last, though not the least of them all, I dare commend him to all that know him, as the chiefe supporter of pleasance now liuing, the Atlas of Poetrie, and primus verborum Artifex: whose first increase, the arraignement of Paris, might pleade to your opinions his pregnant dexterity of wit, and manifold varietie of inuention; where in (me iudice) he goeth a steppe beyond all that write. Sundry other sweete gentlemen I know, that haue vaunted their pennes in priuate deuices, and tricked vp a company of taffata fooles with their feathers, whose beauty if our Poets had not peecte with the supply of their periwigs, they might haue antickt it vntill this time vp and downe the Countrey with the King of Fairies, and dined euery day at the pease porredge ordinary with Delphrigus. But Tolossa hath forgot that it was sometime sacked, and beggars that euer they carried their fardels on footback: and in truth no meruaile, when as the deserued reputation of one Roscius is of force to enrich a rabble of counterfets; yet let subiects for all their insolence dedicate a De profundis euery morning to the preseruation of their Caesar, least their increasing indignities returne them ere long to their iugling to mediocrity, and they bewaile in weeping blankes the wane of their Monarchie.’

xliii. 1590. ROBERT GREENE.

[From Francescos Fortunes: Or, The second part of Greenes Neuer too Late (1590), reprinted in Works, viii. 111. For the Roscius story, cf. No. xii and ch. xi.]

P. 129. A palmer, telling the tale of Francesco, which contains some probably autobiographical matter on the hero’s writing for the stage (cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. Greene), is interrupted by a request for his ‘iudgement of Playes, Playmakers and Players’. After observing that ‘some for being too lauish against that facultie, haue for their satiricall inuectiues been well canuased’, he sketches the growth of comedy at Athens and Rome, where ‘couetousnesse crept into the qualitie’ and ‘the Actors, by continuall vse grewe not onely excellent, but rich and insolent’. This is illustrated (p. 132) by a rebuke of Cicero to Roscius, ‘Why Roscius, art thou proud with Esops Crow, being pranct with the glorie of others feathers? of thy selfe thou canst say nothing, and if the Cobler hath taught thee to say Aue Caesar, disdain not thy tutor, because thou pratest in a Kings chamber: what sentence thou vtterest on the stage, flowes from the censure of our wittes, and what sentence or conceipte of the inuention the people applaud for excellent, that comes from the secrets of our knowledge. I graunt your action, though it be a kind of mechanical labour; yet wel done tis worthie of praise: but you worthlesse, if for so small a toy you waxe proud’. Publius Seruilius also bade a player ‘bee not so bragge of thy silken roabes, for I sawe them but yesterday make a great shew in a broakers shop’. The palmer concludes, ‘Thus sir haue you heard my opinion briefly of plaies, that Menander deuised them for the suppressing of vanities, necessarie in a common wealth, as long as they are vsed in their right kind; the play makers worthy of honour for their Arte: & players, men deseruing both prayse and profite, as long as they wax neither couetous nor insolent’.

xliv. 1591. SAMUEL COX.

[This letter of 15 Jan. 1591 to an unknown correspondent, brother of one Mr. Lewin, occurs with other letters by Cox in the letter-book of Sir Christopher Hatton (Nicolas, Hatton, xxix), to whom he was secretary.]

Has his letter ‘reprehending me in some sort for my sharpness against the use of plays’. Cites view of Fathers, especially Chrysostom. Regrets present toleration of ‘these dangerous schools of licentious liberty, whereunto more people resort than to sermons or prayers’. Now ‘rich men give more to a player for a song which he shall sing in one hour, than to their faithful servants for serving them a whole year.... I could wish that players would use themselves nowadays, as in ancient former times they have done, which was only to exercise their interludes in the time of Christmas, beginning to play in the holidays and continuing until twelfth tide, or at the furthest until Ashwednesday, of which players I find three sorts of people: the first, such as were in wages with the king and played before him some time at Hallowmass, and then in the later holidays until twelfthtide, and after that, only in Shrovetide; and these men had other trades to live of, and seldom or never played abroad at any other times of the whole year. The second sort were such as pertained to noblemen, and were ordinary servants in their house, and only for Christmas times used such plays, without making profession to be players to go abroad for gain, for in such cases they were subject to the statute against retainers. The third sort were certain artisans in good towns and great parishes, as shoemakers, tailors, and such like, that used to play either in their town-halls, or some time in churches, to make the people merry; where it was lawful for all persons to come without exacting any money for their access, having only somewhat gathered of the richer sort by the churchwardens for their apparel and other necessaries.’

xlv. 1591. SIR JOHN HARINGTON.

[From A Preface, or rather a Briefe Apologie of Poetrie, and of the Author and Translator, prefixed to Harington’s translation of Ariosto’s Orlando Furioso (1591), reprinted in Gregory Smith, ii. 194.]

Harington upholds poetry on humanist lines, and answers the objections of Cornelius Agrippa. P. 209. ‘The last reproofe is lightnes & wantonnes.... First, the Tragicall is meerly free from it, as representing onely the cruell and lawlesse proceedings of Princes, mouing nothing but pitie or detestation. The Comicall, whatsoeuer foolish playmakers make it offend in this kind, yet being rightly vsed, it represents them so as to make the vice scorned and not embraced.... And for Tragedies, to omit other famous Tragedies, that that was played at S. Iohns in Cambridge, of Richard the 3, would moue (I thinke) Phalaris the tyraunt, and terrifie all tyrannous minded men from following their foolish ambitious humors, seeing how his ambition made him kill his brother, his nephews, his wife, beside infinit others, and, last of all, after a short and troublesome raigne, to end his miserable life, and to haue his body harried after his death. Then, for Comedies, how full of harmeles myrth is our Cambridge Pedantius? and the Oxford Bellum Grammaticale? or, to speake of a London Comedie, how much good matter, yea and matter of state, is there in that Comedie cald the play of the Cards, in which it is showed how foure Parasiticall knaues robbe the foure principall vocations of the Realme, videl, the vocation of Souldiers, Schollers, Marchants, and Husbandmen? Of which Comedie I cannot forget the saying of a notable wise counseller that is now dead, who when some (to sing Placebo) aduised that it should be forbidden, because it was somewhat too plaine, and indeed as the old saying is, sooth boord is no boord, yet he would haue it allowed, adding it was fit that They which doe that they should not should heare that they would not.’

xlvi. 1592. THOMAS NASHE.

[From Pierce Penilesse his Supplication to the Diuell (1592; S. R. 8 Aug. 1592), reprinted in McKerrow, i. 149.]

[Extracts.] P. 211. ‘There is a certaine waste of the people for whome there is no vse, but warre: and these men must haue some employment still to cut them off.... To this effect, the pollicie of Playes is very necessary, howsoeuer some shallow-braind censurers (not the deepest serchers into the secrets of gouernment) mightily oppugne them. For whereas the after-noone beeing the idlest time of the day; wherein men that are their owne masters (as Gentlemen of the Court, the Innes of the Courte, and the number of Captaines and Souldiers about London) do wholy bestow themselues vpon pleasure, and that pleasure they deuide (howe vertuously it skils not) either into gameing, following of harlots, drinking, or seeing a Playe: is it not then better (since of foure extreames all the world cannot keepe them but they will choose one) that they should betake them to the least, which is Playes? Nay, what if I prooue Playes to be no extreame; but a rare exercise of vertue? First, for the subiect of them (for the most part) it is borrowed out of our English Chronicles, wherein our forefathers valiant acts (that haue line long buried in rustie brasse and worme-eaten bookes) are reuiued, and they themselues raised from the Graue of Obliuion, and brought to pleade their aged Honours in open presence: than which, what can be a sharper reproofe to these degenerate effeminate dayes of ours? How would it haue ioyed braue Talbot (the terror of the French) to thinke that after he had lyne two hundred yeares in his Tombe, hee should triumphe againe on the Stage, and haue his bones newe embalmed with the teares of ten thousand spectators at least (at seuerall times) who, in the Tragedian that represents his person, imagine they behold him fresh bleeding? I will defend it against any Collian, or clubfisted Vsurer of them all, there is no immortalitie can be giuen a man on earth like vnto Playes.... All Artes to them are vanitie: and, if you tell them what a glorious thing it is to haue Henrie the fifth represented on the Stage, leading the French King prisoner, and forcing both him and the Dolphin to sweare fealty, I, but (will they say) what do we get by it? Respecting neither the right of Fame that is due to true Nobilitie deceased, nor what hopes of eternitie are to be proposed to aduentrous mindes, to encourage them forward, but onely their execrable luker, and fillthie vnquenchable auarice. They know when they are dead they shall not be brought vpon the Stage for any goodnes, but in a merriment of the Vsurer and the Diuel, or buying Armes of the Herald, who giues them the Lyon, without tongue, tayle, or tallents, because his maister whome hee must serue is a Townesman, and a man of peace, and must not keepe any quarrelling beasts to annoy his honest neighbours. In Playes, all coosonages, all cunning drifts ouer-guylded with outward holinesse, all stratagems of warre, all the cankerwormes that breede on the rust of peace, are most liuely anatomiz’d: they shewe the ill successe of treason, the fall of hastie climbers, the wretched end of vsurpers, the miserie of ciuill dissention, and how iust God is euermore in punishing of murther.... Whereas some Petitioners of the Counsaile against them obiect, they corrupt the youth of the Cittie, and withdrawe Prentises from theyr worke; they heartily wishe they might bee troubled with none of their youth nor their prentises; for some of them (I meane the ruder handicrafts seruants) neuer come abroade, but they are in danger of vndoing: and as for corrupting them when they come, thats false; for no Play they haue, encourageth any man to tumult or rebellion, but layes before such the halter and the gallowes; or praiseth or approoueth pride, lust, whoredome, prodigalitie, or drunkennes, but beates them downe vtterly. As for the hindrance of Trades and Traders of the Citie by them, that is an Article foysted in by the Vintners, Alewiues, and Victuallers, who surmise, if there were no Playes, they should haue all the companie that resort to them, lye bowzing and beere-bathing in their houses euery after-noone.... Our Players are not as the players beyond Sea, a sort of squirting baudie Comedians, that haue whores and common Curtizens to playe womens partes, and forbeare no immodest speech or vnchast action that may procure laughter; but our Sceane is more statelye furnisht than euer it was in the time of Roscius, our representations honourable, and full of gallant resolution, not consisting, like theirs, of a Pantaloun, a Whore, and a Zanie, but of Emperours, Kings, and Princes; whose true Tragedies (Sophocleo cothurno) they do vaunt. Not Roscius nor Æsope, those admyred tragedians that haue liued euer since before Christ was borne, could euer performe more in action than famous Ned Allen.... If I euer write any thing in Latine (as I hope one day I shall) not a man of any desert here amongst vs, but I will haue vp. Tarlton, Ned Allen, Knell, Bentlie, shall be made knowne to France, Spaine, and Italie: and not a part that they surmounted in, more than other, but I will there note and set downe, with the manner of theyr habites and attyre.’

xlvii. 1592. ROBERT GREENE.

[From A Quip for an Upstart Courtier: Or, A quaint Dispute between Velvet Breeches and Cloth Breeches. Wherein is plainely set downe the disorders in all Estates and Trades (Works, xi. 205).]

A jury is being empanelled between the disputants, who represent new and old ideals of gentry. P. 289. ‘An ouerworne gentleman attired in veluet and satin’ is followed by ‘two pert Applesquires: the one had a murrey cloth gowne on, faced down before with gray conny, and laid thicke on the sleeves with lace, which he quaintly bare vp to shew his white taffata hose, and black silk stockings: a huge ruffe about his necke wrapt in his great head like a wicker cage, a little Hat with brims like the wings of a doublet, wherein he wore a jewell of glasse, as broad as a chancery seale: after him followed two boies in cloakes like butterflies: carrying one of them his cutting sword of choller, the other his dauncing rapier of delight.’ The ‘ouerworne gentleman’ is a poet, the ‘applesquires’ a player and the usher of a dancing school. Velvet Breeches thinks the poet ‘a proud fellow’, the others ‘plaine, honest, humble men, that for a penny or an old-cast sute of apparell will do anything. Indeed quoth Cloth Breeches you say troth, they are but too humble, for they be so lowly, that they be base minded: I mean not in their lookes or apparell, for so they be peacockes and painted asses, but in their corse of life, for they care not how they get crowns, I meane how basely so they haue them, and yet of the two I hold the Plaier to be the better Christian, although in his owne imagination too full of selfe liking and selfe loue, and is vnfit to be of the Iury though I hide and conceale his faults and fopperies, in that I haue beene merry at his sports: onely this I must say, that such a plaine country fellow as my selfe, they bring in as clownes and fooles to laugh at in their play, whereas they get by vs, and of our almes the proudest of them all doth line. Well, to be breefe, let him trot to the stage, for he shall be none of the Iury.’

xlviii. 1592. ROBERT GREENE.

[From Greens Groatsworth of Wit (1596; S. R. 20 Sept. 1592), reprinted in Grosart, xii. 131, and C. M. Ingleby, Shakespere Allusion-Books, Part i (1874, N. S. S.); cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. Greene.]

‘Roberto ... vttered his present greefe, beseeching his advuise how he might be imployed. Why easily, quoth hee, and greatly to your benefit: for men of my profession get by schollers their whole liuing. What is your profession, sayd Roberto? Truely sir, said he, I am a player. A Player, quoth Roberto, I tooke you rather for a gentleman of great liuing; for if by outward habit men shuld be censured, I tell you, you would be taken for a substantiall man. So am I where I dwell (quoth the player) reputed able at my proper cost, to build a Windmill. What though the worlde once went hard with mee, when I was faine to carrie my playing Fardle a footebacke; Tempora mutantur: I know you know the meaning of it better than I, but I thus conster it, it is otherwise now; for my very share in playing apparrell will not be solde for two hundred pounds. Truely (said Roberto) it is strange, that you should so prosper in that vaine practise, for that it seemes to me your voyce is nothing gracious. Nay then, said the player, I mislike your iudgement: why, I am as famous for Delphrigus, and the king of Fairies, as euer was any of my time. The twelue labors of Hercules haue I terribly thundred on the stage, and plaied three scenes of the deuill in the highway to heauen. Haue ye so (said Roberto?) then I pray you pardon me. Nay more (quoth the player) I can serue to make a prettie speech, for I was a countrie Author, passing at a morrall, for it was I that pende the Morral of mans wit, the Dialogue of Diues, and for seauen yeeres space was absolute interpreter of the puppets. But now my Almanacke is out of date:

_The people make no estimation, Of Morrals teaching education._

Was not this prettie for a plaine rime extempore? if ye will, ye shall haue more. Nay it is enough, said Roberto, but how meane you to vse mee? Why sir, in making playes, said the other, for which you shall be well paied, if you will take the paines.... Roberto, now famozed for an Arch-plaimaking-poet, his purse like the sea sometime sweld, anon like the same sea fell to a low ebbe; yet seldom he wanted, his labors were so well esteemed. Marry, this rule he kept, what euer he fingerd afore-hand, was the certaine meanes to vnbinde a bargaine; and being asked why he so sleightly dealt with them that did him good? It becomes me, sath hee, to be contrarie to the worlde: for commonly when vulgar men recieue earnest, they doe performe; when I am paid any thing afore-hand, I breake my promise.... To those Gentlemen, his Quondam acquaintance, that spend their wits in making Plaies, R. G. wisheth a better exercise, and wisdome to preuent his extremities.... Base minded men al three of you, if by my miserie ye be not warned: for vnto none of you (like me) sought those burres to cleaue: those Puppits (I meane) that speake from our mouths, those Anticks garnisht in our colours. Is it not strange that I, to whom they al haue beene beholding: is it not like that you, to whome they all haue beene beholding, shall (were ye in that case that I am now) be both at once of them forsaken? Yes, trust them not: for there is an vpstart Crow, beautified with our feathers, that with his Tygers heart wrapt in a Players hide, supposes he is as well able to bumbast out a blank verse as the best of you: and being an absolute Iohannes fac totum, is in his owne conceit the onely Shake-scene in a countrie. O that I might intreate your rare wits to be imployed in more profitable courses: & let these Apes imitate your past excellence, and neuer more acquaint them with your admired inuentions. I know the best husband of you all will neuer proue an Vsurer, and the kindest of them all wil neuer prooue a kinde nurse: yet, whilst you may, seeke you better Maisters; for it is pittie men of such rare wits, should be subiect to the pleasures of such rude groomes. In this I might insert two more, that both haue writ against these buckram Gentlemen: but let their owne works serue to witnesse against their owne wickednesse, if they perseuer to maintaine any more such peasants. For other new commers, I leaue them to the mercie of these painted monsters, who (I doubt not) will driue the best minded to despise them: for the rest, it skils not though they make a ieast at them.’ Cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. Greene.

xlix. 1592. HENRY CHETTLE.

[From Kind-Harts Dreame. Conteining fiue Apparitions, with their Inuectiues against abuses raigning. Deliuered by seuerall Ghosts vnto him to be publisht ... by H. C. (N. D.). The tract was entered in the Stationers’ Register (Arber, ii. 623) on 8 Dec. 1592. The Ghosts are those of Anthony Now Now a fiddler, William Cuckoe a juggler, Doctor Burcot a physician, Robert Greene, and Richard Tarlton. Greene died in Sept. 1592. The Epistle is signed by Henry Chettle (cf. ch. xxiii). The whole is reprinted by C. M. Ingleby in Part I (1874) of the Shakspere Allusion-Books of the New Shakspere Society.]

P. 37. To the Gentlemen Readers. ‘About three moneths since died M. Robert Greene, leauing many papers in sundry Booke sellers hands, among other his Groatsworth of wit, in which a letter written to diuers playmakers, is offensiuely by one or two of them taken; and because on the dead they cannot be auenged, they wilfully forge in their conceites a liuing Author: and after tossing it two and fro, no remedy, but it must light on me. How I haue all the time of my conuersing in printing hindered the bitter inueying against schollers, it hath been very well knowne; and how in that I dealt, I can sufficiently prooue. With neither of them that take offence was I acquainted, and with one of them I care not if I neuer be: The other, whome at that time I did not so much spare, as since I wish I had, for that as I haue moderated the heate of liuing writers, and might haue vsde my owne discretion (especially in such a case) the Author beeing dead, that I did not, I am as sory as if the originall fault had beene my fault, because my selfe haue seene his demeanor no lesse ciuill, than he exelent in the qualitie he professes: Besides, diuers of worship haue reported his vprightnes of dealing, which argues his honesty, and his facetious grace in writting, that aprooues his Art. For the first, whose learning I reuerence, and at the perusing of Greenes Booke, stroke out what then in conscience I thought he in some displeasure writ: or had it beene true, yet to publish it, was intollerable: him I would wish to vse me no worse than I deserue. I had onely in the copy this share: it was il written, as sometime Greenes hand was none of the best; licensd it must be, ere it could bee printed, which could neuer be if it might not be read. To be breife, I writ it ouer; and as neare as I could, followed the copy; onely in that letter I put something out, but in the whole booke not a worde in; for I protest it was all Greenes, not mine nor Maister Nashes, as some vniustly haue affirmed.’ Henrie Chettle.... The Dreame. P. 43. ‘There entered at once fiue personages.... The next, by his sute of russet, his buttond cap, his taber, his standing on the toe, and other tricks, I knew to be either the body or resemblaunce of Tarlton, who liuing, for his pleasant conceits was of all men liked, and dying, for mirth left not his like.... With him was the fifth, a man of indifferent yeares, of face amible, of body well proportioned, his attire after the habite of a schollerlike Gentleman, onely his haire was somewhat long, whome I supposed to be Robert Greene, maister of Artes: of whome (howe euer some suppose themselues iniured) I haue learned to speake, considering he is dead, nill nisi necessarium. He was of singuler pleasaunce the verye supporter, and, to no man’s disgrace bee this intended, the only Comedian of a vulgar writer in this country.’ P. 63. To all maligners of honest mirth, Tarleton wisheth continuall melancholy. ‘Now Maisters, what say you to a merrie knaue, that for this two years day hath not beene talkt of. Wil you giue him leaue, if he can, to make ye laugh? What, all a mort? No merry countenance? Nay then I see hypocrisie hath the vpper hand, and her spirit raignes in this profitable generation. Sith it is thus, Ile be a time-pleaser. Fie vppon following plaies, the expence is wondrous; vpon players speeches, their wordes are full of wyles; vppon their gestures, that are altogether wanton. Is it not lamentable, that a man should spende his two pence on them in an after-noone, heare couetousnes amongst them daily quipt at, being one of the commonest occupations in the countrey; and in liuely gesture see trecherie set out, with which euery man now adaies vseth to intrap his brother. Byr lady, this would be lookt into: if these be the fruites of playing, tis time the practisers were expeld. Expeld (quoth you); that hath been pretily performd, to the no smal profit of the Bouling-allyes in Bedlam and other places, that were wont in the after-noones to be left empty, by the recourse of good fellows vnto that vnprofitable recreation of Stage-playing. And it were not much amisse, would they ioine with the Dicing houses to make sute againe for their longer restraint, though the sicknesse cease. Is not this well saide (my maisters) of an olde buttond cappe, that hath most part of his life liu’d vppon that against which he inueighs: Yes, and worthily.’ Suppression of plays to the advantage of bawdy-houses, especially those not near Shoreditch. Discourse with a pander. P. 65. ‘And you, sir, find fault with plaies. Out vpon them, they spoile our trade, as you your selfe haue proued. Beside, they open our crosse-biting, our conny-catching, our traines, our traps, our gins, our snares, our subtilties: for no sooner haue we a tricke of deceipt, but they make it common, singing Iigs, and making ieasts of vs, that euerie boy can point out our houses as they passe by. Whither now Tarlton? this is extempore, out of time, tune, and temper.... Thy selfe once a Player, and against Players: nay, turne out the right side of thy russet coate, and lette the world know thy meaning. Why thus I meane, for now I speake in sobernes. Euery thing hath in it selfe his vertue and his vice: from one selfe flower the Bee and Spider sucke honny and poyson. In plaies it fares as in bookes, vice cannot be reproued, except it be discouered: neither is it in any play discouered, but there followes in the same an example of the punishment: now he that at a play will be delighted in the one, and not warned by the other, is like him that reads in a booke the description of sinne, and will not looke ouer the leafe for the reward. Mirth in seasonable time taken, is not forbidden by the austerest Sapients. But indeede there is a time of mirth and a time of mourning. Which time hauing been by the Magistrats wisely obserued, as well for the suppressing of Playes, as other pleasures: so likewise a time may come, when honest recreation shall haue his former libertie. And lette Tarleton intreate the yoong people of the Cittie, either to abstaine altogether from playes, or at their comming thither to vse themselues after a more quiet order. In a place so ciuill as this Cittie is esteemed, it is more than barbarously rude, to see the shamefull disorder and routes that sometimes in such publike meetings are vsed. The beginners are neither gentlemen, nor citizens, nor any of both their seruants, but some lewd mates that long for innouation; & when they see aduantage, that either Seruingmen or Apprentises are most in number, they will be of either side, though indeed they are of no side, but men beside all honestie, willing to make boote of cloakes, hats, purses, or what euer they can lay holde on in a hurley burley. These are the common causers of discord in publike places. If otherwise it happen (as it seldome doth) that any quarrell be betweene man and man, it is far from manhood to make so publike a place their field to fight in: no men will doe it, but cowardes that would faine be parted, or haue hope to haue many partakers. Nowe to you that maligne our moderate merriments, and thinke there is no felicitie but in excessiue possession of wealth: with you I would ende in a song, yea an Extempore song on this Theame, Ne quid nimis necessarium: but I am now hoarse, and troubled with my Taber and Pipe: beside, what pleasure brings musicke to the miserable. Therefore letting songes passe, I tell them in sadnes, how euer Playes are not altogether to be commended: yet some of them do more hurt in a day, than all the Players (by exercizing theyr profession) in an age. Faults there are in the professors as other men, this the greatest, that diuers of them beeing publike in euerie ones eye, and talkt of in euery vulgar mans mouth, see not how they are seene into, especially for their contempt, which makes them among most men most contemptible. Of them I will say no more: of the profession, so much hath Pierce Pennilesse (as I heare say) spoken, that for mee there is not any thing to speake. So wishing the chearefull, pleasaunce endlesse; and the wilfull sullen, sorrow till they surfet; with a turne on the toe I take my leaue. Richard Tarleton.’

l. 1592–9. JOHN RAINOLDS V. WILLIAM GAGER AND ALBERICO GENTILI.

[A controversy arising out of criticism by Rainolds on the legitimacy of academic drama is contained in (a) Gager’s Momus and Epilogus Responsiuus, written c. Jan. 1592, spoken 8 Feb., printed with additional matter c. May (cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. Gager, Ulysses Redux; (b) Rainolds to Thomas Thornton, 6 Feb. 1592; (c) Rainolds to Gager, 10 July 1592; (d) Gager to Rainolds, 31 July 1592; (e) Rainolds to Gager, 30 May 1593; (f) Gentili, Commentatio de Professoribus et Medicis, printed with Ad Titulum de Maleficis et Mathematicis Commentarius (1593, with epistle of 26 June 1593; 1604); (g) Gentili to Rainolds, 7 July 1593; (h) Rainolds to Gentili, 10 July 1593; (i) Gentili to Rainolds, 14 July 1593; (k) Rainolds to Gentili, 5 Aug. 1593; (l) two further letters by Gentili and two by Rainolds, who ends the correspondence on 12 Mar. 1594; (m) Gentili, De Actoribus et Spectatoribus Fabularum non Notandis Disputatio (1599, with epistle of 14 Oct. 1597; reprinted in Gronovius, Thesaurus Antiquitatum, viii); (n) Th’ Overthrow of Stage-Players (1599, no imprint, with epistle from Printer to Reader; 1600; 1629). This is a print of (c), (e), (g), (h), (i), (k). All the twelve letters are in Oxon. C.C.C. MS. 352 and some in Queen’s Coll. MS. 359; a collection in Univ. Coll. MS. 157 is lost, but probably added no more. Rainolds is satirized in the Queen’s College, Cambridge, play of Fucus Histriomastix (1623, ed. G. C. Moore Smith, 1909), probably by Robert Ward.]

The academic controversy is fully summarized by F. S. Boas in Fortnightly Review for August 1907 and University Drama in the Tudor Age (1914), 229, together with the analysis of Gager’s defence by K. Young in An Elizabethan Defence of the Stage (1916, Wisconsin Shakespeare Studies, 103). I only quote the reference in the Epistle to Th’ Overthrow of 1599 to ‘Men ... that haue not been afraied of late dayes to bring vpon the Stage the very sober countenances, graue attire, modest and matronelike gestures, and speaches of men & women to be laughed at as a scorne and reproch to the world’.

li. 1597 (?). JOHN HARINGTON.

[From A Treatise on Playe, printed in Nugae, i. 191. I retain Park’s date of ‘circa 1597’, although I doubt whether it is based on anything but a conjecture that ‘this deere yeer’ (204) may be 1595 or 1597, and the latest definite event referred to is the death of Hatton on 20 Nov. 1591. The treatise deals mainly with gambling.]

One sayd merely that ‘enterludes weare the divells sarmons, and jesters the divells confessors; thease for the most part disgracing of vertue, and those not a little gracinge of vices’. But, for my part, I commend not such sowere censurers, but I thinke in stage-playes may bee much good, in well-penned comedies, and specially tragedies; and I remember, in Cambridge, howsoever the presyser sort have banisht them, the wyser sort did, and still doe mayntayn them.

lii. 1598. FRANCIS MERES.

[From Palladis Tamia: Wit’s Treasury (S. R. 7 Sept. 1598). The general attitude of the treatise is humanist, but it is only of value for the incidental notices and appreciations of contemporary writers given in a rather fantastic series of parallels between classical and Elizabethan literature. Fuller extracts, including some personalia on Shakespeare and other playwrights, not reprinted here, are in C. M. Ingleby, Shakspere Allusion-Books, Part I (1874, N. S. S.), 151, and Gregory Smith, ii. 308.]

Our famous and learned Lawreat masters of England would entitle our English to far greater admired excellency if either the Emperor Augustus, or Octauia his sister, or noble Mecaenas were aliue to rewarde and countenaunce them; or if our witty Comedians and stately Tragedians (the glorious and goodlie representers of all fine witte, glorified phrase, and queint action) bee still supported and vphelde, by which meanes for lacke of Patrones (O ingratefull and damned age) our Poets are soly or chiefly maintained, countenaunced, and patronized....

... A COMPARATIUE DISCOURSE OF OUR ENGLISH POETS WITH THE GREEKE, LATINE, AND ITALIAN POETS....

... As Plautus and Seneca are accounted the best for Comedy and Tragedy among the Latines: so Shakespeare among the English is the most excellent in both kinds for the stage. For Comedy, witnes his Gentlemen of Verona, his Errors, his Loue Labors Lost, his _Loue Labours Wonne_, his Midsummers Night Dreame, and his _Merchant of Venice_; For Tragedy, his Richard the 2, Richard the 3, _Henry the 4_, King Iohn, Titus Andronicus, and his Romeo and Iuliet....

... These are our best for Tragedie, The Lorde Buckhurst, Doctor Leg of Cambridge, Doctor Edes of Oxford, Master Edward Ferris, the author of the Mirror for Magistrates, Marlow, Peele, Watson, Kid, Shakespeare, Drayton, Chapman, Decker, and Beniamin Iohnson.

As M. Anneus Lucanus writ two excellent tragedies, one called Medea, the other De incendio Troiae cum Priami calamitate: so Doctor Leg hath penned two famous tragedies, the one of Richard the 3, the other of The Destruction of Ierusalem....

... The best for Comedy amongst vs bee Edward, Earle of Oxforde, Doctor Gager of Oxforde, Master Rowley, once a rare scholler of learned Pembrooke Hall in Cambridge, Maister Edwardes, one of Her Maiesties Chappell, eloquent and wittie Iohn Lilly, Lodge, Gascoyne, Greene, Shakespeare, Thomas Nash, Thomas Heywood, Anthony Mundye, our best plotter, Chapman, Porter, Wilson, Hathway, and Henry Chettle....

As Georgius Buchananus’ Iepthae amongst all moderne Tragedies is able to abide the touch of Aristotle’s precepts and Euripedes’s examples: so is Bishop Watson’s Absalon. As ... Watson for his Antigone out of Sophocles, ha[s] got good commendations: so these versifiers for their learned translations are of good note among vs ... the Translators of Seneca’s Tragedies, ... As Antipater Sidonius was famous for extemporall verse in Greeke, and Ouid for his Quicquid conabar dicere versus erat: so was our Tarleton, of whome Doctor Case, that learned physitian, thus speaketh in the Seuenth Booke and seuenteenth chapter of his Politikes: Aristoteles suum Theodoretum laudauit quendam peritum Tragœdiarum actorem, Cicero suum Roscium: nos Angli Tarletonum, in cuius voce et vultu omnes iocosi affectus, in cuius cerebroso capite lepidae facetiae habitant. And so is now our wittie Wilson, who for learning and extemporall witte in this facultie is without compare or compeere, as, to his great and eternall commendations, he manifested in his challenge at the Swanne on the Banke Side.

liii. 1603. HENRY CROSSE.

[From Vertues Commonwealth: Or The Highway to Honour, reprinted in A. B. Grosart, Occasional Issues, vii (1878), 111.]

Must the holy Prophets and Patriarkes be set vpon a Stage, to be derided, hist, and laught at? or is it fit that the infirmities of holy men should be acted on a Stage, whereby others may be inharted to rush carelessly forward into vnbrideled libertie?... Furthermore, there is no passion wherwith the king, the soueraigne maiestie of the Realme was possest, but is amplified, and openly sported with, and made a May-game to all the beholders.... If a man will learne to be proud, fantasticke, humorous, to make love, sweare, swagger, and in a word closely doo any villanie, for a twopenny almes hee may be throughly taught and made a perfect good scholler.... And as these copper-lace gentlemen growe rich, purchase lands by adulterous Playes, & not fewe of them vsurers and extortioners, which they exhaust out of the purses of their haunters, so are they puft vp in such pride and selfe-loue, as they enuie their equalles, and scorne theyr inferiours.... But especially these nocturnall and night Playes, at vnseasonable and vndue times, more greater euils must necessarily proceed of them, because they do not onely hide and couer the thiefe, but also entice seruants out of their maisters houses, wherby opportunitie is offered to loose fellowes, to effect many wicked stratagems.... To conclude, it were further to be wished, that those admired wittes of this age, Tragædians, and Comædians, that garnish Theaters with their inuentions, would spend their wittes in more profitable studies, and leaue off to maintaine those Anticks, and Puppets, that speake out of their mouthes: for it is pittie such noble giftes, should be so basely imployed, as to prostitute their ingenious labours to inriche such buckorome gentlemen.

liv. 1604–5 (?). BEN JONSON.

[Prologue to Every Man In His Humour, first printed in Folio of 1616, and possibly written for a Jacobean revival.]

Though neede make many Poets, and some such As art, and nature haue not betterd much; Yet ours, for want, hath not so lou’d the stage, As he dare serue th’ill customes of the age: Or purchase your delight at such a rate, As, for it, he himselfe must iustly hate. To make a child, now swadled, to proceede Man, and then shoote vp, in one beard, and weede, Past threescore yeeres: or, with three rustie swords, And helpe of some few foot-and-halfe-foote words, Fight ouer Yorke, and Lancasters long iarres: And in the tyring-house bring wounds, to scarres. He rather prayes, you will be pleas’d to see One such, to day, as other playes should be. Where neither Chorus wafts you ore the seas; Nor creaking throne comes downe, the boyes to please; Nor nimble squibbe is seene, to make afear’d The gentlewomen; nor roul’d bullet heard To say, it thunders; nor tempestuous drumme Rumbles, to tell you when the storme doth come; But deedes, and language, such as men doe vse: And persons, such as Comœdie would chuse, When she would shew an Image of the times, And sport with humane follies, not with crimes. Except, we make ‘hem such, by louing still Our popular errors, when we know th’are ill. I meane such errors as you’ll all confesse By laughing at them, they deserue no lesse: Which when you heartily doe, there’s hope left, then, You, that haue so grac’d monsters, may like men.

lv. 1607. BEN JONSON.

[From Epistle to Volpone (cf. ch. xxiii).]

Hence is it, that I now render my selfe gratefull, and am studious to iustifie the bounty of your act: To which, though your mere authority were satisfying, yet it being an age wherein Poëtry and the Professors of it heare so ill on all sides, there will a reason bee look’d for in the subject. It is certaine, nor can it with any forehead be oppos’d, that the too-much licence of Poëtasters in this time hath much deform’d their Mistresse; that euery day their manifold and manifest ignorance doth stick vnnaturall reproches vpon her. But for their petulancy, it were an act of the greatest iniustice, either to let the learned suffer, or so diuine a skill (which indeed should not be attempted with vncleane hands) to fall vnder the least contempt. For if men will impartially, and not à-squint, looke toward the offices and function of a Poët, they will easily conclude to themselues the impossibility of any mans being the good Poët, without first being a good Man. He that is sayd to be able to informe yong-men to all good disciplines, inflame growne-men to all great vertues, keepe old men in their best and supreme state, or as they decline to child-hood, recouer them to their first strength; that comes forth the Interpreter and Arbiter of Nature, a Teacher of things diuine no lesse than humane, a Master in manners; and can alone, or with a few, effect the busines of Mankind. This, I take him, is no subject for Pride and Ignorance to exercise their railing rhetorique vpon. But it will here be hastily answer’d, that the Writers of these dayes are other things; that not onely their manners, but their natures, are inuerted, and nothing remaining with them of the dignity of Poët, but the abused name, which euery Scribe vsurpes; that now, especially in Dramatick, or (as they terme it) Stage-Poëtry, nothing but Ribaldry, Profanation, Blasphemy, al Licence of offence to God, and Man, is practisd. I dare not deny a great part of this, and am sory I dare not: because in some mens abortiue Features (and would they had neuer boasted the light) it is ouer-true. But that all are embarqu’d in this bold aduenture for Hell, is a most vncharitable thought, and vtterd, a more malicious slander. For my particular, I can, and from a most cleare conscience, affirme, that I haue euer trembled to thinke toward the least Prophanenesse; haue loathed the vse of such foule and vn-washd Baudr’y, as is now made the foode of the Scene.

lvi. 1608. WILLIAM CRASHAW.

[From The Sermon preached at the Crosse, Feb. xiiij. 1607 (1608, 2nd ed. 1609). Crashaw was preacher at the Inner Temple and father of Richard Crashaw, the poet. The hypocrites, Nicholas Saint-Tantlings and Simon Saint-Mary-Oueries, are characters in The Puritan (1607). John Selden says in his Table Talk (1689; ed. Reynolds, 134), ‘I never converted but two, the one was Mr. Crashaw from writing against plays, by telling him a way how to understand that place, of putting on woman’s apparel, which has nothing to do with the business’; cf. infra, s.v. Selden (1616).]

P. 169. ‘Now there are also besides these two great Babels, certaine other little pettie Babylons, namely, incurable sinnes amongst vs, ...’ P. 170. ‘2. The vngodly Playes and Enterludes so rife in this nation: what are they but a bastard of Babylon, a daughter of error and confusion, a hellish deuice (the diuels owne recreation to mock at holy things) by him deliuered to the Heathen, from them to the Papists, and from them to vs? Of this euill and plague, the Church of God in all ages can say, truly and with a good conscience, wee would haue healed her. [Quotes Tertullian and others.] ... All this they are daily made to know, but all in vaine, they be children of Babylon that will not bee healed: nay, they grow worse and worse, for now they bring religion and holy things vpon the stage: no maruel though the worthiest and mightiest men escape not, when God himselfe is so abused. Two hypocrites must be brought foorth; and how shall they be described but by these names, Nicolas S. Antlings, Simon S. Maryoueries. Thus hypocrisie a child of hell must beare the names of two Churches of God, and two wherein Gods name is called on publikely euery day in the yeere, and in one of them his blessed word preached euerie day (an example scarce matchable in the world): yet these two, wherin Gods name is thus glorified, and our Church and State honoured, shall bee by these miscreants thus dishonoured, and that not on the stage only, but euen in print.’ Complains of profaneness, atheism, blasphemy, and profaning of Sabbath ‘which generally in the countrie is their play day’. Calls on magistrate, lest God take the matter into his own hand.

lvii. 1608 (?). THOMAS HEYWOOD.

[From An Apology for Actors. Containing three briefe Treatises. 1. Their Antiquity. 2. Their ancient Dignity. 3. The True Use of their Quality (1612), reprinted by William Cartwright as The Actor’s Vindication (N.D., but according to Douce 1658) and in 1841 (Sh. Soc.). I think the treatise was probably written in 1607 and touched up in 1608, since (a) the series of actors named as dead ends with Sly, who died in Aug. 1608; (b) the Revels Office is located at St. John’s, which it lost about Feb. 1608; (c) the frustrated Spanish landing in ‘Perin’ in Cornwall ‘some 12 yeares ago’ is probably the abortive Spanish attempt to burn Pendennis Castle on Falmouth Harbour, 3 miles from Penrhyn, which appears from S. P. D. Eliz. cclvi, 21, 40, and Dasent, xxv. 15, to have taken place in the autumn of 1595, probably in connexion with the better-known landing of 22 July 1595 in Mount’s Bay. Here there is a Perranuthnoe, but this was a successful landing, resulting in serious damage to Penzance, Mousehole, and Newlyn (Procl. 879). There was also a raid at Cawsand Bay near Plymouth on 14 Mar. 1596 (S. P. D. Eliz. cclvi. 89), in which the invaders fired some houses and boats, and fled to sea on a shot being fired. But there is no ‘Perin’ in Cawsand Bay. In Journal of the Folk-Song Society, v. 275, is recorded a tradition that ‘the French once landed invading troops at Padstow Bay; but on seeing a number of mummers in red cloaks with their hobby-horse they supposed that the English army was at hand, and fled’. This raid was at St. Eval, 3 miles west of Padstow, on 13 July 1595 (Hatfield MSS. v. 285), and no doubt formed part of the same expedition which reached Mount’s Bay. Of course it was Spanish, not French; the perversion is characteristic of tradition. Conceivably this episode was what Heywood had in mind, but the nearest ‘Perin’, Perranporth, is some dozen miles farther west than St. Evall. Heywood was answered by I. G. in A Refutation of the Apology for Actors (1615), which contributes nothing new, and uses material from Gosson’s Plays Confuted (No. xxx), with references to the long-destroyed Theatre unchanged.]

[Summary and Extracts.] P. 3. To the Earl of Worcester. ‘I presumed to publish this unworthy worke under your gracious patronage ... as an acknowledgement of the duty I am bound to you in as a servant.’ P. 4. To my good Friends and Fellowes the Citty-Actors. ‘That it [our quality] hath beene esteemed by the best and greatest ... I need alledge no more than the royall and princely services in which we now live.... Some over-curious have too liberally taxed us ... we may as freely (out of our plainnesse) answere, as they (out of their perversenesse) object, instancing my selfe by famous Scaliger, learned Doctor Gager, Doctor Gentiles, and others.... So, wishing you judiciall audiences, honest poets, and true gatherers, I commit you all to the fulnesse of your best wishes.’ P. 6. Verses by, inter alios, John Webster, and by Richard Perkins, Christopher Beeston and Robert Pallant to their ‘fellow’. Book i. P. 15. The author is ‘mooved by the sundry exclamations of many seditious sectists in this age.... It hath pleased the high and mighty princes of this land to limit the use of certaine publicke theaters, which, since many of those over-curious heads have lavishly and violently slandered, I hold it not amisse to lay open some few antiquities to approve the true use of them.’ A vision of Melpomene. Actors in antiquity. P. 20. The lives of worthies ‘can no way bee so exquisitly demonstrated, nor so lively portrayed, as by action.... A description is only a shadow, received by the eare, but not perceived by the eye; so lively portrature is meerely a forme seene by the eye, but can neither shew action, passion, motion, or any other gesture to moove the spirits of the beholder to admiration: but to see a souldier shap’d like a souldier, walke, speake, act like a souldier; to see a Hector all besmered in blood, trampling upon the bulkes of kinges; a Troilus returning from the field, in the sight of his father Priam, as if man and horse, even from the steed’s rough fetlockes to the plume on the champion’s helmet, had bene together plunged into a purple ocean; to see a Pompey ride in triumph, then a Caesar conquer that Pompey; labouring Hannibal alive, hewing his passage through the Alpes. To see as I have seene, Hercules, in his owne shape, hunting the boare, knocking downe the bull, taming the hart, fighting with Hydra, murdering Geryon, slaughtering Diomed, wounding the Stymphalides, killing the Centaurs, pashing the lion, squeezing the dragon, dragging Cerberus in chaynes, and lastly, on his high pyramides waiting Nil ultra, Oh, these were sights to make an Alexander! To turne to our domesticke hystories: what English blood, seeing the person of any bold Englishman presented, and doth not hugge his fame, and hunnye at his valor, pursuing him in his enterprise with his best wishes, and as beeing wrapt in contemplation, offers to him in his hart all prosperous performance, as if the personator were the man personated? so bewitching a thing is lively and well-spirited action, that it hath power to new-mold the harts of the spectators, and fashion them to the shape of any noble and notable attempt. What coward, to see his countrymen valiant, would not bee ashamed of his owne cowardise? What English prince, should hee behold the true portrature of that famous King Edward the Third, foraging France, taking so great a king captive in his owne country, quartering the English lyons with the French flower-delyce, and would not bee suddenly inflam’d with so royale a spectacle, being made apt and fit for the like atchievement. So of Henry the Fift.’ The place of actors at Rome. P. 24. ‘Neither Christ himselfe, nor any of his sanctified apostles, in any of their sermons, acts, or documents, so much as named them, or upon any abusive occasion touched them.... Since they (I say) in all their holy doctrines, bookes, and principles of divinity, were content to passe them over, as thinges tollerated and indifferent, why should any nice and over-scrupulous heads, since they cannot ground their curiousnesse either upon the Old or New Testament, take upon them to correct, controule, or carpe at that, against which they cannot finde any text in the sacred scriptures?’ P. 25. ‘Since God hath provided us of these pastimes, why may we not use them to his glory? Now, if you aske me why were not the theaters as gorgeously built in all other cities of Italy as Rome, and why are not playhouses maintained as well in other cities of England as London? My answere is ... Rome was a metropolis, a place whither all the nations knowne under the sunne resorted: so is London, and being to receive all estates, all princes, all nations, therefore to affoord them all choyce of pastimes, sports, and recreations.’ Actors in Greece. The scriptural prohibition of change of sex-costume has no reference to plays. P. 28. ‘To see our youths attired in the habit of women, who knowes not what their intents be? who cannot distinguish them by their names, assuredly knowing they are but to represent such a lady, at such a tyme appoynted? Do not the Universities, the fountaines and well springs of all good arts, learning, and documents, admit the like in their colledges? and they (I assure my selfe) are not ignorant of their true use. In the time of my residence at Cambridge, I have seen tragedyes, comedyes, historyes, pastorals, and shewes, publickly acted, in which the graduates of good place and reputation have bene specially parted.’ Value of such exercises in teaching audacity in disputation and good enunciation. The critics of acting ‘a sorte of finde-faults’. Book ii. Antiquities of the theatre, and distribution of theatres in ancient and modern states. P. 40. ‘The King of Denmarke, father to him that now reigneth, entertained into his service a company of English comedians, commended unto him by the honourable the Earle of Leicester: the Duke of Brunswicke and the Landgrave of Hessen retaine in their courts certaine of ours of the same quality.... And amongst us one of our best English Chroniclers [in margin, ‘Stowe’] records, that when Edward the Fourth would shew himselfe in publicke state to the view of the people, hee repaired to his palace at S. Johnes, where he accustomed to see the citty actors: and since then that house, by the prince’s free gift, hath belonged to the Office of the Revels, where our court playes have beene in late daies yearely rehersed, perfected, and corrected before they come to the publike view of the prince and the nobility.’ Famous classical actors. P. 43. ‘According to the occasion offered to do some right to our English actors, as Knell, Bentley, Mils, Wilson, Crosse, Lanam, and others, these, since I never saw them, as being before my time, I cannot (as an eye-witnesse of their desert) give them that applause, which no doubt they worthily merit; yet by the report of many juditiall auditors their performances of many parts have been so absolute, that it were a kinde of sinne to drowne their worths in Lethe, and not commit their (almost forgotten) names to eternity. Here I must needs remember Tarleton, in his time gratious with the queene, his soveraigne, and in the people’s generall applause, whom succeeded Wil. Kemp, as wel in the favour of her majesty, as in the opinion and good thoughts of the generall audience. Gabriel, Singer, Pope, Phillips, Sly, all the right I can do them is but this, that, though they be dead, their deserts yet live in the remembrance of many. Among so many dead, let me not forget one yet alive, in his time the most worthy, famous Maister Edward Allen.... I also could wish, that such as are condemned for their licentiousnesse, might by a generall consent bee quite excluded our society; for, as we are men that stand in the broad eye of the world, so should our manners, gestures, and behaviours, savour of such government and modesty, to deserve the good thoughts and reports of all men, and to abide the sharpest censures even of those that are the greatest opposites to the quality. Many amongst us I know to be of substance, of government, of sober lives, and temperate carriages, house-keepers, and contributory to all duties enjoyned them, equally with them that are rank’t with the most bountifull; and if amongst so many of sort, there be any few degenerate from the rest in that good demeanor which is both requisite and expected at their hands, let me entreat you not to censure hardly of all for the misdeeds of some.’ On royal actors, quoting (p. 45) ‘M. Kid, in his Spanish Tragedy’. Book iii. The quality not to be condemned because of its abuses. P. 52. ‘Playing is an ornament to the citty.’ It refines the language, instructs the ignorant, and teaches moral lessons. P. 54. ‘Briefly, there is neither tragedy, history, comedy, morall, or pastorall, from which an infinite use cannot be gathered. I speake not in the defence of any lascivious shewes, scurrelous jests, or scandalous invectives. If there be any such I banish them quite from my patronage.’ Plays have discovered murders. P. 57. ‘We will prove it by a domestike and home-borne truth, which within these few years happened. At Lin, in Norfolke, the then Earl of Sussex players acting the old History of Feyer Francis’ drove a townswoman to confess the murder of her husband in circumstances parallel to those of the play. P. 58. Relates rout of Spanish raiders ‘at a place called Perin in Cornwall’, though their alarm at the drum and trumpets of ‘a company of the same quality some 12 yeares ago, or not so much ... playing late in the night’. Another story of a woman who had driven a nail into her husband’s brain, urged to remorse by a similar incident in ‘the last part of the Four Sons of Aymon’ played by ‘a company of our English comedians (well knowne)’ at Amsterdam. Summarizes the favour of many sovereigns to players. P. 60. ‘The cardinal at Bruxels hath at this time in pay a company of our English comedians.... But in no country they are of that eminence that our’s are: so our most royall and ever renouned soveraigne hath licenced us in London: so did his predecessor, the thrice vertuous virgin, Queen Elizabeth; and before her, her sister, Queene Mary, Edward the sixth, and their father, Henry the eighth.’ P. 61. ‘Moreover, to this day in divers places of England there be townes that held the priviledge of their faires, and other charters by yearely stage-playes, as at Manningtree in Suffolke, Kendall in the north, and others.... Now, to speake of some abuse lately crept into the quality, as an inveighing against the state, the court, the law, the citty, and their governements, with the particularizing of private men’s humors (yet alive) noblemen, and others: I know it distastes many; neither do I any way approve it, nor dare I by any meanes excuse it. The liberty which some arrogate to themselves, committing their bitternesse, and liberall invectives against all estates, to the mouthes of children, supposing their juniority to be a priviledge for any rayling, be it never so violent, I could advise all such to curbe and limit this presumed liberty within the bands of discretion and government. But wise and juditiall censurers, before whom such complaints shall at any time hereafter come, wil not (I hope) impute these abuses to any transgression in us, who have ever been carefull and provident to shun the like.’ P. 162. Epistle to the publisher. Notes the printer’s faults in his Britain’s Troy, and the pirating of his two epistles of Paris to Helen, and Helen to Paris by Jaggard [in The Passionate Pilgrim].

lviii. 1610. WILLIAM CRASHAW.

[From A Sermon Preached in London before the right honorable the Lord Lawarre, Lord Gouernour and Captaine Generall of Virginea ... Feb. 21, 1609 (1610).]

P. 57. ‘We confesse this action hath three great enemies: but who be they? euen the Diuell, Papists, and Players.’ P. 62. ‘3. As for Plaiers: (pardon me right Honourable and beloued, for wronging this place and your patience with so base a subiect) they play with Princes and Potentates, Magistrates and Ministers, nay with God and Religion, and all holy things: nothing that is good, excellent or holy can escape them: how then can this action?... But why are the Players enemies to this Plantation and doe abuse it? I will tell you the causes: First, for that they are so multiplied here, that one cannot liue by another, and they see that wee send of all trades to Virginea, but will send no Players, which if wee would doe, they that remaine would gaine the more at home. Secondly ... because wee resolue to suffer no Idle persons in Virginea, which course if it were taken in England, they know they might turne to new occupations.’

lix. 1615. I. H.

[From This World’s Folly. Or A Warning-Peece discharged vpon the Wickednesse thereof. By I. H. (1615).]

B^v-B2. ‘What voice is heard in our streetes? Nought but the squeaking out of those τερετίσματα, obscaene and light Iigges, stuft with loathsome and vnheard-of Ribauldry, suckt from the poysonous dugs of Sinne-sweld Theaters.... More haue recourse to Playing houses, then to Praying houses.... I will not particularize those Blitea dramata (as Laberius termes another sort) those Fortune-fatted fooles, and Times Ideots, whose garbe is the Tooth-ache of witte, the Plague-sore of Iudgement, the Common-sewer of Obscaenities, and the very Traine-powder that dischargeth the roaring Meg (not Mol) of all scurrile villanies vpon the Cities face; who are faine to produce blinde Impudence [in margin, ‘Garlicke’], to personate himselfe vpon their stage, behung with chaynes of Garlicke, as an Antidote against their owne infectious breaths, lest it should kill their Oyster-crying Audience. Vos quoque [in margin, ‘Or Tu quoque’], and you also, who with Scylla-barking, Stentor-throated bellowings, flash choaking squibbes of absurd vanities into the nosthrils of your spectators, barbarously diuerting Nature, and defacing Gods owne image, by metamorphising humane [in margin, ‘Greenes Baboone’] shape into bestiall forme. Those also stand within the stroke of my penne, who were wont to Curtaine ouer their defects with knauish conueyances, and scum off the froth of all wanton vanity, to qualifie the eager appetite of their slapping Fauorites.’

lx. 1615. J. COCKE.

[The variant texts of this character are here given from the two editions of John Stephens’ essays, in each of which it is Bk. ii, char. 4, viz. (A) Satyrical Essayes Characters and Others (1615) and (B) Essayes and Characters, Ironical and Instructive. The second impression (1615), of which a reprint is in J. O. Halliwell, Old Books of Characters (1857), 131. Between A and B had appeared the sixth edition of The Wife, with the character of An Excellent Actor and the reference to a rival as ‘the imitating Characterist’ (v. No. lxi). To this the additions in B are a rejoinder, and they are reinforced by two epistles. One is ‘To the namelesse Rayler: who hath lenghthened his Excellent Actor, a most needy Caracter following the wife with a peece of dog-skin witt; dressed ouer with oyle of sweaty Posthorse’. Here the writer, I. S., says he did ‘admit a friends Satyre’. The other epistle, ‘To the nameles Author of a late Character entituled, an Excellent Actor, following The Wife’, is signed by ‘I. Cocke’, who says, ‘witnes your gross mistaking of approued and authorised actors for counterfeit Runagates, or country Players, inueighed against by the Characterist’. Some appended verses claim for Cocke the authorship of the Tinker, Apparator, and Almanac-maker in The Wife. It seems clear that Cocke and not Stephens wrote the present character, and that An Excellent Actor was a reply to it. It is true that Stephens only speaks of it as ‘lenghthened’ by the attack on himself, but ‘lenghthened’ may mean ‘pieced out’, and there is no version, long or short, in any of the five first editions of The Wife, while a reference to ‘the sixt impression of S. Thomas Overburyes wife’ on p. 434 of B shows this was before its writers. John Stephens (cf. ch. xxiii) was a Lincoln’s Inn dramatist. I cannot find a likely Cocke in the Lincoln’s Inn Admission Books; there is an Isaac Cox, admitted 10 Jan. 1611 (i. 154), and a John Cookes on 6 June 1614 (i. 166). Can the satirist be the John Cooke (cf. ch. xxiii) who wrote Greene’s Tu Quoque?]

A common Player

Is a slow Payer, seldom a Purchaser, never a Puritan. The Statute hath done wisely to acknowledg him a Rogue errant[824], for his chiefe essence is, A daily Counterfeit[825]: He hath beene familiar so long with out-sides, that he professes himselfe (being unknowne) to be an apparant Gentleman. But his thinne Felt, and his silke Stockings, or his foule Linnen, and faire Doublet, doe (in him) bodily reveal the Broker: So beeing not sutable, hee proves a Motley: his mind observing the same fashion of his body: both consist of parcells and remnants: but his minde hath commonly the newer fashion, and the newer stuffe: hee would not else hearken so passionately after new Tunes, new Trickes, new Devises: These together apparrell his braine and understanding, whilst he takes the materialls upon trust, and is himself the Taylor to take measure of his soules liking. Hee doth conjecture somewhat strongly, but dares not commend a playes goodnes,[826] till he hath either spoken, or heard the Epilogue[827]: neither dares he entitle good things Good, unlesse hee be heartned on by the multitude: till then hee saith faintly what hee thinkes, with a willing purpose to recant or persist: So howsoever hee pretends to have a royall Master or Mistresse, his wages and dependance prove him to be the servant of the people.[828] When he doth hold conference upon the stage; and should looke directly in his fellows face; hee turnes about his voice into the assembly for applause-sake, like a Trumpeter in the fields, that shifts places to get an eccho.[829] The cautions of his judging humor (if hee dares undertake it) be a certaine number of sawsie rude[830] jests against the common lawyer; hansome conceits against the fine Courtiers; delicate quirkes against the rich Cuckold a cittizen; shadowed glaunce[831] for good innocent Ladies and Gentlewomen; with a nipping scoffe for some honest Justice, who hath[832] imprisoned him: or some thriftie Trades-man, who hath allowed him no credit: alwayes remembred, his object is, A new play, or A play newly revived. Other Poems he admits, as good-fellowes take Tobacco, or ignorant Burgesses give a voyce, for company sake; as thinges that neither maintaine nor be against him. To be a player, is to have a mithridate against the pestilence; for players cannot tarry where the plague raignes; and therfore they be seldome infected.[833] He can seeme no lesse then one in honour, or at least one mounted; for unto miseries which persecute such, he is most incident. Hence it proceeds, that in the prosperous fortune of a play frequented, he proves immoderate, and falles into a Drunkards paradise, till it be last no longer. Otherwise when adversities come, they come together: For Lent and Shrovetuesday be not farre asunder, then he is dejected daily and weekely: his blessings be neither lame nor monstrous; they goe upon foure legges, but moove slowly, and make as great a distance between their steppes, as between the foure Tearmes. Reproofe is ill bestowed uppon him; it cannot alter his conditions: he hath bin so accustomed to the scorne and laughter of his audience, that hee cannot bee ashamed of himselfe: for hee dares laugh in the middest of a serious conference, without blushing.[834] If hee marries, hee mistakes the Woman for the Boy in Womans attire, by not respecting a difference in the mischiefe: But so long as he lives unmarried, hee mistakes the Boy, or a Whore for the Woman; by courting the first on the stage, or visiting the second at her devotions. When hee is most commendable, you must confesse there is no truth in him: for his best action is but an imitation of truth, and nullum simile est idem. It may be imagined I abuse his carriage, and hee perhaps may suddenly bee thought faire-conditioned; for he playes above board.[835] Take him at the best, he is but a shifting companion; for hee lives effectually by putting on, and putting off. If his profession were single, hee would think himselfe a simple fellow, as hee doth all professions besides his owne: His own therefore is compounded of all Natures, all humours, all professions. Hee is politick also[836] to perceive the commonwealth[837] doubts of his licence, and therefore in spight of Parliaments or Statutes hee incorporates himselfe by the title of a brotherhood. Painting and fine cloths may not by the same reason be called abusive, that players may not be called rogues: For they bee chiefe ornaments of his Majesties Revells.[838] I need not multiplie his character; for boyes and every one, wil no sooner see men of this Facultie walke along but they wil (unasked) informe you what hee is by the vulgar title.[839] Yet in the generall number of them, many may deserve a wise mans commendation: and therefore did I prefix an Epithite of common, to distinguish the base and artlesse appendants of our citty companies, which often times start away into rusticall wanderers and then (like Proteus) start backe again into the Citty number.[840]

lxi. 1615. JOHN WEBSTER (?).

[This Character Of an Excellent Actor is one of the additions made in the 6th edition (1615) to the Characters printed with Sir Thomas Overbury’s The Wife, of which the 1st edition appeared after Overbury’s death on 15 Sept. 1613. The Characters do not profess to be all from Overbury’s hand, and the present one was evidently written as a reply to that of A Common Player (No. lx). The allusion to painting suggests that the model was Richard Burbadge. The passage Therefore the imitating Characterist ... flea them was omitted in the 7th edition (1616) and in later editions, including the 9th (1616), from which the reprints in E. F. Rimbault, Works of Overbury, 147, and H. Morley, Character Writings, 86, are taken. A. F. Bourgeois, in 11 N. Q. x. 3, 23, gives some striking parallels of phrase between the Characters of 1615 and the work of John Webster, which may point to his authorship. Later Characters of a Player are in J. Earle, Microcosmography (1628, ed. A. S. West, 81), and R. M., Micrologia (1629, Morley, 285).]

An Excellent Actor.

Whatsoeuer is commendable in the graue Orator, is most exquisitly perfect in him; for by a full and significant action of body, he charmes our attention: sit in a full Theater, and you will thinke you see so many lines drawne from the circumference of so many eares, whiles the Actor is the Center. He doth not striue to make nature monstrous, she is often seene in the same Scaene with him, but neither on Stilts nor Crutches; and for his voice tis not lower then the prompter, nor lowder then the Foile and Target. By his action he fortifies morall precepts with example; for what we see him personate, we thinke truely done before vs: a man of a deepe thought might apprehend, the Ghosts of our ancient Heroes walk’t againe, and take him (at seuerall times) for many of them. Hee is much affected to painting, and tis a question whether that make him an excellent Plaier, or his playing an exquisite painter. Hee addes grace to the Poets labours: for what in the Poet is but ditty, in him is both ditty and musicke. He entertaines vs in the best leasure of our life, that is betweene meales, the most vnfit time, either for study or bodily exercise: the flight of Hawkes and chase of wilde beastes, either of them are delights noble: but some think this sport of men the worthier, despight all calumny. All men haue beene of his occupation: and indeed, what hee doth fainedly that doe others essentially: this day one plaies a Monarch, the next a priuate person. Heere one Acts a Tyrant, on the morrow an Exile: A Parasite this man to night, to morow a Precisian, and so of diuers others. I obserue, of all men liuing, a worthy Actor in one kind is the strongest motiue of affection that can be: for when he dies, wee cannot be perswaded any man can doe his parts like him. Therefore the imitating Characterist was extreame idle in calling them Rogues. His Muse it seemes, with all his loud inuocation, could not be wak’d to light him a snuffe to read the Statute: for I would let his malicious ignorance vnderstand, that Rogues are not to be imploide as maine ornaments to his Maiesties Reuels; but the itch of bestriding the Presse, or getting vp on this wodden Pacolet, hath defil’d more innocent paper, then euer did Laxatiue Physicke: yet is their inuention such tyred stuffe, that like Kentish Posthorse they can not go beyond their ordinary stage, should you flea them. But to conclude, I valew a worthy Actor by the corruption of some few of the quality, as I would doe gold in the oare; I should not mind the drosse, but the purity of the metall.

lxii. 1616. JOHN SELDEN.

[From a letter to Ben Jonson of ‘28th of Feb. 1615’ (Works, ii. 1690).]

‘I have most willingly collected what you wished, my notes touching the literal sense and historical of the holy text usually brought against the counterfeiting of sexes by apparell.’ Explains it as a prohibition of an idolatrous Palestine ritual.

lxiii. 1616. NATHAN FIELD.

[From Feild the Players Letter to M^r Sutton, Preacher att S^t Mary Overs, 1616, printed by Halliwell, Illustrations, 115, from S. P. Dom. Jac. I, lxxxix. 105. There are some slight references to the stage in Thomas Sutton’s England’s First and Second Summons (1616), 27, 195, but these are Paul’s Cross sermons delivered, and in the case of the first at least printed, before he became preacher at Saint Mary Overies in 1616, and Field is probably answering something later and more pointed.]

Protests that Sutton’s labour ‘to hinder the Sacrament and banish me from myne owne parishe Churche’ is ‘uncharitable dealing with your poore parishioners, whose purses participate in your contribucion and whose labour yow are contented to eate’. Can find nothing in the Bible, ‘which I have studied as my best parte’, condemning players, nor does ‘our Caesar, our David’, King James, condemn them.

APPENDIX D

DOCUMENTS OF CONTROL

[Bibliographical Note.--The material here collected relates to the control of the stage both by the central and, so far as London and its suburbs are concerned, by the local authorities. It is largely drawn from official sources, especially the Chancery Rolls and the Privy Council Register, and the City archives, in particular the series of Remembrancia, which begins in 1579 and contains copies of official correspondence between the Corporation and the Privy Council, or individual persons of honour. Something has also been contributed by the Repertories of the Court of Aldermen and the Journals of the Common Council, but these, as well as the Liber Legum and the Letter Books, which extend to 1590, probably still require further search. The nature of the Privy Council Register is described in ch. ii, and it must be borne in mind that orders relating to plays are probably missing from it, owing to lacunae, of which the chief are May 1559–May 1562, Sept. 1562–Nov. 1564, Dec. 1565–Oct. 1566, May 1567–May 1570, July 1572–Feb. 1573, June 1582–Feb. 1586, Aug. 1593–Oct. 1595, April 1599–Jan. 1600, Jan. 1602–May 1613. For the last of these an abstract covering 1602–10 in Addl. MS. 11402 is an inadequate substitute. Probably some volumes of the Register were burnt in the fire of 1619 (cf. ch. i). Many of the documents were printed by Collier, Hazlitt, Wright, and others, but in most cases more authoritative texts are available in such publications as the Statutes of the Realm (1810–22), J. R. Dasent, Acts of the Privy Council (1890–1907), J. C. Jeaffreson, Middlesex County Records (1888–92), W. W. Greg, Henslowe Papers (1907), C. C. Stopes, Extracts from London Play Regulations (1908, Harrison, Description of England, Part iv), and Collections of the Malone Society, vol. i (Dramatic Records from the Remembrancia, Lansdowne Manuscripts, Patent Rolls, and Privy Council Register 1603–42, by E. K. Chambers and W. W. Greg), and in view of the diplomatic accuracy of these I have allowed myself to make the present copies more readable by means of additional punctuation, modifications in the use of capitals, and the extension of contractions. I have also occasionally omitted an irrelevant passage or an endorsement. And I have replaced full texts by abstracts where, as in the case of the company patents, the full texts seemed to go better in other sections of this work.]

i.

[1531. Extract from An Acte concernyng punysshement of Beggers & Vacabundes (22 Hen. VIII, c. 12), printed in Statutes, iii. 328. The Act was continued and amended in detail in 1536 by 27 Hen. VIII, c. 25 (St. iii. 558), replaced in 1547 by the more severe 1 Edw. VI, c. 3 (St. iv. 5), revived in 1550 by 3 & 4 Edw. VI, c. 16 (St. iv. 115), and continued in 1551–2 by 5 & 6 Edw. VI, c. 2 (St. iv. 131), in 1552–3 by 7 Edw. VI, c. 11 (St. iv. 175), in 1553 by 1 Mary, c. 13 (St. iv. 215), and in 1563 by 5 Eliz. c. 3 (St. iv. 411).]

[§ 3.] And be it farther enacted by the aucthoryte aforsayde that yf any person or persones beyng hole & myghtie in body & able to laboure, at any tyme after the sayde feast of Saynt John [24 June 1531] be taken in beggyng in any parte of this Realme, or yf any Man or Woman beyng hole & myghty in body & able to laboure havyng no lande [or] maister nor usyng any lawful marchaundyse crafte or mystery, wherby he myght gette his lyvyng after the same feast, be vagarant & can gyve none rekenyng howe he doth lefully gett his lyvyng, that than yt shalbe lefull to the Constables & all other the Kynges Officers Mynysters & Subjectes of every Towne Paryshe & Hamlet to arest the sayd Vacaboundes & ydell persons & them bryng to any of the Justices of Peace of the same Shyre or Libertie, or els to the Highe Constable of the Hundrede Rape or Wapentake wythin whyche suche persones shalbe taken; and yf he be taken wythin any Cyte or Towen Corporate, than to be brought before the Mayre, Shereffes or Baylyffes of every suche Towne Corporate; and that every suche Justyce of Peace, Highe Constable, Mayres, Shereffes and Baylyffes by their dyscretions shall cause every suche ydell person so to hym brought to be had to the next market Towne or other place, where the sayde Justices of Peace, Highe Constable, Mayres, Baylyffes or other Officers shall thynke most convenyent by his or there discretions & there to be tyed to the end of a Carte naked and be beten wyth Whyppes thoroughe oute the same market Towne or other place tyll his Body be blody by reason of suche whyppyng; and after suche punysshement & whyppyng had, the person so punysshed by the dyscretion of the Justice of Peace, Highe Constable, Mayre, Sheryffes, Baylyffes & other Officers, afore whom suche person shalbe brought, shalbe enyoyned upon his othe to retourne forthewyth wythout delaye in the next & streyght waye to the place where he was borne, or where he last dwelled before the same punysshement by the space of iij yeres & there put hym selfe to laboure, lyke as a trewe man oweth to doo ... and yf the person so whypped be an ydell person & no common begger than after suche whippyng he shall be kepte in the Stockes till he hath founde suertie to goo to servyce or elles to laboure after the dyscretion of the sayde Justice of Peace, Mayres, Shireffes, Baylyffes, Highe Constables or other suche Offycers afore whome any suche ydell person beyng no commen begger shalbe brought, yf by the dyscretion of the same Justice of Peace, Mayer, Shyreff, Bayly, Highe Constable, or other suche hedde offycer, yt be so thought convenyent & that the partie so punysshed be able to fynde suretye or elles to be ordered & sworne to repayer to the place where he was borne or where he last dwelled by the space of three yeres.

ii.

[1549, May 27. Minute of Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison, iv. 313, from London Repertory, xii, f. 92.]

[Sidenote: Amcotes, Mayor. Wylkynson.]

Item, John Wylkynson, coriour, who comenly suffreth & meynteyneth interludes & playes to be made and kept within his dwellyng house, was streyghtly commandid no more to suffer eny suche pleyes there to be kept, vpon peyne of imprysonement, &c.

iii.

[1549, July 4. Minute of Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison, iv. 313, from London Repertory, xii. 1, f. 100.]

[Sidenote: Interludes & bukler playinge.]

At this courte. yt was agreyd that my Lorde Mayer, at his next repayrynge to the Lorde Chaunceler, shulde desyre his Lordeshyps ayde and advise for the steyinge of all comen interludes & pleyes within the Citie & the suburbes therof. And further, that euery of my maisters thaldermen shulde take suche ordre in their wardes with the constables, & otherwyse by their discrecion, that there be no more buckler playing suffred nor vsed within eny of their wardes duryng this besye tyme.

iv.

[1549, 7 Nov. Minute of Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison, iv. 314, from London Repertory, xii. 1, f. 162^v.]

[Sidenote: Hyll, Mayor. Enterludes.]

Item, it is orderyd that the ij Secondaries of the Compters, Mr. Atkyns & Mr. Burnell, shall, accordyng to the tenour of the recognysaunce lately taken before the Lorde grete Master, & remaynyng with my Lorde Mayer, pervse all suche enterludes as hereafter shalbe pleyed by eny comen pleyr of the same within the Citie or the liberties therof, And make reporte of the same to the Lorde Mayer for the tyme beynge, And accordyng thervnto, my Lorde Mayer to suffer them to go forwarde, or to stey.

v.

[1550, 23 Dec. Minute of Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison, iv. 314, from London Repertory, xii. 2, f. 294^v.]

[Sidenote: Players of interludes.]

At this Courte, certein comen plaiers of interludes within this Citie were bounden by Recognisaunce as herafter insuythe:

Item, Johannes Nethe, Robertus Southyn, Robertus Drake, Robertus Peacocke, Johannes Nethersall, Robertus Sutton, Ricardus Jugler, Johannes Ronner, Willelmus Readyng, Edmundus Stokedale, Johannes Rawlyns, Johannes Crane, Ricardus Gyrke, Johannes Radstone, Oliuerus Page, Ricardus Pokeley, Ricardus Parseley, & Willelmus Clement, recognoverunt se & eorum quemlibet, per se debere domino Regi xx li, bonis etc soluendis etc: The condicion, etc, that yf the above bounden John Nethe, Robert Southyn etc & eny and euery of them, do not at herafter play eny interlude or comen play within eny of our Soueraygn Lorde the kynges domynyons, without the especiall licence of our seid Soueraygn Lorde, or of his most honourable Councell for the tyme beyng, had & obteyned for the same, And also yf they the seid Recognytours, & euery of them, do att all & euery tyme & tymes herafter, when they or any of them shalbe, by the seid Counsell or eny of them, sent for, personally appere before the seid Counsell or some of them, that then, etc, or els etc.

vi.

[1553. City order cited from Letter Book, R, f. 246, in _V. H. London_, i. 295.]

Plays and interludes were forbidden before 3 p.m. on Sundays and holidays.

vii.

[1558. A reference to plays is cited from Letter Book, V, f. 216, in V. H. London, i. 322.]

viii.

[1559, April 7. Proclamation. Despatches in V. P. vii. 65, 71, also record this, which, however, is not preserved. It forms no part of Procl. 504 for peace with France, which both Machyn and Holinshed describe as proclaimed immediately before it, and which bears date 7 April. Procl. 503, of 22 March, prescribing Easter Sacrament in both kinds, has a clause enjoining mayors and other officers to commit to prison ‘all disordred persons, that shall seke willingly to breake, either by misordred dede, or by railing, or contemptuous speach, the common peace and band of charytie’; but, apart from the discrepancy of dates, this seems too general in its terms to answer the descriptions.]

(a)

[Entry in Machyn’s Diary, 193, misdated April 8.]

Bluw-mantyll dyd proclaymyd that no players shuld play no more tyll a serten tyme of no mans players; but the mare or shreyff, balle, constabull, or odur offesers take them, lay them in presun, and the quen commondement layd on them.

(b)

[Extract from Holinshed, Chronicle, iii. 1184.]

The same time also [April 7] was another proclamation made under the queenes hand in writing, inhibiting that from thenceforth no plaies nor interludes should be exercised, till Alhallowes tide next insuing.

ix.

[1559, May 8. Extract from An Act for the Uniformity of Common Prayer and Service in the Church and Administration of the Sacraments (1 Eliz. c. 2), printed in Statutes, iv. 1, 355. Later clauses give concurrent power to deal with offences under the Act to justices of assize or mayors and other head officers of cities and boroughs, and to archbishops and bishops and other ordinaries by ecclesiastical process.]

It is ordained and enacted by the authority abovesaid, that if any person or persons whatsoever, after the said feast of the Nativity of St. John Baptist next coming [24 June 1559], shall in any interludes, plays, songs, rhymes, or by other open words, declare or speak anything in the derogation, depraving, or despising of the same book [of Common Prayer], or of anything therein contained, or any part thereof, ... then every such person, being thereof lawfully convicted in form aforesaid, shall forfeit to the queen our sovereign lady, her heirs and successors, for the first offence a hundred marks.

x.

[1559, May 16. Proclamation 509, printed in Collier, i. 166, and Hazlitt, E. D. S. 19.]

¶ By the Quene.

Forasmuche as the tyme wherein common Interludes in the Englishe tongue are wont vsually to be played, is now past vntyll All Hallou-tyde, and that also some that haue ben of late vsed, are not conuenient in any good ordred Christian Common weale to be suffred. The Quenes Maiestie doth straightly forbyd all maner Interludes to be playde eyther openly or priuately, except the same be notified before hande, and licenced within any Citie or towne corporate, by the Maior or other chiefe officers of the same, and within any shyre, by suche as shalbe Lieuetenauntes for the Quenes Maiestie in the same shyre, or by two of the Justices of peax inhabyting within that part of the shire where any shalbe played.

And for instruction to euery of the sayde officers, her maiestie doth likewise charge euery of them, as they will aunswere: that they permyt none to be played wherin either matters of religion or of the gouernaunce of the estate of the common weale shalbe handled or treated, beyng no meete matters to be wrytten or treated vpon, but by menne of aucthoritie, learning and wisedome, nor to be handled before any audience, but of graue and discreete persons: All which partes of this proclamation, her maiestie chargeth to be inuiolably kepte. And if any shal attempt to the contrary: her maiestie giueth all maner of officers that haue authoritie to see common peax kepte in commaundement, to arrest and enprison the parties so offendinge, for the space of fourtene dayes or more, as cause shal nede: And furder also vntill good assuraunce may be founde and gyuen, that they shalbe of good behauiour, and no more to offende in the likes.

And further her maiestie gyueth speciall charge to her nobilitie and gentilmen, as they professe to obey and regarde her maiestie, to take good order in thys behalfe wyth their seruauntes being players, that this her maiesties commaundement may be dulye kepte and obeyed.

Yeuen at our Palayce of Westminster the xvi. daye of Maye, the first yeare of oure Raygne.

xi.

[1559, June. Lord Robert Dudley to the Earl of Shrewsbury, Lord President of the North, printed from _Heralds College Talbot MS._ E. f. 29, in Collier, i. 168; also in Lodge, i. 376.]

My good Lorde,

Where my servauntes, bringers hereof unto you, be suche as ar plaiers of interludes; and for the same have the Licence of diverse of my Lords here, under ther seales and handis, to plaie in diverse shieres within the realme under there aucthorities, as maie amplie appere unto your L. by the same licence. I have thought emong the rest by my Lettres to beseche your good L. conformitie to them like wise, that they maie have your hand and seale to ther licence for the like libertye in Yorke shiere; being honest men, and suche as shall plaie none other matters (I trust); but tollerable and convenient; whereof some of them have bene herde here alredie before diverse of my Lordis: for whome I shall have good cause to thank your L. and to remaine your L. to the best that shall lie in my litle power. And thus I take my leave of your good L. From Westm., the of June, 1559.

Your good L. assured, R. Duddley.

To the right Honourable & my verie good Lorde, the Erle of Shrewsburie.

xii.

[1559, c. 13 June. Extract from _Injunctions given by the Queen’s Majesty concerning both the Clergy and Laity of this Realm_, printed by Pollard, S. F. 13; in full in Gee, 46, and E. Cardwell, Documentary Annals of the Church of England (ed. 1844), i. 210.]

Li. Item, because there is a great abuse in the printers of bookes, which for couetousness cheefely, regard not what they print, so they may haue gaine, whereby ariseth great disorder by publication of vnfruitefull, vaine, and infamous bookes and papers, the Queenes maiestie straitlye chargeth and commaundeth, that no manner of person shall print any manner of booke or paper, of what sort, nature or in what language soeuer it be, excepte the same be firste licensed by her maiestie, by expresse wordes in writing, or by six of her priuie counsel: or be perused and licensed by the Archbishops of Canterburie and Yorke, the Bishop of London, the Chauncelors of both Vniuersities, the Bishop being Ordinarye and the Archdeacon also of the place, where any such shal be printed or by two of them, wherof the Ordinarie of the place to be alwayes one. And that the names of such as shall allowe the same to bee added in the end of euery such worke, for a testimonie of the alowance thereof. And because many pamphlets, playes and ballads, bee oftentimes printed, wherein regarde would bee had, that nothing therein should be either heretical, seditious, or vnseemely for Christian eares: her maiestie likewise commaundeth, that no manner of person shall enterprise to print any such, excepte the same bee to him licensed by suche her maiesties Commissioners, or three of them, as be appointed in the Cittie of London, to heare and determine diuers causes Ecclesiasticall, tending to the execution of certaine statutes, made the last Parliament for vniformitie of order in Religion. And if any shall sell or vtter any maner of bookes or papers, being not licensed, as is aboue sayd: that the same partie shalbe punished by order of the saide Commissioners, as to the qualitie of the fault shalbe thought meete. And touching all other bookes of matters of religion, or pollicie, or gouernance, that hath bene printed eyther on this side the seas, or on the other side, because the diuersitie of them is great, and that there nedeth good consideration to be had of the particularities thereof, her maiestie referreth the prohibition or permission thereof, to the order whiche her sayde Commissioners within the Cittie of London shall take and notifie. Accordinge to the whiche, her maiestie straitly commaundeth all maner her subiectes, and especially the Wardens and company of Stationers to be obedient.

Prouided that these orders doe not extende to any prophane aucthors, and works in any language that hath ben heretofore commonly receiued or allowed in any of the vniuersities or schooles, but the same may be printed and vsed as by good order they were accustomed.

[From appended Articles of Enquiry for diocesan visitations.]

Item, whether you know any person in your parish ... that hath invented, bruited, or set forth any rumours, false and seditious tales, slanders, or makers, bringers, buyers, sellers, keepers, or conveyors of any unlawful books, which might stir or provoke sedition, or maintain superstitious service within this realm, or any aiders, counsellors, procurers, or maintainers thereunto.

Item, whether any minstrels or any other persons do use to sing or say any songs or ditties that be vile or unclean, and especially in derision of any godly order now set forth and established.

xiii.

[1559, July 19. Extract from Patent for the establishment of the High Commission for ecclesiastical causes, printed by Gee, 147, from Patent Roll, 1 Eliz. p. 9, m. 23 dorso; also in Cardwell, Documentary Annals, i. 255. There were later commissions of 20 July 1562 (heads from S. P. D. Eliz. xxvi. 41, in Gee, 178), 1572 (P. R. 14 Eliz. p. 8), 23 April 1576 (text in Strype, Grindal, 543), 1583 (cf. Strype, Whitgift, i. 268), and 1601 (text from P. R. 43 Eliz. p. 16, m. 37 dorso, in Rymer, xvi. 400). That of 1562 seems to have followed the model of 1559; those of 1576 and 1601 give a jurisdiction over seditious books similar to that of 1559, but omit the provision as to vagrants in London, which was doubtless made unnecessary by the legislation of 1572 (cf. No. xxiv).]

Elizabeth, by the grace of God, &c., to the Reverend Father in God Matthew Parker nominated Bishop of Canterbury, and Edmond Grindall nominated Bishop of London [and others] greeting. Where at our Parliament ... there was two Acts and Statutes made and established, the one entitled An Act for the Uniformity of Common Prayer ... and the other entitled An Act restoring to the Crown the Ancient Jurisdiction of the State Ecclesiastical and Spiritual ... and where divers seditious and slanderous persons do not cease daily to invent and set forth false rumours, tales, and seditious slanders, not only against us and the said good laws and statutes, but also have set forth divers seditious books within this our realm of England, meaning thereby to move and procure strife, division, and dissension amongst our loving and obedient subjects, much to the disquieting of us and our people:

Wherefore we ... have authorized, assigned, and appointed you to be our Commissioners, and by these presents do give our full power and authority to you or six of you ... to inquire ... for all offences, misdoers, and misdemeanours ... contrary to the tenor and effect of the said several Acts and Statutes, and either of them; and also of all and singular heretical opinions, seditious books, contempts, conspiracies, false rumours, tales, seditious misbehaviours, slanderous words or showings published, invented or set forth or hereafter to be published, invented or set forth by any person or persons against us or contrary or against any the laws or statutes of this our realm, or against the quiet governance and rule of our people and subjects in any county, city, or borough or other place or places within this our realm of England, and of all and every the coadjutors, counsellors, comforters, procurers and abettors of every such offender; and ... to hear and determine all the premises ... and to visit, reform, redress, order, correct and amend ... errors, heresies, crimes, abuses, offences, contempts and enormities spiritual and ecclesiastical ... and to inquire of and search out all ruleless men, quarrellers, vagrants and suspect persons within our city of London and ten miles compass about the same city, and of all assaults and frays done and committed within the same city and the compass aforesaid.

xiv.

[1563, Sept. 30. Precept from Lord Mayor to Aldermen, noted, apparently from Journal, Lodge, No. 18, f. 184, in ‘Abstract of Several Orders relating to the Plague’ (Addl. MS. 4376, f. 52); cf. Creighton, i. 317.]

Another to prohibit all interludes & playes during the Infection.

xv.

1564, Feb. 23. Extract from letter of Edmund Grindal, Bishop of London, at Paul’s, to Sir W. Cecil, printed M. S. C. i. 148, from Lansd. MS. 7, f. 141; also in Grindal, Remains (1843), 269; Wright, i. 166.]

Mr. Calfhill this mornynge shewed me your letter to him, wherin ye wishe some politike orders to be devised agaynste Infection. I thinke it verie necessarie, and wille doo myne endevour bothe by exhortation, and otherwise. I was readye to crave your helpe for that purpose afore, as one nott vnmyndefulle of the parishe.

By searche I doo perceive, thatt ther is no one thinge off late is more lyke to have renewed this contagion, then the practise off an idle sorte off people, which have ben infamouse in all goode common weales: I meane these Histriones, common playours; who now daylye, butt speciallye on holydayes, sett vp bylles, whervnto the youthe resorteth excessively, & ther taketh infection: besydes that goddes worde by theyr impure mowthes is prophaned, and turned into scoffes; for remedie wheroff in my iugement ye shulde do verie well to be a meane, that a proclamation wer sette furthe to inhibitte all playes for one whole yeare (and iff itt wer for ever, it wer nott amisse) within the Cittie, or 3. myles compasse, vpon paynes aswell to the playours, as to the owners off the howses, wher they playe theyr lewde enterludes.

xvi.

[1569, May 12. City precept, printed in Harrison, iv. 315, from Journal, xix, f. 167^v.]

[Sidenote: A precept for no playes to be played from the last day of May 1569, vntill the last day of September then next following.

And also for beting clothes in wyndowes & other places next the streat.

Intratur.]

Forasmuch as thoroughe the greate resort, accesse and assembles of great multitudes of people vnto diuerse and seuerall Innes and other places of this Citie, and the liberties & suburbes of the same, to thentent to here and see certayne stage playes, enterludes, and other disguisinges, on the Saboth dayes and other solempne feastes commaunded by the church to be kept holy, and there being close pestered together in small romes, specially in this tyme of sommer, all not being and voyd of infeccions and diseases, whereby great infeccion with the plague, or some other infeccious diseases, may rise and growe, to the great hynderaunce of the comon wealth of this citty, and perill and daunger of the quenes maiesties people, the inhabitantes thereof, and all others repayryng thether, about there necessary affares; ... Thes are, in the quenes maiesties name, streightly to charge and commaund, that no mannour of parson or parsons whatsoeuer, dwelling or inhabiting within this citie of London liberties and suburbes of the same, being Inkepers, Tablekepers, Tauernours, hall-kepers, or bruers, Do or shall, from and after the last daye of this moneth of May nowe next ensuinge, vntill the last day of September then next following, take vppon him or them to set fourth, eyther openly or privatly, anny stage play or interludes, or to permit or suffer to be set fourth or played within his or there mansion howse, yarde, court, garden, orchard, or other place or places whatsoeuer, within this Cittye of London, the liberties or suburbes of the same, any mannour of stage play, enterlude, or other disguising whatsoeuer.... And fayle ye not herof, as ye tender the welth of this citie, and the health of the quenes maiesties people, her highnes good fauour and pleasure, and will aunswere for the contrary at your vttermost perills. Yeouen at the guild hall of London, the xij of May, 1569. God save the Quene.

xvii.

[1571, Nov. 27. Minute of City Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison, iv. 317, from Repertory, xvii, f. 236^v.]

[Sidenote: Intratur.

Preceptes to be made.]

Item, it was ordered that preceptes shalbe made to euery of my Masters thaldermen, that they from henceforth suffre no playe or enterlude to be played within the precynctes of there seuerall wardes vpon Sondaies, holly daies, or other daie of the weke, or ells at nyght of any of the same daies, till suche tyme as other order by this courte shalbe taken in that behalf.

xviii.

[1571, Dec. 6. Minute of Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison, iv. 318, from Repertory, xvii, f. 239^v.]

[Sidenote: My Lord of Leicesters men licensed to playe.]

Item, this daye, licence is geven to my lord of Leicesters men to playe within this Citie such matters as are alowed of to be played, at convenient howers & tymes, so that it be not in tyme of devyne service.

xix.

[1572, Jan. 3. Abstract of Proclamation for the Execution of the Laws made against Unlawful Retainers (Procl. 663); for text cf. M. S. C. i. 350.]

Requires justices of assise to enforce after 20 Feb. 1572 the statutes against unlawful retainers, and in particular 3 Hen. VII (1487), c. 12, one of several statutes confirming 8 Hen. VI (1429), c. 4, which forbade the giving of any livery of cloths or hat by a lord to other than his menials and lawyers (R. O. Statutes of the Realm, ii. 240, 522).

xx.

[1572, c. Jan. Letter to the Earl of Leicester from his Players; cf. text in Bk. iii.]

Requests that they may be retained as ‘houshold servaunts and daylie wayters’, in view of the recent proclamation (No. xix, supra), and may continue to have their lord’s license to certify the same when they travel.

xxi.

[1572, Jan. 29. Minute of Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison, iv. 318, from Repertory, xvii, f. 263^v.]

[Sidenote: My lord of Burgaueneys players.]

Item, it is further granted at the like request [of Sir Thomas Gresham] that my lord of Burgaueneys players shall play within this Citie duringe my lordes Maiours pleasure.

xxii.

[1572. Extract from MS. Chronologie of William Harrison, s.a. 1572, printed in Harrison, i. liv. The entries continue to 1593, and this one was probably written after the building of the Theatre and Curtain in 1576.]

1572. Plaies are banished for a time out of London, lest the resort vnto them should ingender a plague, or rather disperse it, being alredy begonne. Would to god these comon plaies were exiled for altogether, as semenaries of impiety, & their theaters pulled downe, as no better then houses of baudrie. It is an euident token of a wicked time when plaiers wexe so riche that they can build suche houses. As moche I wish also to our comon beare baitinges vsed on the Sabaothe daies.

xxiii.

[1572, May 20. Minute of City Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison, iv. 318, from Repertory, xvii, f. 316.]

[Sidenote: The Counsells Lettres for Plaies & Commodies. Intratur.]

Item, this daie, after the readyng of the Lordes of the Quenes Maiesties most honorable Counselles Letters, written in the favor of certein persones to haue in there howses, yardes, or back sydes, being overt & open places, such playes, enterludes, commedies, & tragedies as maye tende to represse vyce & extoll vertwe, for the recreacion of the people, & therby to drawe them from sundrye worser exercyses, The matter theerof being first examyned, sene & allowed, by such discrete person or persones as shalbe by the Lord Maiour thervnto appoynted, and takyng bondes of the said houskeapars not to suffer the same playes to be in the tyme of devyne service, & vpon other condicions in the same Letters specified:

Item, it was agreed that Master Townclark shall devyse a letter for answer of thother, to be sent vnto my Lord Burleighe, signifiing to his honour, that it is thought very perillous (considering the tyme of the yere & the heat of the weather) to haue such conventicles of people by such meanes called together, wherof the greatest number are of the meanest sorte, beseching his honour, yf it maye so seame him good, to be a meane wherby the same, for a tyme, may be forborne.

xxiv.

[1572, June 29. Extract from An Acte for the punishement of Vacabondes and for Releif of the Poore & Impotent (14 Eliz. c. 5), printed in Statutes, iv. 590. The Act was continued and amended in detail by 18 Eliz. c. 3 in 1576 (St. iv. 610) and continued by 37 Eliz. c. 11 in 1584–5 (St. iv. 718).]

[§ 2.] ... All & every person and persons whatsoever they bee, being above thage of fourtene yeres, being hereafter sett foorth by this Acte of Parliament to bee Roges Vacabonds or Sturdy Beggers, and bee at any tyme after the Feaste of Sainte Bartholomewe the Apostle next comming [24 Aug.] taken begging in any parte of this Realme, or taken vagrant wandring and misordering themselves contrary to the purport of this present Acte of Parliament in any part of the same, shall uppon their Apprehention be brought before one of the Justices of the Peece or Maior or Cheef Officer of Cities Boroughes and Townes Corporate within the Countye Cytye Boroughe or Towne Corporate, where the Apprehention shall happen to bee ... to bee presentlye commytted to ... Gaole ... or ... Prison ... untyll the next Sessions of the Peace or Generall Gaole Delivery.... At whiche Sessions or Gaole Delyverye yf suche person or persones bee duelye convict of his or her Rogishe or Vacabondes Trade of Lyef ... that then ymmedyatlye he or shee shalbe adjudged to bee grevouslye whipped, and burnte through the gristle of the right Eare with a hot Yron of the compasse of an Ynche about, manifestinge his or her rogyshe kynde of Lyef, and his or her Punyshment receaved for the same ... which Judgment shall also presentlye bee executed, Except some honest person ... wyll of his Charitye be contented presentlye to take suche Offendour before the same Justices into his Service for one whole yere next followinge.

[§ 4.] ... Yf after the said Punyshment executed or Judgement gyven, the said persone ... do eftsones fall againe to any kynde of Rogyshe or Vacabonde Trade of Lyef, that then the said Roge Vacabonde or Sturdy Begger from thenceforthe to be taken adjudged & demed in all respectes as a Felon; and shall in all Degrees receave have suffer and forfayte as a Felon, excepte some honest person ... wyll ... take him or her into his Service for two whole yeres.... And yf suche Roge or Vacabounde ... eftsones the third tyme fall againe to a kynde of Rogyshe or Vacabounde Trade of Lyef, that then suche Roge or Vacabound shalbe adjudged & deemed for a Felon, and suffer paynes of Death and losse of Land and Goodes as a Felon without Allowance or Benefyte of Cleargye or Sanctuary.

[§ 5.] ... All and everye persone and persones beynge whole and mightye in Body and able to labour, havinge not Land or Maister, nor using any lawfull Marchaundize Crafte or Mysterye whereby hee or shee might get his or her Lyvinge, and can gyve no reckninge howe he or shee dothe lawfully get his or her Lyvinge; & all Fencers Bearewardes Comon Players in Enterludes & Minstrels, not belonging to any Baron of this Realme or towardes any other honorable Personage of greater Degree; all Juglers Pedlars Tynkers and Petye Chapmen; whiche seid Fencers Bearewardes Comon Players in Enterludes Mynstrels Juglers Pedlers Tynkers & Petye Chapmen, shall wander abroade and have not Lycense of two Justices of the Peace at the leaste, whereof one to be of the Quorum, when and in what Shier they shall happen to wander ... shalbee taken adjudged and deemed Roges Vacaboundes and Sturdy Beggers.

[§ 12.] Provided alwayes, That yt shalbe lawfull to the Lord Chauncelour or Lorde Keper of the Greate Seale of England for the tyme beinge to make Lycence under the said Greate Seale, as heretofore hath benne accustomed, and that the said Lycence and Lycences shall as largely extend as the Contentes of them wyll beare; any thing herein to the contrary in any wyse notwithstandinge.

[§ 39.] Provided alwayes, That ... yt maye and shall be lawfull to the Justice and Justices of Peace, Maior Baylyffes and other Head Officers of those Cytyes, Boroughes Places and Townes Corporate where there bee Justice or Justices, to proceed to the execucion of this Acte within the Precinct and Compasse of their Liberties, in suche manner & fourme as the Justices of Peace in any Countye may or ought to doo within the same Countye by vertue of this Acte, any Matter or Thinge in this Acte expressed to the contrary therof notwithstandinge.

[§ 42.] Provided alwayes, That this Acte or any Thing therein contayned, or any aucthoritye thereby given, shall not in any wyse extend to dysheneryte prejudice or hinder John Dutton of Dutton in the Countye of Chester Esquier, his Heires or Assignes, for towching or concerninge any Libertye Priviledge Preheminence Aucthoritie Jurisdiccion or Inheritaunce which the sayd John Dutton nowe lawfully useth or hathe, or lawfully may or ought to use within the County Palatyne of Chester and the Countye of the Cyte of Chester, or eyther of them, by reason of any anncient Charteres of any Kinges of this Land, or by reason of any Prescription or other lawfull Usage or Tytle whatsoever.

xxv.

[1573, July. Privy Council Minutes, printed in Dasent, viii. 131, 132.]

(a) [July 14]

A letter to the Lord Mayour of London to permitte libertie to certein Italian plaiers to make shewe of an instrument of strainge motiones within the Citie.

(b) [July 19]

A letter to the Lord Mayour to graunt libertie to certein Italians to make shewe of an instrument there, merveling that he did it not at their first request.

xxvi.

[1574, March 2. Lord Mayor and Aldermen of London to Lord Chamberlain Sussex, printed from Cotton MS. Roll xvi. 41, in Collier, i. 206; also by S. Ayscough in Gentleman’s Magazine, lxii, 1, 412; Hazlitt, E. D. S. 23.]

Our dutie to your good L. humbly done. Whereas your Lord. hath made request in favour of one Holmes for our assent that he might have the appointment of places for playes and enterludes within this citie, it may please your L. to reteine undoubted assurance of our redinesse to gratifie, in any thing that we reasonably may, any persone whom your L. shall favor and recommend. Howbeit this case is such, and so nere touching the governance of this citie in one of the greatest matters thereof, namely the assemblies of multitudes of the Queenes people, and regard to be had to sundry inconveniences, whereof the peril is continually, upon everie occasion, to be foreseen by the rulers of this citie, that we cannot, with our duties, byside the precident farre extending to the hart of our liberties, well assent that the sayd apointment of places be committed to any private persone. For which, and other reasonable considerations, it hath long since pleased your good L. among the rest of her Majesties most honourable Counsell, to rest satisfied with our not granting to such persone as, by their most honourable lettres, was heretofore in like case commended to us. Byside that, if it might with reasonable convenience be granted, great offres have been, and be made for the same to the relefe of the poore in the hospitalles, which we hold as assured, that your L. will well allow that we prefer before the benefit of any private person. And so we committ your L. to the tuition of Almighty God. At London, this second of March, 1573.

Your L. humble

Wm. Box. Thomas Blanke. Nicholas Woodrof. Anthony Gamage. Wyllm Kympton. Wolstan Dixe. John Ryvers, Maior. Row. Hayward, Alder. William Allyn, Alderman. Leonell Ducket, Aldr. James Haloys, Alderman. Ambrose Nich’as, Ald. Jhon Langley, Ald. Thomas Ramsey. Wyllym Lond. John Clyffe. Richard Pype.

To the most honourable our singular good Lord, the Erle of Sussex, Lord Chamberlan of the Queens most honourable Houshold.

xxvii.

[1574, March 22. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, viii. 215.]

A letter to the Lord Mayour of London to advertise their Lordships what causes he hath to restraine plaies, to thintent their Lordships may the better aunswer suche as desyre to have libertye for the same.

xxviii.

[1574, May 10. Patent for Leicester’s men; cf. text in Bk. iii.]

Gives authority to perform music, and plays seen and allowed by the Master of the Revels, both in London and elsewhere, except during the time of common prayer, or of plague in London.

xxix.

[1574, July 22. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, viii. 273.]

A letter to the Mayor of London to admitte the comedie plaiers to play within that Cittie and to be otherwise favorablie used.

A pasport for them to go to London, and to be well used in their voyadge.

xxx.

(a)

[1574, Nov. 15. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, viii. 313.

Three letters of one effect to the Sherif and Justices of the counties of Middlesex, Essex and Surrey to restraine all plaiers and other unnecessarie assemblies, in respect of the plague, within x miles of London untill Esther next.

(b)

[1574, Nov. 15. Extract from report on papers of W. M. Molyneux Hist. MSS. vii. 627).]

Letter from Lords of the Council to the Sheriff and Justices of the Peace of co. Surrey. Ordering ‘that there be no plays shewes nor any such unnecessarie assemblies vsed in that countie within ten myles of the cytie vntill Easter next vppon payne of imprisonment to such as shall in any wies offend to the contrarie’: it having been ‘found by experience that very great perill and inconveniences hath fallen vppon sondry of the queenes maiesties subjects by the sufferance of great assemblies of the people to come together at plaies and shewes neare London in this tyme of contagion and infection of the plague’.

xxxi.

[1574, c. Nov. Extract from An Exhortation, or Rule, sett downe by one Mr. (Thomas) Norton, sometyme Remembrauncer of London, wherebie the L. Maior of Lo. is to order himselfe and the Cittie, printed by Collier, Illustrations, iii. 14, from a manuscript of Sir Christopher Hatton, now Addl. MS. 32379, f. 36, and datable by a mention of James Hawes (1574–5) as mayor.]

And one note out of place, that showld before have bene spoken: the presente time requirithe yowe to have good care and use good meanes towchinge the contagion of sickenes, that the sicke be kept from the whole, that the places of persons infected be made plaine to be knowen and the more releeved; that sweetenes and holsomnes of publique places be provided for; that unnecessarie and scarslie honeste resorts to plaies, to shewes to thoccasion of thronges and presse, except to the servyce of God; and especiallie the assemblies to the unchaste, shamelesse and unnaturall tomblinge of the Italion Weomen maye be avoided: to offend God and honestie is not to cease a plague.

xxxii.

[1574, Dec. 6. Act of Common Council of London during the mayoralty of Sir James Hawes, printed M. S. C. i. 175, from copy in Lansd. MS. 20, enclosed with reply of City to Petition of Queen’s men c. Nov. 1584 (cf. No. lxxv); also in Collier, i. 208; Hazlitt, E. D. S. 27. I suppose that this is the record of 1574 on plays cited from Liber Legum, x. 363, in V. H. London, i. 322.]

Whearas hearetofore sondrye greate disorders and inconvenyences have benne found to ensewe to this Cittie by the inordynate hauntyinge of greate multitudes of people, speciallye youthe, to playes, enterludes, and shewes, namelye occasyon of ffrayes and quarrelles, eavell practizes of incontinencye in greate Innes, havinge chambers and secrete places adioyninge to their open stagies and gallyries, inveglynge and alleurynge of maides, speciallye orphanes and good Cityzens Children vnder Age, to previe and vnmete Contractes, the publishinge of vnchaste vncomelye and vnshamefaste speeches and doynges, withdrawinge of the Queenes Maiesties Subiectes from dyvyne service on Sonndaies and hollydayes, at which Tymes suche playes weare Chefelye vsed, vnthriftye waste of the moneye of the poore and fond persons, sondrye robberies by pyckinge and Cuttinge of purses, vtteringe of popular busye and sedycious matters, and manie other Corruptions of youthe and other enormyties, besydes that allso soundrye slaughters and mayheminges of the Quenes Subiectes have happened by ruines of Skaffoldes, fframes, and Stagies, and by engynes, weapons, and powder used in plaies; And whear[as] in tyme of goddes visitacion by the plaigue suche assemblies of the people in thronge and presse have benne verye daungerous for spreadinge of Infection, and for the same and other greate Cawses by the Aucthoritie of the honorable Lordes maiors of this Cyttie and the aldermen their Brethern, and speciallye uppon the severe and earneste Admonition of the Lordes of the moste honorable Councell, with signifyenge of her maiesties expresse pleasure and commaundemente in that behalfe, suche vse of playes, Interludes, and shewes hathe benne duringe this tyme of syckenes forbydden and restrayned; And for that the lorde Maior and his Bretheren the aldermen, together with the grave and discrete Citizens in the Comen Councell assemblyd, doo doughte and feare leaste vppon Goddes mercyfull withdrawinge his hand of syckenes from vs (which god graunte!) the people, speciallye the meaner and moste vnrewlye sorte, sheould with sodayne forgettinge of his visytacion, withowte feare of goddes wrathe, and withowte deowe respecte of this good and politique meanes that he hathe ordeyned for the preservacion of Commen weales and peoples in healthe and good order, retourne to the vndewe vse of suche enormyties to the greate offence of god, the Quenes maiesties commaundementes and good gouernaunce; Nowe therfore, to the intent that suche perilles maie be avoyded and the lawefull honest and comelye vse of plaies pastymes and recreacions in good sorte onelye permitted, And good provision hadd for the saiftie and well orderynge of the people thear assemblydd, Be yt enacted by the Aucthoritie of this Comen Councell, That from henceforthe no playe, Commodye, Tragidye, enterlude, nor publycke shewe shalbe openlye played or shewed within the liberties of the Cittie, whearin shalbe vttered anie wourdes, examples, or doynges of anie vnchastitie, sedicion, nor suche lyke vnfytt and vncomelye matter, vppon paine of Imprisonment by the space of xiiijten daies of all persons offendinge in anie suche open playinge or shewinges, and v li. for euerie suche offence; And that no Inkeper Tavernekeper nor other person whatsoeuer within the liberties of thys Cittie shall openlye shewe or playe, nor cawse or suffer to be openlye shewed or played, within the hous, yarde or anie other place within the Liberties of this Cyttie anie playe, enterlude, Commodye, Tragidie, matter, or shewe, which shall not be firste pervsed and Allowed in suche order and fourme and by suche persons as by the Lorde Maior and Courte of Aldermen for the tyme beinge shalbe appoynted, nor shall suffer to be enterlaced, Added, mynglydd, or vttered in anie suche play, enterlude, Comodye, Tragidie, or shewe anie other matter then suche as shalbe firste perused and allowed as ys abovesaid; And that no person shall suffer anie plays, enterludes, Comodyes, Tragidies, or shewes to be played or shewed in his hous, yarde, or other place wheareof he then shall have rule or power, but onelye suche persons and in suche places as apon good and reasonable consideracions shewed shalbe thearvnto permitted and allowed by the lord maiour and Aldermen for the tyme beinge; Neither shall take or use anie benifitt or Advauntage of suche permission or Allowaunces before or vntill suche person be bound to the Chamberlaine of London for the tyme beinge with suche suerties and in suche Summe and suche fourme for the keepinge of good order and avoydinge of the discordes and Inconvenyences abovesaid, as by the Lorde maior and Courte of Aldermen for the tyme beinge shall seme convenyent; neither shall vse or execvte aine suche Lycence, or permission, at or in anie tymes in which the same for anie reasonable consideración of syckenes or otherwise shalbe by the Lorde Maior and Aldermen by publique proclamacion or by precept to suche persons restrayned or Commaunded to staye and cease, nor in anie usuall tyme of dyvyne service in the sonndaie or hollydaie, nor receyve anie to that purpose in tyme of service to se the same, apon payne to forfeite for euerie offence v li.; And be yt enacted that euerie person so to be lycensed or permitted shall duringe the tyme of suche Contynuaunce of suche lycens or permission paye or Cawse to be paid to the vse of the poor in hospitalles of the Cyttie or of the poore of the Cyttie visyted with sycknes, by the dyscretion of the said lorde maiour and Aldermen, suche somes and Paymentes and in suche forme as betwen the lord Maior and Aldermen for the tyme beinge on thonne partie and suche person so to be lycensed or permitted on th’other partie shalbe Agreed, apon payne that in waunte of euerie suche paymente, or if suche person shall not firste be bound with good suerties to the Chamberlayne of London for the tyme beinge for the trewe payment of suche Sommes to the poore, That then euerye suche lycence or permission shalbe vtterlye voide and euerie doinge by force or Cullour of suche lycence or permission shalbe adiudged an offence against this Acte in suche manner as if no suche lycence or permission hadd benne hadd, nor made, anie suche lycence or permission to the Contrarye Notwithstandinge; And be yt lykewise Enacted that all Sommes and fforfeytures to be incurrydd for anie offence Against this Acte and all forfeytures of Bondes to be taken by force meane or occasyon of this Acte shalbe ymployed to the reliefe of the poore in the hospitalles of this Cittie, or the poore infected or diseased in this Cittie of London, as the lorde Maior and Courte of Aldermen for the tyme beinge shall adiudge meete to be distributed; and that the Chamberlayne of London shall have and recover the same to the purpozies aforesaid by Bill, plainte, Accion of dett, or ynformacion to be Comenced and pursewed in his owne name in the Courte of the vtter Chamber of the Guildhall of London Called the Maioures Courte, in which svte no Essoine nor Wager of Lawe for the defendaunte shalbe Admittyd or allowed; Provydid allwaie that this Acte (otherwise then towchinge the publishinge of vnchaste, sedycious, and vnmete matters:) shall not extend to anie plaies, Enterludes, Comodies, Tragidies, or shewes to be played or shewed in the pryvate hous, dwellinge, or lodginge of anie nobleman, Citizen, or gentleman, which shall or will then have the same thear so played or shewed in his presence for the festyvitie of anie marriage, Assemblye of ffrendes, or otherlyke cawse withowte publique or Commen Collection of money of the Auditorie or behoulders theareof, reservinge alwaie to the Lorde Maior and Aldermen for the tyme beinge the Iudgement and construction Accordinge to equitie what shalbe Counted suche a playenge or shewing in a pryvate place, anie thinge in this Acte to the Contrarie notwithstanding.

xxxiii.

[1577, April 8. Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, to Lord Burghley, printed M. S. C. i. 151, from Lansdowne MS. 25, f. 38. The Lord Chamberlain was the Earl of Sussex. Nothing more is known of the nature or issue of Sir Jerome Bowes’s suit. He was a follower of Leicester in 1571 (Stowe, Annales, 669), but was banished from court for slandering him between the date of this letter and Aug. 8, 1577 (S. P. D. Add. Eliz. xxv. 30). In 1583 he was sent as ambassador to Russia.]

My good L. I am requyred to put you in remembrance, for that Sir Ierome Boues semes that your L. hath partely forgotten that hit was her maiesties pleashr, that your L. my Chamberleyn & I shuld conferr & consider of the sute touching plays to be granted to him & certayn others, &c., which hir maiesties pleashr I brought to your L. & my Chamberleyn being together in the preuey Chamber at Hampton court. & I remember at that time we talking of that we myslyked of the perpetuytie that they sutors desiered. & this also my L. Chamberleyn him self doth well remember. Thus much I thought good at his request to remember to your L. that it ys very trew hir maiestie dyd referr the consyderacion of the sute to vs & to make report thereof accordingly. So I wyll take leue & wishe your L. perfect health, this viij of Aprill,

your L. assured frend, R. Leycester.

xxxiv.

[1577 Aug. 1. Minute of Privy Council, printed (bis) from Register in Dasent, ix. 388; x. 4.]

A letter to the Lord Wentworth, Master of the Rolles, and Mr. Lieutenant of the Tower signifieng unto them that for thavoiding of the sicknes likelie to happen through the heate of the weather and assemblies of the people of London to playes, her Highnes’ plesure is that as the Lord Mayour hath taken order within the Citee, so they immediatlie upon the receipt of their Lordships’ letters shall take order with such as are and do use to play without the Liberties of the Citee within that countie, as the theater and such like, shall forbeare any more to play untill Mighelmas be past, at the least, as they will aunswer to the contrarye.

xxxv.

[1577, Oct. 5. Extract from letter (Oct. 6) of William Fleetwood, Recorder of London, to Lord Treasurer Burghley, printed in M. S. C. i. 152, from Lansdowne MS. 24, f. 196; also in Wright, ii. 66.]

Yesterday ... I was at London with the Master of the Rolls at my Lord Maiors at dyner.... At my Lord Maiors there dyned the Master of the Rolles, Justice Sowthcot, Sir William Damsell, Mr. Levetenant, Sir Rowland Hayward, Mr. Justice Randoll, Alderman Pulliso and my self. At after dyner we heard a brabell betwene John Wotton and the Levetenuntes sonne of the one parte, and certen ffreholders of Shordyche, for a matter at the Theater. I mistrust that Wotton wilbe found in the fault although he complayned.

xxxvi.

[1578, Jan. 13. Privy Council Minute, printed in Dasent, x. 144

To the Lord Maiour of London to geve order that one Drousiano [‘Dronsiano’, Dasent], an Italian, a commediante and his companye, may playe within the Cittie and the Liberties of the same betwene this and the firste weeke in Lent.

xxxvii.

[1578, July 18. Extract from letter (July 21) from William Fleetwood, Recorder of London, to Lord Treasurer Burghley, printed in M. S. C. i. 155, from Lansdowne MS. 26, f. 191; also in Wright, ii. 86.]

Vpon Fridaye laste my Lord of London, my Lord Wentworthe and Mr. Lievetenunte (but the Master of the Rolles was absent) did assemble at my Lord Maiours, in assistaunce for good order shewed furthe the Lords lettres. Sir Thomas Gresham, the Deane of Westminster, Mr. Iustice Southcote, Sir William Damsell and others were wont to be of the nomber; but surelie I think they were forgotten at the writinge of my Lords theire honorable lettres.... I shewed vnto my Lords our Assistaunts those pointes that your honour in tyme paste gave vs for good order; plaies, vnlawful games, ffensse skoles, vacaboundes and suche like to be suppressed, with a vigilant eye to the plage, to the watches, and to laye often privie searches.

xxxviii.

[1578, Nov. 10. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, x. 381.]

A letter to Mr. Doctor Fourthe, Robert Lewseye, Edward Bellingham and Barnarde Randolphe, esquiers, to restraine certen players within the Bouroghe of Southewarke and other places nere adjoyning within that part of Surreye, who by means of the alluring of the people to their plaies [plans, Dasent] doe augement the infection of the Plages in London, and if they shall not obeye their order to see them severely punished.

xxxix.

[1578, Dec. 23. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, x. 435.]

A letter to the Lord Maiour and the Justices of Middlesex and Surrey requiring them to suffer the exercise of playes within the Cittie of London and without the Liberties, and to have regarde that suche orders as are prescribed for the stayeng of thinfection maie be duelie observed, so as ther growe no hurte unto the sounde in their publicque assemblies.

xl.

[1578, Dec. 24. Privy Council Minute, printed in Dasent, x. 436.]

A letter to the Lord Maiour, &c, requiring him to suffer the Children of her Majesties Chappell, the servauntes of the Lord Chamberlaine, therle of Warwicke, the Erle of Leicester, the Erle of Essex and the Children of Powles, and no companies els, to exercise playeng within the Cittie, whome their Lordships have onlie allowed thereunto by reason that the companies aforenamed are appointed to playe this tyme of Christmas before her Majestie.

xli.

[1579, March 13. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, xi. 73.]

To the Lord Maiour of London to take order within the Cittie and in all other places within his jurisdiccion that there be no plaiers suffered to plaie during this tyme of Lent, untill it be after the Ester weke; and also to advertise their Lordships whose plaiers they be, and in what places they have plaied since the begynnyng of this Lent, and that this order may be observed hereafter yerelie in the Lent tyme &c.

To the Justices of Peace in Midlesex to forbidd all maner of plaiers in the Suburbs of London and other places neare adjoyning to the same, that they do not in any wise exercise the same during this tyme of Lent, and that this order may be observed hereafter yerelie during the tyme of Lent, &c.

xlii.

[1580, Feb. 21. Indictment of Middlesex jury, printed by J. C. Jeaffreson, Middlesex County Records, ii. xlvii.]

Midd. ss. Juratores pro domina Regina presentant quod Johannes Braynes de Shorditche in comitatu Middlesexie yoman et Jacobus Burbage de eadem yoman xxi^{mo} die Februarii anno regni Elizabethe Dei gracia Anglie Francie et Hibernie Regine fidei defensoris &c. xxii^{do} et diuersis aliis diebus et vicibus antea et postea congregauerunt et manutenuerunt illicitas assemblaciones populi ad audienda et spectanda quedam colloquia siue interluda vocata playes or interludes per ipsos Johannem Braynes et Jacobum Burbage et diuersas alias personas ignotas exercitata et practicata apud quendam locum vocatum the Theatre in Hallywell in comitatu predicto Racione cuius quidem illicite assemblacionis populi magne affraie insultus tumultus et quasi insurrexiones et diuersa alia malefacta et enormia per quamplures maledispositas personas tunc et ibidem facta et perpetrata fuere in magnam perturbacionem pacis Domine Regine ac subuersionem bonorum ordinis et regiminis ac ad periculum vitarum diuersorum bonorum subditorum dicte Domine Regine ibidem existencium ac contra pacem ipsius Domine Regine necnon contra formam statuti inde editi et prouisi &c.

xliii.

[1580, April 12. Sir Nicholas Woodrofe, Lord Mayor, to Sir Thomas Bromley, Lord Chancellor, printed in M. S. C. i. 46, from Remembrancia, 9.]

My dutie humblie done to your Lp. Where it happened on Sundaie last that some great disorder was committed at the Theatre, I sent for the vnder shireue of Middlesex to vnderstand the cercumstances, to the intent that by my self or by him I might haue caused such redresse to be had as in dutie and discretion I might, and therefore did also send for the plaiers to haue apered afore me, and the rather because those playes doe make assembles of Cittizens and their familes of whome I haue charge. But forasmuchas I vnderstand that your Lp with other of hir Maiesties most honorable Counsell haue entered into examination of that matter, I haue surceassed to procede further, and do humbly refer the whole to your wisdomes and graue considerations. Howbeit I haue further thought it my dutie to informe your Lp, and therewith also to beseche to haue in your honorable remembrance, that the players of playes, which are vsed at the Theatre, and other such places, and tumbleres and such like are a very superfluous sort of men, and of suche facultie as the lawes haue disalowed, and their exersise of those playes is a great hinderaunce of the seruice of God, who hath with his mighty hand so lately admonished vs of oure earnest repentance. It is also great corruption of youthe with vnchast and wicked matters, occasion of muche incontinence, practises of many ffrayes, querrells, and other disorders and inconueniences, bisid that the assemble of terme and parliament being at hand, against which time the most honorable Lordes haue given vs earnest charge to haue care to auoide vncleanenesse and pestering of the Citty, the said playes are matter of great daunger. Therefore I humble beseche your Lp, for those and other graue considerations that your Lp can better call to mind, it will please you that some order be taken by commaundement from your Lp and the rest of the most honorable Lordes that the said playes and toumbelers be wholy stayed and forbidden as vngodlye and perilous, as well at those places nere our liberties as within the iurisdiction of this Cittie. And so I leaue to troble your Lp. At London this 12 of Aprill 1580.

Your Lps humble, N: W: M.

To the right honorable my singuler good Lord the Lord Chaunceller of England.

xliv.

1580, April-July. Minutes of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, xi. 445; xii. 37, 112.]

(a) [April 13]

Robert Leveson and Larrance Dutton, servantes unto the Erle of Oxford, were committed to the Mareshalsea for committing of disorders and frayes appon the gentlemen of the Innes of the Courte.

(b) [May 26]

A letter to the Lord Chiefe Justice, Master of the Rolles and Mr. Justice Southcote, to examine a matter of a certaine fraye betwene the servauntes of th’erle of Oxforde and the gentlemen of the Innes of the Courtes.

(c) [July 18]

A letter to the Master of the Rooles and the Recorder of London to take bondes of Thomas Chesson (sometime servant to therle of Oxford) for his good behavior for one yere next following, and to release him out of the prison of the Gatehowse.

xlv.

[1580, April 17. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, xi. 449.]

A letter to the Lord Wentworth and Lord Hunsdon and the rest of the Justices of Pece in the county of Middlesex that wheras the Queen’s Majesty had given straight charg unto the Lord Maiour to have a speciall care to the keping cleene of the City, and to provide and prevent all soch occasions and causes as might breed or encrease any infection, forasmuche as the great resorte of people to playes ys thought to be very dangerous &c, they are required to give order that all playes may be restrained until Michelmas, and further to have a good regard to the execution of the Statute against roges and vagabondes.

xlvi.

[1580, May 13. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, xii. 15.]

A letter to the Justices of Peace of the countie of Surrey that whereas their Lordships do understand that notwithstandinge their late order geven to the Lord Maiour to forbidd all playes within and about the Cittie untill Michalmas next for avoydynge of infection, nevertheles certen players do playe sunderie daies every weeke at Newington Buttes on that parte of Surrey without the jurisdiccion of the said Lord Maior contrary to their Lordships’ order; their Lordships requier the Justices not only to enquier who they be that disobey their comaundement in that behalf, and not only to forbidd them expresly for playing in any of theis remote places nere unto the Cittie untill Michaelmas, but to have regard that within the precincte of Surrey none be permitted to play; if any do to comitt them and to advertise, &c.

xlvii.

[1580, June 17. Sir Nicholas Woodrofe, Lord Mayor, to Lord Burghley, Lord High Treasurer, printed M. S. C. i. 47, from Remembrancia, i. 40–1.]

It may please your good Lp. Byside the continuall charge of my Dutie, hauing lately receued by your Lp. a speciall and ernest commaundement from hir Maiestie for the best meanes to be vsed that I can for preseruing the Citty from infection, I will not faile so to do my dilligence both for the cleane keping of the streates, for avoiding of Inmeates, and for keping of good orders as haue ben heretofore prescribed or that I can any way deuise, as shall ly in my power to the vttermost that I shalbe able. Howbeit, because perill may and doth commonlie growe vnto hir Maiesties Cittie and people many wayes by such meanes as we cannot reforme, I humble besech your Lp. that you wilbe meane to hir Maiestie and give the ayde of the hye autoritie of your Lp. and the rest of the most honorable Counsell for redresse of such thinges as in that behalf we finde dangerous, whereof some thinges haue doble perill, both naturarly in spreding the infection and otherwise in drawing Godes wrath and plage vpon vs, as the erecting and frequenting of howses verie infamous for incontinent rule out of our liberties and iurisdiction, also the drawing of the people from the seruice of God and from honest exersises to vnchast plaies. Some vther thinges do carrie other inconveniences, as the pestering of the Cittie with mvltitudes of people for whome we shall not be able to make prouision of vitale, fewell, and other necessaries at any reasonable prises. I haue therefore sett downe a note which I send to your Lp. hereinclosed of such matters as I do lack power to redresse, but ame constrayned to craue such further ayde and assistance, as shalbe by your Lp. thought meete in those cases. And so I leaue to troble your Lp. At London this xvijth of Iune 1580.

Your Lps. humble to comaund, N. W. M.

To the right honorable my singuler good Lord the Lord Tresorer of England.

The ‘note’ enclosed includes:

‘Item that haunting of playes out of the liberties be restrayned as well as within the fredome.’

xlviii.

[1581, July 10. The Privy Council to the Lord Mayor and the Justices of Middlesex and the Liberties, printed M. S. C. i. 49, from Remembrancia, i. 221. The minute of the letter is in Dasent, xiii. 128.]

After our right hartie commendacons. Whereas we haue ben credibly informed that the plage and other contagious diseases are sumwhat of late increased within the Citie of London and liberties thereto adioyning: fforasmuch as it is to be feared that the said infections will spred further, in case any great assemblies of people together, especially in this somer season, be permitted, as by former experience it hath appeared, We haue thought good to requier yowe and euery of yowe vpon the receipte hereof to geue streight order that no playes or enterludes be suffered to be played within the Citie or liberties adioyning, but that fourthwith yow charge and comaunde them to forbere and desist, vntill thende of September or that yowe shall receaue further order from vs, whereof we pray yowe that there be no fault. And so bid yow hartely farewell. From Grenewich the xth of Iuly 1581.

Your louing frendes,

Thomas Bromeley Cancellarius Ambrose Warwicke Robert Leycester Henrie Sidney Thomas Sussex ffraunces Bedford ffraunces Knowles Christopher Hatton.

xlix.

[1581, July 11. City order, printed in Harrison, iv. 320, without reference, probably from Repertory, xx.]

[Sidenote: Stafferton committed to the Compter.]

Item, Parr Stafferton gentleman of Grayes Inne for that he that daye brought a dysordered companye of gentlemen of the Innes of Courte & others, to assalte Arthur Kynge, Thomas Goodale, and others, servauntes to the Lord Barkley, & players of Enterludes within the Cyttye, was by this Courte committed to the Compter in Wood streete, and the said players lykewyse. And aswell the sayd players as the sayd Parre Stafferton, weare by this Courte commanded to set downe in wrytinge the maner how the same quarell began.

l.

[1581, July. Henry Lord Berkeley to the Lord Mayor, printed M. S. C. i. 51, from Remembrancia, i. 224; but it appears from No. xlix that the date is rather earlier than was there suggested.]

My very good Lord, ther is lately fallen owt some broile betwixt certaine of my men and some of the Innes of the Courte, sought onely by them. The matter, as I ame aduertised, is better knowen to your Lp. then to my self. Whereupon ther is some of my men comitted to warde. If by their misdemeanour they shold deserue imprisonment, I ame most willing they shold abide it: Otherwise behauing them selues honestly in euery respecte, as I cannot learne the contrary, sauing that they played on the sabothe daie contrary to your order & comaundment vnknowen to them, in respecte of that I yelde them faultie and they them selues craue pardon. So ame I now to desier your Lp. to sett them at libertie, whoe are vpon going into the Countrie to auoide querrell or other inconuenience that mought followe. And thereupon I geue my word that at any time hereafter, if further question shall arise hereby, they shalbe fourthcoming to answere it, and so I leaue your good Lp. to the Almightie. From my lodgeing at Strand this presente Tuesdaie. 1581.

Your Lps assured Henrie Berkeley.

To the right honorable the Lord Maiour of the Citie of London.

li.

[1581, July 13. Minute of City Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison, iv. 320, from Repertory, xx. f. 192.]

[Sidenote: Preceptes for playes & enterludes.]

Item, yt ys orderyd that preceptes shalbe forthwith made and dyrected vnto euery Alderman of thys Cyttye, that from henceforthe durynge the pleasure of thys Courte, they suffer no playes, enterludes, tumblynges, pryces, or other suche publyque shewes, to be had or made within theyr sayde wardes, by any parson or parsons whatsoever, vntil further order shalbe taken by this Courte.

lii.

[1581, Nov. 14. Precept of Lord Mayor, printed in Harrison, iv. 320, from London Journal, xxi, f. 151^v.]

By the Mayor.

[Sidenote: A preceptt agaynste foote-ball playe and stage playes.]

Theis shalbe streightlye to charge and commaunde you, that ye take present order.... And also that ye gyve streighte charge & commaundement to all thinhabitauntes within the same warde, that they doe not at anye tyme hereafter, suffer anye person or persons whatsoeuer, to sett vpp or fixe anye papers or breifes vppon anye postes, houses, or other places within your warde, for the shewe or settynge out of anye playes, enterludes, or pryzes, within this Cyttye, or the lybertyes and suburbes of the same, or to be played or shewed in anye other place or places within two myles of this Cyttie, and that if anye suche shalbe sett vp, the same presentlye to be pulled downe & defaced. Fayle you not hereof, as you will, etc. Dated the xiiijth of November, 1581.

Sebryght [Town Clerk].

liii.

1581, Nov. 18. The Privy Council to the Lord Mayor, the Recorder, and the Court of Aldermen, printed M. S. C. i. 50, from Remembrancia, i. 295. The Acts of the Council show no meeting on 18 Nov. 1581; cf. No. lv.]

After our hartie commendations. Whereas for auoyding the increase of infection within your citie this last somer yow receaued order from vs for the restrainte of plaies vntill Mighelmas last. For that (thankes be to god) the sicknesse is very well seised and not likely in this time of the yeare to increase; Tendering the releife of theis poore men the players and their redinesse with conuenient matters for her highnes solace this next Christmas, which cannot be without their vsuall exercise therein; We haue therefore thought good to requier yowe forethwith to suffer them to vse such plaies in such sort and vsuall places as hath ben heretofore accustomed, hauing carefull regard for continuance of such quiet orders in the playeng places as tofore yowe haue had. And thus we bidd yowe hartelie farewell from the Courte at Whitehall this xviij^o of Nouember 1581.

Your Louing frendes,

Edward Lincoln Robert Leycester Christopher Hatton Thomas Sussex H. Hunsdon Amb: Warwick James Croft

To our very Louing frendes the Lord Maiour, mr. Sariant Fletewood Recorder, and the Aldermen of the Cittie of London.

liv.

[1581, Nov. 25. Extract from letter of John Field to the Earl of Leicester, printed from Cotton MS. Titus, B. vii, f. 22, in Collier, i. 245.]

The more Sathan rageth, the more valianter be you under the standert of him who will not be foyled. And I humblie beseech your honor to take heede howe you gyve your hande, either in evill causes, or in the behalfe of evill men, as of late you did for players to the great greife of all the godly; but as you have shewed your forwardnes for the Ministery of the Gospel, so followe that course still. Our Cyttie hath bene well eased of the pester of those wickednesses, and abuses, that were wonte to be nourished by those impure interludes and playes that were in use--surely the schooles of as greate wickednesses as can be. I truste your honor will herein joyne with them that have longe, owt of the word, cryed out against them; and I am persuaded that if your honor knewe what sincks of synne they are, you woulde never looke once towards them. The lord Jesus blesse you. Nov. 25, 1581.

Your good lordshippes most bounden Jo Feilde.

lv.

[1581, Dec. 3. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, xiii. 269.]

Whereas certayne companyes of players hertofore usinge their common excersice of playing within and aboute the Cittie of London have of late in respect of the generail infection within the Cittie ben restrayned by their Lordships’ commaundement from playing, the said players this daye exhibited a peticion unto their Lordships, humblie desiring that as well in respecte of their pore estates, having noe other meanes to sustayne them, their wyves and children but their exercise of playing, and were only brought up from their youthe in the practise and profession of musicke and playeng, as for that the sicknes within the Cittie was well slaked, so as noe danger of infection could followe by the assemblyes of people at their playes, yt would please their Lordships therfore to grante them licence to use their sayd exercise of playeng as heretofore they had don; their Lordships their upon for the consyderations aforesaid as also for that they are to present certayne playes before the Quenes Majestie for her solace in the Christmas tyme nowe following, were contented to yeld unto their said humble peticion, and ordered that the Lord Mayor of the Cittie of London should suffer and permitt them to use and exercise their trade of playing in and about the Cittie as they have hertofore accustomed upon the weeke dayes only, being holy dayes or other dayes, so as they doe forbeare wholye to playe on the Sabothe Daye, either in the forenone or afternone, which to doe they are by this their Lordships’ order expressely denyed and forbidden.

lvi.

[1581, Dec. 24. Patent of Commission for Edmund Tilney as Master of the Revels, printed by Feuillerat, Eliz. 51, from Patent Rolls, 1606 (Watson’s Rolls), m. 34, No. 46; also by T. E. Tomlins in Sh. Soc. Papers, iii (1847), 1; Collier, i. 247, who supposed the document to refer to the formation of the Queen’s men in 1583; and Halliwell-Phillipps, Illustrations, 114; cf. ch. iii and Tudor Revels, 62, 72.]

[Sidenote: De Commissione speciali pro Edmundo Tylney Armigero Magistro Revellorum.]

Elizabeth by the grace of God &c. To all manner our Iustices, Maiors, Sheriffes, Bayliffes, Constables, and all other our officers, ministers, true liege men, and subiectes, and to euery of them greetinge. We lett you witt that we haue aucthorised licensed and commaunded and by these presentes do aucthorise licence and commaunde our welbeloved Edmunde Tylney Esquire Maister of our Revells, aswell to take and retaine for vs and in our name at all tymes from hensforth and in all places within this our Realme of England, aswell within ffrancheses and liberties as without, at competent wages aswell all suche and as many painters, imbroderers, taylors, cappers, haberdashers, joyners, carders, glasiers, armorers, basketmakers, skinners, sadlers, waggen makers, plaisterers, fethermakers, as all other propertie makers and conninge artificers and laborers whatsoever as our said Servant or his assigne bearers hereof shall thinke necessarie and requisite for the speedie workinge and fynisheinge of any exploite workmanshippe or peece of seruice that shall at any tyme hereafter belong to our saide office of the Revells, As also to take at price reasonable in all places within our said Realme of England aswell within ffrancheses and liberties as without any kinde or kindes of stuffe, ware or marchandise, woode or coale or other fewell, tymber, wainscott, boarde, lathe, nailes, brick, tile, leade, iron, wier, and all other necessaries for our said workes of the said office of our Revells as he the said Edmunde or his assigne shall thinke behoofefull and expedient from tyme to tyme for our said seruice in the said office of the Revells together with all carriages for the same both by land and by water as the case shall require. And furthermore we haue by these presentes aucthorised and commaunded the said Edmunde Tylney that in case any person or persons, whatsoever they be, will obstinatelie disobey and refuse from hensforth to accomplishe and obey our commaundement and pleasure in that behalfe, or withdrawe themselues from any of our said workes vpon warninge to them or any of them given by the saide Edmunde Tylney, or by his sufficient deputie in that behalfe to be named, appointed for their diligent attendance and workmanship vpon the said workes or devises as to their naturall dutie and alleigeance apperteineth, that then it shalbe lawfull vnto the same Edmund Tilney or his deputie for the tyme beinge to attache the partie or parties so offendinge and him or them to commytt to warde, there to remaine without baile or mainprise vntill suche tyme as the saide Edmunde or his deputie shall thinke the tyme of his or their imprisonment to be punnishment sufficient for his or their saide offences in that behalfe, and that done to enlarge him or them so beinge imprisoned at their full libertie without any losse, penaltie, forfaiture or other damage in that behalfe to be susteined or borne by the said Edmunde Tilney or his saide deputie. And also if any person or persons beinge taken into our said workes of the said office of our Revells beinge arrested comminge or goinge to or from our saide workes of our said office of our Revells at the sute of any person or persons, then the said Edmunde Tilney by vertue and aucthoritie hereof to enlarge him or them as by our speciall proteccion during the tyme of our said workes. And also if any person or persons beinge reteyned in our said workes of our said office of Revells haue taken any manner of taske worke, beinge bound to finishe the same by a certen day, shall not runne into any manner of forfeiture or penaltie for breakinge of his day, so that he or they ymediatly after the fynishinge of our said workes indevor him or themselues to fynishe the saide taske worke. And furthermore also we haue and doe by these presentes aucthorise and commaunde our said Servant Edmunde Tilney Maister of our said Revells by himselfe or his sufficient deputie or deputies to warne commaunde and appointe in all places within this our Realme of England, aswell within francheses and liberties as without, all and euery plaier or plaiers with their playmakers, either belonginge to any noble man or otherwise, bearinge the name or names of vsinge the facultie of playmakers or plaiers of Comedies, Tragedies, Enterludes or what other showes soever, from tyme to tyme and at all tymes to appeare before him with all suche plaies, Tragedies, Comedies or showes as they shall haue in readines or meane to sett forth, and them to presente and recite before our said Servant or his sufficient deputie, whom wee ordeyne appointe and aucthorise by these presentes of all suche showes, plaies, plaiers and playmakers, together with their playing places, to order and reforme, auctorise and put downe, as shalbe thought meete or vnmeete vnto himselfe or his said deputie in that behalfe. And also likewise we haue by these presentes aucthorised and commaunded the said Edmunde Tylney that in case if any of them, whatsoever they bee, will obstinatelie refuse, vpon warninge vnto them given by the said Edmunde or his sufficient deputie, to accomplishe and obey our commaundement in this behalfe, then it shalbe lawful to the said Edmunde or his sufficient deputie to attache the partie or parties so offendinge, and him or them to commytt to warde, to remaine without bayle or mayneprise vntill suche tyme as the same Edmunde Tylney or his sufficient deputie shall thinke the tyme of his or theire ymprisonment to be punishement sufficient for his or their said offences in that behalfe, and that done to inlarge him or them so beinge imprisoned at their plaine libertie, without any losse, penaltie, forfeiture or other daunger in this behalfe to be susteyned or borne by the said Edmunde Tylney or his deputie, Any Acte Statute Ordynance or prouision heretofore had or made to the contrarie hereof in any wise notwithstandinge. Wherefore we will and commaunde you and euery of you that vnto the said Edmunde Tylney or his sufficient deputie bearer hereof in the due execution of this our aucthoritie and commaundement ye be aydinge, supportinge and assistinge from tyme to tyme as the case shall require, as you and euery of you tender our pleasure and will answer to the contrarie at your vttermost perills. In witnesse whereof &c, witnes our selfe at Westminster the xxiiijth day of December in the xxiiijth yere of our raigne.

per breve de priuato sigillo.

lvii.

[1582, April 3. Precept by Lord Mayor, printed in Nicholl, Ironmongers, 128.]

By the Maior.

These shalbe straightlie to charge and command you, that forthwithe uppon the receit hereof you call before you all the freemen of your said companie, and give to everie one of them straightlie charge and commandement that they or anie of them do at annye time hereafter suffer any of ther sarvants, apprentices, journemen, or children, to repare or goe to annye playes, peices, or enterludes, either within the cittie or suburbs thereof, or to annye place witheout the same, uppon payne of everie servant so offendinge, or master so sufferinge, to be punyshed at the dyscretion of me and my brethren. Fayle you not hereof, as you will answer the contrarie at your perill. Geven at the Guildhall, the iij daie of April, 1582.

Sebright [Town Clerk].

lviii.

[1582, April 11. The Privy Council to the Lord Mayor, printed M. S. C. i. 52, from Remembrancia, i. 317. The minute of the letter, undated and bound up before a minute of April 13 as f. 691 of the manuscript Register among minutes of May 1582, is in Dasent, xiii, 404.]

After our hartie comendacons. Whereas heretofore for sundry good causes and consideracons, as yow know, we haue oftentimes geuen order for the restraint of plaies, in and about the Citie of London: and neuerthelesse of late for honest recreation sake, in respecte that her maiestie sometimes taketh delight in those pastimes, we thought it not vnfitt, hauing regard vnto the season of the yere and the Clerenes of the Citie from infection, to allowe of certaine companies of plaiers to exercise their playeng in London, partly to the ende they might thereby attaine to the more dexteritie and perfection in that profession, the better to content her maiestie, whereupon we permitted the said players to vse their playeng vntill we shold se cause to the contrary, and foreseing that the same might be done without impeachment of the seruice of God whereof we haue a speciall care, we restrained them from playeng on the sabothe daye: and forasmucheas we suppose that their honest exercise of recreation in playeng, to be vsed on the ordinarie S. Hollydaies after euening prayer, as long as the season of the yere may permitt and may be without daunger of the infection, will not be offensiue, so that if care be had that their comodies and enterludes be looked into, and that those which do containe mater that may bread corruption of maners and conuersacion among the people (which we desire in any case to haue auoided) be forbidden, whereunto we wishe yow did appointe some fitt persones whoe maie consider and allowe of suche playes onely as be fitt to yeld honest recreacion and no example of euell: We haue therefore thought good to pray your Lp. to reuoke your late inhibition against their playeng on the said hollydaies after euening prayer, onely forbearing the Sabothe daie whollie according to our former order. And when yow shall finde that the continuance of the same their excercise by the increase of the sicknes and infection shalbe dangerous, we praye your Lp. therin to geue vs knowlege & thereupon we will presentely take order for their restrainte accordinglie: Soe fare yowe hartelie well from the Court at Grenewich the xjth of Aprill 1582.

Your louing frendes,

E: Lyncoln: T: Sussex: A: Warwyk: R: Leycester. H: Hunsdon. I: Crofte.

To our very Louing frende the Lord maior of the Citie of London.

lix.

[1582, April 13. The Lord Mayor to the Privy Council, printed M. S. C. i. 54, from Remembrancia, i. 319.]

My dutie humblie done to your LLps. I haue receaued significacon of your LLps. pleasure by your letters for enlarging the restrainte of players on holydaies in the afternone, being not the sabbat daye, so as the same may be done after seruice and without disturbance of comon prayer and seruice of God, which as the experience is among vs peraduenture not made knowen to your LLps. can very hardly be done. For thoughe they beginne not their playes till after euening prayer, yet all the time of the afternone before they take in hearers and fill the place with such as be therby absent from seruing God at Chirch, and attending to serue Gods enemie in an Inne; If for remedie hereof I shold also restraine the letting in of the people till after seruice in the chirche, it wold driue the action of their plaies into very inconuenient time of night, specially for seruantes and children to be absent from their parentes and masters attendance and presence: Howbet the case is of more inconuenience (as I take it) for that the plag increaseth, and the season extraordinarilie whote and perelous for this time of yere, and in the opinion of me and my bretheren, both more mete for the safetie of the Quenes subiectes, and more easy to be stayed by good and lawfull policie in the beginning then when it is growen to further spreding of infection, byside that the tearme being at hand, and the parlament by prorogacon not long after, I haue thought it dutie to obey your LLps. comaundement in signifieng that euen now the renewing and continuance of their exersise by the increase of siknes and infection is daungerous, prayeng your LLps. to take order for continuing the restrainte accordinglie. As touching the orders prescribed in your LLps. lettres for the maters and maner of their playes at such time as yow may hereafter enlarge them, I will according to your said direction take furder order at all times to restraine them, till their maters be perused by graue and discrete persones such as I shall require to take that peine, and till they well asure me to obey the cautions appointed in your said letters. And so I leaue to troble your LLps. At London this xiijth of Aprill 1582.

Your LLps. humble.

To the right honorable the Lords and other of the Quenes Maiesties most honorable Counsell.

lx.

[1582, July 1. Ambrose, Earl of Warwick, to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, printed M. S. C. i. 55, from Remembrancia, i. 359.]

My Lord maiour, I ame to request yow and the rest whome it doth apperteine that they wold geue licence to my seruant John Dauid this bearer to playe his prouest prices in his science and profession of defence at the Bull in Bishopsgatestrete or some other conuenient place to be assigned within the liberties of London, and I will hartely thanke your Lp. and the rest for the fauor yow shal shew him in this behalf: So with my very hartie commendacions I wish yowe all well to fare. From the Court this first of Iuly 1582.

Your Lps. very louing frend, Amb: Warwik.

To my verie honorable good frend the L. Maiour and the rest of the aldermen or shirefes.

lxi.

[1582, July 23. Ambrose, Earl of Warwick, to the Lord Mayor, printed M. S. C. i. 56, from Remembrancia, i. 383.]

My Lord Maiour, I cannot thinke my self frendely delt with to haue my seruante put to such publike disgrace: Yf yow had not first allowed bothe others and him to take a like course of playeng prises, I had not moued your Lp. by my former lettres nor my man shold not haue requested extraordinary fauour aboue otheres, but to repulse him and to forbid the place appointed, after allowance & publicacon of his Bills (wherein my name was also vsed) and my seruante hereby greatly charged, wanteth some part of that good and frendely consideracion, which in curtesie and common humanitie I might looke for. The Circumstances and manner of dealing geueth me cause to iudge my self hardly befrended and regarded, that a light suggestion of a Companie of lewde verlettes could so sodainely and easely carry yow awaye from a good frende to my mans great losse and discredit, and in some sort to myne owne impeachement. Yf yow be resolued that it standeth most behouefull for the good gouerment of the Citie to haue those exercises vtterly put downe and none allowed hereafter to deale in these kinde of prises, my man shall rest him self without further sute, (albeit the first and last to whome disgrace hath ben offered in this sorte:) But if others be suffered to proceade as heretofore, and they not restrained, aswell as my man, I must nedes iuge it no frendely nor indifferent maner of dealing. I pray therefore, vnlesse there be cause to the contrary and greater mater of exception, than lewde suggestions of badd persones; (because my man refused to yealde to their disorder, and abvse of exaction) giue my man such ordinarie and indifferent fauor, that he may forthwith haue his daie and place as others of his profession. Or ells I shall haue more iust cause of vnkindnesse offered me. From the Court this xxiijth of Iuly 1582.

Your Lps. very louing frende, Ambrose: Warwike.

To my very louing frende the Lord Maiour of London: ffrom the Courte.

lxii.

[1582, July 24. The Lord Mayor to Ambrose, Earl of Warwick, printed M. S. C. i. 57, from Remembrancia, i. 384.]

My dutie humblie done to your Lp. I ame sorry that your Lp. taketh my dealinges toward your seruant in such part, as I perceaue by your letters yow are informed. Albeit the lawe in case of fensers haue some hard exposition in some mens iugement, yet the truthe is that I did not expulse your seruant from playeng his prise, but for your sake I did geue him licence. Onely I did restraine him from playeng in an Inne which was somewhat to close for infection, and appointed him to playe in an open place of the leaden hall more fre from danger and more for his Comoditie, which licence I gaue him in open Courte, and he might well haue vsed it before increace of peril by heate of the yere. But about xiiijtene daies afterward, when I thought he had taken the benefitt and effecte of my graunte, the infection growing, whereof your Lp. knoweth what earnest care I ought to haue, and how seriously bothe her maiestie and your Lp. with the rest of the most honorable haue often charged me, and for some other reasonable respectes touching my dutie, I was indede inforced to restraine him from gathering publik assemblie of people to his play within the Citie, and neuerthelesse did allowe him in the open feildes where the peril might not be so great: But verely my good Lord, whoesoeuer hath Informed yow that I haue forbidden your man and licenced other to your seruantes disgrace he doth me great wrong, for I neither haue nor intende so to doe. For bothe your Lp. and my Lord of Leycester your brother haue euer ben my honorable good Lordes, and so I haue and doe esteeme yow, and wold doe asmuche to gratefie yow or any of yours as any that hath ben in my place; and so I beseche yow to accoumpte of me. I haue herein yet further done for your seruante what I may, that is that if he obteine lawefully to playe at the Theater or other open place out of the Citie, he hath and shall haue my permition with his companie, drumes, and shewe to passe openly throughe the Citie, being not vpon the Sondaye, which is asmuche as I maye iustefie in this season, and for that cause I haue with his owne consent apointed him Monday next. And so I humblie comitt your Lp. to the tuition of the Almightie. At London the xxiiijth of Iuly 1582.

Your Lps. humble.

To the right honorable my singular good L. my Lorde the Erle of Warwicke.

lxiii.

[1582 (?). Extract from Orders Appointed to be Executed in the Cittie of London for Setting Rogues and Idle Persons to Worke, and for Releefe of the Poore, printed by Hugh Singleton (N.D.). The B.M. copy (796 E. 37) is catalogued, with the date 1587, as an Act of the Court of Aldermen. C. Welch, The City Printers (Bibl. Soc. Trans. xiv. 191), also gives the date as 1587, and says that Singleton became City Printer on 4 Aug. 1584. Whatever the date of the print, it seems clear from No. lxxv (2) (a) that the order itself, or at any rate Art. 62 of it, is later than the crying of the preachers against plays and earlier than the Paris Garden accident of 13 Jan. 1583. The autumn of 1582 seems to me the most likely date. Possibly Art. 62 was alone new. Aydelotte, 70, says that the Orders which were to enforce 18 Eliz. c. 3 were originally printed in 1579 or 1580, and refers to Journal, xx, pt. ii, f. 325. Art. 61, and also Art. 25, which directs an inquest for ‘suspect persons which ... spend their times at bowling allies, playes, and other places unthriftily’, may belong to the earlier version.]

Art. 61. For helpe of the hospitals & Parishes in this charge all churchwardens & collectors for the poore be strayghtly charged to execute the lawe against such as come not to church, against al persons without exception, and specially against such as while they ought to be at diuine seruice, doo spend their time and their money lewdly in haunting of plaies, and other idle and wycked pastimes and exercises.

Art. 62. For as much as the playing of Enterludes, & the resort to the same are very daungerous for the infection of the plague, whereby infinite burdens and losses to the Citty may increase, and are very hurtfull in corruption of youth with incontinence & lewdnes, and also great wasting both of the time and thrift of many poore people and great prouoking of the wrath of God the ground of all plagues, great withdrawing of the people from publique prayer & from the seruice of God: and daily cryed out against by the graue and earnest admonitions of the preachers of the word of God: Therefore be it ordered that all such Enterludes in publique places, and the resort to the same shall wholy be prohibited as ungodly, and humble sute be made to the Lords that lyke prohibition be in places neere unto the Cittie.

lxiv.

[1583, Jan. 14. Extract from letter of Lord Mayor to Lord Burghley, printed M. S. C. i. 158, from Lansd. MS. 37, f. 8, and M. S. C. i. 58, from letter-book copy misdated Jan. 18 in Remembrancia, i. 456; also in Wright, ii. 184, and quoted by Collier, i. 243, with inaccurate reference to Lansd. MS. 73.]

It maye please your Lp. to be further advertised (which I thinke you haue alredie hard) of a greate mysshappe at Parise gardeine, where by ruyn of all the scaffoldes at once yesterdaie a greate nombre of people are some presentlie slayne, and some maymed and greavouslie hurte. It giveth greate occasion to acknowledge the hande of god for suche abuse of the sabboth daie, and moveth me in Consciens to beseche your Lp. to give order for redresse of suche contempt of gods service. I haue to that ende treated with some Iustices of peace of that Countie, who signifie them selfes to haue verye good zeale, but alledge want of Comyssion, which we humblie referre to the Consideracion of your honorable wisedome. And so I leve to trowble your Lp. At London the xiiijth of Ianuarye 1582.

Your Lps. humble, Thomas Blank Maior.

To the right honorable my singler good lorde my lorde highe Tresurer of Englande.

lxv.

[1583, Jan. 15. Extract from letter of Lord Burghley to Lord Mayor, printed M. S. C. i. 60, from Remembrancia, i. 458.]

I am also hartely sorry for the mischance, whereof I haue vnderstanding bothe by your Lps. lettres and otherwise at my being now at Westminster, mishappened at Parrise Garden on Sonday last, and althoughe I thinke your learning derely bought by the losse of so many bodies, to haue the Saboth daie so prophaned to see wilde beastes bayted, yet I think it very conuenient to haue both that and other like prophane assemblies prohibited on the Saboth daie, and if it shalbe requisite to haue such like worldly pastimes, I think some other daie within the weke meeter for those purposes, and to that ende I minde to treate with my LLs. of the Counsell, that some good order may be taken for that purpose; wishing neuerthelesse that your Lp. in the meane time, hauing rule of the whole Citie, might thinke it conuenient to make a generall prohibition within euerie warde of that Citie and liberties, that no person vnder your comaundement shold on the Saboth daie resort to any such prophane assemblies or pastimes, which I leaue to your Lps. discretion to be considered by the aduise of the Aldermen your bretheren. From Richmond the xvth of Ianuary 1582.

Your Lps. assured louing frend, William: Burghley.

To my very good Lord the Lord maiour of the Citie of London.

lxvi.

[1583, Jan. 14–Feb. 6. Notes of credentials of Worcester’s men, shown at Leicester in March 1584; for text of entries in Hall Papers, cf. ch. xiii, s.v. Worcester’s.]

(a) [Jan. 14]

Abstract of warrant of licence and recommendation from William Earl of Worcester.

(b) [Feb. 6]

Abstract of article in indenture of licence from Edmund Tilney, Master of the Revels.

lxvii.

[1583, April 19. Proclamation against Retainers (Procl. 768).]

This is substantially similar to Procl. 663 of 3 Jan. 1572 (v. No. xix).

lxviii.

[1583, April 27. The Lord Mayor to Mr. Young, a Justice of Middlesex, printed M. S. C. i. 62, from Remembrancia, i. 498. The letter referred to in the first sentence was one from the Privy Council on April 21, intimating the Queen’s surprise that no plague hospital had been built outside the City (Remembrancia, i. 497; Index, 336). ‘Ill May daie’ was that of 1517, on which a riot took place against the aliens resident in London.]

Mr. Yong. I and my brethren haue lately receiued lettres from the LLs. of the most honorable counsell for auoiding of all perills of infection, in which lettres we haue also a most ernest significaton of maiesties pleasure to that end with verie greuous charging vs with negligence and defalt. Ther ar certain fencers that haue set vp billes and meane to play a prise at the Theatre on Tuesday next, which is May eue. How manie waies the same maie be inconuenient and dangerous, specially in that they desire to passe with pomp through the citie, yowe can consider, namelie the statute against men of that facultie, the perill of infection, the danger of disorders at such assemblies, the memorie of ill May daie begon vpon a lesse occasion of like sort, the weakenesse of the place for ruine, wherof we had a late lamentable example at Paris garden. For these causes, in good discretion we haue not only not geuen them licence, but also declared to them the dangers, willing them at their perill to forbeare their passing both thorough the citie, and their whole plaieng of such prise. Now bicause yowe know how much this mater importeth the whole citie, and how from time to time the LLs. of the counsell haue willed the iustices of the cowntie geue assistance for auoideng of such perills, we pray yowe hartely, in confidence of your good diligence in her maiesties seruice and the safetye of this citie, that yowe will both looke vnto it your self, and so deale with the rest of the iustices, that no such prise be suffred, or assemblie had, specially in this time of infection and those daies of speciall danger, considering also the like danger in plaies at that place. And so praieng yowe to remember that, if we be blamed for suffering, we must say that we admonished yowe of it in time, I bid yowe hartelie ffarewell. At the Guildhall this xxvijth of Aprill 1583.

Your louing freind.

lxix.

[1583, May 3. The Lord Mayor to Sir Francis Walsingham, Secretary, printed M. S. C. i. 63, from Remembrancia, i. 538.]

It may please your honor. According to oure dutie, I and my bretheren haue had care for staye of infection of the plage and published orders in that behalfe, which we intend god willing to execute with dilligence. Among other we finde one very great and dangerous inconuenience, the assemblie of people to playes, beare bayting, fencers, and prophane spectacles at the Theatre and Curtaine and other like places, to which doe resorte great multitudes of the basist sort of people; and many enfected with sores runing on them, being out of our iurisdiction, and some whome we cannot discerne by any dilligence; and which be otherwise perilous for contagion, biside the withdrawing from Gods service, the peril of ruines of so weake byldinges, and the auancement of incontinencie and most vngodly confederacies, the terrible occasion of gods wrathe and heauye striking with plages. It auaileth not to restraine them in London, vnlesse the like orderes be in those places adioyning to the liberties, for amendment whereof I beseche your honor to be meane to the most honorable Counsel, and the rather I ame to make that humble sute, for that I wold be lothe to susteine hir maiesties heauie displeasure, when such forren and extraordinarie occasions shalbe aboue all our habilities by any dilligence or foresight to redresse it. And so I leaue to troble your honor. At London this 3 of May 1583.

Your honours to comaund.

To the right honorable Sir Frances Walsingham knight, principal Secretarle to the Quenes most excellent Maiestie.

lxx.

[1583, July 3. The Lord Mayor to the Privy Council, printed M. S. C. i. 64, from Remembrancia, i. 520. In reply to a letter of June 30, calling attention to the neglect of the statutes and orders for the maintenance of archery (Remembrancia, i. 519; Index, 16).]

My dutie humbly done to your LLps. I and my brethren haue receiued your honourable letters, for execution of the lawes for maintenance of archerie and restraineng of vnlawfull games. We must acknowledge your honourable and godly consideracion and for our partes do accordingly intend to call the wardens of those pore companies, at whose suite your lettres were obteined, and both to vse their aduise and diligence and to adde our owne good meanes and indeuours that your LLps. good meaninges maie take effect, and the lawes be executed with such good circumspection and reasonable orders, as haue ben founde requisite for the good gouernance of the youth in this citie. Vpon the occasion of your LLps. said lettres reciting the vse of vnlawfull games to be to the hinderance of the vse of archerie and of the maintenance of those honest artificors, We ar humbly to pray [your] LLps. to haue in your honorable remembrance how much not only the said vse of archerie and maintenance of good artes ar decaied by the assemblers to vnlawfull spectacles, as barebaiting, vnchast enterludes and other like, but also infection therby increased, affraies, actes and bargaines of incontinencie and thefte, stolen contractes and spoiling of honest mens children, the withdrawing of people from seruice of God, and the drawing of godes wrath and plages vpon vs, whereof god hath in his iudgement shewed a late terrible example at Paris garden, in which place in great contempt of god the scaffoldes ar new builded, and the multitudes on the Saboath daie called together in most excessiue number. These thinges ar obiected to vs, both in open sermons at Poules crosse and elsewhere in the hearing of such as repaire from all partes of to our shame and greif, when we cannot remedie it. The reproch also to vs as the sufferers and mainteiners of such disorders is published to the whole world in bokes. We herewith moued, as becomieth vs in conscience and in regard of our honestie and credites not to be accompted senselesse of the feare of God and of our duties to her maiestie and the preseruacion of her subiectes in our charge, haue endeuoured, and your good fauours concurring will more endeuour, our selues for redresse of such enormities within our iurisdiction, specially on the Sabbat and daies appointed for comon praier. Which our trauailes shall yet be vaine and to no effect without your honourable help and assistance. It may therfore please your good Lps. both to geue your allowance of our proceding in such reformacion within our liberties, and to send your Lps. lettres of request and comandement to the Iustices of the cownties and gouernours of precinctes adioining to this citie to execute like orders as we shall do for the honour of god and seruice of her maiestie. And so beseching your Lps. that I may haue your resolucion herein I leaue to troble your honours. At London this iijd of Iulie 1583.

Your LLps. humble.

To the right honourable the Lordes and other of the Quenes maiesties most honorable Counsell.

lxxi.

[1583, Nov. 26. The Privy Council to the Lord Mayor, printed M. S. C. i. 66, from Remembrancia, i. 554.]

After our hartie comendacons to your good Lp. Forasmuch as (God be thanked) there is no suche infection within that citie at this presente, but that hir maiesties playeres may be suffered to playe within the liberties as heretofore they haue done, especially seeing they are shortly to present some of their doeinges before hir maiestie, we haue thought good at this present to pray your Lp. to geue order, that the said players may be licenced so to doe within the Citie and liberties betwene this and shroftyde next; so as the same be not done vpon sondaies, but vpon some other weke daies, at conuenient times. And so prayeng yowe that thereof there be no defaulte, We bid yowe right hartely farewell. From St Iames the xxvjth of Nouember 1583.

Your very louing frendes,

Tho: Bromeley: cancellarius: Fra: Bedford: Chr. Hatton: He: Hunsdon William Burghley Fra: Knollys: Fra: Walsingham:

To our verie louing frende the L. Maiour of the Citie of London.

lxxii.

[1583, Nov. 28. Abstract of City licence, given by C. W. Wallace in Nebraska University Studies, xiii. 11.]

I shall later publish in extenso a licence granted by the City to the Queen’s men, dated 28 Nov. 1583, wherein we learn for the first time that the twelve chosen actors were ‘Robert Wilson, John Dutton, Rychard Tarleton, John Laneham, John Bentley, Thobye Mylles, John Towne, John Synger, Leonell Cooke, John Garland, John Adams, and Wyllyam Johnson’, and that their playing places were to be ‘at the sygnes of the Bull in Bushoppesgate streete, and the sygne of the Bell in Gratioustreete and nowheare els within this Cyttye’ for the time being.

lxxiii.

[1583, Dec. 1. Sir Francis Walsingham, Secretary, to the Lord Mayor, printed M. S. C. i. 67, from Remembrancia, i. 553.]

My very good L. Vnderstanding that vpon the receipte of my Ls. letters written lately vnto yow in the behalf of hir maiesties players, your Lp. interpreteth the licence geuen them therin to extend onely to holy daies and not to other weke daies, I haue therefore thought good, being partlie priuie to their LLps. meaning signified in their letters, to explane more plainely their pleasures herein to your Lp., whoe, considering in their graue wisdomes that without frequent exercise of such plaies as are to be presented before hir maiestie, her seruantes cannot conueniently satisfie hir recreation and their owne duties, were therefore pleased to directe their letters vnto yowe, that vpon the weke daies and worke daies at conuenient times your Lp. wold geue order that they might be licenced betwene this and Shrouetide to exercise their playes and enterludes (sondaies onely excepted and such other daies wherein sermons and lectures are comonly vsed). I pray your Lp. therefore that from hence fourthe yow will suffer them to haue the benefite of this libertie accordinglie, as without the which they shall not be able to doe that which is expected at their handes for hir maiesties seruice and contentacion, whereunto I know your Lp. will rather yelde your best ayde and furtherance, than any the least impediment or interruption, which I wishe may be effectually manifested by your especiall licence to be graunted to this ende to those hir maiesties seruantes with all fauorable regard and expedition. And so I comitt your Lp. to the grace of God. From the Courte at St. Iames the first of December 1583.

Your Lps. very assured louing frende, Fra: Walsingham.

To my very good Lord the Lord maiour of the Citie of London.

lxxiv.

[1584, June 18. Extracts from letter of William Fleetwood to Lord Burghley, printed M. S. C. i. 163, from _Lansd. MS._ 41, f. 31; also in Wright, ii. 226.]

Right honorable and my very good Lo. Vpon Whit Sondaye there was a very good Sermond preached at the New churche yard nere bethelem, wherat my Lo. Maiour was with his bretherne, and by reason no playes were the same daye all the citie was quiet....

Vpon Mondaye night I retorned to London and found all the wardes full of watchers. The cause thereof was for that very nere the Theatre or Curten at the tyme of the Playes there laye a prentice sleping vpon the Grasse, and one Challes al. Grostock dyd turne vpon the Too vpon the belly of the same prentice, whervpon the apprentice start vp and after wordes they fell to playne bloues; the companie encressed of bothe sides to the nosmber of v^c at the least. This Challes exclaimed and said that he was a gentelman and that the apprentise was but a Rascall; and some there were litell better then rooges that tooke vpon theym the name of gentilmen and said the prentizes were but the skomme of the worlde. Vpon these trobles the prentizes began the next daye, being Twesdaye, to make mutines and assembles, and dyd conspire to have broken the presones & to have taken furthe the prentizes that were imprisoned; but my Lo. and I having intelligens thereof apprensed .iiij. or.v. of the chieff conspirators, who are in Newgate and stand Indicted of theire lewd demeanors.

Vpon Weddensdaye one Browne, a serving man in a blew coat, a shifting fellowe having a perrelous witt of his owne, entending a spoile if he cold have browght it to passe, did at Theatre doore querell with certen poore boyes, handicraft prentises, and strook some of theym, and lastlie he with his sword wondend and maymed one of the boyes vpon the left hand; where vpon there assembled nere a ml. people. This Browne dyd very cuninglie convey hym selff awaye, but by chaunse he was taken after and browght to mr. Humfrey Smithe, and because no man was able to charge hym he dismissed hym, and after this Browne was browght before mr. Yonge, where he vsed hym selff so connynglie and subtillie, no man being there to charge hym, that there also he was demised. And after I sent a warraunt for hym, and the Constables with the deputie at the Bell in Holbourne found hym in a parlor fast locked in, and he wold not obeye the warraunt, but by the meane of the hoost he was conveyed a waye, and then I sent for the hoost and caused hym to appere at Newgat at the Sessions of Oier and determiner, where he was committed vntill he browght furth his gest. The next daye after he browght hym forthe, and so we Indicted hym for his misdemeanour. This Browne is a commen Cossiner, a thieff, & a horse stealer, and colloreth all his doynges here abowt this towne with a sute that he haithe in the lawe agaynst a brother of his in Staffordshire. He resteth now in Newgate....

Vpon Weddensdaye, Thursdaye, Frydaye and Satterdaye we dyd nothing els but sitt in commission and examine these misdemeanors; we had good helpe of my lord Anderson and mr. Sackforthe.

Vpon Sonndaye my Lo. sent ij Aldermen to the Court for the suppressing and pulling downe of the Theatre and Curten. All the LL. agreed therevnto, saving my Lord Chamberlen and mr. Viz-chamberlen, but we obteyned a lettre to suppresse theym all. Vpon the same night I sent for the quenes players and my Lo. of Arundel his players, and they all willinglie obeyed the LL. lettres. The chiefestes of her highnes players advised me to send for the owner of the Theater, who was a stubburne fellow, and to bynd hym. I dyd so; he sent me word that he was my Lo. of Hunsdons man, and that he wold not come at me, but he wold in the mornyng ride to my lord; then I sent the vndershereff for hym and he browght hym to me; and at his commyng he stowtted me owt very hastie; and in the end I shewed hym my Lo. his mrs. hand and then he was more quiet; but to die for it he wold not be bound. And then I mynding to send hym to prison, he made sute that he might be bound to appere at the Oier & determiner, the which is to morrowe; where he said that he was suer the Court wold not bynd hym being a Counselers man. And so I have graunted his request, where he shalbe sure to be bound or els ys lyke to do worse.

lxxv.

[c. 1584, Nov. (1) Petition of the Queen’s Players to the Privy Council, and (2) Answer of the Corporation of London enclosing the Act of Common Council of 6 Dec. 1574 (No. xxxii), printed M. S. C. i. 168, from Lansd. MS. 20, f. 23; also in part by Strype in his edition of Stowe’s Survey (1720), i. 292; Collier, i. 208; Hazlitt, E. D. S. 27. The documents are bound up out of order in the Lansdowne volume, the Act of 1574 being Art. 10 and (1) being inserted as Art. 12 between the two parts of (2) which are the reply to it. Each article is officially endorsed in pencil with the date 1575, and the same date is assigned by the printed Catalogue of the Lansdowne Manuscripts (1819) to Arts. 10, 12, and 13. This has misled Collier and nearly all subsequent historians of the stage into a belief that players were expelled from the City more or less permanently in 1575, and that this expulsion led to the building of the Theatre and the Curtain in 1576. The difficulty due to the description of the petitioners as the Queen’s men is met by Collier with a suggestion that ‘perhaps the Earl of Leicester’s servants might so call themselves after the grant of the patent in May 1574’, and by Fleay, 46, with an assertion that ‘the whole body of then existing men actors who were going to perform at Court at Christmas (Warwick’s, Leicester’s, Howard’s)’ were meant. I called attention to the true bearing of the documents in a review of T. F. Ordish, Early London Theatres in the Academy for 24 Aug. 1895, but the misconception still exists; it is found, for instance, in Thompson, 41. The facts, however, are correctly given in Gildersleeve, 171. It is clear from that part of the Corporation’s Answer which Collier suppressed that the real date of the Lansdowne documents is later than the ‘ruine at Parise garden’, which was on 13 Jan. 1583 (cf. No. lxiv), and it must also be later than the establishment of the Queen’s men in March 1583, and their first performances at court in the winter of 1583–4. The petition was, on the face of it, written at the beginning of a winter, and the most natural interpretation would place it in the winter of 1584. It might conceivably be 1585. There is no reference to it in the Acts of the Privy Council, and it probably belongs to the period of the missing register between June 1582 and Feb. 1586. Unfortunately, the Remembrancia also have a gap between March 1584 and Jan. 1587. It will be observed that the Lansdowne papers are not, as they stand, complete, since they lack the Articles sent with the players’ Petition, and also the printed Act of Common Council sent by the Corporation (No. lxiii). Strype says that the proposed Remedies were adopted, but it is doubtful whether he had any evidence other than the Lansdowne MS. itself.]

(1)

To the Right Honorable the Lordes of her Maiesties Privie Counsell:

In most humble manner beseche your LLp. your dutifull and daylie Orators the Queenes Maiesties poore Players. Wheras the tyme of our service draweth verie neere, so that of necessitie wee must needes haue excercise to enable vs the better for the same, and also for our better helpe and relief in our poore lyvinge, the season of the yere beynge past to playe att anye of the houses without the Cittye of London, as in our articles annexed to this our Supplicacion maye more att large appeere vnto your LLp: Our most humble peticion ys thatt yt maye please your LLp. to vowchsaffe the readinge of these few Articles, and in tender Consideracion of the matters therin mentioned, contayninge the verie staye and good state of our Lyvinge, to graunt vnto vs the Confirmacion of the same, or of as manye or as much of them as shalbe to your Honors good Lykinge, And therwith all your LLp: favorable letters vnto the L. Mayor of London to permitt vs to excercise within the Cittye accordinge to the articles, and also thatt the said lettres maye contayne some order to the Justices of Middlesex as in the same ys mentioned, wherbie as wee shall cease the Continewall troublinge of your LLp. for your often lettres in the premisses. So shall wee daylie be bownden to praye for the prosperous preservation of your LLp. in honor helth and happines long to Continew.

Your LLp: most humblie bownden and daylie Orators, her Maiesties poore Players.

[Endorsed] Queens Players their Petition.

(2) (a)

It may please your good Lp.

The orders in London whereunto the players referr them are misconceaued, as may appeare by the two actes of comon Counsell which I send yow with note [pointing finger] directing to the place.

The first of these actes of Comon counsell was made in the maraltie of Hawes xvij^o Regine, and sheweth a maner how plaies were to be tollerated and vsed, althoughe it were rather wished that they were wholly discontinued for the causes appearing in the preamble; which is for that reason somewhat the longer.

Where the players reporte the order to be that they shold not play till after seruice time, the boke [‘fo. 8^o’ added in margin] is otherwise; for it is that they shal not onely not play in seruice time, but also shal not receue any in seruice time to se the same; for thoughe they did forbeare beginning to play till seruice were done, yet all the time of seruice they did take in people; which was the great mischef in withdrawing the people from seruice.

Afterward when these orders were not obserued, and the lewd maters of playes encreasced, and in the haunt vnto them were found many dangers, bothe for religion, state, honestie of manners, vnthriftinesse of the poore, and danger of infection &c, and the preachers dayly cryeng against the L. maiour and his bretheren, in an Act of Common Counsel for releafe of the poore which I send yowe printed, in the Article 62 the last leafe, is enacted as there appeareth, by which there are no enterludes allowed in London in open spectacle, but in priuate howses onely at marriages or such like, which may suffise, and sute is apointed to be made that they may be likewise banished in places adioyning.

Since that time and namely upon the ruine at Parise garden, sute was made to my LLs. to banishe playes wholly in the places nere London, according to the said lawe. Letters were obtained from my LLs. to banishe them on the sabbat Daies.

(b)

Now touching their petition and articles

Where they pretend that they must haue exercise to enable them in their seruice before her maiestie:

It is to be noted that it is not conuenient that they present before her maiestie such playes as haue ben before commonly played in open stages before all the basest assemblies in London and Middlesex, and therfore sufficent for their exercise and more comely for the place that (as it is permitted by the sayd lawes of common counsell) they make their exercise of playeng only in priuate houses.

Also it lyeth within the dutiefull care for her Maiesties royal persone, that they be not suffred, from playeing in the throng of a multitude and of some infected, to presse so nere to the presence of her maiestie.

Where they pretend the mater of stay of their lyuing:

It hath not ben vsed nor thought meete heretofore that players haue or shold make their lyuing on the art of playeng, but men for their lyuings vsing other honest and lawfull artes, or reteyned in honest seruices, haue by companies learned some enterludes for some encreasce to their profit by other mens pleasures in vacant time of recreation.

Where in the first article they require the L. Maiors order to continue for the times of playeing on hollydaies:

They missreport the order. For all those former orders of toleration are expired by the last printed act of common Counsell.

Also if the toleration were not expired, they do cautelously omitt the prohibition to receiue any auditoire before common prayer be ended. And it may be noted how vncomely it is for youth to runne streight from prayer to playes, from Gods seruice to the Deuells.

To the second article.

If in winter the dark do cary inconuenience, and the short time of day after euening prayer do leaue them no leysure, and fowlenesse of season do hinder the passage into the feldes to playes, the remedie is ill conceyued to bring them into London, but the true remedie is to leaue of that vnnecessarie expense of time, wherunto God himself geueth so many impediments.

To the third.

To play in plagetime is to encreasce the plage by infection: to play out of plagetime is to draw the plage by offendinges of God vpon occasion of such playes.

But touching the permission of playes vpon the fewnesse of those that dye in any weke, it may please you to remember one special thing. In the report of the plage we report only those that dye, and we make no report of those that recouer and cary infection about them either in their sores running or in their garmentes, which sort are the most dangerous. Now, my Lord, when the number of those that dye groweth fewest, the number of those that goe abrode with sores is greatest, the violence of the disease to kill being abated. And therfore while any plage is, though the number reported of them that dye be small, the number infectious is so great that playes are not to be permitted.

Also in our report, none are noted as dyeing of the plage except they haue tokens, but many dye of the plage that haue no tokens, and sometime fraude of the searchers may deceiue. Therfore it is not reason to reduce their toleration to any number reported to dye of the plage. But it is an vncharitable demaund against the safetie of the Quenes subiectes, and per consequens of her persone, for the gaine of a few, whoe if they were not her maiesties seruants shold by their profession be rogues, to esteme fifty a weke so small a number as to be cause of tolerating the aduenture of infection.

If your Lp. shal think resonable to permit them in respect of the fewnesse of such as dye, this were a better way. The ordinarie deaths in London, when there is no plage, is betwene xl. and l. and commonly vnder xl., as our bokes do shew. The residue or more in plage time is to be thought to be the plage. Now it may be enough if it be permitted, that when the whole death of all diseases in London shal by ij or iij wekes together be vnder l. a weke, they may play (obseruatis alioqui obseruandis) during such time of death vnder l. a weke.

Where they require that only her maiesties servants be permitted to play:

It is lesse eiuell than to grannt moe. But herin if your Lp. will so allow them, it may please you to know that the last yere when such toleration was of the Quenes players only, all the places of playeing were filled with men calling themselues the Quenes players. Your Ls. may do well in your lettres or warrants for their toleration to expresse the number of the Quenes players and particularly all their names.

The remedies.

That they hold them content with playeing in priuate houses at weddings etc. without publike assemblies.

If more be thought good to be tolerated: that then they be restrained to the orders in the act of common Counsell tempore Hawes.

That they play not openly till the whole death in London haue ben by xx daies under 50 a weke, nor longer than it shal so continue.

That no playes be on the sabbat.

That no playeing be on holydaies but after euening prayer: nor any receiued into the auditorie till after euening prayer.

That no playeing be in the dark, nor continue any such time but as any of the auditorie may returne to their dwellings in London before sonne set, or at least before it be dark.

That the Quenes players only be tolerated, and of them their number and certaine names to be notified in your Lps. lettres to the L. Maior and to the Iustices of Middlesex and Surrey. And those her players not to diuide themselues into seueral companies.

That for breaking any of the orders, their toleration cesse.

lxxvi.

[1586, May 11. Minutes of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, xiv. 99, 102.]

A letter to the Justices of Surrey that according to suche direction as hath ben geven by their Lordships to the Lord Maior to restraine and inhibite the use of plaies and interludes in publique places in and about the Cittie of London, in respect of the heat of the yeere now drawing on, for th’avoyding of the infection like to grow and increase by th’ordinarie assemblies of the people to those places, they ar also required in like sorte to take order that the playes and assemblies of the people at the theater or anie other places about Newington be forthwith restrained and forborne as aforesaid, &c.

A letter to the Lord Maiour; his Lordship is desired, according to his request made to their Lordships by his letters of the vijth of this present, to geve order for the restrayning of playes and interludes within and about the Cittie of London, for th’avoyding of infection feared to grow and increase this time of sommer by the comon assemblies of people at those places, and that their Lordships have taken the like order for the prohibiting of the use of playes at the theater and th’other places about Newington out of his charge.

lxxvii.

[1586, June 23. Extract from The newe Decrees of the Starre Chamber for orders in printinge, printed by Arber, ii. 807, from S. P. D. Eliz. cxc. 48.]

4. Item that no person or persons shall ymprynt or cawse to be ymprinted, or suffer by any meanes to his knowledge his presse, letters, or other Instrumentes to be occupyed in pryntinge of any booke, work, coppye, matter, or thinge whatsoever, Except the same book, woork, coppye, matter, or any other thinge, hath been heeretofore allowed, or hereafter shall be allowed before the ymprintinge thereof, accordinge to thorder appoynted by the Queenes maiesties Iniunctyons, And been first seen and pervsed by the Archbishop of Canterbury and Bishop of London for the tyme beinge or any one of them (The Queenes maiesties Prynter for somme speciall service by her maiestie, or by somme of her highnes pryvie Councell therevnto appoynted, and such as are or shalbe pryviledged to prynte the bookes of the Common Lawe of this Realme, for such of the same bookes as shalbe allowed of by the Twoo Chief Justices, and Chief Baron for the tyme beinge, or any twoo of them onely excepted). Nor shall ymprynt or cause to be ymprinted any book, work or coppie against the fourme and meaninge of any Restraynt or ordonnaunce conteyned or to be conteyned in any statute or lawes of this Realme, or in any Iniunctyon made, or sett foorth by her maiestie, or her highnes pryvye Councell, or against the true intent and meaninge of any Letters patentes, Commissions or prohibicons vnder the great seale of England, or contrary to any allowyd ordynaunce sett Downe for the good governaunce of the Cumpany of Staconers within the Cyttie of London, vppon payne to haue all such presses, letters, and instrumentes as in or about the pryntinge of any such bookes or copyes shalbe employed or vsed, to be defaced and made vnserviceable for ymprintinge forever. And vppon payne also that euery offendour and offendours contrarye to this present Artycle or ordynaunce shalbe dishabled (after any such offence) to vse or exercise or take benefytt by vsinge or exercisinge of the art or feat of ympryntinge. And shall moreover sustayne ymprysonment Six moneths without Bayle or mayneprise.

Clause 6 empowers the Stationers Company to seize offending books and bring offenders before the ‘highe Comissioners in causes Ecclesyastycall or some three or more of them, whereof the sayd Archbishop of Canterbury or Bishop of London for the tyme beinge to be one’.

lxxviii.

[1587, Jan. 25. Anon. to Secretary Sir Francis Walsingham, printed from Harl. MS. 286, f. 102, in Collier, i. 257. A partial copy by T. Birch is in Addl. MS. 4160, No. 53.]

The daylie abuse of Stage Playes is such an offence to the godly, and so great a hinderance to the gospell, as the papists do exceedingly rejoyce at the bleamysh thearof, and not without cause; for every day in the weake the players billes are sett up in sondry places of the cittie, some in the name of her Majesties menne, some the Earl of Leic^r, some the E. of Oxford, the Lo. Admyralles, and dyvers others; so that when the belles tole to the Lectorer, the trumpetts sound to the Stages, whereat the wicked faction of Rome lawgheth for joy, while the godly weepe for sorrowe. Woe is me! the play howses are pestered, when churches are naked; at the one it is not possible to gett a place, at the other voyde seates are plentie. The profaning of the Sabaoth is redressed, but as badde a custome entertayned, and yet still our long suffering God forbayreth to punishe. Yt is a wofull sight to see two hundred proude players jett in their silkes, wheare five hundred pore people sterve in the streets. But yf needes this mischief must be tollerated, whereat (no doubt) the highest frownith, yet for God’s sake (Sir) lett every Stage in London pay a weekly pention to the pore, that ex hoc malo proveniat aliquod bonum: but it weare rather to be wisshed that players might be used, as Apollo did his lawghing, semel in anno.... Nowe, mee thinks, I see your honor smyle, and saye to your self, theise things are fitter for the pullpit, then a souldiers penne; but God (who searcheth the hart and reynes) knoweth that I write not hipocritically, but from the veary sorrowe of my soule.

lxxix.

[1587, May 7. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, xv. 70.]

A letter to the Lord Maiour of the Citie of London that whereas their Lordships were given to understand that certaine outrages and disorders were of late committed in certaine places and theaters erected within that Citie of London or the suburbes of the same, where enterludes and comedies were usuallie plaied, and for that the season of the yeare grew hotter and hotter, it was to be doubted least by reason of the concorse of people to such places of common assemblies there might some danger of infeccion happen in the Citie, their Lordships thought it expedient to have the use of the said interludes inhibited both at the theaters and in all other places within his jurisdiccion, and therefore required him accordinglie to take presente order for the stayinge of the same, charginge the plaiers and actors to cease and forbeare the use of the said places for the purpose of playinge or shewinge of anie such enterludes or comedies untill after Bartholomew tide next ensuinge.

A like letter to the same effecte to the Master of the Rolles.

A like letter to the like effecte to the Justices of Surrie.

lxxx.

[1587, Oct. 29. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, xv. 271.]

A letter to the Justices of Surry that whereas thinhabitauntes of Southwark had complained unto their Lordships declaring that th’order by their Lordships sett downe for the restrayning of plaies and enterludes within that countie on the Saboath Daies is not observed, and especiallie within the Libertie of the Clincke and in the parish of St. Savours in Southwarke, which disorder is to be ascribed to the negligence of some of the Justices of Peace in that countie; they are required to take suche stricte order for the staying of the said disorder as is allreadie taken by the Lord Maiour within the Liberties of the Cittie, so as the same be not hereafter suffred at the times forbidden in any place of that countie.

A letter to the Justices of Middlesex that forasmuch as order is taken by the Lord Maiour within the precinctes of the Cittie for the restrayninge of plaies and interludes on the Saboath Daie, according to such direccion as hath been heretofore given by their Lordships in that behalfe, they are required to see the like observed and kept within that countie, aswell in anie places priviledged as otherwise.

lxxxi.

[1587, Nov. 23. Minute of City Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison, iv. 322, from Repertory, xxi, f. 503^v.]

Item yt is ordered that Sir Rowland Haywarde, Sir George Barne, Knight, Mr. Martyn, Mr. Harte, Mr. Allott, Aldermen, shall repayre to the right honorable the LL. and others of her Maiesties most honorble Pryuye Councell & to move theyre honours for the suppressinge of playes and interludes within this Cittye and the libertyes of the same.

lxxxii.

[1589, Nov. 6. Sir John Harte, Lord Mayor, to Lord Burghley, printed M. S. C. i. 180, from Lansd. MS. 60, f. 47; also in Collier, i. 265; Hazlitt, E. D. S. 34.]

My very honourable good L. Where by a lettre of your Lps. directed to mr. Yonge it appered vnto me, that it was your honours pleasure I sholde geue order for the staie of all playes within the Cittie, in that mr. Tilney did vtterly mislike the same. According to which your Lps. good pleasure, I presentlye sente for suche players as I coulde here of, so as there appered yesterday before me the L. Admeralles and the L. Straunges players, to whome I speciallie gaue in Charge and required them in her Maiesties name to forbere playinge, vntill further order mighte be geuen for theire allowance in that respecte: Whereupon the L. Admeralles players very dutifullie obeyed, but the others in very Contemptuous manner departing from me, went to the Crosse keys and played that afternoon, to the greate offence of the better sorte that knewe they were prohibited by order from your L. Which as I might not suffer, so I sent for the said Contemptuous persons, who haueing no reason to alleadge for theire Contempt, I coulde do no lesse but this evening Comitt some of them to one of the Compters, and do meane according to your Lps. direction to prohibite all playing, vntill your Lps. pleasure therein be further knowen. And thus resting further to trouble your L., I moste humblie take my leaue. At London the Sixte of Nouember 1589.

Your Lps. moste humble, John Harte, maior.

To the righte honorable my very good Lorde, the Lorde highe Tresaurer of Englande.

lxxxiii.

[1589, Nov. 12. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, xviii. 214.]

At the Starre Chamber 12^o Novembris, 1589.

A letter to the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury that whereas there bathe growne some inconvenience by comon playes and enterludes in and about the Cyttie of London, in [that] the players take upon themselves to handle in their plaies certen matters of Divinytie and of State unfitt to be suffred, for redresse whereof their Lordships have thought good to appointe some persones of judgement and understanding to viewe and examine their playes before they be permitted to present them publickly. His Lordship is desired that some fytt persone well learned in Divinity be appointed by him to joyne with the Master of the Revells and one other to be nominated by the Lord Mayour, and they joyntly with some spede to viewe and consider of suche comedyes and tragedyes as are and shalbe publickly played by the companies of players in and aboute the Cyttie of London, and they to geve allowance of suche as they shall thincke meete to be plaied and to forbydd the rest.

A letter to the Lord Mayour of London that whereas their Lordships have already signified unto him to appointe a sufficient persone learned and of judgement for the Cyttie of London to joyne with the Master of the Revelles and with a divine to be nominated by the Lord Archebishop of Canterbury for the reforming of the plaies daylie exercised and presented publickly in and about the Cyttie of London, wherein the players take uppon them without judgement or decorum to handle matters of Divinitye and State; he is required if he have not as yet made choice of suche a persone, that he will so doe forthwith, and thereof geve knowledge to the Lord Archebishop and the Master of the Revells, that they may all meet accordingly.

A letter to the Master of the Revelles requiring him [to join] with two others, the one to be appointed by the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury and the other by the Lord Mayour of London, to be men of learning and judgement, and to call before them the severall companies of players (whose servauntes soever they be) and to require them by authorytie hereof to delyver unto them their bookes, that they maye consider of the matters of their comedyes and tragedyes, and thereuppon to stryke oute or reforme suche partes and matters as they shall fynd unfytt and undecent to be handled in playes, bothe for Divinitie and State, comaunding the said companies of players, in her Majesties name, that they forbeare to present and playe publickly anie comedy or tragedy other then suche as they three shall have seene and allowed, which if they shall not observe, they shall then knowe from their Lordships that they shalbe not onely sevearely punished, but made [in]capable of the exercise of their profession forever hereafter.

lxxxiv.

[1591, July 25. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, xxi. 324.]

A letter to the Lord Maiour of the Cyttie of London and the Justices of Midlesex and Surrey. Whereas heretofore there hathe ben order taken to restraine the playinge of enterludes and playes on the Sabothe Daie, notwithstandinge the which (as wee are enformed) the same ys neglected to the prophanacion of this daie, and all other daies of the weeke in divers places the players doe use to recyte theire plaies to the greate hurte and destruction of the game of beare baytinge and lyke pastymes, which are maynteyned for her Majesty’s pleasure yf occacion require. These shalbe therefore to require you not onlie to take order hereafter that there maie no plaies, interludes or commodyes be used or publicklie made and shewed either on the Sondaie or on the Thursdaies, because on the Thursdayes those other games usuallie have ben allwayes accustomed and practized. Whereof see you faile not hereafter to see this our order dulie observed for the avoydinge of the inconveniences aforesaid.

lxxxv.

[1592, Feb. 25. The Lord Mayor to John Whitgift, Archbishop of Canterbury, printed M. S. C. i. 68, from Remembrancia, i. 635.]

Our most humble dueties to your Grace remembred. Whereas by the daily and disorderlie exercise of a number of players & playeng houses erected within this Citie, the youth thearof is greatly corrupted & their manners infected with many euill & vngodly qualities, by reason of the wanton & prophane divises represented on the stages by the sayed players, the prentizes & seruants withdrawen from their woorks, & all sorts in generall from the daylie resort vnto sermons & other Christian exercises, to the great hinderance of the trades & traders of this Citie & prophanation of the good & godly religion established amongst vs. To which places allso doe vsually resort great numbers of light & lewd disposed persons, as harlotts, cutpurses, cuseners, pilferers, & such lyke, & thear, vnder the collour of resort to those places to hear the playes, divise divers evill & vngodly matches, confederacies, & conspiracies, which by means of the opportunitie of the place cannot bee prevented nor discovered, as otherwise they might bee. In consideration whearof, wee most humbly beeseach your Grace for your godly care for the refourming of so great abuses tending to the offence of almightie god, the prophanation & sclaunder of his true religion, & the corrupting of our youth, which are the seed of the Church of god & the common wealth among vs, to voutchsafe vs your good favour & help for the refourming & banishing of so great evill out of this Citie, which our selves of loong time though to small pourpose have so earnestly desired and endeavoured by all means that possibly wee could. And bycause wee vnderstand that the Q. Maiestie is & must bee served at certen times by this sort of people, for which pourpose shee hath graunted hir lettres Patents to Mr. Tilney Master of hir Revells, by virtue whearof hee beeing authorized to refourm exercise or suppresse all manner of players, playes, & playeng houses whatsoeuer, did first licence the sayed playeng houses within this Citie for hir Maiesties sayed service, which beefore that time lay open to all the statutes for the punishing of these & such lyke disorders. Wee ar most humbly & earnestly to beeseach your Grace to call vnto you the sayed Master of hir Maiesties Revells, with whome allso wee have conferred of late to that pourpose, and to treat with him, if by any means it may bee devised that hir Maiestie may bee served with these recreations as hath ben accoustomed (which in our opinions may easily bee don by the privat exercise of hir Maiesties own players in convenient place) & the Citie freed from these continuall disorders, which thearby do growe, & increase dayly among vs. Whearby your Grace shall not only benefit & bynd vnto you the politique state & government of this Citie, which by no one thing is so greatly annoyed & disquieted as by players & playes, & the disorders which follow thearvpon, but allso take away a great offence from the Church of god & hinderance to his ghospell, to the great contentment of all good Christians, specially the preachers, & ministers of the word of god about this Citie, who have long time & yet do make their earnest continuall complaint vnto vs for the redresse hearof. And thus recommending our most humble dueties and service to your Grace wee commit the same to the grace of the Almightie. From London the 25th of February, 1591.

Your Graces most humble.

To the right reuerend Father in God my L. the Archbisshop of Canturbury his Grace.

lxxxvi.

[1592, March 6. The Lord Mayor to Archbishop Whitgift, printed M. S. C. i. 70, from Remembrancia, i. 646. Whitgift’s letter, here referred to, does not appear to be in the Remembrancia.]

My humble duety to your Grace remembred. I received your graces letter, whearin I vnderstood the contents of the same, & imparted the same presently to my Brethren the Aldermen in our common Assembly, who togither with my self yeld vnto your Grace our most humble thancks for your good favour & godly care over vs, in vouchsafing vs your healp for the removing of this great inconvenience which groweth to this Citie by playes & players. As toutching the consideracion to bee made to Mr. Tilney, and other capitulations that ar to passe beetwixt vs, for the better effecting & continuance of this restraint of the sayed playes in & about this Citie, wee have appointed certein of our Brethren the Aldermen to conferre with him forthwith, pourposing to acquaint your Grace with our agreement & whole proceeding hearin as occasion shall requier. And thus recommending my humble duety and seruice to your Grace I commit the same to the grace of the Almightie. From London the 6. of March, 1591.

Your Graces most humble.

To the right reverend Father in God the L. Archbishop of Canterbury his Grace.

lxxxvii.

[1592, March 18. Minute of City Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison, iv. 322, from Repertory, xx, f. 345.]

[Sidenote: Mr. Tilney to be treated for restraynte of plays.]

Item yt is ordered that Sir Richard Martyn Knighte and William Horne grocer, shall treate with Tilney Esquire Maister of the Revells for some good order to be taken for the restrayning of the playes and enterludes within this citie.

lxxxviii.

[1592, March 22. Extracts from records of the Court of the Guild of Merchant Taylors of London, printed in C. M. Clode, Early History of the Guild of Merchant Taylors (1888), i. 236.]

‘A precepte directed frome the Lord Mayor to this Companie shewinge to the Companie the great enormytie that this Citie susteyneth by the practice and prophane exercise of players and playinge howses in this Citie, and the corrupcion of youth that groweth thereupon, invitinge the Companie by the consideration of this myscheyfe to yeilde to the paymente of one Anuytie to one Mr. Tylney, mayster of the Revelles of the Queene’s house, in whose hands the redresse of this inconveniency doeth rest, and that those playes might be abandoned out of this citie.’

‘An Assemblye hereon the xxijth of March (1591), beinge our Master’s view daye after they came downe frome dynner out of the Gallarie,’ took the precept into consideration and determined, ‘albeit the Companie think yt a very good service to be performed yet wayinge the damage of the president and enovacion of raysinge of Anuyties upon the Companies of London what further occasions yt may be drawne unto, together with their great chardge otherwyse which this troublesome tyme hath brought, and is likely to bringe, they thinke this no fitt course to remedie this myscheife, but wish some other waye were taken in hand to expell out of our Citye so generall a contagion of manners and other inconveniency, wherein if any endevour or travile of this Companie might further the matter they would be readye to use their service therein. And this to be certified as the Companies answere if yt shall apeare by conference with other Companies that the precepte requireth necessarilie a returne of the Companies certificate, and answere in this behalf.’

lxxxix.

[1592, June 12. Extract from a letter of Sir William Webbe, Lord Mayor, to Lord Burghley, printed M. S. C. i. 187, from Lansd. MS. 71, f. 28, and M. S. C. i. 70, from a letter-book copy misdated ‘May 30’ in Remembrancia, i. 662.]

My humble duety remembred to your good L. Beeing informed of a great disorder & tumult lyke to grow yesternight abowt viij of the clock within the Borough of Southwark, I went thither with all speed I could, taking with mee on of the Sherifes, whear I found great multitudes of people assembled togither, & the principall actours to bee certain servants of the ffeltmakers gathered togither out of Barnsey street & the Black fryers, with a great number of lose & maisterles men apt for such pourposes. Whearupon having made proclamation, & dismissed the multitude, I apprehended the chief doers and authors of the disorder, & have committed them to prison to bee farther punished, as they shall bee found to deserve. And having this morning sent for the Deputie & Constable of the Borough with Divers other of best credit, who wear thear present, to examine the cause & manner of the disorder, I found that it began vpon the serving of a warrant from my L. Chamberlain by on of the Knight Mareschalls men vpon a feltmakers servant, who was committed to the Mareschallsea with certein others, that were accused to his L. by the sayed Knight Mareschalls men without cause of offence, as them selves doe affirm. For rescuing of whome the sayed companies assembled themselves by occasion & pretence of their meeting at a play, which bysides the breach of the Sabboth day giveth opportunitie of committing these & such lyke disorders. The principall doers in this rude tumult I mean to punish to the example of others. Whearin also it may please your L. to give mee your direction, if you shall advise vpon anything meet to bee doon for the farther punishment of the sayed offenders.

xc.

[1592, June 23. Extract from Privy Council Minute, printed by Dasent, xxii. 549. The main purpose of the letter is to require a ‘watch’ at midsummer, as certain apprentices were expected to renew the recent disorder in Southwark (cf. No. lxxxix). The Lord Mayor had already been charged, and letters also went to the Justices of Surrey for the precincts of Newington, Kentish Street, Bermondsey Street, the Clink, Paris Garden, and the Bankside, and to those of other places near the City, including Lord Cobham for the Blackfriars.]

A letter to the Master of the Rolles, Sir Owen Hopton, knight, John Barnes and Richard Yonge, esquiours....

Moreover for avoidinge of theis unlawfull assemblies in those quarters, yt is thoughte meete you shall take order that there be noe playes used in anye place neere thereaboutes, as the Theator, Curtayne, or other usuall places where the same are comonly used, nor no other sorte of unlawfull or forbidden pastymes that drawe together the baser sorte of people, from hence forth untill the feast of St. Michaell.

xci.

[1592, June 23. Privy Council Minute, printed by Dasent, xxii. 549.]

A letter to the Earle of Darbye. Whereas wee are informed that there are certaine May gaimes, morryce daunces, plaies, bearebaytinges, ales and other like pastimes used ordinarilye in those counties under your Lordship’s Lieutenancye on the Sondaies and Hollydaies at the tyme of Divine service and other Godlie exercyses, to the disturbance of the service, and bad example that those kinde of pastimes should be used in such sorte and at suche tyme when men do assemble togeather for the hearinge of God’s worde and to joyne in Common praiers, which sportes are moste ordinarilye used at those undue seasons by such as are evill affected in religion, purposlie by those meanes to drawe the people from the service of God, and to disturbe the same. Theis shalbe therefore to praie your Lordship by vertue hereof to give knowledge not onlie to the Byshop of that Dioces of this common and unsufferable disorder, but to give speciall direction to all the Justices in theire severall divisions by all meanes to forbid and not to suffer theis or the like pastimes to be in anye place whatsoever on the Sondaie or Holydaie at the tyme of Divine service. And yf notwithstandinge this straite prohibicion and speciall order taken, any shall presume to use the saide sportes or pastimes in the tyme [of] services, sermons or other Godlye exercyses, you shall cause the favorers, mayntainers or cheife offenders to be sent up hether to answere this theire contentions and lewde behaviour before us.

xcii.

[c. 1592, c. July. Undated documents, printed by Greg, Henslowe Papers, 42, from Dulwich MS. i. 16–18; also in Collier, Alleyn Memoirs, 33–6. I agree with Greg (cf. Henslowe, ii. 52) that 1592 is a more likely date than 1593, during the whole of the long vacation of which plague ruled. We have not the terms of the Surrey inhibition of 23 June 1592 (cf. No. xc), but it may have made an exception for Newington Butts. If so, the documents can hardly be later than July, as the plague was increasing by 13 Aug. (Dasent, xxiii. 118). But Greg tacitly assumes that no earlier year than 1592 can be in question, and as against this, cf. vol. i, p. 359. I think that 1591 is a conceivable alternative, as Strange’s (q.v.) were probably at the Rose by the spring of that year. There is no corroborative evidence, indeed, of any inhibition in 1591. But do the documents point to a general inhibition? The inference from (b) is that houses other than the Rose were open.]

(a)

[Petition from Strange’s men to the Privy Council.]

To the right honorable our verie good Lordes, the Lordes of her maiesties moste honorable privie Councell.

Our dueties in all humblenes remembred to your honours. Forasmuche (righte honorable) oure Companie is greate, and thearbie our chardge intollerable, in travellinge the Countrie, and the Contynuaunce thereof wilbe a meane to bringe vs to division and seperacion, whearebie wee shall not onelie be vndone, but alsoe vnreadie to serve her maiestie, when it shall please her highenes to commaund vs, And for that the vse of our plaiehowse on the Banckside, by reason of the passage to and frome the same by water, is a greate releif to the poore watermen theare, And our dismission thence, nowe in this longe vacation, is to those poore men a greate hindraunce, and in manner an vndoeinge, as they generallie complaine, Both our and theire humble peticion and suite thearefore to your good honnours is, That youe wilbe pleased of your speciall favour to recall this our restrainte, and permitt vs the vse of the said Plaiehowse againe. And not onelie our selues But alsoe a greate nomber of poore men shalbe especiallie bounden to praie for yor Honours.

Your honours humble suppliantes, The righte honorable the Lord Straunge his servantes and Plaiers.

(b)

[Petition from the Watermen of the Bankside to Lord Admiral Howard.]

To the right honnorable my Lorde Haywarde Lorde highe Admirall of Englande and one of her maiesties moste honnorable previe Counsayle.

In most hvmble manner Complayneth and sheweth vnto your good Lordeshipp, your poore suppliantes and dayly Oratours Phillipp Henslo, and others the poore watermen on the bancke side. Whereas your good L. hathe derected your warrant vnto hir maiesties Justices, for the restraynte of a playe howse belonginge vnto the saide Phillipp Henslo one of the groomes of her maiesties Chamber, So it is, if it please your good Lordshipp, that wee your saide poore watermen have had muche helpe and reliefe for vs oure poore wives and Children by meanes of the resorte of suche people as come vnto the said playe howse, It maye therefore please your good L. for godes sake and in the waye of Charetie to respecte vs your poore water men, and to give leave vnto the said Phillipp Henslo to have playinge in his saide howse duringe suche tyme as others have, according as it hathe byne accustomed. And in your honnors so doinge youe shall not onely doe a good and a Charitable dede, but also bynde vs all according to oure dewties, with oure poore wives and Children dayly to praye for your honnor in muche happynes longe to lyve.

Isack Towelle. William Dorret, master of her maiestes barge.

[Fifteen signatures or marks of royal watermen and others follow.]

(c)

[Warrant from the Privy Council for the reopening of the Rose.]

Wheareas not longe since vpon some Consideracions we did restraine the Lorde Straunge his servauntes from playinge at the Rose on the banckside, and enioyned them to plaie three daies at Newington Butts, Now forasmuch as wee are satisfied that by reason of the tediousnes of the waie and that of longe tyme plaies haue not there bene vsed on working daies, And for that a nomber of poore watermen are therby releeved, Youe shall permitt and suffer them or any other there to exercise them selues in suche sorte as they haue don heretofore, And that the Rose maie be at libertie without any restrainte, solonge as yt shalbe free from infection of sicknes, Any Comaundement from vs heretofore to the Contrye notwithstandinge: ffrom.

To the Justices Bayliffes Constables and others to whome yt shall Apperteyne.

xciii.

[1593, Jan. 28. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, xxiv. 31.]

A letter to the Lord Maiour and Aldermen of the cittie of London. Forasmuch as by the certificate of the last weeke yt appeareth the infection doth increase, which by the favour of God and with your diligent observance of her Majesty’s comandementes and the meanes and orders prescribed to be put in execution within the cittie of London maie speedelie cease. Yeat for the better furderance therof we thinke yt fytt that all manner of concourse and publique meetinges of the people at playes, beare-baitinges, bowlinges and other like assemblyes for sportes be forbidden, and therefore doe hereby requier you and in her Majesty’s name straightlie charge and commande you forthwith to inhibite within your jurisdiction all plaies, baiting of beares, bulls, bowling and any other like occasions to assemble any nombers of people together (preacheing and Devyne service at churches excepted), wherby no occasions be offred to increase the infection within the cittie, which you shall doe both by proclamacion to be published to that ende and by spetiall watche and observacion to be had at the places where the plaies, beare-baitinges, bowlinges and like pastimes are usually frequented. And if you shall upon the publicacion finde any so undutifull and disobedient as they will notwithstanding this prohibition offer to plaie, beate beares or bulles, bowle, &c., you shall presentelie cause them to be apprehended and comitted to prison, there to remaine untill by their order they shalbe dismissed. And to the end the like assemblies within the out liberties adjoyning to the cittie [may be prohibited], we have given direction to the Justices of the Peace and other publique officers of the counties of Middelsex and Surrey to hold the like course, not onlie within the said liberties but also within the distance of seven myles about the cittie, which we doubte not they will carefullie see to be executed, as you for your partes within the cittie will doe the like, in reguarde of her Majestie’s comandement, the benefitt of the cittie and for the respectes alreadie signified unto you.

Two other letters of the like tenour written to the Justices of the Peace within the counties of Surrey and Middelsex for the prohibition of like assemblies in the out liberties and within seven miles of the cittie of either countie.

xciv.

[1593, April 12. Minute of City Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison, iv. 322, from Repertory, xxiii, f. 50^v.]

[Sidenote: Elders of the Councell. Bearebaitinge and plaies.]

Item, yt is ordered that Sir Richarde Martyn, Knighte, and Master Saltonstall, aldermen, shall repayre to the righte honourable the Lordes and others of her Maiesties most honorable Pryuey Counsell, towching the presente suppressinge of bearebaitinge, bowling alleyes, and such like prophane exercises within this Cytie, and the libertyes thereof, and other places neare adioyninge. And Christofer Stubbes to warne them, etc.

xcv.

[1593, April 29. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxiv. 209.]

An open warrant for the plaiers, servantes to the Erle of Sussex, authorysinge them to exercyse theire qualitie of playinge comedies and tragedies in any county, cittie, towne or corporacion not being within vij^{en} miles of London, where the infection is not, and in places convenient and tymes fitt.

xcvi.

[1593, May 6. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxiv. 212; cf. text in Bk. iii.]

Gives authority to Strange’s men, notwithstanding inhibition of plays in London, to perform in towns seven miles from London or court, at their most convenient times and places, except during times of divine prayer.

xcvii.

[1594, Feb. 3. The Privy Council to Sir Cuthbert Buckle, Lord Mayor, printed M. S. C. i. 72, from Remembrancia, ii. 6.]

[Sidenote: For restraint of playes.]

After our very hartie commendations to your L. Whearas certein infourmation is given that very great multitudes of all sorts of people do daylie frequent & resort to common playes lately again set vp in & about London, whearby it is vpon good cause feared that the dangerous infection of the plague, by Gods great mercy and goodnes well slaked, may again very dangerously encrease and break foorth, to the great losse and preiudice of hir Maiesties Subiects in generall & especially to those of that Citie, of whose safetie & well doing hir Highnes hath alwayes had an especiall regard, as by the last years experience by lyke occasions & resort to playes it soddainly encreased from a very little number to that greatnes of mortallitie which ensued. Wee thearfore thought it very expedient to require your L. foorthwith to take strait order that thear bee no more publique playes or enterludes exercised by any Compaine whatsoever within the compas of five miles distance from London, till vpon better lykelyhood and assurance of health farther direction may bee giuen from vs to the contrary. So wee bid your L. very hartily farewell. From the Court at Hampton, the 3. of February. 1593.

Your L. very louing friends,

Io: Cant. Io. Puckering. C. Howard. Th. Buckhurst. R. Cecyll. I. Fortescue.

To our very good L. mr. Alderman Buckle L. Maior of the Citie of London.

xcviii.

[1594, May 10. Minute of City Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison, iv. 323, from Repertory, xxiii, f. 220.]

Countess of Warwicks playes.

Item yt is ordred that Mr. Saltonstall, Mr. Soame, Mr. Weoseley, Mr. Barnham, and Mr. Houghton, aldermen, or any others [?] of them, calling unto them Richard Wright, gentleman, shall consider of a cawse recommended to this courte by the right honorable the Countys of Warwicke concerning playes, And to make reporte to this courte of their doings therein. And George Foster to warne them to meet together and to attend on them.

xcix.

[c. 1594, July-Oct. Extract from Articles submitted to the Privy Council against the increase of the plague and for the relief of poor people, printed M. S. C. i. 202, from _Lansd. MS._ 74, f. 75. The date 1593 is assigned in the _Catalogue of Lansdowne MSS._, but the document seems to be related to No. c.]

That for avoydinge of great concourse of people, which causeth increase of thinfection, yt were convenient, that all Playes, Bearebaytinges, Cockpittes, common Bowlinge alleyes, and suche like vnnecessarie assemblies should be suppressed duringe the tyme of infection, for that infected people, after theire longe keepinge in, and before they be clered of theire disease and infection, beinge desirous of recreacion, vse to resort to suche assemblies, where throughe heate and thronge, they infecte manie sound personnes.

c.

[c. 1594, July-Oct. Extract from Orders, suggested by the Privy Council, to be set down by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen. These are undated, but appear to be the ‘breif’ of orders sent with a letter of the Privy Council, also undated, but addressed to Sir Richard Martin, who was Lord Mayor from July to Oct. 1594. Both documents are printed in M. S. C. i. 206, 211, from Lansd. MS. 74, ff. 69, 71.]

Interludes and plaies.

If the increase of the sicknes be feared, that Interludes and plaies be restreyned within the libertyes of the Cyttye....

... That all maisterlesse men who lyve idelie in the Cyttye without any lawfull calling, frequenting places of common assemblies, as Interludes, gaming howses, cockpittes, bowling allies, and such other places, maie be banished the Cyttye according to the lawes in that case provyded.

ci.

[1594, Oct. 8. Henry Lord Hunsdon, Lord Chamberlain, to Sir Richard Martin, Lord Mayor, printed M. S. C. i. 73, from Remembrancia, ii. 33. The document is misdescribed in the Index to Remembrancia, 353, as referring, not to ‘my nowe companie’, but to ‘the new company’.]

[Sidenote: For players to bee suffred to play with in London.]

After my hartie comendacions. Where my nowe companie of Players haue byn accustomed for the better exercise of their qualitie, & for the seruice of her Maiestie if need soe requier, to plaie this winter time within the Citye at the Crosse kayes in Gracious street. These are to requier & praye your Lo. (the time beinge such as, thankes be to god, there is nowe no danger of the sicknes) to permitt & suffer them soe to doe; The which I praie you the rather to doe for that they haue vndertaken to me that, where heretofore they began not their Plaies till towardes fower a clock, they will now begin at two, & haue don betwene fower and fiue, and will nott vse anie Drumes or trumpettes att all for the callinge of peopell together, and shalbe contributories to the poore of the parishe where they plaie accordinge to their habilities. And soe not dowting of your willingnes to yeeld herevnto, vppon theise resonable condicions, I comitt yow to the Almightie. Noonesuch this viijth of October 1594.

Your lo. lovinge friend, H. Hounsdon.

To my honorable good friend Sir Richard Martin knight Lo: mayour of the Citie of London.

cii.

[1594, Nov. 3. The Lord Mayor to Lord Burghley, printed M. S. C. i. 74, from Remembrancia, ii. 73. The theatre was doubtless the Swan.]

[Sidenote: Langley intending to erect a niew stage on the Banckside & against playes.]

My humble duetie remembred to your good L. I vnderstand that one Francis Langley, one of the Alneagers for sealing of cloth, intendeth to erect a niew stage or Theater (as they call it) for thexercising of playes vpon the Banck side. And forasmuch as wee fynd by daily experience the great inconuenience that groweth to this Citie & the government thearof by the sayed playes, I haue embouldened my self to bee an humble suiter to your good L. to bee a means for vs rather to suppresse all such places built for that kynd of exercise, then to erect any more of the same sort. I am not ignorant (my very good L.) what is alleadged by soom for defence of these playes, that the people must haue soom kynd of recreation, & that policie requireth to divert idle heads & other ill disposed from other woorse practize by this kynd of exercize. Whearto may bee answeared (which your good L. for your godly wisedom can far best iudge of) that as honest recreation is a thing very meet for all sorts of men, so no kynd of exercise, beeing of itself corrupt & prophane, can well stand with the good policie of a Christian Common Wealth. And that the sayed playes (as they are handled) ar of that sort, and woork that effect in such as ar present and frequent the same, may soon bee decerned by all that haue any godly vnderstanding & that obserue the fruites & effects of the same, conteining nothing ells but vnchast fables, lascivious divises, shifts of cozenage, & matters of lyke sort, which ar so framed & represented by them, that such as resort to see & hear the same, beeing of the base & refuse sort of people or such yoong gentlemen as haue small regard of credit or conscience, draue the same into example of imitation & not of avoyding the sayed lewd offences. Which may better appear by the qualitie of such as frequent the sayed playes, beeing the ordinary places of meeting for all vagrant persons & maisterles men that hang about the Citie, theeues, horsestealers, whoremoongers, coozeners, conny-catching persones, practizers of treason, & such other lyke, whear they consort and make their matches to the great displeasure of Almightie God & the hurt and annoyance of hir Maiesties people, both in this Citie & other places about, which cannot be clensed of this vngodly sort (which by experience wee fynd to bee the very sinck & contagion not only of this Citie but of this whole Realm), so long as these playes & places of resort ar by authoritie permitted. I omit to trouble your L. with any farther matter how our apprentices and servants ar by this means corrupted & induced hear by to defraud their Maisters, to maintein their vain & prodigall expenses occasioned by such evill and riotous companie, whearinto they fall by these kynd of meetings, to the great hinderance of the trades & traders inhabiting this Citie, and how people of all sorts ar withdrawen thearby from their resort vnto sermons & other Christian exercise, to the great sclaunder of the ghospell & prophanation of the good & godly religion established within this Realm. All which disorders hauing observed & found to bee true, I thought it my duetie, beeing now called to this publique place, to infourm your good L., whome I know to bee a patrone of religion & lover of virtue & an honourable a friend to the State of this Citie, humbly beeseaching you to voutchsafe mee your help for the stay & suppressing, not only of this which is now intended, by directing your lettres to the Iustices of peace of Middlesex & Surrey, but of all other places, if possibly it may bee, whear the sayed playes ar shewed & frequented. And thus crauing pardon for this ouer much length I humbly take my leaue. From London the 3. of November. 1594.

Your L. most humble.

To the right honourable my very good L. the L. high Treasurer of England.

ciii.

[1595, Sept. 13. The Lord Mayor and Aldermen to the Privy Council, printed M. S. C. i. 76, from Remembrancia, ii. 103.]

[Sidenote: Toutching the putting doune of the plaies at the Theater & Bankside which is a great cause of disorder in the Citie:]

Our humble duty remembred to your good LL. & the rest. Wee haue been bold heartofore to signify to your HH: the great inconvenyence that groweth to this Cytie by the common exercise of Stage Plaies, whear in wee presumed to be the more often & earnest suters to your HH: for the suppressing of the said Stage Plaies, aswell in respect of the good government of this Cytie, (which wee desire to be such as her Highnes & your HH: might be pleased thearwithall), as for conscience sake being perswaded (vnder correccion of your HH. Iudgment) that neither in policye nor in religion they ar to be permitted in a Christian Common wealthe, specially being of that frame & making as vsually they are, & conteyning nothing but profane fables, Lasciuious matters, cozonning devizes, & other vnseemly & scurrilous behaviours, which ar so sett forthe, as that they move wholy to imitacion & not to the avoyding of those vyces which they represent, which wee verely think to bee the cheef cause, aswell of many other disorders & lewd demeanors which appeer of late in young people of all degrees, as of the late stirr & mutinous attempt of those fiew apprentices and other servantes, who wee doubt not driew their infection from these & like places. Among other inconveniences it is not the least that the refuse sort of evill disposed & vngodly people about this Cytie haue oportunitie hearby to assemble together & to make their matches for all their lewd & vngodly practizes: being also the ordinary places for all maisterles men & vagabond persons that haunt the high waies to meet together & to recreate themselfes. Whearof wee begin to haue experienc again within these fiew daies, since it pleased her highnes to revoke her Comission graunted forthe to the Provost Marshall, for fear of whome they retired themselfes for the time into other partes out of his precinct, but ar now retorned to their old haunt & frequent the Plaies (as their manner is) that ar daily shewed at the Theator & Bankside: Whearof will follow the same inconveniences whearof wee haue had to much experienc heartofore, ffor preventing whearof wee ar humble suters to your good LL: & the rest to direct your lettres to the Iustices of peac of Surrey & Middlesex for the present stay & finall suppressing of the said Plaies, aswell at the Theator & Bankside as in all other places about the Cytie. Whearby wee doubt not but, the oportunytie & very cause of so great disorders being taken away, wee shalbe able to keepe the people of this Cytie in such good order & due obedienc, as that her highnes & your HH: shalbe well pleased & content thearwithall. And so most humbly wee take our Leaue. From London the xiijth of September. 1595.

Your HH: most humble.

To the right honourable the LL: & others of her Maiesties most honourable privy Counsell.

civ.

[1596, July 22. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxvi. 38.]

Letters to the Justices of Middlesex and Surrey to restrayne the players from shewing or using anie plaies or interludes in the places usuall about the citty of London, for that by drawing of muche people together increase of sicknes is feared.

cv.

[1596, c. Sept. Extract from letter of T. Nashe to William Cotton, printed with facsimile by McKerrow, Nashe, v. 194, from Cotton MS. Julius, C. iii, f. 280. Internal evidence bears out the ‘T. Nashe’ subscribed in a nineteenth-century hand. The original signature has gone, but the top of ‘N’ was declared to be visible by Collier, who printed the letter in H. E. D. P. (1831), i. 303; it is also in Grosart, Nashe, i. lxi. The date is suggested by an allusion to the return of Essex from Cadiz on 10 Aug. 1596, and the beginning of term on 9 Oct. 1596. Allusions to Harington’s Metamorphosis of Ajax (S. R. 30 Oct. 1596) might point to a rather later date, but Harington’s dedication is dated 3 Aug. 1596, and the first issue may not have been registered.]

Sir this tedious dead vacation is to mee as vnfortunate as a terme at Hertford or St. Albons to poore cuntry clients or Iack Cades rebellion to the lawyers, wherein they hanged vp the L. cheife iustice. In towne I stayd (being earnestly inuited elsewhere) vpon had I wist hopes, & an after harvest I expected by writing for the stage & for the presse, when now the players as if they had writt another Christs tears, ar piteously persecuted by the L. Maior & the aldermen, & howeuer in there old Lords tyme they thought there state setled, it is now so vncertayne they cannot build vpon it.

cvi.

[1596, Nov. Petition by Inhabitants of Blackfriars to Privy Council, printed by Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 304, from undated copy assignable by the handwriting to c. 1631 in S. P. D. Eliz. cclx. 116. The date is given by No. cvii; cf. Bk. iv, s.v. Blackfriars. The document has been suspected as a forgery, but is probably genuine, although it is odd to find Lord Hunsdon as a signatory, since one would have supposed that he could influence James Burbage through his son Richard, who was one of Hunsdon’s players. Collier, who first produced it, misdated it 1576, and used it to support a theory that the Blackfriars was built in 1576 (i. 219). Curiously enough, he used it again for 1596 (i. 287), and added to it an alleged counter-petition by the Chamberlain’s men, now in S. P. D. Eliz. cclx. 117, which is certainly a forgery. Hunsdon was not Chamberlain in Nov. 1596.]

To the right honorable the Lords and others of her Majesties most honorable Privy Councell,--Humbly shewing and beseeching your honors, the inhabitants of the precinct of the Blackfryers, London, that whereas one Burbage hath lately bought certaine roomes in the same precinct neere adjoyning unto the dwelling houses of the right honorable the Lord Chamberlaine and the Lord of Hunsdon, which romes the said Burbage is now altering and meaneth very shortly to convert and turne the same into a comon playhouse, which will grow to be a very great annoyance and trouble, not only to all the noblemen and gentlemen thereabout inhabiting but allso a generall inconvenience to all the inhabitants of the same precinct, both by reason of the great resort and gathering togeather of all manner of vagrant and lewde persons that, under cullor of resorting to the playes, will come thither and worke all manner of mischeefe, and allso to the great pestring and filling up of the same precinct, yf it should please God to send any visitation of sicknesse as heretofore hath been, for that the same precinct is allready growne very populous; and besides, that the same playhouse is so neere the Church that the noyse of the drummes and trumpetts will greatly disturbe and hinder both the ministers and parishioners in tyme of devine service and sermons;--In tender consideracion wherof, as allso for that there hath not at any tyme heretofore been used any comon playhouse within the same precinct, but that now all players being banished by the Lord Mayor from playing within the Cittie by reason of the great inconveniences and ill rule that followeth them, they now thincke to plant them selves in liberties;--That therefore it would please your honors to take order that the same roomes may be converted to some other use, and that no playhouse may be used or kept there; and your suppliants as most bounden shall and will dayly pray for your Lordships in all honor and happines long to live. Elizabeth Russell, dowager; G. Hunsdon; Henry Bowes; Thomas Browne; John Crooke; William Meredith; Stephen Egerton; Richard Lee; ... Smith; William Paddy; William de Lavine; Francis Hinson; John Edwards; Andrew Lyons; Thomas Nayle; Owen Lochard; John Robbinson; Thomas Homes; Richard Feild; William Watts; Henry Boice; Edward Ley; John Clarke; William Bispham; Robert Baheire; Ezechiell Major; Harman Buckholt; John Le Mere; John Dollin; Ascanio de Renialmire; John Wharton.

cvii.

[1596, Nov. Extract from Petition of c. Jan. 1619 from Constables and Inhabitants of Blackfriars to Lord Mayor and Aldermen, printed in M. S. C. i. 90, from Remembrancia, v. 28; cf. Bk. iv, s.v. Blackfriars.]

Sheweth That whereas in Nouember 1596, diuers both honorable persons and others then inhabitinge the said precinct, made knowne to the Lordes and others of the privie Counsell, what inconveniencies where likelie to fall vpon them, by a common Playhouse which was then preparinge to bee erected there, wherevpon their Honours then forbadd the vse of the said howse, for playes, as by the peticion and indorsemente in aunswere thereof may appeare.

cviii.

[1597, May 6. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxvii. 97.]

A letter to the High Sheriff of Suffolk, William Foorth, John Gurdall and ---- Clopton, esquires. We do understand by your letter of the third of this instant of a purpose in the towne of Hadley to make certaine stage playes at this time of the Whitson holydaies next ensuinge, and thether to draw a concourse of people out of the country thereaboutes, pretending heerein the benefit of the towne, which purpose we do utterly mislike, doubting what inconveniences may follow thereon, especially at this tyme of scarcety, when disordred people of the comon sort wilbe apt to misdemeane themselves. We do therefore require you straightly to prohibite the officers and all others in the towne of Hadley not (sic) to goe forward with the sayd playes and to cause the stage prepared for them to be plucked downe, letting them know that they are to obey this our order as they will answere it at their perill. We thanck you for the care you take to keepe the country in good order. And so, &c.

cix.

[1597, July 28. The Lord Mayor and Aldermen to the Privy Council, printed M. S. C. i. 78, from Remembrancia, ii. 171.]

[Sidenote: To the Lords against Stage playes.]

Our humble dutyes remembred to your good LL. & the rest. Wee haue signifyed to your HH. many tymes heartofore the great inconvenience which wee fynd to grow by the Common exercise of Stage Playes. Wee presumed to doo, aswell in respect of the dutie wee beare towardes her highnes for the good gouernment of this her Citie, as for conscience sake, beinge perswaded (vnder correction of your HH. iudgment) that neither in politie nor in religion they are to be suffered in a Christian Commonwealth, specially beinge of that frame & matter as vsually they are, conteining nothinge but prophane fables, lascivious matters, cozeninge devises, & scurrilus beehaviours, which are so set forth as that they move wholie to imitation & not to the auoydinge of those faults & vices which they represent. Amonge other inconveniences it is not the least that they give opportunity to the refuze sort of euill disposed & vngodly people, that are within and abowte this Cytie, to assemble themselves & to make their matches for all their lewd & vngodly practices; being as heartofore wee haue fownd by th’examinaton of divers apprentices & other seruantes whoe have confessed vnto vs that the said Staige playes were the very places of theire Randevous appoynted by them to meete with such otheir as wear to ioigne with them in theire designes & mutinus attemptes, beeinge allso the ordinarye places for maisterles men to come together & to recreate themselves. For avoyding wheareof wee are now againe most humble & earnest sutours to your honours to dirrect your lettres aswell to our selves as to the Iustices of peace of Surrey & Midlesex for the present staie & fynall suppressinge of the saide Stage playes, aswell at the Theatre, Curten, and banckside, as in all other places in and abowt the Citie, Wheareby wee doubt not but, th’opportunitie & the very cause of many disorders beinge taken away, wee shalbee more able to keepe the worse sort of such evell & disordered people in better order then heartofore wee haue been. And so most humbly wee take our leaves. From London the xxviijth of Iulie. 1597.

Your HH most humble.

[Sidenote: The inconueniences that grow by Stage playes abowt the Citie of London.]

1. They are a speaciall cause of corrupting their Youth, conteninge nothinge but vnchast matters, lascivious devices, shiftes of Coozenage, & other lewd & vngodly practizes, being so as that they impresse the very qualitie & corruption of manners which they represent, Contrary to the rules & art prescribed for the makinge of Comedies eaven amonge the Heathen, who vsed them seldom & at certen sett tymes, and not all the year longe as our manner is. Whearby such as frequent them, beinge of the base & refuze sort of people or such young gentlemen as haue small regard of credit or conscience, drawe the same into imitacion and not to the avoidinge the like vices which they represent.

2. They are the ordinary places for vagrant persons, Maisterles men, thieves, horse stealers, whoremongers, Coozeners, Conycatchers, contrivers of treason, and other idele and daungerous persons to meet together & to make theire matches to the great displeasure of Almightie God & the hurt & annoyance of her Maiesties people, which cannot be prevented nor discovered by the Gouernours of the Citie for that they are owt of the Citiees iurisdiction.

3. They maintaine idlenes in such persons as haue no vocation & draw apprentices and other seruantes from theire ordinary workes and all sortes of people from the resort vnto sermons and other Christian exercises, to the great hinderance of traides & prophanation of religion established by her highnes within this Realm.

4. In the time of sicknes it is fownd by experience, that many hauing sores and yet not hart sicke take occasion hearby to walk abroad & to recreat themselves by heareinge a play. Whearby others are infected, and them selves also many things miscarry.

cx.

[1597, July 28. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxvii. 313.]

A letter to Robert Wrothe, William Fleetwood, John Barne, Thomas Fowler and Richard Skevington, esquires, and the rest of the Justices of Middlesex nerest to London. Her Majestie being informed that there are verie greate disorders committed in the common playhouses both by lewd matters that are handled on the stages and by resorte and confluence of bad people, hathe given direction that not onlie no plaies shalbe used within London or about the citty or in any publique place during this tyme of sommer, but that also those play houses that are erected and built only for suche purposes shalbe plucked downe, namelie the Curtayne and the Theatre nere to Shorditch or any other within that county. Theis are therfore in her Majesty’s name to chardge and commaund you that you take present order there be no more plaies used in any publique place within three myles of the citty untill Alhalloutide next, and likewyse that you do send for the owners of the Curtayne Theatre or anie other common playhouse and injoyne them by vertue hereof forthwith to plucke downe quite the stages, gallories and roomes that are made for people to stand in, and so to deface the same as they maie not be ymploied agayne to suche use, which yf they shall not speedely perform you shall advertyse us, that order maie be taken to see the same don according to her Majesty’s pleasure and commaundment. And hereof praying you not to faile, we, &c.

The like to Mr. Bowier, William Gardyner and Bartholomew Scott, esquires, and the rest of the Justices of Surrey, requiring them to take the like order for the playhouses in the Banckside, in Southwarke or elswhere in the said county within iij^e miles of London.

cxi.

[1597, Aug. 15. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxvii. 338.]

A letter to Richard Topclyfe, Thomas Fowler and Richard Skevington, esquires, Doctour Fletcher and Mr. Wilbraham. Uppon informacion given us of a lewd plaie that was plaied in one of the plaiehowses on the Bancke Side, contanynge very seditious and sclanderous matter, wee caused some of the players to be apprehended and comytted to pryson, whereof one of them was not only an actor but a maker of parte of the said plaie. For as moche as yt ys thought meete that the rest of the players or actors in that matter shalbe apprehended to receave soche punyshment as theire leude and mutynous behavior doth deserve, these shalbe therefore to require you to examine those of the plaiers that are comytted, whose names are knowne to you, Mr. Topclyfe, what ys become of the rest of theire fellowes that either had theire partes in the devysinge of that sedytious matter or that were actors or plaiers in the same, what copies they have given forth of the said playe and to whome, and soch other pointes as you shall thincke meete to be demaunded of them, wherein you shall require them to deale trulie as they will looke to receave anie favour. Wee praie you also to peruse soch papers as were fownde in Nash his lodgings, which Ferrys, a Messenger of the Chamber, shall delyver unto you, and to certyfie us th’examynacions you take. So, &c.

cxii.

[1597, Oct. 8. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxviii. 33. A note dates the actual signing of the warrants on Oct. 3.]

A warrant to the Keeper of the Marshalsea to release Gabriell Spencer and Robert Shaa, stage-players, out of prison, who were of lat comitted to his custodie.

The like warrant for the releasing of Benjamin Johnson.

cxiii.

[1598, Feb. 9. Extract from _An Acte for punyshment of Rogues Vagabondes and Sturdy Beggars_ (39 Eliz. c. 4, printed in Statutes, iv. 899). The Act was continued, subject as regards John Dutton to legal proof of his claim, by 43 Eliz. c. 9, in 1601 (St. iv. 973).]

[§ 1.] From and after the Feaste of Easter next comminge [16 April 1598], all Statutes heretofore made for the punyshment of Rogues Vagabondes or Sturdy Beggers ... shall ... be utterly repealed....

[§ 2.] All Fencers Bearewardes common Players of Enterludes and Minstrelles wandring abroade (other than Players of Enterludes belonging to any Baron of this Realme, or any other honorable Personage of greater Degree, to be auctoryzed to play, under the Hand and Seale of Armes of such Baron or Personage) ... shalbe taken adjudged and deemed Rogues Vagabondes and Sturdy Beggers, and shall susteyne such Payne and Punyshment as by this Acte is in that behalfe appointed.

[§ 3.] Every person which is by this presente Acte declared to be a Rogue Vagabonde or Sturdy Begger, which shalbe ... taken begging vagrant wandering or mysordering themselves in any part of this Realme ..., shall uppon their apprehension by thappoyntment of any Justice of the Peace Constable Hedborough or Tythingman of the same County Hundred Parish or Tything where suche person shalbe taken, the Tythingman or Headborow being assisted therein with thadvise of the Minister and one other of that Parrish, be stripped naked from the middle upwardes and shall be openly whipped untill his or her body be bloudye, and shalbe forthwith sent from Parish to Parish by the Officers of every the same, the nexte streighte way to the Parish where he was borne, if the same may be knowen by the Partyes confession or otherwyse; and yf the same be not knowen, then to the Parish where he or she last dwelte before the same Punyshment by the space of one whole yeare, there to put him or her selfe to labour as a true Subject ought to do; or not being knowen where he or she was borne or last dwelte, then to the Parish through which he or she last passed without Punyshment.

[§ 4.] Yf any of the said Rogues shall appeare to be dangerous to the inferior sorte of People where they shalbe taken, or otherwyse be such as will not be reformed of their rogish kinde of lyfe by the former Provisions of this Acte, ... it shall and may be laufull to the said Justices of the Lymittes where any such Rogue shalbe taken, or any two of them, whereof one to be of the Quorum, to commit that Rogue to the House of Correccion, or otherwyse to the Gaole of that County, there to remaine untill their next Quarter Sessions to be holden in that County, and then such of the same Rogues so committed, as by the Justices of the Peace then and there presente or the most parte of them shalbe thought fitt not to be delivered, shall and may lawfully by the same Justices or the more parte of them be banysshed out of this Realme.... And if any such Rogue so banyshed as aforesaid shall returne agayne into any part of this Realme or Domynion of Wales without lawfull Lycence or Warrant so to do, that in every such case such Offence shalbe Felony, and the Party offending therein suffer Death as in case of Felony.

[§ 10.] Reserves privileges of John Dutton.

cxiv.

[1598, Feb. 19. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxviii. 327.]

A letter to the Master of the Revelles and Justices of Peace of Middlesex and Surrey. Whereas licence hath bin graunted unto two companies of stage players retayned unto us, the Lord Admyral and Lord Chamberlain, to use and practise stage playes, whereby they might be the better enhabled and prepared to shew such plaies before her Majestie as they shalbe required at tymes meete and accustomed, to which ende they have bin cheefelie licensed and tollerated as aforesaid, and whereas there is also a third company who of late (as wee are informed) have by waie of intrusion used likewise to play, having neither prepared any plaie for her Majestie nor are bound to you, the Masters of the Revelles, for perfourming such orders as have bin prescribed and are enjoyned to be observed by the other two companies before mencioned. Wee have therefore thought good to require you uppon receipt heereof to take order that the aforesaid third company may be suppressed and none suffered heereafter to plaie but those two formerlie named belonging to us, the Lord Admyrall and Lord Chamberlaine, unles you shall receave other direccion from us. And so, &c.

cxv.

[1598, May 1. Abstract from Vestry records of St. Saviour’s, Southwark, by W. Rendle, Bankside, vi, in Harrison, ii, App. i.]

It had been ordered, May 1, 1598, that Mr. Langley’s new buildings shall be viewed--they were near to the Paris Garden playhouse--and that Mr. Henslowe and Jacob Meade shall be moved for money for the poor on account of the playhouses.

cxvi.

[1598, July 19. Extract from Vestry records of St. Saviour’s, Southwark, printed in Variorum, iii. 452, and by W. Rendle, Bankside, v, in Harrison, ii, App. i.]

It is ordered at this vestrye that a petition shal be made to the bodye of the councell concerninge the play houses in this pareshe, wherein the enormeties shal be showed that comes therebye to the pareshe, and that in respect thereof they may be dismissed and put down from playing, and that iiij or ij of the churchwardens, Mr. Howse, Mr. Garlonde, Mr. John Payne, Mr. Humble, or ij of them, and Mr. Russell and Mr. Ironmonger, or one of them, shall prosecute the cause with a collector of the Boroughside and another of the Bankside.

cxvii.

[1600, Jan. 12. Warrant from Charles Howard, Earl of Nottingham, Lord Admiral, printed by W. W. Greg, Henslowe Papers, 49, from Dulwich MS. i. 27; also by Collier, _Alleyn Memoirs_, 55.]

Weareas my Servant Edward Allen (in respect of the dangerous decaye of that Howse which he and his Companye haue nowe, on the Banck, and for that the same standeth verie noysome for resorte of people in the wynter tyme) Hath thearfore nowe of late taken a plott of grounde neere Redcrossestreete London (verie fitt and convenient) for the buildinge of a new Howse theare, and hath prouided Tymber and other necessaries for theffectinge theareof, to his greate chardge: Forasmuche as the place standeth verie convenient for the ease of People, and that her Maiestie (in respect of the acceptable Service, which my saide Servant and his Companie haue doen and presented before her Highenes to her greate likeinge and Contentment, aswell this last Christmas as att sondrie other tymes) ys gratiouslie moued towardes them, with a speciall regarde of fauor in their proceedinges: Theis shalbe thearefore to praie and requier youe, and everie of youe, To permitt and suffer my saide Servant to proceede in theffectinge and finishinge of the saide New howse, without anie your lett or molestation, towardes him or any of his woorkmen. And soe not doubtinge of your observacion in this behalf, I bidd youe right hartelie farewell. Att the Courte, at Richmond, the xijth of Januarye, 1599.

Notingham.

To all & euery her maiesties Justices & other Ministers, and Officers, within the Countye of Middlesex, & to euery of them, And to all others whome it shall Concerne:

cxviii.

[1600, March 9. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxx. 146.]

A letter to Sir Drew Drewry, knight, William Waad, esquier, Clerke of the Councell, Thomas Fowler, Edward Vaughan and Nicholas Collyns, esquires, Justices of the Peace in the countie of Middlesex. Wee are given to understand by our very good Lord the Lord Willoughby and other gentlemen and inhabitauntes in the parishe of St. Giles without Creplegate that there is a purpose and intent in some persons to erect a theatre in White Crosstreete, neere unto the Barres in that parte that ys in the countie of Middlesex, wherof ther are to manie allreadie not farr from that place, and as you knowe not longe sithence you receaved spetiall direction to pluck downe those and to see them defaced, therefore yf this newe erection should be suffered yt would not onlie be an offence and scandall to divers, but a thinge that would greatly dysplease her Majestie. These are therefore to will and require you in any case to take order that no soche theatre or plaiehowse be built there, or other howse to serve for soche use, both to avoide the many inconveniences that therby are lyklie to ensue to all the inhabitantes, and the offence that would be to her Majestie, havinge heretofore given sufficient notice unto you of the great myslyke her Highnes hath of those publicke and vayne buildinge[s] for soche occacions that breed increase of base and lewde people and divers other disorders. Therefore wee require you not to faile forthwith to take order that the foresaid intended buildinge maie be staied, and yf any be begone, to see the same quite defaced. So, &c.

cxix.

[1600, March 28. Extract from Vestry records of St. Saviour’s, Southwark, printed in Variorum, iii. 452, and by W. Rendle, Bankside, v, in Harrison, ii, App. i.]

It is ordered that the churchwardens shall talk with the players for tithes for their playhouses within the liberty of the Clinke, and for money for the poore, according to the order taken before my lords of Canterbury and London and the Master of the Revels.

cxx.

[1600, April 1. Abstract of entry in Roll of the General Sessions of the Peace for Middlesex, printed by J. C. Jeaffreson, Middlesex County Records, i. 260. The proclamation referred to must, I suppose, be the old one of 1559 (No. x). I do not know of any Star Chamber order about plays, but it is quite possible that one was made in 1597, and not recorded in the Council Registers, as the Star Chamber had its own Clerk, distinct from those of the Privy Council.]

Recognizance ... of John Wolf of Eastsmithfield, co. Midd. Stationer, in the sum of forty pounds; The condition of the recognizance being ‘that, whereas the abovebounden John Wolf hathe begun to erecte and builde a Playhowse in Nightingale Lane near East Smithefeilde aforesaid contrary to Her Majesties proclamacion and orders sett downe in Her Highenes Court of Starrchamber. If therefore the said John Wolf do not proceede anie further in buildinge or erectinge of the same playhowse, unless he shall procure sufficient warrant from the Rt. Honourable the Lords of Her Majesties most honourable Privye Councill for further ... then this recognizaunce to be void or els to remaine in full force.’

cxxi.

[c. 1600, April. Certificate of the Inhabitants of Finsbury to the Privy Council, printed by W. W. Greg, Henslowe Papers, 50, from Dulwich MS. i. 28; also by Collier, Alleyn Memoirs, 58.]

To the righte honorable the Lordes and others of her maiesties most honorable privie Councell:

In all humblenes, wee the Inhabitantes of the Lordshipp of Fynisburye, within the parrishe of St. Gyles without Creplegate, London, doe certifie vnto your honnours, That wheare the Servantes of the right honorable Earle of Nottingham haue latelie gone aboute to erect and sett vpp a newe Playehowse within the said Lordshipp, Wee could be contented, that the same might proceede and be Tollerated (Soe it stande with your honnours pleasuers) ffor the reasons and Causes followeinge.

First because the Place appoynted oute for that purpose Standeth very tollerable, neere vnto the ffeildes, and soe farr distant and remote frome any person or Place of accompt, as that none cann be Annoyed thearbie:

Secondlie because the Erectours of the saied howse are contented to give a very liberall porcion of money weekelie, towardes the releef of our Poore, The nomber & necessity whereof is soe greate that the same will redounde to the contynuall comfort of the saied Poore:

Thirdlie and lastlie wee are the rather Contented to accept this meanes of releif of our Poore, because our Parrishe is not able to releeue them, neither hath the Justices of the Sheire taken any order, for any Supplie oute of the Countrye, as is enioyned by the late Acte of Parliamente:

[Twenty-seven signatures follow.]

[Endorsed] The Certificate of the Inhabitantes of the Lordship of Fynisburye of theire Consent to the Tolleracion of the Erection of a newe Plaiehowse theare.

cxxii.

[1600, April 8. Privy Council to the Justices of Middlesex, printed by W. W. Greg, Henslowe Papers, 51, from Dulwich MS. i. 29; also by Collier, Alleyn Memoirs, 57.]

After our hartie comendacions. Whereas her Maiestie (haveinge been well pleased heeretofere at tymes of recreacion with the services of Edward Allen and his Companie, Servantes to me the Earle of Nottingham, wheareof, of late he hath made discontynuance) hath sondrye tymes signified her pleasuer, that he should revive the same agayne: Forasmuche as he hath bestowed a greate some of money, not onelie for the Title of a plott of grounde, scituat in a verie remote and exempt place neere Goulding lane, theare to erect a newe house, but alsoe is in good forwardnes aboute the frame and woorkmanshipp theareof; the convenience of which place for that purpose ys testified vnto vs vnder the handes of manie of the Inhabitantes of the Libertie of Fynisbury, wheare it is, and recomended by some of the Justices them selves. Wee thearfore havinge informed her Maiestie lykewise of the decaye of the house, wherein this Companye latelie plaied, scituate vppon the Bancke, verie noysome for the resorte of people in the wynter tyme, haue receaued order to requier youe to Tollerate the proceedinge of the saide New howse neere Goulding lane, and doe heerbye requier youe and everie of youe to permitt and suffer the said Edward Allen to proceede in theffectinge and finishinge of the same Newe howse, without anie your lett or interrupcion, towardes him, or anye of his woorkmen, the rather because an other howse is pulled downe, in steade of yt. And soe, not doubtinge of your conformitye heerin, wee comitt youe to God. Frome the Courte at Richmond the viijth of Aprill 1600.

Your lovinge frendes

Notingham G Hunsdon Ro: Cecyll

To the Justices of Peace of the Countye of Middlesex especially of St. Gyles without Creplegate, and to all others whome it shall Concerne.

cxxiii.

[1600, May 15. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxx. 327. Bromvill had performed at court on 12 May (cf. App. A).]

An open letter to the Justices of Peace in the countie of Surrey, and to all others her Majesty’s officers and lovinge subjectes in that county or burrough of Southwark to whome yt shall appertain, &c. Whereas the bearer Peter Bromvill hath bene recommended unto her Majestie from her good brother the French Kinge and hath shewed some feates of great activity before her Highnes, her Majestie ys pleased to afforde him her gratious favor and leave to exercyse and shewe the same in soch publicke place as maie be convenient for soche exercyses and shewes, and because for the present he hath made choice of a place called the Swann, in old Parys Garden, beinge the howse of Francis Langley, these shalbe to let you understand her Majesty’s good pleasure in his behalfe, and to require you not onlie to permytt him there to shewe his feates of activitye at convenient tymes in that place without let or interrupcion, but to assyst him (as there shalbe occacion) that no abuse be offered him.

Postscript of Mr. Secretary’s hand. It ys not meant that he shall exercyse upon any Sabothe day.

cxxiv.

[1600, June 22. Order of the Privy Council, printed M.S.C. i. 80, from Remembrancia, ii. 188; also by Dasent, xxx. 395, and Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 307, from minute in Council Register. The examiner’s note at the end is by one of the Clerks of the Council. The original draft of the order has been altered in the Register, and there is a marginal note by Thomas Smith that ‘the alteracion and interlyning of this order was by reason that the said order after the same was entred in the Booke came againe in question and debate, and the said interlyninge and amendementes were sett downe according to the laste determinacion of their Lordships’. Evidently the interlineations were important, and they are therefore marked below with square brackets, although of course they do not appear as such in the Remembrancia copy, which agrees substantially with the final draft in the Register. Dasent found the cancelled passages in the Register illegible.]

[Sidenote: An order sett downe by the lordes and others of hir Maiesties pruiye Councell the 22 of Iune 1600 to restrain the excessiue number of Plaie howses & the imoderate vse of Stage plaies in & about the Cittye.]

Whereas diuers Complaintes haue bin heretofore made vnto the Lordes and others of hir Maiesties privie Counsaile of the manifold abuses and disorders that haue growen and doe Continew by occasion of many howses erected & emploied in and aboute the Cittie of London for common Stage Plaies. And nowe verie latelie, by reason of some Complainte exhibited by sondrie persons against the buildinge of the like house in or nere Goldinge Lane by one Edward Allen, a seruant of the right honorable the Lo: Admirall, the matter, aswell in generalitie touchinge all the said houses for Stage Plaies and the vse of playenge, as in particuler concerninge the said house now in hand to be builte in or neere Goldinge Lane, hath bin brought into question & Consultacion amonge theire LL. Forasmuch as yt is manifestlie knowne and graunted that the multitude of the said houses and the misgouerment of them hath bin made and is dailie occasion of the idle riotous and dissolute livinge of great numbers of people, that leavinge all such honest and painefull Course of life, as they should followe, doe meete and assemble there, and of maine particuler abuses and disorders that doe there vppon ensue. And yet neuerthelesse yt is Considered that the vse and exercise of suche plaies, not beinge euill in yt self, may with a good order and moderacion be suffered in a well gouerned estate, and that, hir Maiestie beinge pleased at some times to take delighte and recreacion in the sight and hearinge of them, some order is fitt to bee taken for the allowance and mainteinance of suche persons, as are thoughte meetest in that kinde to yeald hir Maiestie recreacion and delight, & consequentlie of the howses that must serue for publique playenge to keepe them in exercise. To the end therefore, that bothe the greatest abuses of the plaies and plaienge houses maye be redressed, and the vse and moderacion of them retained, The Lordes and the rest of hir Maiesties privie Councell, withe one and full Consent, haue ordered in manner and forme as followeth.

First, that there shall bee about the Cittie two howses and noe more allowed to serue for the vse of the Common Stage plaies, of the which howses one shalbe in Surrey in that place which is Commonlie called the banckside or there aboutes, and the other in Midlesex. And foras muche as there Lordshippes haue bin enformed by Edmond Tylney Esquire, hir Maiesties seruant and Master of the Reuells, that the howse now in hand to be builte by the said Edward Allen is not intended to encrease the number of the Plaiehowses, but to be in steed of an other, namelie the Curtaine, Which is either to be ruined and plucked downe or to be putt to some other good vse, as also that the scituacion thereof is meete and Conuenient for that purpose. Yt is likewise ordered that the said howse of Allen shall be allowed to be one of the two howses, and namelie for the house to be alowed in Middlesex, [for the Companie of Plaiers belonging to the L: Admirall], soe as the house Called the Curtaine be (as yt is pretended) either ruinated or applied to some other good vse. And for the other allowed to be on Surrey side, whereas [there Lordshipps are pleased to permitt] to the Companie of players that shall plaie there to make there owne Choice which they will haue [of diuers houses that are there], Choosinge one of them and noe more, [And the said Companie of Plaiers, being the Seruantes of the L. Chamberlen, that are to plaie there haue made choise of the house called the Globe, yt is ordered that the said house and none other shall be there allowed]. And especiallie yt is forbidden that anie stage plaies shalbe plaied (as sometimes they haue bin) in any Common Inn for publique assemblie in or neare about the Cittie.

Secondlie, forasmuche as these stage plaies, by the multitude of houses and Companie of players, haue bin too frequent, not seruing for recreacion but inviting and Callinge the people daily from there trad and worke to mispend there time, It is likewise ordered that the two seuerall Companies of Plaiers assigned vnto the two howses allowed maie play each of them in there seuerall howse twice a weeke and noe oftener, and especially that they shall refraine to play on the Sabboth daie, vppon paine of imprisonment and further penaltie, and that they shall forbeare altogether in the time of Lent, and likewise at such time and times as anie extraordinarie sicknes or infeccion of disease shall appeare to be in and about the Cittie.

Thirdlie, because these orders wilbe of litle force and effecte vnlesse they be dulie putt in execucion by those to whome yt appertaineth to see them executed, It is ordered that seuerall Coppies shall be sent to the L. Mayor of London, and to the Iustices of the Peace of the Counties of Middlesex and Surrey, and that Lettres should be written vnto them from there Lordshipps, straightlye Charginge them to see the execucion of the same, as well by Committinge to prison the owners of Plaiehouses and players as shall disobey & resist these orders, as by anie other good and lawfull meanes that in there discretion they shall finde expedient, And to certifie there Lordshipps from time to time, as they shall se Cause, of there proceedinges therein.

Examinatum per Tho: Smithe.

cxxv.

[1600, June 22. Minute of Privy Council for letters conveying No. cxxiv, printed by Dasent, xxx. 411, and Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 308, from Council Register.]

Letter of this tenour to the Lord Maiour of London, the Justices of the Peace of the counties of Midlesex and Surrey. By occasion of some complaintes that of late have bin made unto us of the multitude of houses servinge for common stage-playes in and aboute the citty of London, and of the greate abuses and disorders growen by the overmuch haunte and resorte of many licentious people unto those houses and places, we have entred into consideracion of some fitt course to be taken for redresse of the saide disorders by suppressing dyvers of those houses and by some restrainte of the imoderate use of the plaies. For which cause wee have sett downe certaine orders to be duely henceforth observed and kept, a copy whereof we sende you hereinclosed, and have sent the like to the Lord Maiour of London and to the Justices of the Peace of Middlesex. But as wee have donne our partes in prescribinge the orders, so unlesse you perfourme yours in lookinge to the due execution of them wee shall loose our labour and the wante of redresse must be imputed unto you and others unto whome it apperteyneth, and therefore wee doe hereby authorize and require you to see the said orders to be putt in execucion and to be continued, as you do wish the amendement of the aforesaide abuses and will remove the blame thereof from your selves. And so, &c.

cxxvi.

[1601, March 11. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxxi. 218.]

A letter to the Lord Mayour requiring him not to faile to take order the playes within the cyttie and the liberties, especyally at Powles and in the Blackfriers, may be suppressed during this time of Lent.

cxxvii.

[1601, May 10. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxxi. 346.]

A letter to certaine Justices of the Peace in the county of Middlesex. Wee do understand that certaine players that use to recyte their playes at the Curtaine in Moorefeildes do represent upon the stage in their interludes the persons of some gentlemen of good desert and quallity that are yet alive under obscure manner, but yet in such sorte as all the hearers may take notice both of the matter and the persons that are meant thereby. This beinge a thinge very unfitte, offensive and contrary to such direccion as have bin heretofore taken that no plaies should be openly shewed but such as were first perused and allowed and that might minister no occasion of offence or scandall, wee do hereby require you that you do forthwith forbidd those players to whomsoever they appertaine that do play at the Courtaine in Moorefeildes to represent any such play, and that you will examine them who made that play and to shew the same unto you, and as you in your discreccions shall thincke the same unfitte to be publiquely shewed to forbidd them from henceforth to play the same eyther privately or publiquely, and yf upon veiwe of the said play you shall finde the subject so odious and inconvenient as is informed, wee require you to take bond of the cheifest of them to aunswere their rashe and indiscreete dealing before us. So, &c.

cxxviii.

[1601, Dec. 31. Minute of letter from Privy Council to Justices of Middlesex and Surrey, printed by Dasent, xxxii. 466, and Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 309, from Council Register.]

Two letters of one tenour to the Justices of Middlesex and Surrey. It is in vaine for us to take knowledg of great abuses and disorders complayned of and to give order for redresse, if our directions finde no better execution and observation then it seemeth they do, and wee must needes impute the fault and blame thereof to you or some of you, the Justices of the Peace, that are put in trust to see them executed and perfourmed, whereof wee may give you a plaine instance in the great abuse contynued or rather encreased in the multitude of plaie howses and stage plaies in and about the cittie of London.

For whereas about a yeare and a half since (upon knowledge taken of the great enormities and disorders by the overmuch frequentinge of plaies) wee did carefullie sett downe and prescribe an order to be observed concerninge the number of playhowses and the use and exercise of stage plaies, with lymytacion of tymes and places for the same (namely that there should be but two howses allowed for that use, one in Middlesex called the Fortune and the other in Surrey called the Globe, and the same with observacion of certaine daies and times as in the said order is particularly expressed), in such sorte as a moderate practice of them for honest recreation might be contynued, and yet the inordinate concourse of dissolute and idle people be restrayned, wee do now understande that our said order hath bin so farr from takinge dew effect, as in steede of restrainte and redresse of the former disorders the multitude of play howses is much encreased, and that no daie passeth over without many stage plaies in one place or other within and about the cittie publiquelie made.

The default of perfourmance of which our said order we must in greate parte the rather impute to the Justices of the Peace, because at the same tyme wee gave earnest direction unto you to see it streightly executed, and to certifie us of the execution, and yet we have neither understoode of any redresse made by you, nor receaved any certificate at all of your proceedinges therein, which default or omission wee do now pray and require you foorthwith to amende, and to cause our said former order to be putt duely in execution, and especiallie to call before you the owners of all the other play howses (excepting the two howses in Middlesex and Surrey aforementioned), and to take good and sufficient bondes of them not to exercise, use or practise, nor to suffer from henceforth to be exercised, used or practized any stage playinge in their howses, and if they shall refuse to enter into such bondes, then to comitt them to prison untill they shall conforme themselves. And so, &c.

cxxix.

[1601, Dec. 31. Minute of letter from Privy Council to Lord Mayor and Aldermen of London, printed by Dasent, xxxii. 468, and Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 308, from Council Register; also in _M. S. C._ i. 83, from letter-book copy in Remembrancia, ii. 187.]

A letter to the Lord Maiour and Aldermen of London. Wee have receaved a letter from you renewing a complaint of the great abuse and disorder within and about the cittie of London by reason of the multitude of play howses and the inordinate resort and concourse of dissolute and idle people daielie unto publique stage plaies, for the which information, as wee do commende your Lordship because it betokeneth your care and desire to reforme the disorders of the cittie, so wee must lett you know that wee did muche rather expect to understand that our order (sett downe and prescribed about a yeare and a half since for reformation of the said disorders upon the like complaint at that tyme) had bin duelie executed, then to finde the same disorders and abuses so muche encreased as they are. The blame whereof, as wee cannot but impute in great part to the Justices of the Peace or somme of them in the counties of Middlesex and Surrey, who had speciall direction and charge from us to see our said order executed for the confines of the cittie, wherein the most part of those play howses are scituate, so wee do wishe that it might appeare unto us that any thinge hath bin endeavoured by the predecessours of you, the Lord Maiour, and by you, the Aldermen, for the redresse of the said enormities, and for observation and execution of our said order within the cittie.

Wee do therefore once againe renew heereby our direction unto you (as wee have donne by our letters to the Justices of Middlesex and Surrey) concerninge the observation of our former order, which wee do praie and require you to cause duelie and dilligentlie to be put in execution for all poyntes thereof, and especiallie for th’expresse and streight prohibition of any more play howses then those two that are mentioned and allowed in the said order, charging and streightlie comaunding all suche persons, as are the owners of any the howses used for stage plaies within the cittie, not to permitt any more publique plaies to be used, exercised or shewed from hencefoorth in their said howses, and to take bondes of them (if you shall finde it needefull) for the perfourmaunce thereof, or if they shall refuse to enter into bonde or to observe our said order, then to committ them to prison untill they shall conforme themselves thereunto. And so praying you, as your self do make the complaint and finde the ennormitie, so to applie your best endeavour to the remedie of the abuse, wee bidd, &c.

cxxx.

[1602, March 31. The Privy Council to the Lord Mayor, printed M.S.C. i. 85, from Remembrancia, ii. 189.]

[Sidenote: A lettre to the L. Maior for the Bores head to be licensed for the plaiers.]

After our verey hartie Commendacions to your Lp. We receaued your lettre, signifieinge some amendment of the abuses or disorders by the immoderate exercise of Stage plays in and about the Cittie, by meanes of our late order renued for the restraint of them, and with all shewinge a speciall inconvenience yet remayneinge, by reason that the seruants of our verey good L. the Earle of Oxford, and of me the Earle of Worcester, beinge ioyned by agrement togeather in on Companie (to whom, vpon noteice of her Maiesties pleasure at the suit of the Earle of Oxford, tolleracion hath ben thaught meete to be graunted, notwithstandinge the restraint of our said former Orders), doe not tye them selfs to one certaine place and howse, but do chainge there place at there owne disposition, which is as disorderly and offensiue as the former offence of many howses. And as the other Companies that are alowed, namely of me the L. Admirall and the L. Chamberlaine, be appointed there certaine howses, and one and noe more to each Companie. Soe we doe straightly require that this third Companie be likewise to one place. And because we are informed the house called the Bores head is the place they haue especially vsed and doe best like of, we doe pray and require yow that that said howse, namely the Bores head, may be assigned onto them, and that they be verey straightlie Charged to vse and exercise there plaies in noe other but that howse, as they will looke to haue that tolleracion continued and avoid farther displeasure. And soe we bid your Lp. hartely farewell, from the Court at Ritchmond the last of March, 1602.

Your lordshippes verey lovinge friendes,

T Buckurst E Worcester. Ihon Stannop: Io: fortescu. Notingham W: Knowlis Ro: Cecyll. I: Herbert.

cxxxi.

[1603, March 19. Abstract of Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxxii. 492, from Addl. MS. 11402.]

Letters to the Lord Mayor and Justices of Middlesex and Surrey for the restraint of stage-plaies till other direction be given.

cxxxii.

[1603, May 7. Extract from Procl. 944, printed, with ‘in their lewd’ for ‘Enterludes’, in Strype, Annals, iv. 528.]

And for that we are informed that there hath beene heretofore great neglect in this kingdome of keeping the Sabbath-day: For better observing of the same, and avoyding all impious prophanation, we do straightly charge and commaund, that no Beare-bayting, Bulbayting, Enterludes, Common Playes, or other like disordered or unlawful Exercises, or Pastimes, be frequented, kept, or used at any time hereafter upon the Sabbath-day.

cxxxiii.

[1603, May 19. Patent for King’s men; cf. text in Bk. iii.]

Gives authority to perform plays at the Globe and in convenient places in towns elsewhere.

cxxxiv.

[1604, Feb. 4. Patent for Children of the Queen’s Revels; cf. text in Bk. iii.]

Gives authority to perform plays approved by Samuel Daniel in the Blackfriars or other convenient place.

cxxxv.

[1604, April 9. Privy Council to Lord Mayor of London and Justices of Middlesex and Surrey, printed by W. W. Greg, Henslowe Papers, 61, from contemporary copy in Dulwich MS. i. 39; also in Collier, Alleyn Memoirs, 66; Halliwell-Phillipps, Illustrations, 115, Outlines, i. 310. The abstract of the lost Council Register in Addl. MS. 11402 has the note (f. 93^v) ‘9 Ap. 1604 A lettre to the lo: Mayor & the Iustices of Surrey & Middlesex to suffer the players to playe againe Lent being past &c’ (Dasent, xxxii. 511; M. S. C. i. 371).]

After our hart[ie commendations] to your [Lo.] Wheras the kings maiesties Plaiers have given ty[ ] hyghnes good service in ther Quallitie of Playinge, and for as much Lickwise as they are at all times to be emploied in that Service, whensoever they shalbe Comaunded, we thinke it therfore fitt, the time of Lent being now Passt, that your L. doe Permitt and suffer the three Companies of Plaiers to the King, Queene, and Prince publicklie to Exercise ther Plaies in ther severall and vsuall howses for that Purpose, and noe other, viz. The Globe scituate in Maiden lane on the Banckside in the Countie of Surrey, the Fortun in Golding Lane, and the Curtaine in Hollywell in the Cowntie of Midlesex, without any lett or interupption in respect of any former Lettres of Prohibition heertofore written by vs to your Lo. Except there shall happen weeklie to die of the Plague Aboue the Number of thirtie within the Cittie of London and the Liberties therof. Att which time we thinke it fitt they shall Cease and forbeare any further Publicklie to Playe, vntill the Sicknes be again decreaced to the saide Number. And so we bid your Lo. hartilie farewell. From the Court at Whitehalle the ixth of Aprille, 1604.

Your very Loving ffrends Nottingham Suffock Gill Shrowsberie Ed Worster W: Knowles J: Stanhopp

To our verie good L. the Lord Maior of the Cittie of London and to the Justices of the Peace of the Counties of Midlesex and Surrey. L. Maiore.

cxxxvi.

[1604, July 7. Extracts from An Acte for the Continuance and Explanation of the Statute made in the 39 yeere of the Raigne of our late Queene Elizabeth, intituled An Acte for Punishmente of Rogues, Vagabondes and Sturdie Beggers (1 Jac. I, c. 7), printed in Statutes, iv. 1024. The Act was amended in detail by 7 Jac. I, c. 4, in 1610 (St. iv. 1159).]

[§ 1.] Whereas by [39 Eliz. c. 4] ... it was enacted, That all persons callinge themselves Scholers goinge aboute begginge, all Seafaringe men pretending losse of their Shippes or Goods on the Sea, goinge aboute the Countrie begginge, all idle persons goinge aboute in any Countrie, either begginge, or usinge any subtile Crafte or unlawfull Games or Playes, or fayninge themselves to have knowledge in Phisiognomie Palmestry or other like craftye Science, or pretendinge that they can tell Destinies Fortunes or such other like fantasticall Imaginations; all persons that be, or utter themselves to be Proctors Procurers Patent Gatherers or Collectors for Gaoles Prisons or Hospitals; all Fencers Bearwardes common Players of Enterludes, and Minstrels wandringe abroad, (other then Players of Enterludes belonginge to any Baron of this Realme, or any other honourable Personage of greater Degree, to be authorized to play under the Hande and Seale of Armes of such Baron or Personage) shalbe taken adjudged and deemed as Rogues Vagabondes and Sturdie Beggers, and shall suffer such Paine and Punishment as in the said Acte is in that behalfe appointed, as by the same Acte more at large is declared; Sithence the making of which Acte divers Doubtes and Questions have bene moved and growen by diversitie of Opinions taken in and upon the letter of the said Acte: For a plaine Declaration whereof be it declared and enacted, That from henceforthe no Authoritie to be given or made by any Baron of this Realme or any other honourable Personage of greater Degree, unto any other person or persons, shall be availeable to free and discharge the saide persons, or any of them, from the Paines and Punishmentes in the saide Statute mentioned, but that they shall be taken within the Offence and Punishment of the same Statute.

[§ 3.] Amends 39 Eliz. c. 4, § 4, which provided for banishment of dangerous rogues, by providing for branding and setting to labour in place of settlement; a second offence to be felony, without benefit of clergy.

[§ 6.] Continues 39 Eliz. c. 4 as amended.

[§ 8.] Reserves privileges of John Dutton.

cxxxvii.

[1604, Oct. 13. Letter of Assistance from the Duke of Lennox for his players, printed by W. W. Greg from Dulwich MS. i. 40, in Henslowe Papers, 62; also in Collier, Alleyn Memoirs, 69.]

Sir I am given to vnderstand that youe haue forbidden the Companye of Players (that call themselues myne) the exercise of their Playes; I praie youe to forbeare any such course against them, and seeing they haue my License, to suffer them to continue the vse of their Playes; and vntill you receaue other significacion from me of them, to afforde them your favoure and assistance. And so I bidd youe hartely farewell. From Hampton Courte the xiijth of October, 1604.

Your loving freende

Lenox.

To all maiors, Justeses of peas, Shreefes, Balifes, Constabells and all other his highnes officers and lofing subiects to whome it shall or may in any wise appertaine.

[Addressed] To my loving freend Mr. Dale esqr. and all other Justeses whatsoeuer.

cxxxviii.

[N.D. c. 1604. Draft royal licence for Queen Anne’s men; cf. text in Bk. iii.]

Gives authority to perform plays, when the plague-list in London and the liberties thereof falls to thirty, in the Curtain and Boar’s Head, and in convenient places in towns elsewhere.

cxxxix.

[1605, Oct. 5. Abstract of Privy Council Minute, printed _M. S. C._ i. 371, from Addl. MS. 11402, f. 107.]

A lettre to the Lord Mayor to forbidde Stage plaies & to take order that the infectede bee kept in their howses, &c.

Like lettres to the Iustices of the peace of Middlesex & Surrey.

cxl.

[1605, Dec. 15. Abstract of Privy Council Minute, printed _M. S. C._ i. 372, from Addl. MS. 11402, f. 109.]

Lettres to the Lord Mayor, the Iustices of Middlesex and Surrey to suffer the Kings the Queens and the Princes Players, to play & recite their enterludes at their accustomed places.

cxli.

[1606, March 7. Signet warrant from Queen Anne for her players; cf. text in Bk. iii.]

Gives authority to perform plays in London and other towns, except during divine service, and requires assistance of justices.

cxlii.

[1606, April 30. Patent for Prince Henry’s men; cf. text in Bk. iii.]

Gives authority to perform plays at the Fortune and in convenient places in towns elsewhere, with a proviso saving the authority, power, privileges, and profits of the Master of the Revels.

cxliii.

[1606, May 27. An Acte to Restraine Abuses of Players (_3 Jac. I_, c. 21), printed in Statutes, iv. 1097; also in Hazlitt, E. D. S. 42.]

For the preventing and avoyding of the greate Abuse of the Holy Name of God in Stagelayes, Interludes, May-games, Shewes, and such like; Be it enacted by our Soveraigne Lorde the Kinges Majesty, and by the Lordes Spirituall and Temporall, and Commons in this present Parliament assembled, and by the authoritie of the same, That if at any tyme or tymes, after the end of this present Session of Parliament, any person or persons doe or shall in any Stage play, Interlude, Shewe, May-game, or Pageant jestingly or prophanely speake or use the holy Name of God or of Christ Jesus, or of the Holy Ghoste or of the Trinitie, which are not to be spoken but with feare and reverence, [? such person or persons] shall forfeite for everie such Offence by hym or them committed Tenne Pounds, the one moytie thereof to the Kinges Majestie, his Heires and Successors, the other moytie thereof to hym or them that will sue for the same in any Courte of Recorde at Westminster, wherein no essoigne, Proteccion or Wager of Lawe shalbe allowed.

cxliv.

[1607, April 12. The Lord Mayor to the Earl of Suffolk, Lord Chamberlain, printed M. S. C. i. 87, from Remembrancia, ii. 283.]

[Sidenote: Concerninge the Infection of the Plague.]

My humble dutie remembred to your good Lp: Whereas it pleaseth god that the Infeccion of sicknes is for theis two or three weekes of late somewhat increased in the Skirtes and Confines of this Cittie, and by the vntymely heate of this season may spreade further then can hereafter be easelie prevented, My humble desier is that your Lp: for the preventinge of soe great a danger will vouchsafe your honourable favour in two speciall pointes concerninge this Matter. First in restrayninge such comon Stage Plaies, as are Daylie shewed and exercised and doe occasion the great Assembleis of all sortes of people in the suburbes and partes adioyninge to this Cittie, and cannot be continiewed but with apparant daunger of the encrease of the sicknes. Secoundly, Whereas it appeareth by the Certificate that the said Skirtes and out Partes of the Cittie are more subiecte to the Infection then any other Places. That your Honours will please to give order to the Iustices of Middlesex to put in due execution such ordenances as are formerly by your Lordshippes recomended vnto them in this behalfe, especially that there may be a better care hade of White Chappell, Shorditch, Clarken-Well and such other remote Partes then formerly hath ben accustomed. And that there may some speciall Officers be appointed to see good order kept and obserued in those Places, where there is noe Justice of Peace resident or nere there biwaies to looke to the same. Which beinge accordingly performed in the out Skirtes of this Cittie, My desier is that your Lp: will rest satisfied and assuered of oure carefullnes here within the Cittie and Lyberties thereof to the vtmost of our Indeauour, as is fittinge a matter of such Consequence. And soe most humblie I take my leaue And rest

Aprill 12, 1607. Your Lps: most humble.

To the right honourable my very good Lo: the Earle of Suffolke Lo: Chamberlaine of his Maiesties House.

cxlv.

[1608, Dec. 20. Entry in Gaol Delivery Register of Justices for Middlesex, printed by J. C. Jeaffreson, _Middlesex County Records_, ii. 47.]

Recognizances, taken before Sir William Waad knt. J.P., Lieutenant of the Tower of London, of Daniel Hitch of Whitechappell yeoman and James Waters of Eastsmythfeilde ironmounger, in the sum of ten pounds each, and of William Claiton of Eastsmythfeilde victualler, in the sum of twenty pounds; For the appearance of the said William Claiton at the next Session of the Peace, to answer for sufferinge playes to bee played in his house in the night season.

cxlvi.

[1609, April 15. Patent for Queen Anne’s men; cf. text in Bk. iii.]

Gives authority to perform plays at the Red Bull and Curtain and in convenient places in towns elsewhere, with a proviso saving the authority, power, privileges and profits of the Master of the Revels.

cxlvii.

[1610, Jan. 4. Patent for the Children of the Queen’s Revels; cf. text in Bk. iii.]

Gives authority to perform plays in the Whitefriars or other convenient place.

cxlviii.

[1610, March 30. Patent for the Duke of York’s men; cf. text in Bk. iii.]

Gives authority to perform plays in houses and about London and in convenient places in towns elsewhere, with proviso saving the authority, power, privilege and profit of the Master of the Revels.

cxlix.

[1611, April 27. Patent for the Lady Elizabeth’s men; cf. text in Bk. iii.]

Gives authority to perform plays in houses in and about London and in convenient places in towns elsewhere, with proviso saving the authority, power, privilege and profit of the Master of the Revels.

cl.

[1612, Oct. 1. Order at General Session of the Peace for Middlesex held at Westminster, printed from Sessions Rolls in J. C. Jeaffreson, Middlesex County Records, ii. 83.]

An Order for suppressinge of Jigges att the ende of Playes--Whereas Complaynte have [sic] beene made at this last Generall Sessions, that by reason of certayne lewde Jigges songes and daunces vsed and accustomed at the playhouse called the Fortune in Gouldinglane, divers cutt-purses and other lewde and ill disposed persons in greate multitudes doe resorte thither at th’end of euerye playe, many tymes causinge tumultes and outrages wherebye His Majesties peace is often broke and much mischiefe like to ensue thereby, Itt was hereuppon expresselye commaunded and ordered by the Justices of the said benche, That all Actors of euerye playhouse within this cittye and liberties thereof and in the Countye of Middlesex that they and euerie of them utterlye abolishe all Jigges Rymes and Daunces after their playes, And not to tollerate permitt or suffer anye of them to be used vpon payne of ymprisonment and puttinge downe and suppressinge of theire playes, And such further punishment to be inflicted upon them as their offences shall deserve, And that if any outrage tumult or like disorder as aforesaid should be committed or done, that then the partyes so offending should forthwith be apprehended and punished accordinge to their demeritt. For the better suppressinge of which abuses and outrages, These are to will and require you and in His Majesties name streightelye to charge and commaunde you that you diligently and stryctlye looke vnto the performaunce of the same order, And that if either the players do persiste and contynewe their sayd Jigges daunces or songes as aforesayd or any disordered persons doe committ or attempt any violence or outrage in or about the sayd playe-houses, That then you apprehend all and euerie such person of either kind so offendinge and forthwith bringe them before me or some other of his Majesties Justices of Peace to answeare their contemptes and further to be dealt [with] as to Justice shall appertayne.--By the Court. S. P. Reg.

cli.

[1612, Nov. 8. The Privy Council to the Lord Mayor, printed _M. S. C._ i. 88, from Remembrancia, iii. 64.]

[Sidenote: From the Lordes, for the suppressinge of Stage plaies, Bearebaytinges and idle shewes, vpon the death of Prince Henry.]

After our very hartie Commendacions to your Lordshipp. Whereas it hath pleased the Almightie God to take awaie the most Noble and Worthie Prince of Wales, to the exceedinge greate sorrowe and Greef, aswell of theire Maiesties, as of all theire deere and lovinge Subiectes. And that these tymes doe not suite with such playes and idle shewes, as are daily to be seene in and neere the cittie of London, to the scandall of Order and good governement at all occasions when they are most tollerable. As wee haue allreadie addressed lettres to the Iustices of peace of Middlesex and Surrey for the suppressinge of any playes or shewes whatsoever within those Counties, soe wee doe hereby require your Lpp. to take speedie and speciall order for the prohibitinge of all Playes, shewes, Bearebaytinges, or any other such sighte, within that cittie and liberties thereof, and vtterlie to restraine the vse and exercise thereof, vntill you shall receave further order from vs. And if you shall finde anie person offendinge therein, to commytt him or them to Prison without favour or connyvauncie, and to acquainte vs therewith. And soe wee bidd your Lordshipp Hartelie farewell. From Whitehall the viijth of November, 1612.

Your Lps. verie loving Frindes,

T. Ellesmore Cancellarius. E. Wotton: H: Northampton: Stanhop. T. Suffolk:

clii.

[1613, Jan. 11. Patent for the Elector Palatine’s men; cf. Bk. iii, and text in M. S. C. i. 275.]

Gives authority to perform plays at the Fortune and in convenient places in towns elsewhere, with proviso saving the authority, power, privileges and profits of the Master of the Revels.

cliii.

[1613, July 13. Extract by Sir Henry Herbert from an office-book of Sir George Buck, printed in Variorum, iii. 52, and Adams, Herbert 42.]

For a license to erect a new playhouse in the White-friers, &c. £20.

cliv.

[1615, March 29. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in M. S. C. i. 372; also in Collier, i. 380.]

A warrant to John Sentie one of the Messingers. Whereas John Hemminges, Richard Burbidge, Christopher Beeston, Robert Lee, William Rowley, John Newton, Thomas Downton, Humphry Ieffs with others Stageplayers in and about the Citty of London have presumed notwithstanding the commaundement of the Lord Chamberlayne signified vnto them by the Master of the Revells to play this prohibited time of Lent. Theese are therefore to will and commaund yowe to make your repayre vnto the persons abouenamed, and to charge them in his Maiesties name to make their appearance heere before vs of his Maiesties Privie Councell on ffriday next at 8 of the Clocke in the forenoone without any excuse or delay. And in the meane time that neither they, nor the rest of their Company presume to present any Playes or interludes, as they will answere the contrary at their perills.

clv.

[1615, June 3. Patent for erection of Porter’s Hall; cf. text in Bk. iv.]

Gives authority to the patentees of the Queen’s Revels to build a playhouse for the Queen’s Revels, at Porter’s Hall in Blackfriars, and for the performance of plays by the Queen’s Revels, Prince Charles’s men, and the Lady Elizabeth’s men therein.

clvi.

[1615, July 13. Patent for the Children of the Queen’s Chamber of Bristol; cf. text in Bk. iii.]

Gives authority for the performance of plays in houses in Bristol and in convenient places in towns elsewhere, with proviso saving the authority, power, privilege and profit of the Master of the Revels.

clvii.

[1615, Sept. 26. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in M. S. C. i. 372; also in Chalmers, 463; Variorum, iii. 493.]

[Sidenote: Ordered at the Sessions next before.]

Whereas Complaint was made to this Boarde by the Lord Mayour and Aldermen of the Cittie of London That one Rosseter, and others havinge obtayned lycense vnder the great Seale of Englande for the buildinge of a Play house haue pulled downe a great Messuage in Puddle wharfe, which was sometimes the house of the Ladie Sanders within the Precinct of the Blackfryers, are now erectinge a Newe Playhouse in that place, to the great prejudice and inconvenience of the Gouerment of that Cittie: Their Lordships thought fitt to send for Rosseter to bringe in his Lettres Patentes, which beinge seene, and pervsed by the Lord Chief Iustice of Englande fforasmuch as the Inconveniences vrged by the Lord Mayour and Aldermen were many, and of some consequence to their Goverment. And specially for that the said Play house would adioyne soe neere vnto the Church in Blackfryers, as it would disturbe, and interrupt the Congregacion at divine Service vpon the weeke dayes: And that the Lord Chiefe Iustice did deliver to their Lordships, That the Lycence graunted to the said Rosseter did extende to the buildinge of a Playhouse without the liberties of London, and not within the Cittie. It was this day ordered by their Lordships, That there shalbe noe Play house erected in that place, And that the Lord Mayour of London shall straitly prohibit, and forbidd the said Rosseter and the rest of the Patentees, and their workemen to proceede in the makeinge, and convertinge the said Buildinge into a Play house: And if any of the Patentees or their workemen shall proceede in their intended buildinge contrary to this their Lordships Inhibicion, that then the Lord Mayour shall committ him or them soe offendinge, vnto Prison and certefie their Lordships of their contempt in that behalfe. Of which their Lordships order the said Rosseter, and the rest are to take notice, and conforme themselves accordingly as they will aunsweare to the contrary at their perrilles.

clviii.

[1616, July 16. Warrant by William Earl of Pembroke, Lord Chamberlain, printed by Murray, ii. 343, from copy recorded in Mayor’s Court Books of Norwich.]

Whereas Thomas Swynnerton and Martin Slaughter beinge two of the Queens Maiesties company of Playors hauinge separated themselves from their said Company, have each of them taken forth a severall exemplification or duplicate of his maiesties Letters patente graunted to the whole Company and by vertue therof they severally in two Companies with vagabonds and such like idle persons, haue and doe vse and exercise the quallitie of playinge in diuerse places of this Realme to the great abuse and wronge of his Maiesties Subjects in generall and contrary to the true intent and meaninge of his Maiestie to the said Company And whereas William Perrie haueinge likewise gotten a warrant whereby he and a certaine Company of idle persons with him doe travel and play under the name and title of the Children of his Maiesties Revels, to the great abuse of his Maiesties service And whereas also Gilberte Reason one of the prince his highnes Playours hauing likewise separated himselfe from his Company hath also taken forth another exemplification or duplicate of the patent granted to that Company and liues in the same kinde & abuse And likewise one Charles Marshall, Homfry Jeffes and William Parr: three of Prince Palatynes Company of Playours haveinge also taken forthe an exemplification or duplicate of the patent graunted to the said Company and by vertue thereof liue after the like kinde and abuse Wherefore to the [end that] such idle persons may not be suffered to continewe in this course of life These are therefore to pray, and neatheless in his Maiesties name to will and require you vpon notice giuen of aine of the said persons by the bearer herof Joseph More whome I haue speciallye directed for that purpose that you call the said parties offendours before you and therevpon take the said seuerall exemplifications or duplicats or other ther warrants by which they vse ther said quallitie from them, And forthwith to send the same to me And also that you take goode and sufficient bonds of any of them to appeare before me at Whitehall at a fixt daye to answeare ther said contempte and abuses whereof I desire you not to fayle And these shalbe your sufficient warrant in that behalfe Dated at the Courte at Theobalds this 16th day of July in the fowertenth yeare of the raigne of our soueraigne Lord the Kings Maiestie of England ffrance and Irelande and of Scotland the nine and fortieth 1616.

Pembrook.

To all Justices of peace Maiours Sheriffs Baliffs Constables and other his Maiesties officers to whome it may appertayne.

clix.

[1616, Oct. 4. Abstract of entries in Process Book for General Sessions of the Peace for Middlesex, printed by J. C. Jeaffreson, Middlesex County Records, ii. 235.]

Amongst memoranda of process against a large number of persons, charged with neglecting to work or contribute for the repair of the highways, appears this memorandum, touching the Red Bull theatre, ‘Christofer Beeston and the rest of the players of the Redd Bull are behinde five pounds, being taxed by the bench 40s. the yeare by theire owne consentes’.

clx.

[1617, Jan. 27. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in M. S. C. i. 374; also in Chalmers, 463; Variorum, iii. 494.]

A letter to the Lord Mayor of London. Whereas his Maiestie is informed that notwithstanding diverse Commaundementes and prohibicions to the contrary there bee certaine persons that goe about to sett vp a Play howse in the Black ffryaers neere vnto his Maiesties Wardrobe, and for that purpose have lately erected and made fitt a Building, which is allmost if not fully finished, Youe shall vnderstand that his Maiesty hath this day expressly signifyed his pleasure, that the same shalbee pulled downe, so as it bee made vnfitt for any such vse, whereof wee Require your Lordshipp to take notice, and to cause it to bee performed accordingly with all speede, and therevpon to certify vs of your proceedinges. And so, &c.

APPENDIX E

PLAGUE RECORDS

[Bibliographical Note.--Early accounts of the vital statistics of the plague are J. Graunt, Natural and Political Observations upon the Bills of Mortality (1662, 1665, 1676); Reflections on the Weekly Bills of Mortality (1665, two eds.); J. Bell, London’s Remembrancer (1665). Modern studies are C. Creighton, History of Epidemics in Britain (1891); C. H. Hull, The Economic Writings of Sir William Petty (1899, with reprint of Graunt’s Observations); W. J. Simpson, A Treatise on Plague (1905). Murray, ii. 171, discusses The Relation of the Plague to the Closing of the Theatres. The ultimate material consists largely of the weekly bills of mortality returned for each London parish and published by the City authorities. In these the deaths from plague were separately stated. They were probably prepared throughout our period, at any rate from the plague of 1563. On 14 July 1593 John Wolf entered in the Stationers’ Register (Arber, ii. 634) a licence to print ‘the billes, briefes, notes and larges gyven out for the sicknes weekly or otherwise’. The only complete bill extant is one for 20 Oct. 1603 (Political Tracts, 1680, in Guildhall Library), but summaries of the weekly totals are available for 1563–6 (J. Gairdner, Three Fifteenth-Century Chronicles, 123, 144), 1578–83 (Creighton, i. 341, from Hatfield MSS.), 1593 (Hull, ii. 426, from Graunt; vide infra), 1597–1600 (Hull, ii. 432, from Ashmolean MS. 824), 1603 (Hull, ii. 426, from Graunt; Scaramelli in V. P. x. 33 sqq.), 1604 (Nicolo Molin in V. P. x. 132 sqq.), 1606–10 (Creighton, i. 494, from Bell). During the sixteenth century the bills appear normally to have covered 108 or 109 parishes wholly or partly within the City jurisdiction, but on 4 Aug. 1593 Westminster, St. Katherine’s, St. Giles, Southwark, Shoreditch, and other suburbs were ordered exceptionally to make returns to the Lord Mayor (Dasent, xxiv. 442). On 14 July 1603 the normal list was extended to include eleven suburban parishes, and in 1606 another was added, making 121 in all. But the important areas of Westminster, Lambeth, Newington, Stepney, Hackney, Islington, and Rotherhithe remained uncovered. Moreover, the suburban figures seem from the print of 1603 to have been recorded separately, and those in Bell’s pamphlet are shown by a comparison of his entry for 12 May 1636 with that in Herbert’s Office-Book (Variorum, iii. 239) to relate only to the City and liberties. The returns for this area were probably the basis for play restraints in the seventeenth century (cf. Bk. ii, ch. x). The bills seem to have been issued on Thursdays, with figures for the seven days ending on the day of issue.]

I give all facts indicating any epidemic condition of plague such as would affect the performance of plays. The play restraints cited are in App. D.

1560. Trinity term was adjourned to Michaelmas on 24 May (Procl. 525), but plague is not named as the reason.

1563. Plague was brought about June by English troops from Havre. The deaths were above 30 from 3 July to 7 Jan. 1564, and reached 1,828 on 1 Oct. Stowe, Annales, 656, gives the totals as 17,404 from 108 City parishes, and 2,732 from 11 suburban parishes; Camden (tr.), 83, as 21,130 from 121 parishes. Michaelmas term was adjourned to Hilary on 21 Sept. (Procl. 582), and Hilary term transferred to Hertford on 10 Dec. (Procl. 583). Plays were restrained on 30 Sept.

1564–6. The bills show no plague deaths over 30.

1568. Some precautions were taken in the City and Westminster against plague (Creighton, i. 318, 338).

1569. Further precautions were taken on 27 March (Creighton, i. 338) and plays restrained on 31 May until 30 Sept. There was in fact plague in September and October (Creighton, i. 338; La Mothe, ii. 249, 287; Sp. P. ii. 193, 203). Michaelmas term was deferred on 28 Sept. (Procl. 642) and adjourned to Hilary on 23 Oct. (Procl. 644). Access to court was restrained on 3 Oct. (Procl. 643).

1570. There was plague in July and August (Hatfield MSS. i. 476; Sp. P. ii. 262, 270, 273; Creighton, i. 338). Michaelmas term was deferred on 24 Sept. (Procl. 658).

1572. Harrison reports a restraint of plays for fear of plague. There is no other evidence.

1573. Plague appeared in the autumn (Creighton, i. 339). The Lord Mayor’s feast was suppressed (Remembrancia, 38).

1574. Michaelmas term was deferred on 1 Oct. (Procl. 691). The plague deaths on 28 Oct. were 65 (Holinshed, iii. 1240). The Lord Mayor’s feast was suppressed (Dasent, viii. 303). Plays were restrained on 15 Nov. until Easter.

1575. There was plague in Westminster, but apparently none in London (Creighton, i. 340). Michaelmas term was deferred on 26 Sept. (Procl. 696).

1576. There was plague in the Tower on 13 July (Dasent, ix. 163). Michaelmas term was deferred on 29 Sept. (Procl. 708).

1577. There was plague in August, September, and November (Dasent, x. 22, 35, 40, 86). Plays were restrained on 1 Aug. to Michaelmas. Michaelmas term was deferred on 16 Sept. (Procl. 719), and further on 15 Oct. (Procl. 722).

1578. The plague deaths were over 30 in nearly every week from 17 April to 18 Dec., reaching 280 on 2 Oct., and totalling 3,568 for the year. The Lord Mayor’s feast was suppressed and the precautions against infection revised (Dasent, x. 339, 386, 413). Michaelmas term was deferred on 22 Sept. (Procl. 724) and 20 Oct. (Procl. 725), and adjourned on 14 Nov. to Hilary (Procl. 729). Plays were restrained on 10 Nov. and the restraint removed on 23 Dec.

1579. The plague deaths were below 30 in each week, totalling 629 for the year.

1580. The plague deaths were not above 8 in any week, totalling 128 for the year, but plays were restrained from 17 April to Michaelmas, and other precautions taken (Remembrancia, 329).

1581. There was plague in the latter part of the year, with deaths over 30 from 17 Aug. to 2 Nov., reaching 107 on 5 Oct., and totalling 987 for the first forty-five weeks of the year; the figures for the last seven weeks are missing. The precautions were revised (Creighton, i. 319). Plays were restrained on 10 July and the restraint removed on 18 Nov. Michaelmas term was deferred on 21 Sept. (Procl. 760), and other precautions taken (Remembrancia, 331).

1582. There was some plague during the year (Remembrancia, 332), with deaths over 30 from 26 July to 27 Dec., reaching 216 on 25 Oct., and totalling 2,976 for fifty-one recorded weeks of the year. Plays were restrained, probably with the assent of the Privy Council, although the Register is missing. Michaelmas term was deferred on 18 Sept. (Procl. 764), and transferred to Hertford on 8 Oct. (Procl. 765).

1583. The plague deaths were over 30 from 3 to 31 Jan., after which the record fails. But precautions continued (Remembrancia, 335). A restraint of plays was terminated on 26 Nov.

1584. There is no evidence of plague, but the dispute of this year suggests that the summer restraint of recent years had been repeated.

1585. There is no evidence of plague or restraint.

1586. There is no evidence of plague, other than a precautionary restraint of 11 May.

1587. There was a similar precautionary restraint on 7 May.

1588–91. There is no evidence of plague or even of precautionary restraints.

1592. The first notice of plague is on 13 Aug., when it was daily increasing (Dasent, xxiii. 118), and there is ample evidence of its seriousness to the end of the year (ibid., 136, 177, 181, 183, 203, 220, 230, 231, 241, 273, 274, 276, 365; Birch, Eliz. i. 87; Creighton, i. 351). A new ‘booke of orders and remedies’ was recommended by the Council (Dasent, xxiii. 203) on 19 Sept. to the Kent justices. This is doubtless the Orders Thoughte Meete by her Maiestie and her privie Counsell to be executed of which several prints (1592, 1593, 1603, N.D.) exist. It is for provincial use, and has no special reference to the restraint of plays. Plays had been under restraint for other reasons than plague since 23 June. The mayoral feast was suppressed on 11 Oct. (Dasent, xxiii. 232). Access to Hampton Court was restrained on 12 Oct. (Procl. 854). Michaelmas term was deferred and finally transferred for a short session to Hertford on 21 Oct. (Procl. 852, 855, 856). There appear to be no statistics of deaths; those ordinarily given belong to 1593 (vide infra). Suitors were still excluded from court on 13 Dec. (Dasent, xxiii. 365), but thereafter there was some recovery, and the records in Henslowe, i. 15, show that plays were permitted from 29 Dec. to 1 Feb. 1593, although no formal order is extant.

1593. This was a year of continuous plague (Creighton, i. 352). The Privy Council warned the Lord Mayor on 21 Jan. that the increase of deaths after some weeks of diminution required care (Dasent, xxiv. 21), and the Register shows preoccupation with the subject up to August, when the record fails (ibid., 31, 163, 209, 212, 252, 265, 284, 342, 343, 347, 373, 400, 405, 413, 442, 443, 448, 472). Plays were restrained on 28 Jan. Trinity term was deferred on 28 May and Michaelmas term transferred for a short session to St. Albans on 24 Sept. (Procl. 860, 865, 866). Bartholomew Fair (24 Aug.) was strictly limited (Procl. 863). Access to court at Nonsuch was restrained on 18 June and at Windsor on 15 Sept. (Procl. 861, 864). The statistics of deaths are puzzling. Stowe, Annales, 766, gives for the period from 29 Dec. 1592 (Friday) to 20 Dec. 1593 (Thursday) 8,598 in all and 5,390 from plague within the walls, and 9,295 in all and 5,385 from plague in the liberties, totalling 17,893 in all and 10,775 from plague. Camden (tr.), 423, gives a corresponding total of 17,890. A marginal note to the printed bill of 1603 gives for weeks ending 20 Dec. 1592 (Wednesday) to 23 Dec. 1593 (Sunday) 25,886 in all and 15,003 from plague. Here are two divergent computations for the same period, one of which deserts the Thursdays, to which we know that earlier and later weekly bills related. Both are more or less contemporary records. On the other hand, a series of broadsheets (cited in Hull, ii. 426), followed by a table appended to Graunt’s Observations (ibid.), give nearly the same figures (25,886 and, not 15,003, but 11,503) as the totals of weekly figures for the period from 17 March (Friday) to 22 Dec. (Friday), not of 1593, but of 1592, and Graunt adopts these figures for March to Dec. 1592 in the text of his Observations (Hull, ii. 363), while he adopts 17,844 and 10,662, which are approximately Stowe’s figures, for 1593. As a matter of fact, the weekly figures given do not add up exactly to 25,886 and 11,503; I make them (as does Hull, ii. 427) 26,407 and 11,106; Creighton, i. 354, makes the larger figure 25,817. Finally, the anonymous Reflections on the Bills of Mortality (1665) give 25,886 and 11,503 as the totals for 13 March (Tuesday) to 18 Dec. (Tuesday), not of 1592, but of 1593 again. The authority of these Reflections is not great, and there is a discrepancy between the period they take and that taken in the 1603 bill. But I do not see how the detailed weekly figures of the broadsheets can belong to 1592. The plague deaths are 3 on 17 March and 31 on 24 March. For the rest of the year they only fall below 30 on 31 March, 7 April, 5 May, and finally on 22 Dec. They reach 41 on 28 April, 58 on 26 May, and climb to 118 on 30 June. There is a big jump to 927 on 7 July; they get to a maximum of 983 on 4 Aug. and thereafter decline, dropping below 100 from 24 Nov. and ending with 71 on 15 Dec. and 39 on 22 Dec. These figures cannot apply to 1592, when plague only made its appearance about August. On the other hand, the figures for 4 Aug. (1,503 and 983) and 29 Sept. (450 and 330) do not tally exactly, although they do in general effect, with the 1,603 and 1,135 given as ‘the greatest that came yet’ in Henslowe’s letter of Aug. 1593, or the 1,100 to 1,200 from plague, representing an abatement in two weeks of 435, in his letter of 28 Sept. (H. P. 37, 40). On the whole, however, I think that all the figures before us relate to 1593 and not 1592, and that the ascription of the detailed tables to 1592 is due to the fact that they begin with 17 March 159–2/3. Graunt similarly (Hull, ii. 378) quotes 1593 and 1594, where he clearly means 1594 and 1595. The discrepancies between Stowe and the tables are probably due to the different number of parishes covered by different computations. If the larger figures relate to an area wider than that of City and liberties (cf. the P. C. order of 4 Aug. 1593 cited in the Bibl. Note), we perhaps get also an answer to the view of Creighton, i. 354, and Hull, ii. 427, that they are neither of 1592 nor 1593, but altogether spurious as representing an impossibly high rate of general mortality for sixteenth-century London, even when allowance is made for the unscientific nature of the ‘plague-tokens’ as a diagnosis and the consequent increase in plague-time of deaths ascribed to other causes.

1594. As in 1592–3, the diminution of plague in December allowed of a short winter play season. Henslowe, i. 16, records plays from 26 Dec. to 6 Feb. A restraint was ordered on 3 Feb. It was still thought necessary to inhibit access to court on 21 April (Hatfield MSS. iv. 514), but the plague deaths for the year were only 421 (Graunt in Hull, ii. 378; Bell, London’s Remembrancer). Plays began tentatively in April and May and regularly in June (Henslowe, i. 17). The systematization of City precautions was under consideration in the autumn.

1595. There were only 29 plague deaths (Graunt, in Hull, ii. 378; Bell, London’s Remembrancer).

1596. Plays were restrained for fear of infection on 22 July, but there is no other evidence of plague.

1597–1600. The tables show no plague deaths above 4 in any week.

1601–2. There is no evidence of plague.

1603. Plague broke out during April (V. P. x. 33). Precautions were already being taken on 18 April (Remembrancia, 337). Plays had been restrained during the illness of Elizabeth on 19 March and probably not resumed. The terms of the patent to the King’s men on 19 May imply an existing restraint. The epidemic was a bad one; for an account of it, cf. Creighton, i. 474, and Dekker, The Wonderful Year (1603, Works, i. 100). The coronation was shorn of its entry and other splendours, and speedy resort to the country enjoined (Procl. 961, 964, 967). Bartholomew and other fairs were suppressed or put off (Procl. 964, 968). Trinity term was deferred on 23 June (Procl. 957) and Michaelmas term deferred on 16 Sept, and transferred to Winchester on 18 Oct. (Procl. 970, 973). Stowe, Annales, 857, gives the total deaths in the City and liberties as 38,244, including 30,578 from plague. Creighton, i. 478, calculates from the weekly tables that with the addition of those suburbs for which records are available, these figures must be increased to 42,945 and 33,347. The report of 60,000 deaths, which Nicolo Molin (V. P. x. 126) found hard to believe, was obviously an exaggeration. The weekly plague bill for the City and liberties reached 30 on 26 May, 43 on 9 June, and rose very rapidly from the end of the month, reaching a maximum of 2,495, with 542 for the recorded suburbs, on 1 Sept. On 22 Dec. the plague deaths for City, liberties, and the suburbs henceforward included in the City lists (120 parishes in all) was still 74. Nicolo Molin’s statements on 5 Dec. that the plague had almost disappeared, and on 15 Dec. that it was never mentioned (V. P. x. 124, 126), must have been optimistic.

1604. Nicolo Molin (V. P. x. 132 sqq.) records the totals of the bills (probably a week or so late) in despatches from 26 Jan. to 23 Oct. He gives 15 on 26 Jan. and 27 for the City only on 8 Feb., and thereafter 20 is only reached in a few weeks of May, August, and September; 30 never. On 23 Oct. there had only been 6 in the last fortnight, and ‘as that is nothing out of the common, I will not make any further reports on this subject’ (V. P. x. 190). A play restraint was removed on 9 April, but the reason given was the expiration of Lent, and it is not impossible that the theatres may have been open before Lent, which began on 22 Feb. The warrant of 8 Feb., however, for a special royal subsidy to the King’s men (App. B) suggests that they were still unable to perform in public on that date.

1605. Creighton, i. 493, says there was ‘not much’ plague; but a letter of 12 Oct. (Winwood, ii. 140) notes a ‘sudden rising of the sickness to thirty a week’, followed by some abatement, and there was a restraint of plays for infection on 5 Oct. which was removed on 15 Dec.

1606. This was a year of plague. The deaths reached 33 on 10 July and 50 on 17 July, rose to a maximum of 141 on 2 Oct., and remained, but for one or two weeks, above 40 to 4 Dec. and above 30 to the end of the year. The total, for 121 parishes, was 2,124. Michaelmas term was adjourned on 23 Sept. (Procl. 1038) and access to court restrained on 1 Nov. (Procl. 1039). There is no record of a specific order for the restraint of plays; possibly it was automatic as a result of the play-bill.

1607. During the first half of the year the plague deaths were under 30, except for 38 on 1 Jan., 33 on 5 Feb., 30 on 12 March, 33 on 19 March, and 43 on 30 April. They increased in the autumn, passing 30 on 9 July and 40 on 23 July, to a maximum of 177 on 24 Sept. After 19 Nov. they fell below 30. The total for the year was 2,352. As early as 12 April the City, unjustified as yet by the plague bill, asked for a restraint of plays. Access to court was restrained on 2 Nov. (Procl. 1050).

1608. The plague deaths were under 30 until 28 July, when they rose to 50; for the rest of the year they were over 40, with a maximum of 147 on 29 Sept, and a total of 2,262. The King’s men practised privately for about eight weeks this winter (App. B).

1609. The plague of this year, the heaviest since 1603, is recorded in Dekker’s Work for Armourers (1609, Works, iv. 96). The deaths were over 30, and, with four exceptions, over 40 up to 30 Nov., with a maximum of 210 on 21 Sept. and a total of 4,240. Michaelmas term was deferred on 22 Sept. (Procl. 1085). The King’s men practised privately for six weeks this winter (App. B).

1610. The plague deaths were between 30 and 40 on 28 Dec. 1609 and on 4 and 18 Jan. 1610; then under 30 to 28 June, passing 30 on 5 July and 40 on 12 July, and remaining there during most of the rest of the year, with a maximum of 99 on 30 Aug. and a total of 1,803. They fell below 40 on 29 Nov. and below 30 on 6 Dec.

1611–16. Plague was absent from London (Creighton, i. 496).

APPENDIX F

THE PRESENCE-CHAMBER AT GREENWICH

[Entry for 27 Aug. 1598 in Pauli Hentzneri J. C. Itinerarium Germaniae, Galliae, Angliae, Italiae (1629) 200. The first edition is of 1612. A translation by R. Bentley was printed by Horace Walpole in 1757.]

Venimus deinde, ad Arcem Regiam, Grönwidge seu Grunwidge, vulgo dictam.... Postquam hanc arcem ingressi sumus, ex mandato summi Cubiculariorum Praefecti, quod Dn. Daniel Rogerius impetraverat, in Cameram Praesentationis, undiquaque tapetis preciosis exornatam, (Pavimentum vero, uti in Anglia moris est, foeno erat constratum) quam Regina, quando in sacellum ad preces ire vult, transire solet; Ad ianuam stabat nobilis quidam vestibus holosericis amictus, et catena aurea cinctus, qui Comites, Barones, Nobiles et alios utriusque sexus, Reginam adire cupientes, ad eandem deducebat; (erat tum forte dies Dominicus, quo Magnates plaerumque Reginam invisere solent) in Camera, quam dixi, praestolabantur Reginam, Episcopi, Cantuariensis et Londinensis, Consiliarii, Officiarii, et nobiles magno numero. Postea cum hora precum instaret, Regina ex suo conclavi prodiit, tali cum comitatu; Praeibant Nobiles, Barones, Comites, et Equites Ordinis Periscelidis, omnes splendide vestiti, et capite detecto; Proxime antecedebant duo, alter qui sceptrum Regni, alter qui gladium in vagina rubra aureis liliis distincta, reconditum cuspide sursum versa portabat, inter quos medius procedebat, Magnus Angliae Cancellarius, sigillum Regni in marsupio holoserico rubro gerens; Hos sequebatur Regina, aetatis, uti rumor erat, lxv annorum, magna cum Maiestate, facie oblonga et candida, sed rugosa, oculis parvis, sed nigris et gratiosis, naso paululum inflexo, labiis compressis, dentibus fuliginosis (quod vitium ex nimio saccari usu, Anglos contrahere verisimile est) inaures habens duas margaritis nobilissimis appensis, crinem fulvum sed factitium; Capiti imposita, erat parva quaedam corona, quae ex particula auri celeberrimae illius tabulae Lunaeburgensis, facta esse perhibetur; pectore erat nuda, quod Virginitatis apud Anglos Nobiles signum est; Nam maritatae sunt tectae; Collum torques gemmis nobilissimis refertus circumdabat; manus erant graciles, digiti longiusculi, statura corporis mediocris; in incessu magnifica, verbis blanda et humanissima; induta forte tum temporis erat veste serica alba, cuius oram margaritae preciosissimae fabarum magnitudine decorabant, toga superiniecta ex serico nigro, cui argentea fila admista, cum cauda longissima, quam Marchionissa pone sequens a posteriori parte elevatum gestabat; Collare habebat oblongum, vice catenae, gemmis et auro fulgens; Tum, cum tali in pompa et magnificentia incederet, nunc cum hoc, mox cum alio loquebatur, perhumaniter, qui vel legationis vel alterius rei causa eo venerant, utens nunc materno, nunc Gallico, nunc Italico idiomate; Nam, praeterquam quod Graece, et Latine eleganter est docta, tenet ultra iam commemorata idiomata, etiam Hispanicum, Scoticum, et Belgicum; Omnes illam alloquentes, pedibus flexis id faciunt, quorum aliquos interdum manu elevare solet; Hos inter forte tum erat, Baro quidam Bohemus, Gulielmus Slawata nomine, Reginae literas offerens, cui manum dextram, chirotheca detracta, annulis et lapidibus preciosissimis splendentem porrexit osculandam, quod maximum insignis clementiae signum est; In transitu, quocunque faciem vertit, omnes in genua procidunt; Sequebatur Gynaeceum ex Comitissis, Baronissis, et Nobilibus foeminis, summa pulchritudine et forma excellentibus constans, et maxima ex parte, vestimentis albicans; Ab utroque latere comitabantur eam Satellites nobiles cum hastis deauratis, quorum quinquaginta sunt numero; In praeambulo Sacelli, quod huic atrio contiguum est, porriguntur ipsi libelli supplices, quos benignissime accipit, unde tales fiunt acclamationes; God save the quene Elisabeth, hoc est, Deus salvet Reginam Elisabetham; Ad quae populo sic ipsa respondet; I thancke you myn good peupel, id est, Ago tibi gratias popule mi bone; In sacello habebatur excellens Musica, qua finita una cum precibus, quae vix ultra dimidiam horam durabant, Regina eadem magnificentia et ordine, quo antea discesserat, redibat, et ad prandium se conferebat. Interea vero dum sacris intererat, vidimus illi apparari mensam hac adhibita solemnitate; Primo Nobilis quidam atrium ingressus, sceptrum manu tenebat, adiunctum sibi habens alium quendam Nobilem cum mappa, qui ambo cum ter summa cum veneratione genua flexissent, alter ad mensam propius accedens, eam mappa insternebat; quo facto, rursus poplite flexo discedebant; veniebant post hos alii duo, quorum alter rursum cum sceptro, alter cum salino, orbe, et pane aderat, qui cum, uti priores, ter genua incurvassent, et res modo dictae mensae impositae essent, eadem omnino cum ceremonia abivere. Venit tandem Virgo quaedam Comitissa, uti affirmabatur, eximiae pulchritudinis, vestita veste serica alba, cui erat adiuncta nobilis matrona, cultrum praegustatorium ferens, quae ter summo cum decore in pedes provoluta, postea ad mensam accessit, orbes sale et pane abstersit, tanta cum veneratione, ac si Regina ipsa praesens fuisset; cumque paululum commorata ad mensam esset, venerunt satellites Regii, omnes capite nudi, sagis rubris induti, quibus in postica parte erant affixae rosae aureae, singulis vicibus xxiv missus ferculorum, in patinis argenteis et maxima ex parte deauratis, adferentes; Ab his nobilis quidam, ordine cibos accepit, et mensae imposuit; Praegustatrix vero, cuilibet satelliti, ex eadem, quam ipsemet attulerat, patina, buccellam degustandam praebuit, ne aliqua veneni subesset suspicio; Dum satellites isti, qui centum numero procera corporis statura, et omnium robustissimi ex toto Angliae Regno, ad hoc munus summa cura deliguntur, supradictos cibos adportarent, erant in Aulae area xii Tubicines, et duo Tympanistae, qui tubis, buccinis, et tympanis magno sonitu per sesqui horam clangebant; Caeremoniis autem, modo commemoratis, circa mensam absolutis, aderant illico virgines aliquot nobiles, quae singulari cum veneratione, cibos de mensa auferebant, et in interius et secretius Reginae cubiculum asportabant; Eligere ibi Regina solet quos vult, caeteri pro Gynaeceo servantur; Prandet et coenat sola paucis astantibus, atque nullus admittitur, neque peregrinus, neque Regni quoque incola, nisi rarissime, et quidem ex singulari magnatis alicuius intercessione.

APPENDIX G

SERLIO’S TRATTATO SOPRA LE SCENE

[Extract from Sebastiano Serlio’s Architettura (1551), being the text of ff. 26^v-31^v of Il secondo libro di Perspettiva, which also contain five woodcuts, representing (A) the profilo or section of a stage (f. 26^v), (B) the pianta or ground-plan of the same stage (f. 27^v), (C), (D), (E) elevations of a scena comica (f. 28^v), scena tragica (f. 29^v), and scena satyrica (f. 30). An English translation, through the ‘Dutch’, of the five books of the Architettura was published in 1611, having been entered in the Stationers’ Register by Thomas Snodham on 14 Dec. 1611 (Arber, iii. 473). Each book has a separate imprint, London Printed for Robert Peake and are to be sold at his shop neere Holborne conduit, next to the Sunne Tauerne. Anno Dom. 1611. Each has also a colophon, with slight variants; that of the fifth book, which alone names the printer, is Here endeth the fift Booke: And this also is the end of the whole worke of Sebastian Serlius; Translated out of Italian into Dutch, and out of Dutch into English, at the charges of Robert Peake. Printed at London, by Simon Stafford. 1611. B. W. I do not know whether B. W. conceals the name of a translator. Robert Peake, who also signs an Epistle to Prince Henry, prefixed to the first book, was not a stationer, but a serjeant painter to James. In this translation the Treatise of Scenes occupies ff. 23^v-27 of Bk. ii, ch. 3. The title of this book is The second Booke of Architecture, made by Sebastian Serly, entreating of Perspectiue, which is, Inspection, or looking into, by shortening of the sight. The woodcuts are reproduced, with some modifications, especially in details of heraldic decoration.]

[f. 26^v] Per che ne la seguente carta io trattaro delle Scene e de Theatri che a nostri tempi si costumano, onde sara difficile a comprendere doue et come si debbia porre l’ orizonte delle scene, per essere diuerso modo dalle regole passate, ho voluto far prima questo profilo, accio che la pianta in sieme col profilo l’ un per l’ altro si possino intendere; ma sara perho bene a studiare prima su la pianta, et se quelle cose non si intenderanno ne la pianta, recorrere al profilo doue meglio s’ intendera. Primieramente donque io cominciaro dal suolo dauanti: loquale sara a l’ altezza de l’ occhio et voglio que sia piano et e segnato C, et da B fin a l’ A sara lo suolo leuato dalla parte de A la nona parte; et quel diritto piu grosso sopra del qual e M dinota lo muro nel capo della sala. Quel diritto piu sottile doue e P sara lo pariete della scena cioe l’ ultimo. Il termine doue e l’ O e l’ orizonte. La linea di punti che viene ad essere aliuello da L a O doue essa finira nel pariete vltimo della scena, iui sara l’ orizonte, loqual pero seruira solamente per quel pariete, et questa linea sara quella che sara sempre orizonte, alle faccie de i casamenti che saranno in maiesta. Ma quelle parti de i casamenti che scurtiano lo suo orizonte sara quel piu lontano segnato O. Et e ben ragione se i casamenti in effetto han dua facie, lequai spettino a dua lati, che anchora habbino dua orizonti; et questo e quanto al profilo della scena. Ma lo proscenio si e quella segnata D: la parte E rappresenta l’ horchestra leuata da terra mezzo piede. Doue si vede F sonno le sedie de piu nobili. Li primi gradi segnati G saran per le donne piu nobili, et salendo piu ad alto le men nobili vi si metterano. Quel luoco piu spacioso doue e H e vna strada, et cosi la parte I vn altra strada onde fra l’ una e l’ altra quei gradi saranno per la nobilita de gli huomini. Dal I in su li gradi che vi sonno, li men nobili si metteranno. Quel gran spacio segnato K sara per la plebe, et sara magiore et minore secondo la grandezza del luoco; et lo Theatro, et la scena ch’ io feci in Vicenza, furono circa a questo modo, et de l’ un corno a l’ altro del Theatro era da piedi ottanta, per essere questo fatto in vn gran cortile, doue trouai magior spacio, che doue era la scena per essere quella appoggiata ad vna loggia. Li armamenti et ligature de i legnami furono nel modo dimostrato qui auanti, et per esser questo Theatro senza appoggio alcuno, io volsi (per magior fortezza) farlo ascarpa nella circonferentia di fori.

Trattato sopra le Scene.

[f. 27] Fra l’ altre cose fatte per mano de gli huomini che si possono mirare con gran contentezza d’ occhio et satisfationi d’ animo: e (al parer mio) il discoprirsi lo apparato di vna scena, doue si vede in picol spacio fatto da l’ arte della Perspettiua superbi palazzi, amplissimi tempij, diuersi casamenti, et da presso, e di lontano, spaciose piazze ornate di varii edificij, dritissime e longhe strade incrociate da altre vie, archi triomphali, altissime colonne, pyramide, obelischi, et mille altre cose belle, ornate d’ infiniti lumi, grandi, mezzani, et piccoli, secondo che l’ altre lo comporta, liquali sono cosi arteficiosamente ordinati, che rappresentano tante gioie lucidissime, come saria Diamanti, Rubini, Zafiri, Smeraldi, et cose simili. Quiui si vede la cornuta et lucida Luna leuarsi pian piano; et essersi inalzata, che gli occhi de i spettatori non l’ han veduta muouersi: in alcune altre si vede lo leuare del sole, et il suo girare, et nel finire della comedia tramontar poi con tale artificio che molti spettatori di tal cosa stupiscono; con l’ artificio a qualche bon proposito si vedera descendere alcun Dio dal cielo, correre qualche Pianeta per l’ aria, venir poi su la scena diuersi intermedij richissimamente ornati, liuree di varie sorti con habiti strani, si per moresche come per musiche. Tal’ hor si vede strani animali entro de i quali son huomini, et fanciulli, atteggiando, saltando, et correndo cosi bene, che non e senza merauiglia de riguardanti, le quai tutte cose dan tanto di contentezza a l’ hocchio, et a l’ animo, che cosa materiale, fatta da l’ arte, non si potria imaginare piu bella; et di quelle cose poi che siamo in proposito de l’ arte della perspettiua, io ne trattaro alquanto. Pure quantunque questo modo di perspettiua di ch’ io parlaro sia diuerso dalle regole passate, per essere quelle imaginate sopra li parieti piani: et questa per essere materiale et di rilieuo e ben ragione a tenere altra strada. Primieramente per il commune vso si fa vn suolo leuato da terra quanto l’ hocchio nostro; cioe dalla parte dauanti et di dietro si fa piu alto la nona parte, partendo in noue parti tutto il piano, et vna di quelle. Sia leuato il detto suolo dalla parte di drieto verso l’ orizonte, et sia ben piano et forte per causa delle moresche. Questa pendentia io l’ ho trouata commoda con la esperientia, perche in Vicenza (citta molto ricca et pomposissima fra l’ altre d’ Italia) io feci vno Theatro, et vna scena di legname, perauentura, anzi senza dubio, la magiore che a nostri tempi si sia fatta, doue per li merauigliosi intermedij che vi accadeuano, cioe carette, Elefanti, et diuerse moresche, io volsi che dauanti la scena pendente vi fosse vn suolo piano, la latitudine del quale fu piede xij, et in longitudine piedi lx, doue io trouai tal cosa ben commoda, et di grande aspetto. Questo primo suolo essendo piano, lo suo pauimento non vbidiua a l’ orizonte, ma li suoi quadri furono perfetti, et al cominciare dal piano pendente tutti quei quadri andauano a l’ orizonte ilche con la sua debita distantia sminui. Et perche alcuni han posto l’ orizonte a l’ ultimo pariete che termina la scena, il qual e necessario metterlo sul proprio suolo al nascimento di esso pariete, doue dimostra che tutti li casamenti se adunano, io mi sono imaginato di trapassare piu la con l’ orizonte, la qual cosa mi e cosi bene reuscita, che a fare tal cose ho sempre tenuto questa strada, et cosi consiglio coloro che di tal arte se diletterano, a tener questo camino, como nella seguente carta dimostraro, et come ne ho trattato qui adietro nel profilo del Theatro, et della Scena. Et perche gli apparati delle comedie sono di tre maniere, cioe la Comica, la Tragica, et la Satyrica, io trattaro al presente de la comica, i casamenti della quale voglion essere di personagi priuati, liquali apparati per la maggior parte si fanno al coperto in qualche sala, che nel capo di essa vi sia camere per la commodita de i dicitori, et iui si fa lo suolo come qui piu a dietro io dissi, e ne dimostrai lo suo profilo, et qui alianti dimostrero la pianta. Primieramente la parte C e quel suolo piano et poniam caso che vn quadro sia dua piedi, et medesimamente quegli del piano pendente son dua piedi per ogni lato, et e segnato B; e (come ho detto nel profilo) io non intendo di mettere l’ orizonte al pariete vltimo de la scena, ma quanto sara dal principio di esso piano B fin al muro sia trapassato altro tanto di la dal muro con l’ orizonte; et quelle dua linee di punti dinotano lo muro in capo di essa sala, e cosi tutti li casamenti et altre cose haueranno piu dolcezza ne i scurcij, doue tirati tutti li quadri ad esso orizonte, et diminuiti secondo la sua distantia, si leuaran su li casamenti, li quali son quelle linee grosse sul piano, per diritto, et per trauerso; et questi tai casamenti io li ho sempre fatti di telari, sopra liquali ho poi tirato tele, facendogli le sue porte in faccia et in scurtio secondo le occasioni, et ancho ci ho fatto alcune cose di basso rilieuo di legnami che han aiutato molto le pitture, come al suo loco ne trattaro. Tutto lo spacio da li telari al muro segnati A seruiranno per li dicittori, et sempre lo pariete vltimo vuol essere discosto dal muro almen dua piedi, accio li diccitori possino passar coperti; dipoi quanto si trouera alto l’ orizonte, sia tanto alzato vn termino al principio del piano B che sara L et da li a l’ orizonte sia tirata vna linea chi e di punti, laquale sara al liuello, et doue questa ferira nel vltimo pariete: iui sara l’ orizonte di esso pariete: et non seruira perho ad altro telaro: ma la detta linea sia vna cosa stabile, perche questa seruira a tutti quei telari che saranno in maiesta, per trouare le grossezze di alcune cose, ma lo primo orizonte di la dal muro seruira a tutti li scurcij de i casamenti. Et perche a far questo saria necessario a rompere esso muro, ilche non si puo fare, io ho sempre fatto vno modello piccolo di cartoni et legnami, ben misurato et traportato poi in grande di cosa in cosa giustamente con facilita. Ma questa lettione forsi ad alcuno sara difficile, nondimeno sara necessario faticarsi nel far de modelli et esperientie, che studiando trouara la via. Et perche le sale (per grande che siano) non son capaci di Theatri, io nondimeno, per accostarmi quanto io possi agli antichi, ho voluto di esso Theatro farne quella parte che in vna gran sala possi capere. Perho la parte D seruira per proscenio. La parte circolare segnata E sara l’ orchestra leuata vn grado dal proscenio, intorno laquale son sedie per li piu nobili, che son F; li gradi primi G son per le donne piu nobili; la parte H e strada et cosi la parte I. Gli altri gradi son per li huomini men nobili, fra liquali vi son scale per salire piu agiatamente. Quei luochi spaciosi segnati K saran poi per la plebe et saranno magiori o minori secondo li luochi, et come il luoco sara magiore, lo Theatro prendera piu della sua perfetta forma.

Della Scena Comica.

[f. 28] Quanto alla dispositione de i Theatri, et delle Scene circa alla pianta io ne ho trattato qui adietro, hora delle scene in perspettiua ne trattaro particularmente, et perche (com’ io dissi) le scene si fanno di tre sorte, cioe la Comica per rappresentar comedie, la Tragica per le tragedie, e la Satyrica per le satyre, questa prima sara la Comica, i casamenti della quale vogliono essere di personaggi privati, come saria di cittadini auocati, mercanti, parasiti, et altre simili persone. Ma sopra il tutto che non vi manchi la casa della Rufiana ne sia senza hostaria, et uno tempio vi e molto necessario. Per disporre li casamenti sopra il piano detto suolo, io ne ho dato il modo piu adietro, si nel leuare i casamenti sopra li piani, come nella pianta delle scene massime, come et doue si dee porre l’ orizonte. Nientedimeno accio che l’ huomo sia meglio instrutto circa alle forme de i casamenti, io ne dimostro qui a lato vna figura, laquale potra essere vn poco di luce a chi di tal cosa vorra dilettarsi. Pur in questa essendo cosi picola non ho potuto osseruare tutte le misure. Ma solamente ho accennato alla inuentione per aduertir l’ huomo a saper fare elettione di quei casamenti che posti in opera habbino a reuscir bene come saria un portico traforato, dietro del quale si vegga vn altro casamento come questo primo, li archi delquale son di opera moderna. Li poggiuoli (altri dicono pergoli; altri Renghiere) hanno gran forza nelle faccie che scurzano, et cosi qualche cornice che li suoi finimenti vengono fuori del suo cantonale, tagliati intorno et accompagnati con l’ altre cornice dipinte, fanno grande effetto; cosi le case che han gran sporto in fuori riusciscono bene, come l’ hostaria della luna qui presente; et sopra tutte le altre cose si de fare elettione delle case piu piccole, et metterle dauanti, accio che sopra esse si scuoprano altri edificii, come si vede sopra la casa della Ruffiana, l’ insegna della quale sono li rampini, o vogliam dire hami, onde per tal superiorita della casa piu adietro viene a rappresentar grandezza, et riempisse meglio la parte della scena, che non farebbe diminuendo, se le summita delle case diminuissero l’ una dopo altra; et benche le cose qui disegnate habbino vn lume solo da vn lato, nondimeno tornano meglio a dargli il lume nel mezzo: percioche la forza de i lumi si mette nel mezzo, pendenti sopra la scena, et tutti quei tondi, o quadri, che si veggono per gli edificii sono tutti i lumi artificiati di varii colori transparenti: de i quali daro il modo da fargli ne l’ estremo di questo libro. Le finestre che sono in faccia sara bene a mettergli de lumi di dietro, ma che siano di vetro, et ancho di carta ouero di tela dipinta torneran bene. Ma s’ io volessi scriuere di tutti gli aduertimenti che mi abbundano circa a tal cose, io sarei forsi tenuto prolisso, perho io le lassaro nel’ intelletto di coloro che in tal cose si voranno essercitare.

Della Scena Tragica.

[f. 29] La Scena Tragica sara per rappresentare tragedie. Li casamenti d’ essa vogliono essere di grandi personagi; percioche gli accidenti amorosi, et casi inopinati, morte violenti et crudeli (per quanto si lege nelle tragedie antiche, et ancho nelle moderne) sonno sempre interuenute dentro le case de signori, duchi, o gran principi, imo, di Re; et perho (come ho detto) in cotali apparati non si fara edificio che non habbia del nobile: si come se dimostra nella seguente figura, entro la quale (per esser cosa piccola) non ho potuto dimostrare quei grandi edificij Regij et signorili, che in vn luogo spatioso si potrebbono fare. Ma basti solamente a l’ Arcitetto che in torno a cose simili si vorra essercitare, per hauer vn poco di luce circa alla inuentione, et dipoi secondo li luochi et anchora li sugietti sapersi accommodare; et (come ho detto nella scena comica) sempre si de fare elettione di quelle cose che tornano meglio a riguardanti, non hauendo rispetto a mettere vn edificio piccolo dauanti ad vno grande, per le gia dette ragioni. Et perche tutte le mie scene ho fatte sopra li telari, ci sonno tal volta alcune difficulta, che e ben necessario a seruirsi del rilieuo di legname, come quello edificio al lato sinistro, li pilastri del quale posano sopra vn basamento con alcuni gradi. In questo caso sara da fare il detto basamento di basso rilieuo, leuato sopra lo piano, et poi si faran li due telari, cioe quello in faccia, et quello in scurtio; et stano solamente fin alla summita del parapetto, che e sopra li primi archi. Hora perche gli archi secondi se ritirano per dar luoco al parapetto, cosi li dua telari di sopra si ritiraranno: di maniera che tal opera verra bene, et quello ch’ io dico di questo edificio se intende anchora de gli altri, quando qualche parti si ritireranno, massimamente di quei casamenti che sono qua dauanti. Ma quando tai cose fussero di lontano, vn telaro solo seruiria, facendo tutte le parti ben lineate, et ben colorite. Circa alli lumi artificiati, s’ e detto a bastanza nella scena comica. Tutte le superficie sopra li tetti, come saria camini, campanili, et cose simili (benché quiui non vi siano) se faranno sopra vna tauola sottile, tagliati intorno, ben lineati et coloriti. Similmente qualche statue finte di marmo o di bronzo si faranno di grosso cartone, o pur di tauola sottile, ben ombregiate et tagliate intorno; poi si metteranno alli suoi luochi, ma siano talmente disposti, et lontani che i spettatori non le possino vedere per fianco. In queste Scene, benche alcuni hanno dipinto qualche personagi che rappresentano il viuo, come saria vna femina ad vn balcone, o drento d’ una porta, etiamdio qualche animale, queste cose non consiglio che si faccino, perche non hanno il moto et pure rappresentano il viuo; ma qualche persona che dorma a bon proposito, ouero qualche cane o altro animale che dorma, perche non hanno il moto. Anchora si possono accomodare qualche statue, o altre cose finte di marmo, o d’ altra materia, o alcuna hystoria, o fabula dipinta sopra vn pariete, che io lodaro sempre si faccia cosi. Ma nel rappresentare cose viue lequali habbino il moto, ne l’ estremo di questo libro ne trattaro, et daro il modo come s’ abbino a fare.

Della Scena Satyrica.

[f. 30] La Scena Satyrica e per rappresentar satyre, nelle quali se riprendono (anzi vero se mordeno) tutti coloro che licentiosamente viuono, et senza rispetto nelle satyre antiche erano quasi mostrati a dito gli huomini viciosi et mal viuenti. Perho tal licentia si puo comprendere che fusse concessa a personaggi che senza rispetto parlassero, come saria a dire gente rustica, percioche Vitruuio trattando delle scene, vuole che questa sia ornata di arbori, sassi, colli, montagne, herbe, fiori, et fontane, vuole anchora che vi siano alcune capanne alla rustica, come qui appresso se dimostra. Et perche a tempi nostri queste cose per il piu delle volte si fanno la inuernata, doue pochi arbori et herbe con fiori se ritrouano, si potran bene artificiosamente fare cose simili di seta lequali saranno anchora piu lodate che le naturali; percioche, cosi come nelle Scene Comiche et Tragiche se imitano li casamenti et altri edificij, con l’ artificio della pittura, cosi anchora in questa si potran bene imitare gli arbori et l’ herbe co fiori. Et queste cose quanto saranno di maggior spesa tanto piu lodeuoli saranno, perche (nel vero) son proprie di generosi magnanimi, et richi signori, nemici della bruta Auaritia. Questo gia vidiro gli occhi mei in alcune scene ordinate da l’ intendente Architetto Girolamo Genga, ad instantia del suo padrone Francesco Maria Duca di Vrbino, doue io compresi tanta liberalita nel prence, tanto giuditio et arte l’ Arcitetto, et tanta bellezza nelle cose strutte, quanto in altra opera fatta da l’ arte che da me sia stata veduta giamai. (O Dio immortale) che magnificentia era quella di veder tanti arbori et frutti, tante herbe et fiori diuersi, tutte cose fatte di finissima seta di variati colori, le ripe et i sassi copiosi de diuerse conche marine, di limache et altri animaletti, di tronchi di coralli di piu colori, di matre perle, et di granchi marini inserti ne i sassi, con tanta diuersita di cose belle; che a volerle scriuere tutte, io sarei troppo longo in questa parte. Io non diro de i satyri, delle Nymphe, delle syrene, et diuersi monstri o animali strani, fatti con tal artificio, che aconzi sopra gli huomini et fanciulli secondo la grandezza loro, et quelli, andando et mouendosi secondo la sua natura, rappresentauano essi animali viui. Et se non ch’ io sarei troppo prolisso, io narrarei gli habiti superbi di alcuni pastori, fatti di ricchi drappi d’ oro et di seta, foderati di finissime pelle d’ animali seluatichi. Direi anchora de i vestimenti d’ alcuni pescatori, liquali non furono men ricchi de gli altri, le rete de i quali erano di fila d’ oro fino, et altri suoi stromenti tutti dorati. Direi di alcune pastorelle et Nymphe, gli habiti delle quali sprezauano l’ Auaritia. Ma io lassaro tutte queste cose ne gli intelletti de i giudiciosi Architetti: liquali faranno sempre di queste cose, quando trouaranno simili padroni conformi alle lor voglie, gli et donanti piena licentia, con larga mano, di operare tutto quello che vorranno.

Di Lumi arteficiali delle Scene.

[f. 31] Ho promesso piu adietro negli trattati delle scene, di dare il modo come si fanno i lumi artificiali di variati colori transparenti; perche primieramente diro del colore celeste, il quale rappresenta il zafiro et ancho assai piu bello. Prendi vn pezzo di sale ammoniaco, et habbi vn bacile da barbiere o altro vaso di ottone, mettendogli drento vn detto di aqua. Poi questo pezzo di sale va ben fregando nel fondo, et intorno questo bacile, tanto che ’l se consumi tutto: agiungendoli de l’ aqua tuttauia, et quando vorrai piu quantita di questa aqua, et che ’l colore sia piu bello, fa maggiore la quantita del sale ammoniaco. Fatto adonque vno bacile pieno di questa aqua falla passare per il feltro in vno altro vaso, et questa sara di color celeste bellissimo. Ma volendolo piu chiaro vi agiungerai de l’ aqua pura, cosi di questo sol colore ne farai di molti piu chiari et piu scuri quanto vorrai; et se di questa medesima aqua zafrina vorrai fare colore di Smeraldo, mettili drento alquanto di zaffarano, tanto piu o meno, secondo che la vorrai piu oscura o piu chiara. Di queste cose non ti do le proportioni; ma con la esperientia ne farai di piu forte o chiare o pur oscure. Se vorrai fare del colore di Rubino, se sarai in luoco doue siano vini vermigli carichi di colore et chiaretti: questi faranno di rubin maturi et gai cioe acerbi, et se non hauerai de vini, prendi del vergine tagliato in pezzeti, mettendolo in vna caldara piena d’ aqua, con alquanto di alume di rocha, et la farai bolire spiumandola, et poi passare pel feltro, et agiungendoli aqua pura se vorrai colore piu chiaro; et se vorai colore di Balasso, il vino goro, bianco, et vermiglio insieme, fara tal colore. Cosi anchora li vini bianchi piu et meno carichi faran colore de Griso passo, et di Thopasso. Ma (senza dubio alcuno) l’ aqua pura passata pel feltro contrafara li Diamanti. Pure, per farli, sara necessario adoperare alcune forme in punta, et in tauola, et alla fornace de i vetri fare delle bozze che prendano tal forma, et quelle impire d’ aqua. Ma il modo de disporre questi colori transparenti sara questo. Sara di dietro alle cose dipinte, doue anderanno questi colori, vna tauola sottile traforata nel modo che saran compartiti questi lumi, sotto laquale sara un’ altra tauola per sostenere le bozze di vetro piene di queste aque; poi dette bozze si metteranno con la parte piu curua appoggiate a quei buchi, et bene assicurate che non caschino per i strepiti delle moresche; et dietro le bozze si mettera vno cesendelo, overo lampada, accio lo lume sia sempre equale; et selle bozze verso la lampada saranno piane anzi concaue, riceueranno meglio la luce, et li colori saranno piu transparenti, cosi anchora per quei tondi liquali saranno in scurtio sara da fare le bozze di quella sorte. Ma se accadra tal fiata vn lume grande et gagliardo, sara da metterui di dietro vna torza, dopo laquale sia vn bacile da barbiere ben lucido et nuovo, la reflettione del quale fara certi splendori, come di raggi del sole. Et se alcuni luochi saranno quadri come mandola, o altre forme, si prendera delle piastre di vetri di variati colori posti a quei luochi col suo lume di dietro. Ma questi lumi non saran (perho) quelli che allumineranno la scena, percioche gran coppia di torze si metteno pendente dauanti alla scena. Si potra anchora su per la scena mettere alcuni candelieri con torze sopra, ed anchora sopra essi candelieri vi sia vn vaso pieno di acqua, drento laquale metterai vn pezzo di camphora, loquale ardendo fa bellissimo lume, et e odorifero. Alcuna fiata accadera a dimostrare qualche cosa che abbruscia (sia che si voglia); si bagnara benissimo di aqua vite della piu potente, et apizatogli lo fuoco con vna candeletta: ardera per vn pezzo. Et ben che quanto alli fuochi si potra dire assai piu, voglio questo sia basteuole per presente. Ma parliamo di alcune cose lequali sono di gran diletto a spettatori. Mentre la scena e vota de dicitori, potra l’ Arcitetto hauer preparato alcune ordinanze di figurette, di quella grandezza che si ricercara dove hauranno a passare, et queste saranno di grosso cartone colorite et tagliate intorno, lequali posaranno sopra vn regolo di legno a trauerso la scena, doue sia qualche arco, fatto sopra il suolo vno incastro a coda di Rondina, entro lo quale si mettera detto regolo; et cosi pianamente vna persona dietro al detto arco le fara passare, et tal fiata dimostrare che siano musici con istrumenti et voci, onde dietro alla scena sara vna musica a somissa voce. Tal volta fara correre vn squadrone di gente chi a piedi et chi a cauallo, lequali con alcune voci o gridi sordi, strepiti di tamburi, et suono di trombe, pascono molto gli spettatori. Et se tal volta accadera che vno Pianeta, o altra cosa per aria si vegga passare, sia ben dipinta quella cosa in cartone et tagliata intorno; poi dietro la scena (cioe a gli vltimi casamenti) sia tirato a trauerso vn filo di ferro sottile, et con alcuni aneletti in esso filo attacati dietro il cartone, nel quale sia un filo negro, et da l’ altro lato sara vna persona che pian piano lo tirara a se, ma sara di forte lontano, che ne l’ uno ne l’ altro filo sara veduto. Tal fiata accadera tuoni, lampi et folgori a qualche proposito; li tuoni cosi si faranno. Sempre (come ho detto) le scene si fanno nel capo di vna sala, sopra laquale gli e sempre vn suolo, sopra del quale si fara correre vna grossa balla di pietra, laquale fara bene il tuono. Lo lampo cosi si fara. Sara vno dietro alla scena in luoco alto, hauendo nella mano vna scatoletta, entro laquale vi sia polue di vernice: et il coperchio sia pieno di busi: nel mezzo del coperchio sara vna candeletta accesa: et alzando in su la mano, quella polue salira in alto, et perchuotera nella candela accesa, di maniera che fara lampi assai bene. Circo al folgore, sara tirato vn filo di ferro lontano a trauerso la scena, che descenda a basso, entro del quale sara aconcio vn rochetto, o raggio, che si sia, ma questo sara ornato di oro stridente, et mentre si fara lo tuono, nel finir di quello sia scaricata vna coda, et nel medesimo tempo dato il fuoco al folgore, et fara buono effetto. Ma s’ io volessi trattare di quante cose similimi abbondano, io saria troppo longho; pero faccio fine quanto alla perspettiua.

APPENDIX H

THE GULL’S HORNBOOK

[Chapter vi from T. Dekker, The Gull’s Hornbook (1609). There is no entry in the Stationers’ Register. Editions are by J. Nott (1812), J. O. Halliwell (1862), C. Hindley (1872, Old Book Collector’s Miscellany, ii), A. B. Grosart (1884, Dekker’s Works, ii), G. Saintsbury (1892), O. Smeaton (1904), and R. B. McKerrow (1904, King’s Library; 1905, King’s Classics). I have adopted two trifling emendations; ‘Plaiers are’ for ‘Plaiers and’ in the first paragraph, and ‘Stage, like time’ for ‘Stagelike time’ in the ninth. McKerrow reprints the chapter on the Stage from S. Vincent’s Restoration adaptation of the pamphlet in The Young Gallant’s Academy (1674).]

How a Gallant should behaue himself in a Playhouse.

The Theater is your Poets Royal Exchange, vpon which, their Muses (that are now turnd to Merchants) meeting, barter away that light commodity of words for a lighter ware then words, Plaudities and the Breath of the great Beast, which (like the threatnings of two Cowards) vanish all into aire. Plaiers are their Factors, who put away the stuffe, and make the best of it they possibly can (as indeed tis their parts so to doe). Your Gallant, your Courtier, and your Capten, had wont to be the soundest paymaisters, and I thinke are still the surest chapmen: and these by meanes that their heades are well stockt, deale vpon this comical freight by the grosse: when your Groundling, and Gallery Commoner buyes his sport by the penny, and, like a Hagler, is glad to vtter it againe by retailing.

Sithence then the place is so free in entertainment, allowing a stoole as well to the Farmers sonne as to your Templer: that your Stinkard has the selfe same libertie to be there in his Tobacco-Fumes, which your sweet Courtier hath: and that your Car-man and Tinker claime as strong a voice in their suffrage, and sit to giue iudgement on the plaies life and death, as well as the prowdest Momus among the tribe of Critick: It is fit that hee, whom the most tailors bils do make roome for, when he comes should not be basely (like a vyoll) casd vp in a corner.

Whether therefore the gatherers of the publique or priuate Playhouse stand to receiue the after-noones rent, let our Gallant (hauing paid it) presently aduance himselfe vp to the Throne of the Stage. I meane not into the Lords roome, (which is now but the Stages Suburbs). No, those boxes, by the iniquity of custome, conspiracy of waiting-women and Gentlemen-Ushers, that there sweat together, and the couetousnes of Sharers, are contemptibly thrust into the reare, and much new Satten is there dambd by being smothred to death in darknesse. But on the very Rushes where the Commedy is to daunce, yea and vnder the state of Cambises himselfe must our fethered Estridge, like a peece of Ordnance be planted valiantly (because impudently) beating downe the mewes and hisses of the opposed rascality.

For do but cast vp a reckoning, what large cummings in are pursd vp by sitting on the Stage. First a conspicuous Eminence is gotten; by which meanes the best and most essenciall parts of a Gallant (good cloathes, a proportionable legge, white hand, the Persian lock, and a tollerable beard) are perfectly reuealed.

By sitting on the stage, you haue a signd pattent to engrosse the whole commodity of Censure; may lawfully presume to be a Girder: and stand at the helme to steere the passage of Scænes[;] yet no man shall once offer to hinder you from obtaining the title of an insolent, ouer-weening Coxcombe.

By sitting on the stage, you may (without trauelling for it) at the very next doore, aske whose play it is: and, by that Quest of inquiry, the law warrants you to auoid much mistaking; if you know not the author, you may raile against him: and peraduenture so behaue your selfe, that you may enforce the Author to know you.

By sitting on the stage, if you be a Knight, you may happily get you a Mistresse: if a mere Fleet street Gentleman, a wife: but assure yourselfe by continuall residence, you are the first and principall man in election to begin the number of We three.

By spreading your body on the stage, and by being a Justice in examining of plaies, you shall put your selfe into such true Scænical authority, that some Poet shall not dare to present his Muse rudely vpon your eyes, without hauing first vnmaskt her, rifled her, and discouered all her bare and most mysticall parts before you at a Tauerne, when you most knightly shal for his paines, pay for both their suppers.

By sitting on the stage, you may (with small cost) purchase the deere acquaintance of the boyes: haue a good stoole for sixpence: at any time know what particular part any of the infants present: get your match lighted, examine the play-suits lace, and perhaps win wagers vpon laying tis copper, &c. And to conclude whether you be a foole or a Justice of peace, a Cuckold or a Capten, a Lord Maiors sonne or a dawcocke, a knaue or an vnder-Sheriffe, of what stamp soeuer you be, currant or counterfet, the Stage, like time, will bring you to most perfect light, and lay you open: neither are you to be hunted from thence though the Scar-crows in the yard, hoot at you, hisse at you, spit at you, yea throw durt euen in your teeth: tis most Gentlemanlike patience to endure all this, and to laugh at the silly Animals: but if the Rabble with a full throat, crie away with the foole, you were worse then a mad-man to tarry by it: for the Gentleman and the foole should neuer sit on the Stage together.

Mary let this obseruation go hand in hand with the rest: or rather like a country-seruing-man, some fiue yards before them. Present not your selfe on the Stage (especially at a new play) vntill the quaking prologue hath (by rubbing) got cullor into his cheekes, and is ready to giue the trumpets their Cue that hees vpon point to enter: for then it is time, as though you were one of the Properties, or that you dropt out of the Hangings, to creepe from behind the Arras, with your Tripos or three-footed stoole in one hand, and a teston mounted betweene a forefinger and a thumbe in the other: for if you should bestow your person vpon the vulgar, when the belly of the house is but halfe full, your apparell is quite eaten vp, the fashion lost, and the proportion of your body in more danger to be deuoured, then if it were serued vp in the Counter amongst the Powltry: auoid that as you would the Bastome. It shall crowne you with rich commendation to laugh alowd in the middest of the most serious and saddest scene of the terriblest Tragedy: and to let that clapper (your tongue) be tost so high that all the house may ring of it: your Lords vse it; your Knights are Apes to the Lords, and do so too: your Inne-a-court-man is Zany to the Knights, and (many very scuruily) comes likewise limping after it: bee thou a beagle to them all, and neuer lin snuffing till you haue scented them: for by talking and laughing (like a Plough-man in a Morris) you heap Pelion vpon Ossa, glory vpon glory: As first, all the eyes in the galleries will leaue walking after the Players, and onely follow you: the simplest dolt in the house snatches vp your name, and when he meetes you in the streetes, or that you fall into his hands in the middle of a Watch, his word shall be taken for you: heele cry, Hees such a Gallant, and you passe. Secondly, you publish your temperance to the world, in that you seeme not to resort thither to taste vaine pleasures with a hungrie appetite: but onely as a Gentleman, to spend a foolish houre or two, because yoe can doe nothing else. Thirdly you mightily disrelish the Audience, and disgrace the Author: mary, you take vp (though it be at the worst hand) a strong opinion of your owne iudgement and inforce the Poet to take pitty of your weakenesse, and, by some dedicated sonnet to bring you into a better paradice, onely to stop your mouth.

If you can (either for loue or money) prouide your selfe a lodging by the water-side: for, aboue the conueniencie it brings, to shun Shoulder-clapping, and to ship away your Cockatrice betimes in the morning, it addes a kind of state vnto you, to be carried from thence to the staires of your Playhouse: hate a Sculler (remember that) worse then to be acquainted with one ath’ Scullery. No, your Oares are your onely Sea-crabs, boord them, and take heed you neuer go twice together with one paire: often shifting is a great credit to Gentlemen; and that diuiding of your fare wil make the poore watersnaks be ready to pul you in peeces to enioy your custome: No matter whether vpon landing you haue money or no, you may swim in twentie of their boates ouer the riuer upon Ticket: mary, when siluer comes in, remember to pay trebble their fare, and it will make your Flounder-catchers to send more thankes after you, when you doe not draw, then when you doe; for they know, It will be their owne another daie.

Before the Play begins, fall to cardes, you may win or loose (as Fencers doe in a prize) and beate one another by confederacie, yet share the money when you meete at supper: notwithstanding, to gul the Ragga-muffins that stand aloofe gaping at you, throw the cards (hauing first torne foure or fiue of them) round about the Stage, iust vpon the third sound, as though you had lost: it skils not if the foure knaues ly on their backs, and outface the Audience, theres none such fooles as dare take exceptions at them, because ere the play go off, better knaues than they will fall into the company.

Now sir, if the writer be a fellow that hath either epigramd you, or hath had a flirt at your mistris, or hath brought either your feather or your red beard, or your little legs, &c. on the stage, you shall disgrace him worse then by tossing him in a blancket, or giuing him the bastinado in a Tauerne, if, in the middle of his play (bee it Pastoral or Comedy, Morall or Tragedie), you rise with a skreud and discontented face from your stoole to be gone: no matter whether the Scenes be good or no, the better they are the worse do you distast them: and, beeing on your feet, sneake not away like a coward, but salute all your gentle acquaintance, that are spred either on the rushes, or on stooles about you, and draw what troope you can from the stage after you: the Mimicks are beholden to you, for allowing them elbow roome: their Poet cries perhaps a pox go with you, but care not you for that, theres no musick without frets.

Mary if either the company, or indisposition of the weather binde you to sit it out, my counsell is then that you turne plain Ape, take vp a rush and tickle the earnest eares of your fellow gallants, to make other fooles fall a laughing: mewe at passionate speeches, blare at merrie, finde fault with the musicke, whew at the childrens Action, whistle at the songs: and aboue all, curse the sharers, that whereas the same day you had bestowed forty shillings on an embrodered Felt and Feather, (scotch-fashion) for your mistres in the Court, or your punck in the city, within two houres after, you encounter with the very same block on the stage, when the haberdasher swore to you the impression was extant but that morning.

To conclude, hoard vp the finest play-scraps you can get, vpon which your leane wit may most sauourly feede for want of other stuffe, when the Arcadian and Euphuisd gentlewomen haue their tongues sharpened to set vpon you: that qualitie (next to your shittlecocke) is the onely furniture to a Courtier thats but a new beginner, and is but in his A B C of complement. The next places that are fild, after the Playhouses bee emptied, are (or ought to be) Tauernes, into a Tauerne then let vs next march, where the braines of one Hogshead must be beaten out to make vp another.

APPENDIX I

RESTORATION TESTIMONY

i.

[Extracts from _A Short Discourse of the English Stage. To his Excellency, the Lord Marquess of Newcastle_, attached to Richard Flecknoe’s Love’s Kingdom (1664), and reprinted in Hazlitt, E. D. S. 275. Flecknoe, who died c. 1678, was old enough to travel abroad in 1640.]

They Acted nothing here but Playes of the holy Scripture, or Saints’ Lives; and that without any certain Theaters or set Companies, till, about the beginning of Queen Elizabeth’s Reign, they began here first to assemble into Companies, and set up Theaters, first in the City, (as in the Inn-yards of the Cross-Keyes, and Bull in Grace and Bishops-Gate Street at this day is to be seen) till that Fanatick Spirit which then began with the Stage, and after ended with the Throne, banisht them thence into the Suburbs, as after they did the Kingdom, in the beginning of our Civil Wars. In which time, Playes were so little incompatible with Religion, and the Theater with the Church, as on Week-dayes after Vespers, both the Children of the Chappel and St. Pauls Acted Playes, the one in White-Friers, the other behinde the Convocation-house in Pauls, till people growing more precise, and Playes more licentious, the Theatre of Pauls was quite supprest, and that of the Children of the Chappel converted to the use of the Children of the Revels....

It was the happiness of the Actors of those times to have such Poets as these to instruct them, and write for them; and no less of those Poets to have such docile and excellent Actors to Act their Playes, as a Field and Burbidge; of whom we may say, that he was a delightful Proteus, so wholly transforming himself into his Part, and putting off himself with his Cloathes, as he never (not so much as in the Tyring-house) assum’d himself again until the Play was done: there being as much difference between him and one of our common Actors, as between a Ballad-singer who onely mouths it, and an excellent singer, who knows all his Graces, and can artfully vary and modulate his Voice, even to know how much breath he is to give to every syllable. He had all the parts of an excellent Orator (animating his words with speaking, and Speech with Action) his Auditors being never more delighted then when he spoke, nor more sorry then when he held his peace; yet even then, he was an excellent Actor still, never falling in his Part when he had done speaking; but with his looks and gesture, maintaining it still unto the heighth, he imagining Age quod agis, onely spoke to him: so as those who call him a Player do him wrong, no man being less idle then he, whose whole life is nothing else but action; with only this difference from other mens, that as what is but a Play to them, is his Business: so their business is but a play to him.

Now for the difference betwixt our Theaters and those of former times, they were but plain and simple, with no other Scenes, nor Decorations of the Stage, but onely old Tapestry, and the Stage strew’d with Rushes (with their Habits accordingly) whereas ours now for cost and ornament are arriv’d at the heighth of Magnificence.... For Scenes and Machines they are no new invention, our Masks and some of our Playes in former times (though not so ordinary) having had as good or rather better then any we have now.

ii.

[Extracts from Historia Histrionica: an Historical Account of the English Stage, shewing the Ancient Use, Improvement, and Perfection of Dramatick Representations in this Nation. In a Dialogue of Plays and Players (1699). A facsimile reprint was issued by E. W. Ashbee in 1872. The text is also given in Dodsley^4, xv. I use, with a correction, the modernized text of A. Lang, Social England Illustrated (1903, Arber, English Garner^2), 422. The Historia Histrionica is ascribed to James Wright, an antiquary and play-collector (1643–1713), who can only have recorded what he learnt from others. He is, of course, writing primarily of the Caroline, rather than the Elizabethan or Jacobean period.]

Truman. I say, the actors that I have seen, before the Wars, Lowin, Taylor, Pollard, and some others, were almost as far beyond Hart and his company; as those were, beyond these now in being....

Lovewit. Pray, Sir, what master-parts can you remember the old ‘Blackfriars’ men to act, in Johnson’s, Shakespeare’s, and Fletcher’s plays?

Truman. What I can at present recollect I’ll tell you. Shakespeare (who, as I have heard, was a much better Poet than Player), Burbage, Hemmings, and others of the older sort, were dead before I knew the Town. But, in my time, before the Wars; Lowin used to act, with mighty applause, Falstaff; Morose; Vulpone; and Mammon in the Alchemist; Melancius in the Maid’s tragedy. And at the same time, Amyntor was played by Stephen Hammerton: who was, at first, a most noted and beautiful Woman-Actor; but afterwards he acted, with equal grace and applause, a young lover’s part.

Taylor acted Hamlet incomparably well; Jago; Truewit, in the _Silent Woman_; and Face, in the Alchemist.

Swanston used to play Othello.

Pollard and Robinson were Comedians. So was Shank; who used to act Sir Roger in the Scornful Lady. These were of the ‘Blackfriars’....

Truman. Before the Wars, there were in being, all these Play Houses at the same time.

The ‘Blackfriars’ and ‘Globe’ on the Bankside. A winter, and summer house belonging to the same Company; called ‘The King’s Servants’.

The ‘Cockpit’ or ‘Phoenix’ in Drury Lane; called ‘The Queen’s Servants’.

The Private House in Salisbury Court; called ‘The Prince’s Servants’.

The ‘Fortune’ near White Cross Street: and the ‘Red Bull’ at the upper end of St. John’s Street. The two last were mostly frequented by citizens, and the meaner sort of people.

All these Companies got money, and lived in reputation: especially those of the ‘Blackfriars’, who were men of grave and sober behaviour.

Lovewit. Which I much admire at. That the Town, much less than at present, could then maintain Five Companies; and yet now Two can hardly subsist.

Truman. Do not wonder, but consider! That though the Town was then, perhaps, not much more than half so populous as now; yet then the prices were small (there being no scenes), and better order kept among the company that came: which made very good people think a play an innocent diversion for an idle hour or two; the plays being then, for the most part, more instructive and moral.... It is an argument of the worth of the Plays and Actors of the last Age, and easily inferred that they were much beyond ours in this, to consider that they could support themselves merely from their own merit, the weight of the matter, and goodness of the action; without scenes and machines....

Lovewit. I have read of one Edward Alleyn.... Was he one of the ‘Blackfriars’?

Truman. Never, as I have heard; for he was dead before my time. He was Master of a Company of his own; for whom he built the ‘Fortune’ playhouse from the ground: a large round brick building....

Lovewit. What kind of Playhouses had they before the Wars?

Truman. The ‘Blackfriars’, ‘Cockpit’, and ‘Salisbury Court’ were called Private Houses; and were very small to what we see now. The ‘Cockpit’ was standing since the Restoration; and Rhodes’s Company acted there for some time.

Lovewit. I have seen that.

Truman. Then you have seen the other two, in effect; for they were all three built almost exactly alike, for form and bigness. Here they had ‘Pits’ for the gentry, and acted by candlelight.

The ‘Globe’, ‘Fortune’, and ‘Bull’ were large houses, and lay partly open to the weather: and there they always acted by daylight....

Truman. Plays were frequently acted by Choristers and Singing Boys; and several of our old Comedies have printed in the title-page, Acted by the Children of Paul’s (not the School, but the Church); others, By the Children of Her Majesty’s Chapel. In particular, Cynthia’s Revels and the Poetaster were played by them; who were, at that time, famous for good action.... Some of the Chapel Boys, when they grew men, became Actors at the ‘Blackfriars’. Such were Nathan Field and John Underwood.

iii.

[Extracts from John Downes, _Roscius Anglicanus, or, an Historical Review of the Stage_ (1708), reprinted by Joseph Knight (1886). An earlier reprint is in F. G. Waldron, _Literary Museum_ (1792). Downes became prompter to the Duke of York’s men under Sir William Davenant at Lincoln’s Inn Fields in 1662.]

In the Reign of King Charles the First, there were Six Play Houses allow’d in Town: The Black-Fryars Company, His Majesty’s Servants; The Bull in St. John’s-street; another in Salisbury Court; another call’d the Fortune; another at the Globe; and the Sixth at the Cock-Pit in Drury-Lane; all which continu’d Acting till the beginning of the said Civil Wars. The scattered Remnant of several of these Houses, upon King Charles’s Restoration, Fram’d a Company who Acted again at the Bull, and Built them a New House in Gibbon’s Tennis Court in Clare-Market; in which Two Places they continu’d Acting all 1660, 1661, 1662 and part of 1663. In this time they Built them a New Theatre in Drury Lane....

Sir William [Davenant] in order to prepare Plays to Open his Theatre, it being then a Building in Lincoln’s-Inn Fields, His Company Rehearsed the First and Second Part of the Siege of Rhodes; and the Wits at Pothecaries-Hall: And in Spring 1662, Open’d his House with the said Plays, having new Scenes and Decorations, being the first that e’re were Introduc’d in England.

APPENDIX K

ACADEMIC PLAYS

[The academic drama only lies on the fringe of my subject, but I have included notes on extant English plays in chapters xxiii and xxiv, and give below, for the sake of convenience, a list of these, and another of those Latin plays which there is any positive evidence for assigning to the period 1558–1616 and to English authorship. Fuller treatment will be found in G. B. Churchill and W. Keller, Die lateinischen Universitäts-Dramen in der Zeit der Königin Elisabeth (1898, Jahrbuch, xxxiv. 220); G. C. Moore Smith, Notes on Some English University Plays (1908, M. L. R. iii. 141), and Plays performed in Cambridge Colleges before 1583 (1909, Fasciculus J. W. Clark dicatus, 265); L. B. Morgan, The Latin University Drama (1911, Jahrbuch, xlvii. 69); and F. S. Boas, University Plays (1910, C. H. vi. 293, with full bibliography), and University Drama in the Tudor Age (1914). Further material from Cambridge archives is in preparation by G. C. Moore Smith. In addition to the plays given in this list, some are incorporated in the description of The Christmas Prince (cf. ch. xxiv, s.a. 1607–8.]

ENGLISH PLAYS

Albumazar. By T. Tomkis.

Antipoe. By F. Verney.

Birth of Hercules. Anon.

Caesar’s Revenge. Anon.

Claudius Tiberius Nero. Anon.

Club Law. Anon.

Lingua. By T. Tomkis.

Narcissus. Anon.

1, 2, 3 Parnassus. Anon.

Queen’s Arcadia. By S. Daniel.

Ruff, Cuff and Band. Anon.

Sicelides. By P. Fletcher.

Timon Anon.

Work for Cutlers. Anon.

LATIN PLAYS

Adelphe. By S. Brooke (q.v.).

Atalanta. Harl. MS. 6924, with dedication to Laud, President of St. John’s, Oxford, 1611–21, signed by Philip Parsons, of St. John’s, B.A. 1614, M.A. 1618.

Bellum Grammaticale. S. R. 1634, April 17. ‘A booke called Bellum grammaticale &c by Master Spense’, authorized by Herbert. John Spenser (Arber, iv. 317).

1635. Bellum Grammaticale sive Nominum Verborumque discordia civilis Tragico-Comoedia. Summo cum applausu olim apud Oxonienses in Scaenam producta et nunc in omnium illorum qui ad Grammaticam animos appellant oblectamentum edita. B. A. and T. Fawcet, impensis Joh. Spenceri.

Editions of 1658, 1698, 1718, 1726, 1729, and in J. Bolte (1908, Andrea Guarnas B. G. und seine Nachahmungen, 106).

A performance was given before Elizabeth at Ch. Ch., Oxford, on 24 Sept. 1592, with a prologue and epilogue by Gager, which are printed with his Meleager. But the play was not new, for Sir John Harington, who records the 1592 performance in his Metamorphosis of Ajax (1596), 127, had already named ‘the Oxford Bellum Grammaticale’ as ‘full of harmeles myrth’ in his Apologie of Poetrie (1591). The ‘Master Spense’ of the S. R. entry may be a confusion with the publisher’s name. Wood, Ath. Oxon. ii. 533, was told by Richard Gardiner of Ch. Ch. that the author was Leonard Hutten, who took his B.A. from Ch. Ch. in 1578, and his M.A. in 1582. He was known as a dramatist by 26 Sept. 1583, when Gager wrote of him (Boas, 256),

Seu scribenda siet Comoedia, seu sit agenda, Primum Huttone potes sumere iure locum.

The source was the Latin prose narrative Bellum Grammaticale (1511) of Andrea Guarna. Ralph Radclif (c. 1538) seems to have also treated the theme, but not necessarily in dramatic form (Mediaeval Stage, ii. 197).

Britanniae Primitiae, sive S. Albanus Protomartyr (c. 1600).

Bodl. Rawl. Poet. MS. 215. The Bodleian Catalogue dates the MS. c. 1600. The play, described in Jahrbuch, xlvii. 75, is a fragment only, probably written in some Jesuit seminary on the Continent, but with an English interest. There seems to be nothing specifically English in the theme of Sanguis Sanguinem sive Constans Fratricida Tragoedia, which is in the same MS.

Caesar Interfectus (c. March 1582).

Epilogue of a play by Richard Edes (q.v.) at Ch. Ch., Oxford.

Dido (12 June 1583).

By W. Gager (q.v.).

Euribates Pseudomagus.

Camb. Emmanuel MS. 3. 1. 17. ‘Authore M^r Cruso Caii Colle: Cantabr.’

Aquila Cruso entered Gonville and Caius in 1610.

Fatum Vortigerni.

Lansd. MS. 723, f. 1. ‘Fatum Vortigerni seu miserabilis vita et exitus Vortigerni regis Britanniae vna complectens aduentum Saxonum siue Anglorum in Britanniam.’

Keller puts the play at the end of the sixteenth century, and thinks it influenced by Richard III.

Fortunia (March 1615).

See s.v. Susenbrotus.

Herodes.

Camb. Univ. MS. Mm. I. 24, with dedication by William Goldingham, B.A. 1567 and Fellow of Trinity Hall 1571, to ‘D. Thomae Sackuilo, Equiti aurato, Domino de Buckhurst.’ Sackville became Lord Buckhurst 1567 and K.G. 1588.

Hispanus (March 1597).

Bodl. Douce MS. 234, f. 15^v. This was ‘in diem comitialem anno domini 1596’, and the actor-list is composed of members of St. John’s, Cambridge (Boas, 398). The MS. has the note ‘Summus histrio-didascalus Mr. Pratt’ and a possible indication of authorship in the mutilated name ‘orrell’, which may stand for Roger Morrell, Fellow of St. John’s.

Hymenaeus (March 1579).

St. John’s Cambridge MS. S. 45; _Caius Cambridge MS._ 62.

Edition by G. C. Moore Smith (1908).

The actor-list agrees closely with that of Legge’s _Ricardus III_, and points to St. John’s, Cambridge, in 1579 (Boas, 393). The source is Boccaccio’s Decamerone, which suggests the possible authorship of A. Fraunce (q.v.), who used the Decamerone for his contemporary Victoria.

Ignoramus (8 March 1615).

By G. Ruggle (q.v.).

Labyrinthus (March 1603?).

By W. Hawkesworth (q.v.).

Laelia (1 March 1595).

Lambeth MS. 838.

Edition by G. C. Moore Smith (1910).--Dissertation: G. C. Moore Smith, The Cambridge Play ‘Laelia’ (1911, M. L. R. vi. 382).

The production is assigned by Fuller, Hist. of Cambridge (ed. Nichols), 217, to a visit by the Earl of Essex to Cambridge as Chancellor of the University in 1597–8. Moore Smith has, however, shown that it almost certainly belongs to an earlier visit, and took place at Queens’ College on 1 March 1595. The chief evidence is the reference in Rowland Whyte’s account of the Device by Essex or Bacon (q.v.) for 17 Nov. 1595 to ‘Giraldy’ and ‘Pedantiq’, as played at Cambridge. These may fairly be taken to be the Gerardus and the pedant Petrus of Laelia. The actors of these two parts are identified with George Meriton and George Mountaine, Fellows of Queens’, by John Weever, Epigrammes (1599), iv. 19.

Your entertaine (nor can I passe away) Of Essex with farre-famed Laelia; Nor fore the Queen your service on Queens day.

Conceivably this may also attribute authorship of the play and the device. The play is an adaptation of the Italian Gl’ Ingannati (c. 1531) through Les Abusez (1543) of Charles Estienne. It is possible that, directly or indirectly, it influenced Twelfth Night.

Leander (March 1598).

By W. Hawkesworth (q.v.).

Machiavellus (1597).

Bodl. Douce MS. 234, f. 40^v, dated ‘Anno Dmni 1597, Decemb. 9’.

A note in Douce’s hand assigns the authorship to [Nathaniel] Wiburne, who, like the other actors, was of St. John’s, Cambridge, in 1597 (Boas, 398).

Melanthe (1615).

By S. Brooke (q.v.).

Meleager (Feb. 1582)

By W. Gager (q.v.).

Nero (1603).

By M. Gwynne (q.v.).

Oedipus.

By W. Gager (q.v.).

Panniculus Hippolyto Assutus (8 Feb. 1592).

By W. Gager (q.v.).

Parthenia.

Emmanuel, Cambridge, MS. 1. 3. 16. Greg, _Pastoral Poetry and Pastoral Drama_, 368, thinks the handwriting later than 1600.

Pastor Fidus (> 1605).

Cambridge Univ. Libr. MS. Ff. ii. 9. ‘Il pastor fido, di signor Guarini ... recitata in Collegio Regali Cantabrigiae’, with Prologus and Argumentum. T. C. C. MS. R. 3. 37.

Greg, Pastoral, 247, points out that this must be the ‘Fidus Pastor, which was sometimes acted by King’s College men in Cambridge’, out of which a contemporary observer thought that Daniel’s Queen’s Arcadia (q.v.) was drawn. It is a translation of Guarini’s Il Pastor Fido (1590).

Pedantius (1581).

Caius College, Cambridge, MS. 62. ‘Paedantius comoedia acta in collegio Sanctae et individuae Trinitatis authore M^{ro} Forcet.’

T. C. C. MS. R. 17 (9).

S. R. 1631, Feb. 9. ‘A Comedy in Lattyn called Pedantius’, authorized by Austen. Milborne (Arber, iv. 248).

1631. Pedantius Comoedia, Olim Cantabrig. Acta in Coll. Trin. Nunquam antehac Typis evulgata. _W. S. Impensis Roberti Mylbourne._

[Engravings of Dromodotus and Pedantius. Introductory lines, ‘Pedantius de Se’. The title-page has an engraved border dated 1583, already used for W. Alexander’s Monarchicke Tragedies (1616).]

Edition by G. C. Moore Smith (1905, Materialien, viii).

The introductory line, ‘Ante quater denos vixi Pedantius annos’, suggests production in 1591, but the play cannot have been very recent when Sir John Harington, in a note to his translation of Orlando Furioso (1591), Bk. xiv, cited a ‘pretie conceit’ of ‘our Cambridge Comedie Pedantius (at whiche I remember the noble Earle of Essex that now is, was present)’. In his Apologie of Poetrie, prefixed to the translation, Harington also says (G. Smith, Elizabethan Critical Essays, ii. 210), ‘How full of harmeles myrth is our Cambridge Pedantius? and the Oxford Bellum Grammaticale?’ Harington, who again cites ‘our Pedantius of Cambridge’ in his Metamorphosis of Ajax (1596), 126, was with Essex at Cambridge during 1578–81, and Moore Smith has shown that the production at Trinity was probably on 6 Feb. 1581, shortly before the defeat of Gabriel Harvey by Anthony Wingfield of Trinity for the Public Oratorship of Cambridge. There can be little doubt that Harvey was the butt of Pedantius, and hardly more that Wingfield was concerned in this satire. Nashe has two allusions to the matter. In Strange News (1593) he says that Harvey’s verses were ‘miserably flouted at in M. Winkfields Comoedie of Pedantius in Trinitie Colledge’ (Works, i. 303). In Have With You to Saffron-Walden (1596) he says, ‘Ile fetch him aloft in Pedantius, that exquisite Comedie in Trinitie Colledge; where, vnder the cheife part, from which it tooke his name, as namely the concise and firking finicaldo fine School-master, hee was full drawen & delineated from the soale of the foote to the crowne of his head’, and goes on to enumerate the principal traits of Harvey touched off by the actors, who ‘borrowed his gowne to playe the Part in, the more to flout him’ (Works, iii. 80). So far, we are left a little uncertain whether the main authorship is to be ascribed, with Nashe in Strange News, to Anthony Wingfield, or, with the Caius MS., to Edward Forsett, both of whom were Fellows of Trinity in 1581. Moore Smith has, however, shown in T. L. S. (10 Oct. 1918) that Forsett refers to ‘Pedantio meo’ in the epistle to an unprinted Concio of his among the MSS. of St. John’s, Cambridge. For an absurd attempt to assign the authorship to Bacon, largely on the ground of some non-existent pigs in the title-page border, cf. E. A. [E. G. Harman], The Shakespeare Problem (1909), and T. L. S. (27 March, 17 April, 1 May, 1919). Modern ascriptions to Thomas Beard and to Walter Hawkesworth seem to rest on misunderstandings.

Perfidus Hetruscus.

Bodl. Rawlinson MS. C. 787.

Physiponomachia (1609–11).

Bodl. MS. 27639.

Dedicated to John Buckeridge, President of St. John’s, Oxford, 1605–11, by Christopher Wren, father of the architect, who took his B.A. from St. John’s in 1609.

Psyche et Filii Ejus.

Bodl. Rawl. Poet. MS. 171, f. 60.

This is a Jesuit play, on the heresy of England.

Lugentis Angliae faciem dum Poeta pingeret.

Moore Smith (M. L. R. iii. 143), who is responsible for the title, thinks that it was written at the seminary of Valladolid, perhaps in Elizabeth’s reign.

Richardus Tertius (March 1580).

By T. Legge (q.v.).

Romeus et Julietta (c. 1615).

Sloane MS. 1775, f. 242.

According to H. de W. Fuller in M. P. iv (1906), 41, this is a fragment based on A. Brooke’s Romeus and Juliet, probably a student’s exercise, with corrections. It is datable by two poems in the same hand on the royal visit to Cambridge in 1615.

Roxana (c. 1592).

By W. Alabaster (q.v.).

Sapientia Solomonis (1565–6).

Addl. MS. 20061. ‘Sapientia Solomonis: Drama Comicotragicum.’

This is an expanded version of the Sapientia Solomonis of Sixt Birck (1555). A performance is recorded at Trinity, Cambridge, in 1559–60 (Boas, 21, 387), but the prologue and epilogue to this version make it clear that it was acted before Elizabeth and the inclita princeps Cecilia, i. e. Cecilia of Sweden, who was in England during 1565–6 (cf. ch. i), by a

puellorum cohors Nutrita magnificis tuis e sumptibus.

These were the Westminster boys, who gave the play in 1565–6 (cf. ch. xii). The elaborately bound and decorated MS. bears Elizabeth’s initials in several places, and was evidently the ‘book’ officially provided for her.

Scyros (3 March 1613).

By S. Brooke (q.v.).

Silvanus (13 Jan. 1597).

Bodl. Douce MS. 234. ‘Acta haec fabula 13º Januarii an. dmi. 1596.’

The actor-list belongs to St. John’s, Cambridge, and is headed by the name of [Francis] Rollinson, whose authorship has been unjustifiably assumed.

Solymannidae (5 March 1582).

Lansd. MS. 723. ‘Solymannidae, Tragoedia ... 1581 Martii 5º.’

Susenbrotus or Fortunia (March 1615).

Bodl. Rawl. Poet. MS. 195, f. 79. ‘Susenbrotus Comoedia. Acta Cantabrigiae in Collegio Trin. coram Rege Jacobo & Carolo principe Anno 1615.’

Bridgewater MS. ‘Fortunia.’

The accounts of the royal visit of 7–11 March 1615 do not mention the play, and the date of this visit would be ‘1614’. It may be the unnamed play given by Cambridge men, not at Cambridge, but at Royston in March 1616; the actors are ‘extra Lyceum’, cf. ch. iv.

Tomumbeius (> 1603).

Bodl. Rawl. Poet. MS. 75. ‘Tomumbeius siue Sultanici in Aegypto Imperii Euersio. Tragoedia noua auctore Georgio Salterno Bristoënsi.’

Nothing is known of George Salterne, and a dedication to Elizabeth is hardly sufficient to indicate a production before her at Bristol during the progress of 1574.

Ulysses Redux (5 Feb. 1592).

By W. Gager (q.v.).

Vertumnus (29 Aug. 1605).

By M. Gwynne (q.v.).

Victoria (c. 1580–3).

By A. Fraunce (q.v.).

Zelotypus (1606).

Emmanuel, Cambridge, MS. 3. 1. 17; T. C. C. MS. R. 3, 9.

The actor-list points to St. John’s, Cambridge, in 1606.

APPENDIX L

PRINTED PLAYS

[Preliminary Note.--This is a chronological abstract of plays, printed or entered for printing in the Stationers’ Register, of which either the entry or the possible date of production falls in 1558–1616. Some of the later plays are only included in deference to the conjectures of others as to their early origin in whole or in part. The list is little more than an index; details must be sought in chh. xxiii and xxiv. I think it is nearly self-explanatory. The plays marked T. in col. 1 are those of which the first entry in the Register is in connexion with a transfer of copyright; the name in col. 4 is then that of the transferrer. Titles of non-extant plays are marked with inverted commas in col. 3; some of them (cf. App. M) may not really relate to plays at all. The symbol (s) in col. 6 is used where the imprint indicates, not that a play is printed ‘for’ a stationer, but that it is ‘to be sold by’ a stationer; it is not quite clear how far the two formulae are equivalent. The most important notes in col. 7 are those in italics, which indicate direct evidence afforded by the entry or first title-page as to companies by which the plays had been acted. I have added from other sources additional ascriptions which seem certain or reasonably probable, and sometimes omitted even title-page evidence where it obviously relates to production by a company of later origin than 1616. The notes in col. 8 must not be taken as attributions of authorship, but merely as guides to the relevant sections in ch. xxiii or to ch. xxiv. The brackets in this column indicate that the plays, being pre-Elizabethan, are dealt with in App. X of The Mediaeval Stage. Some statistics, based on this list, of the output of plays from the Elizabethan press, will be found in ch. xxii.]

DATE OF DATE OF ENTRY. PRINT. TITLE. ENTERER. PRINTER. PUBLISHER. SOURCE. AUTHOR. (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8)

1557–8 N.D. Wealth and Health J. Walley [No imprint] [Anon.] 1557–8 N.D. Youth J. Walley J. Walley [Anon.] 1557–8 1568 Jacob and Esau H. Sutton Bynneman [Anon.] 1558–9 1559 Troas Tottel Tottel Transl. Seneca. 1560, } Thyestes Powell? Transl. Seneca. Mar. 26} 1560, June 10 1560 Nice Wanton King King [Anon.] 1560, June 10 N.D. Impatient Poverty King King [Anon.] 1560, Aug. 14 N.D. Lusty Juventus King Copland [Wever.] 1560, Oct. 30? N.D. Robin Hood Copland Copland Anon. N.D. Enough is as Good as a J. Allde W. Wager. Feast 1560–1 ‘Witless’ Hacket [Heywood.] 1560–1 1561 Godly Queen Hester Pickering {Pickering } [Anon.] 1561, May 11 N.D. Free Will Tisdale Tisdale Transl. Cheke. 1561 Hercules Furens H. Sutton Transl. Seneca. 1561–2 ‘Two Sins of King David’ Hacket [App. M.] 1562–3 1562 Three Laws Colwell Colwell [Bale.] 1562–3 N.D. Jack Juggler Copland Copland [Anon.] 1562–3 1575 Gammer Gurton’s Needle Colwell Colwell Univ. [Anon.] 1562–3 1661 Tom Tyler and his Wife Colwell Kirkman Anon. 1562–3 1563, Oedipus Colwell Colwell Transl. Seneca. Apr. 28 [T. 1582, N.D. Weather [Awdeley] Awdeley [Heywood.] Jan. 15] 1565–6 [t.p. Albion Knight (fragm.) Colwell Anon. lost] 1565–6 1565, }Gorboduc Griffith Griffith Inner Temple Norton. Sept. 22} 1565–6 1565, }King Darius Colwell Colwell Anon. Oct. } 1565–6 1566 Agamemnon Colwell Colwell Transl. Seneca. 1565–6 [t.p. Cruel Debtor (fragm.) Colwell W. Wager. lost] 1565–6 1566 Medea Colwell Colwell Transl. Seneca. 1565–6} N.D. Patient Grissell Colwell Colwell Phillip. 1568–9} 1566–7 N.D. Octavia Denham Denham Transl. Seneca. 1566–7 1581 Hippolytus Denham T. Marsh Transl. Seneca. 1566–7} 1581 Hercules Oetaeus {Denham } 1570–1} {Colwell } T. Marsh Transl. Seneca. 1566–7 [t.p. Ralph Roister Doister Hacket [Udall.] lost] 1566–7 ‘Far Fetched and Dear Hacket [App. M.] Bought is Good for Ladies’ 1566–7 1566 Repentance of Mary Charlwood Charlwood L. Wager. Magdalen 1566–7 ‘College of Canonical Charlwood [App. M.] Clerks’ 1567 Trial of Treasure Purfoot Anon. 1567 Orestes Griffith Pickering. 1567–8 1571 Damon and Pithias R. Jones R. Jones Chapel Edwardes. 1567–8 1575 Apius and Virginia R. Jones Howe R. Jones Anon. 1568–9 1568 Like Will to Like J. Allde J. Allde Fulwell. 1568–9 [1578?] ‘Susanna’ Colwell T. Garter. 1568–9 N.D. The Longer Thou Livest, R. Jones Howe R. Jones W. Wager. the More Fool Thou Art [T. 1582, {1569, } Jan. 15] {Sept. 14}Four Ps [Awdeley] J. Allde [Heywood.] 1569–70 N.D. Disobedient Child Colwell Colwell Ingelend. 1569–70 N.D. Marriage of Wit and T. Marsh T. Marsh Anon. Science 1569–70 N.D. Cambyses J. Allde J. Allde Preston. 1573 Supposes Bynneman R. Smith Gray’s Inn Gascoigne. 1573 Jocasta Bynneman R. Smith Gray’s Inn Gascoigne. 1573 New Custom Howe Veale Anon. 1575 Glass of Government Middleton Barker Gascoigne. N.D. Minds [No imprint] Transl. Anon. 1576, July 26 N.D. Common Conditions Hunter Howe Hunter Anon. 1576, Oct. 22 1576 Tide Tarrieth No Man H. Jackson H. Jackson Wapull. 1577, Nov. 25 1578 All for Money Ward {Ward and } Lupton. {Mundee } 1577 Abraham’s Sacrifice Vautrollier Transl. Golding. 1577 God’s Promises Charlwood Peele [Bale.] 1578, July 31 1578, ) Promos and Cassandra R. Jones R. Jones Whetstone. Aug. 20} 1580–1 1581 Ten Tragedies T. Marsh T. Marsh Transl. Seneca. 1581, July 31 1581 Antigone Wolf Wolf Transl. Watson. 1581 Conflict of Conscience Bradock Woodes. 1584, Apr. 6 1584 Sapho and Phao Cadman Dawson Cadman Chapel, Paul’s Lyly. 1584, Nov. 12 1585 Fedele and Fortunio Hacket Hacket Transl. Anon. 1584 Arraignment of Paris H. Marsh Chapel Peele. 1584 Three Ladies of London Ward Wilson. [T. 1597, 1584 Campaspe [Cadman] Cadman Chapel, Paul’s Lyly. Apr. 12] 1585, Apr. 1 } 1592 Galathea {Cawood } 1591, Oct. 4 } {J. Broome } Charlwood J. Broome Paul’s Lyly. 1587 [8] Misfortunes of Arthur Robinson Gray’s Inn Hughes. 1588 Andria East Woodcock Transl. Kyffin. 1589 Rare Triumphs of Love E. A. E. White Derby’s? Anon. and Fortune 1590, July 31 1590 Three Lords and Three R. Jones R. Jones Queen’s? Wilson. Ladies of London 1590, Aug. 14 1590 1, 2 Tamburlaine R. Jones R. Jones Admiral’s Marlowe. 1591, Feb. 9 1591 Phillis and Amyntas Ponsonby T. Orwin Ponsonby Transl. Fraunce. 1591, July 26 ‘Hunting of Cupid’ R. Jones Peele. 1591, Oct. 4 1591 Endymion J. Broome Charlwood J. Broome Paul’s Lyly. 1591, Oct. 4 1592 Midas J. Broome Scarlet J. Broome Paul’s Lyly. 1591 Tancred and Gismund Scarlet Robinson (s) Inner Temple Wilmot. 1591 1, 2 Troublesome Reign of [T. Orwin] Clarke Queen’s Anon. King John 1592, Apr. 3 1592 Arden of Feversham E. White E. White Anon. 1592, May 3 1592 Antonius Ponsonby Ponsonby Transl. Herbert. 1592, Oct. 6 N.D. Spanish Tragedy Jeffes E. Allde E. White Strange’s? Kyd. 1592, Nov. 20 N.D. Soliman and Perseda E. White E. Allde E. White Anon. [Oxford] 1592 Ulysses Redux Joseph Barnes Univ. Gager. {Meleager } [Oxford] 1592 {Panniculus Hippolyto} Joseph Barnes Univ. Gager. { assutus } 1593, July 6 1594 Edward II W. Jones W. Jones Pembroke’s Marlowe. 1593, Oct. 8 1593 Edward I Jeffes Jeffes Barley (s) Peele. {Roberts } 1593, Oct. 19 1594 Cleopatra S. Waterson { and } S. Waterson Closet Daniel. {E. Allde} 1593, Oct. 23 1593 Jack Straw Danter Danter Barley (s) Anon. {Queen’s } 1593, Dec. 7 1594 Orlando Furioso Danter Danter Burby {Admiral’s} Greene. {Strange’s} 1594, Jan. 7 1594 Knack to Know a Knave R. Jones R. Jones Strange’s Anon. 1594, Jan. 26 1594 Cornelia {Ling and } Roberts {Ling and} Transl. Kyd. {Busby } {Busby } {E. White (s) {Derby’s } 1594, Feb. 6 1594 Titus Andronicus Danter Danter { and {Pembroke’s} Shakespeare. {Millington (s) {Sussex’s } 1594, Mar. 5 1594 Looking Glass for London Creede Creede Barley (s) {Queen’s? } Greene. and England {Strange’s } 1594, Mar. 12 1594 1 Contention of York and Millington Creede Millington Pembroke’s? Anon. Lancaster 1594, May 2 1594 Taming of A Shrew Short Short Burby (s) Pembroke’s Anon. 1594, May 13 1595 Pedlar’s Prophecy Creede Creede Barley (s) Anon. 1594, May 14 1598 Famous Victories of Creede Creede Queen’s Anon. Henry V 1594, May 14 1598 James IV Creede Creede Queen’s? Greene. {Strange’s} 1594, May 14 1594 Friar Bacon and Friar Islip E. White {Sussex’s } Greene. Bungay {Queen’s} 1594, May 14 } 1605 King Leir {Islip } Stafford J. Wright {Queen’s } Anon. 1605, May 8 } {Stafford} {Sussex’ } 1594, May 14 ‘John of Gaunt’ E. White [App. M.] 1594, May 14 1599 David and Bethsabe Islip Islip Peele. 1594, May 14 ‘Robin Hood and Little Islip [App. M.] John’ 1594, May 17 } {Ling and } {Strange’s} 1632, Nov. 20 } 1633 Jew of Malta {Millington. } I. B. Vavasour {Sussex’s } Marlowe. {Vavasour } {Admiral’s} 1594, May 24 1594 Wounds of Civil War Danter Danter Admiral’s Lodge. 1594, June 8 1594 Cobbler’s Prophecy Burby Danter Burby Wilson. 1594, June 10 1595 Menaechmi Creede Creede Barley (s) Transl. Warner. 1594, June 18 1594 Mother Bombie Burby Scarlet Burby Paul’s Lyly. 1594, June 19 1615 Four Prentices of London Danter I. W. {Admiral’s} Heywood. {Anne’s } 1594, June 19 ‘Heliogabilus’ Danter [App. M.] 1594, June 19 1594 True Tragedy of Richard III Creede Creede Barley (s) Queen’s Anon. 1594, July 20 1595 Locrine Creede Creede Anon. N.D. Fair Em {T. N. and} Strange’s Anon. {I. W. } 1594 Battle of Alcazar E. Allde Bankworth {Strange’s } Peele. {Admiral’s} 1594 Selimus Creede Queen’s Anon. 1594 Wars of Cyrus E. A. Blackwall Chapel Anon. [T. 1600, 1594 Dido [Lynley] J. Orwin Woodcock Chapel Marlowe. June 26?] 1595, Apr. 1 1599 George a Greene Burby Stafford Burby Sussex’s Anon. {Hancock (s)} 1595, Apr. 16 1595 Old Wive’s Tale Hancock Danter { and } Queen’s Peele. {Hardy (s) } 1595, May 10 Ninus and Semiramis’ Hardy [App. M.] {T. Gosson} 1595, May 23 } Valentine and Orson’ {and } Queen’s [App. M.] 1600, Mar. 31} {Hancock. } {W. White } 1595, Sept. 22 1597 Woman in the Moon Finch W. Jones Lyly. 1595, Nov. 24 ‘Rufus I’ Blackwell Admiral’s? [App. M.] 1595, Nov. 26 1596 Knack to Know an Honest Burby Burby Admiral’s Anon. Man 1595, Dec. 1 1596 Edward III Burby Burby Chamberlain’s? Anon. [T. 1602, 1595 True Tragedy of Richard [Millington] P. S. Millington Pembroke’s Anon. Apr. 19] Duke of York 1596, Jan. 20 ‘1 Chinon of England’ [?] {Gosson and } [App. M.] {Danter } 1597, Apr. 21 ‘Eunuchus’ Linley Transl. Kyffyn 1597, Aug. 29 1597 Richard II Wise Simmes Wise Chamberlain’s Shakespeare. 1597, Oct. 20 1597 Richard III Wise Simmes Wise Chamberlain’s Shakespeare. [T. 1607, 1597 Romeo and Juliet [Burby] Danter Hunsdon’s Shakespeare. Jan. 22] 1598 1 Henry IV Wise P. S. Wise Chamberlain’s Shakespeare. 1598, Feb. 25 1598, July 22 1600 Merchant of Venice Roberts Roberts Hayes Chamberlain’s Shakespeare. 1598, Aug. 15 1598 Blind Beggar of Alexandria W. Jones W. Jones Admiral’s Chapman. 1598, Oct. 5 ‘Celestina’ Aspley [App. M.] 1598, Oct. 5 1598 Virtuous Octavia Ponsonby Ponsonby Closet Brandon. [T. 1607, 1598 Love’s Labour’s Lost [Burby] W. W. Burby Chamberlain’s Shakespeare. Jan. 22] [T. 1618, 1598 Mucedorus [S. Jones] W. Jones Anon. Sept. 17] {Adelphi } {Andria } [Cambridge] 1598 {Eunuchus } Legatt Transl. Bernard. {Heautontimoroumenos} {Hecyra } {Phormio } {Oxenbridge } {H. Lownes } 1599, Aug. 28 1600 1, 2 Edward IV {and } F. K. {and } Derby’s Anon. {Busby } {Oxenbridge } 1599, Nov. 17 1599 Warning for Fair Women Aspley Simmes Aspley Chamberlain’s Anon. 1599 Humourous Day’s Mirth Simmes Admiral’s Chapman. 1599 Two Angry Women of {Hunt and } Admiral’s Porter. Abingdon {Ferbrand } 1599 Clyomon and Clamydes Creede Queen’s Anon. 1599 Alphonsus Creede Greene. 1600, Feb. 20 1600 Old Fortunatus Aspley S. S. Aspley Admiral’s Dekker. 1600, Mar. 28 1603 Patient Grissell Burby Rocket Admiral’s Dekker. 1600, Apr. 8 1600 Every Man Out of His Holme Ling Chamberlain’s Jonson. Humour 1600, May 27 ‘Cloth Breeches and Velvet Roberts Chamberlain’s Hose’ 1600, May 29 1602 A Larum for London Roberts Ferbrand Chamberlain’s Anon. 1600, July 24 1600 Maid’s Metamorphosis Oliffe Creede Oliffe Paul’s Anon. 1600, July 24 ‘Give a Man Luck, and Oliffe Throw Him into the Sea’ [Stayed 1600, Aug. 4] [1623] As You Like It Chamberlain’s Shakespeare. [Stayed 1600,} {Millington } Aug. 4] } 1600 Henry V [?] Creede {and } Chamberlain’s Shakespeare. [T. 1600, } {Busby (sen.)} Aug. 14] } [Stayed 1600,} {Burby } Aug. 4] } 1601 Every Man In His Humour {and } Burre Chamberlain’s Jonson. 1600, Aug. 14} {Burre } [Stayed 1600,} {Wise } {Wise } Aug. 4] } 1600 Much Ado About Nothing {and } V. S. { and } Chamberlain’s Shakespeare. 1600, Aug. 23} {Aspley} {Aspley} 1600, Aug. 11 1600 {1 Sir John Oldcastle Pavier V. S. Pavier Admiral’s } Drayton. {‘2 Sir John Oldcastle’ Pavier } 1600, Aug. 11 1605 Captain Thomas Stukeley Pavier Pavier Admiral’s? Anon. 1600, Aug. 14 ‘Tartarian Cripple, Burby [App. M.] Emperor of Constantinople’ 1600, Aug. 23 1600 2 Henry IV {Wise and} V. S. {Wise and} Chamberlain’s Shakespeare. {Aspley } {Aspley } 1600, Sept. 8 1601 Jack Drum’s Entertainment F. Norton Oliffe Paul’s Anon. 1600, Oct. 7 1600 Wisdom of Dr. Dodipoll Oliffe Creede Oliffe Paul’s Anon. 1600, Oct. 8 1600 Midsummer Night’s Dream Fisher Fisher Chamberlain’s Shakespeare. 1600, Oct. 23 1600 Weakest Goeth to the Wall Oliffe Creede Oliffe Oxford’s Anon. 1600, Oct. 28 1600 Summer’s Last Will and {Burby and} Stafford Burre Private Nashe. Testament {Burre } 1600, Nov. 25 1601 Love’s Metamorphosis Wood Wood Paul’s, Chapel Lyly. 1600, Dec. 1 1601 1, 2 Robert Earl of Leake Leake Admiral’s Munday. Huntingdon 1600 Look About You Ferbrand Admiral’s Anon. [T. 1610, 1600 Shoemaker’s Holiday [Simmes] Simmes Admiral’s Dekker. Apr. 19] 1601, Jan. 7 1604 Dr. Faustus Bushell V. S. Bushell Admiral’s Marlowe. 1601, Mar. 1 ‘God Speed the Plough’ John Harrison [App. M.] 1601, May 23 1601 Cynthia’s Revels Burre Burre Chapel Jonson. 1601, July 3 ‘George Scanderbarge’ E. Allde Oxford’s [App. M.] 1601, Aug. 3 1616 Englishmen for my Money W. White W. White Admiral’s Haughton. 1601, Sept. 16 1602 Pastor Fido S. Waterson S. Waterson Transl. Anon. {M. Lownes } {M. Lownes } 1601, Oct. 24 1602 1, 2 Antonio and Mellida {and } {and Fisher.} Paul’s Marston. {Fisher } {Fisher } 1601, Nov. 11 1602 Satiromastix John Barnes E. White {Chamberlain’s} Dekker. {Paul’s } 1601, Dec. 21 1602 Poetaster M. Lownes M. Lownes Chapel Jonson. 1601 Two Lamentable Tragedies Lawe Admiral’s? Yarington. 1602, Jan. 18 1602 Merry Wives of Windsor Busby (sen.) T. C. A. Johnson Chamberlain’s Shakespeare. 1602, June 7 1602 Blurt Master Constable E. Allde Rocket Paul’s Middleton. 1602, July 26 1603 Hamlet Roberts [Simmes] {Ling and} King’s Shakespeare. {Trundle } 1602, Aug. 11 1602 Thomas Lord Cromwell Cotton W. Jones Chamberlain’s Anon. 1602 Liberality and Prodigality Stafford Vincent Chapel? Anon. 1602 How a Man may Choose a Lawe Worcester’s Anon. Good Wife from a Bad [Edinburgh] 1602 Satire of the Three Charteris [Lindsay.] Estaitis 1603, Feb. 7 } {Roberts. } {Bonian} 1609, Jan. 28 } 1609 Troilus and Cressida {Bonian and } Eld { and } King’s Shakespeare. {Walley } {Walley} 1603, Feb. 23 [t.p. Nero Blount Blount Univ. Gwynne. impf.] [Edinburgh] 1603 Darius Waldegrave Closet Alexander. [Edinburgh] 1603 Philotus Charteris Anon. N.D. Massacre at Paris E. A. E. White {Strange’s } Marlowe. {Admiral’s} {1604 Croesus } 1604, Apr. 30 {1607 Alexandraean } Blount Simmes Blount Closet Alexander. {1607 Julius Caesar } 1604, July 5 1604 Malcontent {Aspley and } V. S. Aspley Revels, King’s Marston. {Thorpe } 1604, Nov. 2 1605 Sejanus Blount Eld Thorpe King’s Jonson. 1604, Nov. 9 1604 1 Honest Whore T. Man (jun.) V. S. Hodgets Henry’s Dekker. 1604, Nov. 29 1605 Philotas {S. Waterson } Eld {S. Waterson} Revels Daniel. {and Blount } {and Blount } 1604, Dec. 4 1605 Trial of Chivalry Butter Stafford Butter Derby’s Anon. 1604 Wit of a Woman E. White Anon. 1605, Feb. 8 ‘Richard Whittington’ Pavier Henry’s [App. M.]

1605, Feb. 8 1605 Fair Maid of Bristow Pavier Pavier King’s Anon. 1605, Feb. 12 1605 When You See Me, You Butter Butter Henry’s S. Rowley. Know Me 1605, Mar. 2 1607 Westward Ho Rocket Hodgets (s) Paul’s Dekker. [cancelled] 1605, June 26 1605 Dutch Courtesan Hodgets T. P. Hodgets Revels Marston. 1605, July 5 1605 1 If You Know Not Me, Butter Butter Anne’s? Heywood. You Know Nobody 1605, Sept. 4 1605 Eastward Ho {Aspley and} Aspley Revels Chapman. {Thorpe } 1605, Sept. 14 1606 2 If You Know Not Me, Butter Butter Anne’s? Heywood. You Know Nobody 1605, Oct. 16 1606 3 Parnassus J. Wright Eld J. Wright Univ. Anon. 1605, Nov. 26 1606 Queen’s Arcadia S. Waterson Eld S. Waterson Univ. Daniel. 1605, Nov. 26 1606 Gentleman Usher Simmes Simmes Thorpe Chapel? Chapman. 1605 All Fools Thorpe Revels Chapman. 1605 London Prodigal T. C. Butter King’s Anon. 1605 1 Jeronimo Pavier Chamberlain’s? Anon. 1606, Jan. 10 1606 Sir Giles Goosecap Blount Windet Blount Chapel Anon. 1606, Mar. 12 N.D. Nobody and Somebody Trundle Trundle Anne’s Anon. 1606, Mar. 12 1606 Fawn Cotton T. P. Cotton Revels, Paul’s Marston. 1606, Mar. 17 1606 Sophonisba Edgar Windet Revels Marston. 1606, May 13 1607 Fleir {rundle } F. B. F. B. (s) Revels Sharpham. {and Busby} {J. Wright} 1606, June 5 N.D. Caesar’s Revenge { and } G. E. J. Wright Univ. Anon. {Fosbrooke} 1606, Nov. 12 1606 Wily Beguiled C. Knight H. L. C. Knight Paul’s? Anon. 1606 M. D’Olive T. C. Holmes Revels Chapman. 1606 Isle of Gulls Hodgets (s) Revels Day. 1607, Feb. 23 1607 Lingua S. Waterson Eld S. Waterson Univ.? Tomkis. 1607, Apr. 10 1607 Claudius Tiberius Nero Burton Burton Univ.? Anon. 1607, Apr. 20 1607 Whore of Babylon {Butter and} Butter Henry’s Dekker. {Trundle } 1607, Apr. 24 1607 Fair Maid of the Exchange Rocket Rocket Anon. 1607, May 9 1607 Phoenix Johnson E. A. Johnson Paul’s Middleton. 1607, May 15 1607 Michaelmas Term Johnson Johnson Paul’s Middleton. 1607, May 20 1607 Woman Hater {Edgar and } {R. Jackson } R. R. Hodgets (s) Paul’s Beaumont. 1607, June 3 1607 Bussy D’Ambois Aspley Aspley Paul’s Chapman. 1607, June 29 1607 Cupid’s Whirligig {Busby and } E. Allde Johnson (s) King’s Revels Sharpham. {Johnson } 1607, June 29 1607 Travels of the Three J. Wright J. Wright Anne’s Day. English Brothers 1607, July 31 1607 Miseries of Enforced Vincent Vincent King’s Wilkins. Marriage 1607, Aug. 6 1607 Puritan Eld Eld Paul’s Anon. 1607, Aug. 6 1607 Northward Ho Eld Eld Paul’s Dekker. 1607, Aug. 6 1607 What You Will Thorpe Eld Thorpe Paul’s? Marston. 1607, Oct. 7 1607 Revenger’s Tragedy Eld Eld King’s Anon. 1607, Oct. 7 1608 Trick to Catch the Old One Eld Eld Paul’s Middleton. 1607, Oct. 12 1608 Family of Love {Browne and} Helme King’s Revels Middleton. {Helme } 1607, Oct. 14 ‘Jesuits Comedy’ {E. Allde [App. M.] {and } {Johnson } 1607, Oct. 16 1607 Devil’s Charter J. Wright G. E. J. Wright King’s Barnes. 1607, Oct. 22 1608 Merry Devil of Edmonton Johnson Ballard Johnson King’s Anon. 1607, Nov. 26 1608 King Lear {Butter and } [Okes] Butter King’s Shakespeare. {Busby (sen.) } [T. 1610, 1607 Volpone [Thorpe] Thorpe King’s Jonson. Oct. 3] 1607 Woman Killed with Kindness W. Jaggard Hodgets (s) Anne’s Heywood. 1607 Sir Thomas Wyatt E. A. T. Archer Anne’s Dekker. 1607 Vertumnus Okes Blount Univ. Gwynne. 1608, Mar. 22 N.D. Your Five Gallants Bonian Bonian Revels Middleton. 1608, Mar. 26 ‘Adams Tragedy’ W. White [App. M.] 1608, Mar. 28 1608 Law Tricks Moore Moore Revels Day. 1608, Apr. 12 1608 Humour out of Breath Helme Helme King’s Revels Day. 1608, Apr. 29} 1630 2 Honest Whore {T. Man (jun.)} Eliz. Allde Butter Henry’s Dekker. 1630, June 29} {Butter } 1608, May 2 1608 Yorkshire Tragedy Pavier R. B. Pavier King’s Anon. 1608, May 20 1609 Pericles Blount H. Gosson King’s Shakespeare. {W. Jaggard} 1608, May 20} 1623 Antony and Cleopatra {Blount. } W. Jaggard {and Blount} King’s Shakespeare. 1623, Nov. 8} {Blount and} {and } {I. Jaggard} {Smethwick } {and Aspley} 1608, June 3 1608 Rape of Lucrece {Busby and} Busby Anne’s Heywood. {Butter } 1608, June 5 1608 Conspiracy and Tragedy of Thorpe Eld Thorpe Revels Chapman. Byron 1608, Oct. 4 1608 A Mad World, my Masters {Burre and} H. B. Burre Paul’s Middleton. {Edgar } 1608, Oct. 6 1608 Dumb Knight Bache Okes Bache King’s Revels Markham. 1608, Nov. 25 1609 Mustapha Butter Butter Closet Greville. {H. Walley } 1609 { Jan. 26} 1609 The Case is Altered {and } B. Sutton Revels Jonson. { July 20} {Bonian and} {B. Sutton } 1609, Jan. 27 ‘Bonos Nochios’ Charlton [App. M.] 1609, Jan. 27 ‘Craft upon Subtlety’s Charlton [App. M.] Back’ 1609, Mar. 10 1610 Turk Busby (jun.) E. A. Busby (jun.) King’s Revels Mason. 1609 Every Woman in Her E. A. Archer King’s Revels? Anon. Humour 1609 Two Maids of Moreclack N. O. Archer King’s Revels Armin. N.D. Faithful Shepherdess {Bonian and} Revels? Beaumont. {H. Walley } 1610, Sept. 20 {1612?} Epicoene {Browne and } Stansby Browne (s) Revels Jonson. {1620 } {Busby (jun.)} 1610, Oct. 3 1612 Alchemist Burre Snodham {Burre } King’s Jonson. {Stepney (s)} 1610, Oct. 31 1610 Histriomastix Thorpe Thorpe Paul’s? Anon. 1610, Nov. 9 1611 Ram Alley Wilson Eld Wilson King’s Revels Barry. {Stepney} 1611, Sept. 14 1611 Atheist’s Tragedy Stepney { and } Tourneur. {Redmer } 1611, Oct. 14 1611 Golden Age Barrenger Barrenger Anne’s Heywood. 1611, Nov. 23 1612 Woman a Weathercock Budge Budge Revels Field. [T. 1635, 1611 Catiline [Burre] Burre King’s Jonson. July 4] 1611 May Day Browne Revels Chapman. 1611 Roaring Girl Archer Henry’s Dekker. 1612, Feb. 1 1612 Christian Turned Turk Barrenger Barrenger Daborne. 1612, Feb. 15} ‘Nobleman’ {Blount } King’s Tourneur. 1653, Sept. 9} {Moseley } 1612, Feb. 15 ‘Twins’ Tragedy’ Blount King’s Niccols. 1612, Apr. 17 1612 Widow’s Tears Browne Browne Revels Chapman. 1612, Apr. 17 1613 Revenge of Bussy Browne T. S. Helme (s) Revels Chapman. 1612, Dec. 17 1613 Mariam Hawkins Creed Hawkins Closet Carey. 1612 White Devil N. O. Archer Anne’s Webster. 1612 If It Be not Good, the {I.T. } Anne’s Dekker. Devil is in It {Marchant (s)} 1613 Silver Age Okes Lightfoot (s) Anne’s Heywood. 1613 Brazen Age Okes Rand Anne’s? Heywood. 1613 Cynthia’s Revenge R. Barnes Stephens.

1613 Insatiate Countess T. S. Archer Revels Marston. 1613 Knight of the Burning Burre Revels Beaumont. Pestle 1614, May 23 1614 Hog Hath Lost his Pearl Redmer Redmer Prentices Tailor. 1614 Greene’s Tu Quoque Trundle Anne’s_ Cooke. 1615, Jan. 13 1615 Hymen’s Triumph Constable Constable Somerset House_ Daniel. 1615, Feb. 10 1615 Ruff, Cuff, and Band Partrich Stansby Partrich Univ. Anon. 1615, Feb. 21 1615 Valiant Welshman R. Lownes Purslowe R. Lownes Charles’s Anon. [Cambridge] {1615,} Melanthe Legge Univ. Brooke. {Mar. } { 27 } 1615, Apr. 18} {Burre } 1630, July 20} 1630 Ignoramus {Edmondson } T. P. I. S. Univ. Ruggle. {and Spencer} 1615, Apr. 24 1615 Hector of Germany Jos. Harrison Creede Jos. Harrison Prentices Smith. 1615, Apr. 24 1615 Cupid’s Revenge Jos. Harrison Creede Jos. Harrison Revels Beaumont. 1615, Apr. 28 1615 Albumazar Okes Okes Burre Univ. Tomkis. {Meighen } 1615, July 4 1615 Work for Cutlers Meighen Creede {and } Univ. Anon. {T. Jones} 1615, Aug. 14 1616 Honest Lawyer Redmer Purslowe Woodroffe Anne’s Anon. 1616, Mar. 19 1616 Scornful Lady Partrich Partrich Revels Beaumont. 1618, Aug. 7 1619 A King and No King Blount Walkley King’s Beaumont. 1618 Amends for Ladies Eld Walbancke {Charles’s } Field. {Elizabeth’s } {Higgenbotham } 1619, Apr. 28 1619 Maid’s Tragedy {and } Constable King’s Beaumont. {Constable } 1620, Jan. 10 1620 Philaster Walkley Walkley King’s Beaumont. 1621, Oct. 6 1622 Othello Walkley N. O. Walkley King’s Shakespeare. 1621, Dec. 7 1622 Virgin Martyr T. Jones B. A. T. Jones Dekker. 1621 Thierry and Theodoret Walkley King’s Beaumont. {Tempest } {Two Gentlemen of Verona } {Measure for Measure } {Comedy of Errors } [W. Jaggard] {[As You Like It] } at charges of {All’s Well that Ends Well} {W. Jaggard} {Twelfth Night } {Blount } {and Blount} {I. Jaggard } 1623, Nov. 8 1623 {Winter’s Tale } {and } {and } {and Blount } King’s Shakespeare. {I Henry VI } {I. Jaggard} {Smethwick } {Henry VIII } {and Aspley} {Coriolanus } {Timon of Athens } {Julius Caesar } {Macbeth } {[Anthony and Cleopatra] } {Cymbeline} } 1623 Duchess of Malfi Okes J. Waterson King’s Webster. 1628, Jan. 9 1632 [Six Court Comedies] Blount Stansby Blount Lyly. 1630, Feb. 26 1631 Hoffman J. Grove I. N. Perry Henry’s? Chettle. 1630, Apr. 8 1630 Chaste Maid in Cheapside Constable Constable Elizabeth’s Middleton. 1630, Nov. 8 1631 Match Me in London Seile {Alsop and } Seile Dekker. {Fawcet } 1631, Feb. 9 1631 Pedantius Milborne W. S. Milborne Univ. [App. K.] 1631, Apr. 25 1631 Sicelides Sheares I. N. Sheares Univ. P. Fletcher. 1631, May 16} 1634 Noble Soldier {Jackman } Vavasour Dekker. 1633, Dec. 9} {Vavasour} 1631, May 16 } 1636 Wonder of a Kingdom {Jackman } Raworth Vavasour Dekker. 1636, Feb. 24} {Vavasour} 1631, May 18 1631 Caesar and Pompey Harper Harper {Edmonson (s)} Chapman. {Alchorne (s)} 1631, Nov. 24 1632 A New Wonder Constable G. P. Constable Anne’s? W. Rowley. 1631 Bartholomew Fair I. B. Allott Elizabeth’s Jonson. 1631 The Devil is an Ass I. B. Allott King’s Jonson. 1632, May 9 1632 Roxana Crooke Badger Crooke Univ. Alabaster. 1632, Nov. 10 1633 Alaham Seile E. P. Seile Closet Greville. 1632 1, 2 Iron Age Okes Anne’s? Heywood. 1633, Jan.15 1633 Match at Midnight Sheares Mathewes Sheares W. Rowley. 1634, Apr. 8 1634 Two Noble Kinsmen J. Waterson Cotes J. Waterson King’s Beaumont. 1634, Apr. 17 1635 Bellum Grammaticale Spencer {B. A. and} Spencer Univ. [App. K.] {Fawcet } 1635, July 17 1636 Labyrinthus Robinson Univ. Hawkesworth. 1635, Aug. 29 1637 Pleasant Dialogues and } Hearne R. O. {Hearne } Dramas } {Slater (s)} Closet Heywood. 1637, Mar. 25 1637 Royal King and Loyal Becket N. and J. Becket Henrietta’s Heywood. Subject Okes 1637, Nov. 28 1638 A Shoemaker a Gentleman J. Okes J. Okes Cooper (s) Anne’s? W. Rowley. 1638, Mar. 12 1638 Wise Woman of Hogsdon Shephard M. P. Shephard Anne’s? Heywood. 1638, Oct. 24 1639 Chabot Admiral of France {Crooke and} Cotes {Crooke and} Henrietta’s Chapman. {Cooke } {Cooke } 1639, Jan. 22 1639 Monsieur Thomas J. Waterson Harper J. Waterson King’s Beaumont. 1639, Apr. 25 1639 Wit Without Money {Crooke and} Cotes {Crooke and} Henrietta’s Beaumont. {Cooke } {Cooke } 1639, Apr. 25 1640 Nightwalker {Crooke and} Cotes {Crooke and} Henrietta’s Beaumont. {Cooke } {Cooke } 1641, Mar. 23 1641 Parliament of Bees Ley Ley Closet Day. 1646, Sept. 4} {Robinson and} 1661, Feb. 13} 1661 Mayor of Quinborough {Moseley. } Herringham King’s Middleton. {Herringham } {Captain } {King’s } {Coxcomb } {Revels } {Bonduca } {Robinson} {Robinson} {King’s } 1646, Sept. 4 1647 {Woman’s Prize } { and } { and } {King’s? } Beaumont. {Love’s Cure } {Moseley } {Moseley } {King’s? } {Honest Man’s Fortune} {Elizabeth’s} {Valentinian } {King’s }

1660, June 29 1647 {Wit at Several Weapons} {Robinson} {Robinson} {Four Plays in One } { and } { and } Beaumont. {Moseley } {Moseley } 1652, Apr. 12 1652 Widow Moseley Moseley King’s Middleton. 1653, Sept. 9 1654 Alphonsus, Emperor of Moseley Moseley King’s Anon. Germany { ‘Jew of Venice’ } Dekker. { ‘History of Cardennio’ } King’s Shakespeare. {1657 No Wit, no Help, like a} Moseley Middleton. 1653, Sept. 9 { Woman’s } Moseley {[1824–5] Second Maiden’s Tragedy} Anon. { ‘Henry y^e first’ } Shakespeare. { ‘Hen. y^e 2^d’ } Shakespeare. { ‘Knave in Print’ } Charles’s W. Rowley. 1654, Apr. 8 ‘Maidens Holiday’ Moseley Marlowe. 1654, May 13 1654 Appius and Virginia Marriott [No imprint] Anne’s? Webster. 1655, June 20 1655 Fortune by Land and Sea Sweeting {Pollard and} Henrietta’s Heywood. {Sweeting } 1655, June 20 1655 Lovesick King Sweeting {Pollard and} Provincial? Brewer. {Sweeting } 1655, June 20 1655 Poor Man’s Comfort Sweeting {Pollard and} Daborne. {Sweeting } 1656 Old Law E. Archer Middleton. 1656 Sun’s Darling Bell Penneycuicke Dekker. 1657, Sept. 14 1659 Blind Beggar of Bethnal F. Grove {Pollard and} Admiral’s Day. Green {Dring } 1657 Lust’s Dominion {F. K. } Marlowe. {Pollard (s)} 1658, May 21 1658 Witch of Edmonton Blackmore Cottrel Blackmore Dekker. {[1812] Faithful Friends } Beaumont. { ‘History of Madon King } Beaumont. { of Britain’ } { ‘Philenzo & Hypollita’ } Dekker. { ‘Antonio & Vallia’ } Dekker. { ‘History of King Stephen’} Shakespeare. 1660, June 29 { ‘Duke Humphrey’ } Shakespeare. { ‘Iphis & Iantha’ } Moseley Shakespeare. { ‘An Ill Beginning has a } King’s Ford. { Good End’ } { ‘London Merchant’ } Ford. { ‘Gustavus, King of } Dekker. { Swethland’ } { ‘Tale of Joconda and } Dekker. { Astolso’ } 1661 Thracian Wonder T. Johnson Kirkman (s) Anon. {Kirkman } 1662 Birth of Merlin T. Johnson { and } W. Rowley. {H. Marsh} 1662 Grim the Collier of Croydon R. D. Anon.

APPENDIX M

LOST PLAYS

[Bibliographical Note.--As unknown prints have turned up in the sale of an Irish collection (1907) and the Mostyn sale (1919), and others may yet turn up from time to time, I give a list of plays as to the existence or preparation for publication of which there is some evidence. These are mainly taken either from the Stationers’ Register or from the publishers’ advertisement lists (Rogers and Ley’s in 1656, Archer’s in 1656, Kirkman’s in 1661 and 1671), analysed by W. W. Greg in an appendix to his Masques (1902). One is included in Sir John Harington’s catalogue of his library of plays apparently compiled in 1610 (cf. ch. xxii). Probably some of the registered titles, in which the description ‘play’ or ‘interlude’ is not used, do not relate to plays at all. I might have added a few more of this type from A. Esdaile, List of English Tales and Romances (1912, Bibl. Soc.), xxxiii. And it must be borne in mind that registration is not proof of publication. In particular, it is pretty clear that the two long series of entries by Humphrey Moseley on 9 Sept. 1653 and 29 June 1660, from which I have taken those conceivably relating to pre-1616 work, represent unaccomplished enterprises. They are fully discussed in W. W. Greg, The Bakings of Betsy (1911, 3 Library, ii. 225), together with John Warburton’s (ob. 1759) list in Lansd. MS. 807, f. 1, of plays which he claims to have possessed in MS., until ‘through my own carelesness and the ignorance of my ser[vant] in whose hands I had lodgd them they was unluckely burnd or put under Pye bottoms’. As this list is evidently in some way related to Moseley’s entries, I have, for the sake of completeness, cited a few titles which it adds.]

A Bad Beginning Makes a Good Ending.

By Ford (q.v.).

Adam’s Tragedy.

S. R. 1608, March 26 (Pasfield). ‘A book called Adams tragedie.’ W. White (Arber, iii. 372).

This is not likely to have been a play.

Antonio and Vallia.

By Massinger (q.v.).

Baggs Seneca.

See ch. xxiii (Seneca).

Bartholomew Fairing.

Comedy in Archer’s list as well as Jonson’s B. Fair.

Battle of Affliction.

Tragedy in Archer’s list.

Belinus.

Brennus.

Sir John Harington’s catalogue of his plays in 1610 (7 N. Q. ix. 382) includes ‘Belynus, Brennus’. This might represent either two plays or one.

Bonos Nochios.

S. R. 1609, Jan. 27 (Segar). ‘An enterlude called Bonos Nochios.’ Charlton (Arber, iii. 400).

Cardenio.

Ascribed to Shakespeare (q.v.) and Fletcher.

Celestina.

S. R. 1598, Oct. 5. ‘A booke intituled The tragicke Comedye of Celestina, wherein are discoursed in most pleasant stile manye Philosophicall sentences and advertisementes verye necessarye for younge gentlemen Discoveringe the sleightes of treacherous servantes and the subtile cariages of filthye bawdes.’ William Aspley (Arber, iii. 127).

This was doubtless, like the earlier Calisto and Meliboea (Mediaeval Stage, ii. 455) and James Mabbe’s The Spanish Bawd (1631), a version of the Spanish Celestina (1499) of Fernando de Rojas, but it can hardly have been Mabbe’s, which was entered in S. R. on 27 Feb. 1630, while Mabbe, although born in 1572, is first heard of as a writer in 1611, and appears to have turned his attention to things Spanish as a result of a visit to Spain in that year.

1 Chinon of England.

S. R. 1596, Jan. 20. ‘The ffirste parte of the famous historye of Chinan of England.’ T. Gosson and Danter (Arber, iii. 57).

The Admiral’s produced ‘Chinone of Ingland’ as a new play on 3 Jan. 1596. Greg, ii. 178, is probably right in relating the S. R. entry to Christopher Middleton’s romance, _The Famous Historie of Chinon of England_, printed by Danter for Cuthbert Burby in 1597. But ‘Chinon of England’ is in Rogers and Ley’s list.

Cleopatra.

An unascribed ‘Cleopatra’, in addition to the plays of Daniel (q.v.) and May, is in Rogers and Ley’s list.

Cloth Breeches and Velvet Hose.

S. R. 1600, May 27. ‘A morall of Clothe breches and veluet hose, As yt is acted by my lord Chamberlens servantes.’ Roberts (Arber, iii. 161).

This is one of the plays stayed by a note in the Register on the same day (cf. ch. xxii).

College of Canonical Clerks.

S. R. 1566–7. ‘An interlude named the Colledge of canonycall clerkes.’ John Charlewod (Arber, i. 335).

Craft Upon Subtlety’s Back.

S. R. 1609, Jan. 27 (Segar). ‘An enterlude called, Crafte vppon Subtiltyes backe.’ Charlton (Arber, iii. 400).

Crafty Cromwell.

A tragi-comedy in Kirkman’s list of 1661. Greg, Masques, lx, thinks it may be a duplicate entry of Cromwell’s Conspiracy (1660).

Destruction of Jerusalem.

By Legge (q.v.).

Duke Humphrey.

Ascribed to Shakespeare (q.v.).

English Arcadia.

A comedy in Archer’s list, but probably, as suggested by Greg, Masques, lxv, an error for Gervase Markham’s romance (1607, 1613) of that name.

Eunuchus.

By Kyffyn (q.v.)?

Faithful Friends.

Ascribed to Beaumont (q.v.) and Fletcher.

Far Fetched and Dear Bought is Good for Ladies.

S. R. 1566–7. ‘A playe intituled farre fetched and deare bowght ys good for lades.’ Thomas Hackett (Arber, i. 331).

Fatal Love.

Ascribed to Chapman (q.v.).

Fortune.

S. R. 1566–7. ‘A playe of Fortune to know eche one hyr conditions and gentle manours aswell of Women as of men &c.’ Thomas Purfoote (Arber, i. 332).

Collier, Stationers’ Registers, i. 155, suggested that this was a ‘lottery, or game’, not an interlude, and this receives support from a transfer of his father’s copies to Purfoot’s son on 6 Nov. 1615 (Arber, iii. 576), which includes ‘The little booke of Fortune with pictures’.

George Scanderbeg.

S. R. 1601, July 3. ‘The true historye of George Scanderbarge as yt was lately playd by the right honorable the Earle of Oxenforde his servantes.’ E. Allde (Arber, iii. 187).

There seems no adequate reason for ascribing this to Marlowe (q.v.) or Nashe.

Give a Man Luck and Throw him into the Sea.

S. R. 1600, July 24. ‘Two plaies or thinges ... the other gyve a man luck and throw him into the sea.’ Oliffe (Arber, iii. 168).

Godfrey of Bulloigne.

See Heywood, Four Prentices of London.

God Speed the Plough.

S. R. 1601, March 1. ‘A booke called God spede the ploughe.’ Harrison (Arber, iii. 180).

This is not necessarily the play acted by Sussex’s men for Henslowe in Dec. 1593 (ch. xiii), or indeed a play at all.

Guise.

Entered in Rogers and Ley’s list as by Marston (q.v.), in Archer’s as a comedy by Webster (q.v.), and in Kirkman’s of 1661 and 1671 without ascription; that of 1671 calls it a tragedy.

Gustavus, King of Swethland.

Ascribed to Dekker (q.v.).

Heliogabalus.

S. R. 1594, June 19. ‘An ... enterlude of the lyfe and deathe of Heliogabilus.’ Danter (Arber, ii. 654).

Can this be the play on ‘the mad priest of the Sun’ apparently referred to by Greene (q.v.) in Perimides (1588)?

Hemidos and Thelay.

S. R. 1569–70. ‘A boke intituled the Rufful tragedy of Hemidos and Thelay by Rychard Robynson.’ Henry Bynneman (Arber, i. 411).

Probably not a play.

Henry I.

Henry II.

Both ascribed to Shakespeare (q.v.).

Hunting of Cupid.

By Peele (q.v.).

Impatient Grissell.

A comedy in Archer’s list.

Iphis and Iantha.

Ascribed to Shakespeare (q.v.).

The Jesuits’ Comedy.

S. R. 1607, Oct. 14 (Jackson). ‘A book called the Jesuytes Commedie. Acted at Lyons in Fraunce the 7 and 8 of August 1607.’ Allde and Johnson (Arber, iii. 361).

Probably only a narrative of this famous performance; cf. ch. x.

The Jew of Venice.

Ascribed to Dekker (q.v.).

Job.

Ascribed to Greene (q.v.).

Joconda and Astolso.

Ascribed to Dekker (q.v.).

John of Gaunt.

S. R. 1594, May 14. ‘A booke entituled the famous historye of John of Gaunte sonne to Kinge Edward the Third with his Conquest of Spaine and marriage of his Twoo daughters to the Kinges of Castile and Portugale &c.’ E. White (Arber, ii. 649).

Probably not a play but the chap-book source of that begun by Hathway (q.v.) and Rankins for the Admiral’s in 1601 (cf. Greg, Henslowe, ii. 216). Arber, v. 176, however, describes it as a play printed for White by Islip.

Joseph’s Afflictions.

An interlude in the lists of Archer and Kirkman.

A Knave in Print.

By W. Rowley (q.v.).

The London Merchant.

By Ford (q.v.).

Madon, King of Britain.

Ascribed to Beaumont (q.v.).

The Maiden’s Holiday.

Ascribed to Marlowe (q.v.) and Day.

Manhood and Misrule (?).

In Rogers and Ley’s list; presumably identical with the comedy of Manhood and Wisdom in those of Archer and Kirkman.

The Second Maiden’s Tragedy.

Extant in MS. (cf. ch. xxiv).

Marriage of Wit and Wisdom.

By Merbury (q.v.); extant in MS.

Mother Rumming.

A comedy in Archer’s list. Greg, Masques, xc, suggests an error for T. Thompson’s late Mother Shipton, which Archer omits. Elinor Rumming, however, might well have made a play-theme.

The Netherlands.

In Rogers and Ley’s list.

Niniveh’s Repentance.

An interlude in Rogers and Ley’s and Archer’s lists.

Ninus and Semiramis.

S. R. 1595, May 10. ‘The tragedie of Ninus and Semiramis, the first Monarchs of the world.’ Hardy (Arber, ii. 297).

The Nobleman.

By Tourneur (q.v.).

2 Sir John Oldcastle.

By Drayton (q.v.).

Ortenus.

Archer’s list has both Ortenas, a tragedy, and Ortenus, a comedy.

The Owl.

By Daborne (q.v.).

Philenzo and Hippolyta.

By Massinger (q.v.).

The Queen.

A tragedy in Archer’s list. Fletcher’s name is given, but Greg, Masques, c, says this has ‘crept in from another entry’.

Richard Whittington.

S. R. 1605, Feb. 8. ‘The history of Richard Whittington of his lowe byrthe, his great fortune, as yt was plaid by the prynces servantes.’ Pavier (Arber, iii. 282).

The play is referred to in K. B. P. ind. 22.

Robin Hood and Little John.

S. R. 1594, May 14. ‘A booke entituled a pastorall plesant Commedie of Robin Hood and Little John.’ Islip (Arber, ii. 649).

Arber, v. 176, describes the play as printed by Islip for E. White, to whom the copy was passed by a cancel. It appears in Rogers and Ley’s and Archer’s lists of 1656. Greg, Henslowe, ii. 190, finds an allusion to its ‘merry jests’ in Munday’s Downfall of Robin Hood, iv. 2.

Rufus I.

S. R. 1595, Nov. 24. ‘A booke intituled The true tragicall historie of kinge Rufus the First with the life and deathe of Belyn Dun the first thief that ever was hanged in England.’ W. Blackwell (Arber, iii. 54).

Greg, Henslowe, ii. 164, thinks this the Bellendon played as a new piece by the Admiral’s and Chamberlain’s for Henslowe on 10 June 1594 (cf. ch. xiii). The title curiously resembles that of another book, probably, as Greg suggests, a chap-book, entered in S. R. by T. Gosson on 17 May 1594 as ‘a book intituled The famous Cronicle of Henrye the First, with the life and death of Bellin Dunn the firste thief that ever was hanged in England’ (Arber, ii. 650). Perhaps this was the source of the play.

A Sackful of News.

S. R. 1557–8. ‘These bokes folowynge called ... a sacke full of newes.’ J. King (Arber, i. 75).

1582, Jan. 15. Transfer from S. Awdeley to John Charlwood (Arber, ii. 405).

1586, Sept. 5. ‘A sackfull of newes, beinge an old copie: whiche the said Edward is ordered to haue printed by Abell Jeffes.’ Edward White (Arber, ii. 456).

This is less likely to have been the ‘lewd’ play suppressed at the Boar’s Head, Aldgate, in Aug. 1557 (Mediaeval Stage, ii. 223) than the jest-book known to Captain Cox in 1575 (F. J. Furnivall, Laneham’s Letter, lxvi. 30) and printed from the earliest extant edition of 1673 by W. C. Hazlitt, Old English Jest Books, ii. 163.

King Stephen.

Ascribed to Shakespeare (q.v.).

Susanna.

By T. Garter (q.v.).

The Tartarian Cripple.

S. R. 1600, Aug. 14. ‘The famous Tragicall history, of ye Tartarian Crippell Emperour of Constantinople.’ Burby (Arber, iii. 169).

Not necessarily a play.

’Tis Good Sleeping in a Whole Skin.

By W. Wager (q.v.).

Tityrus and Galatea.

Possibly identical with Lyly’s Galathea (q.v.).

The Twins’ Tragedy.

By Niccolls (q.v.).

The Two Sins of King David.

S. R. 1561–2. ‘An new interlude of the ij synmes of kynge Davyd.’ Hacket (Arber, i. 181).

Valentine and Orson.

S. R. 1595, May 23. ‘An enterlude of Valentyne and Orsson, plaid by her maiesties Players.’ T. Gosson and Hancock (Arber; ii. 298).

1600, March 31 (in full court). ‘A famous history called Valentine and Orsson played by her maiesties Players.’ _W. White_ (Arber, iii. 159).

The relation of this Queen’s play to that written by Hathaway and Munday (q.v.) for the Admiral’s in 1598 is uncertain.

Witless.

S. R. 1560–1. ‘Playe of wytles.’ Hacket (Arber, i. 154).

Probably John Heywood’s dialogue of Witty and Witless, extant in MS. (Mediaeval Stage, ii. 446).

A Yorkshire Gentlewoman and her Son.

Ascribed to Chapman (q.v.).

APPENDIX N

MANUSCRIPT PLAYS

[Bibliographical Note.--This list includes only English texts. Most of the Latin plays (cf. App. K) also exist in MS. The English ones so preserved are generally of an academic type; on the general character of the few that are of playhouse origin, cf. ch. xxii. Of the fifteen play texts collected in Egerton MS. 1994, only three appear to be of plays written before 1616; descriptions of this collection are in A. H. Bullen, O. E. P. ii. 417, and F. S. Boas, A Seventeenth-Century Theatrical Repertoire (3 Library, July 1917). In addition to the plays named below, there are a Pelopidarum Secunda in Harleian MS. 5110, which may be of any date in the first half of the seventeenth century, and a Welsh ‘enterlut’, dated 1584 and without ascription or title in Peniarth MS. 68 (H. M. C. Welsh MSS. i. 2. 467). A full account of the Plots (‘plott’ ‘plotte’, ‘platt’) is given, with the seven texts, by Greg, Henslowe Papers, 127. They have sometimes been taken for ‘scenarie’ of impromptu plays, like the Italian ‘Commedie dell’arte’, although one of them is for the extant Battle of Alcazar; but they were probably for the use of the ‘bookholder’ or the ‘tireman’, and consist of skeleton outlines of the action, with notes of entrances and exits, and of the points at which properties and music are required. The names of the dramatis personae are generally accompanied by those of the actors who represented them. The paper on which they are written is mounted on pasteboard, and a hole cut near the top probably served to suspend them on a peg in the playhouse. All seven probably belong to companies (Strange’s and Admiral’s) with which Edward Alleyn was connected. One was utilized for the cover of a Dulwich MS., and G. Steevens, who once owned three of the others, found ‘reason to suppose that these curiosities once belonged to the collection of Alleyn’.]

PLAYS

Alaham (Greville). MS. at Warwick Castle.

Alice and Alexis. Bodl. MS. 21745 (Douce MS. 171).

Antipoe (Verney). Bodl. MS. 31041.

Aphrodysial (Percy). MS. formerly in collection of Duke of Devonshire.

Arabia Sitiens (Percy). Ibid.

Birth of Hercules. B.M. Addl. MS. 28722.

Bugbears (Jeffere). B.M. Lansdowne MS. 807.

Charlemagne. B.M. Egerton MS. 1994.

Club Law. St. John’s College, Cambridge, MS. S. 62.

Cuck-Queans and Cuckolds Errant (Percy). MS. formerly in collection of Duke of Devonshire.

Cupid’s Sacrifice (Percy). Ibid.

Faery Pastoral (Percy). Ibid.

Faithful Friends (Beaumont and Fletcher). Victoria and Albert Museum, Dyce MS. 10.

Gentleman Usher (Chapman). Alleged MS. in Heber collection.

Gismund of Salerne (Wilmot). B.M. Lansdowne MS. 786. B.M. Hargrave MS. 205. MS. in private collection, now unknown.

Hercules Oetaeus (Elizabeth). Bodl. MS. e Museo 55.

Honest Man’s Fortune (Beaumont and Fletcher). Victoria and Albert Museum, Dyce MS. 9.

Hymen’s Triumph (Daniel). Edinburgh University, Drummond MS.

Iphigeneia (Lumley). B.M. Royal MS. 15 A. ix.

Jocasta (Gascoigne). B.M. Addl. MS. 34063.

John a Kent and John a Cumber (Munday). MS. in collection of Lord Mostyn.

Judith. National Library of Wales, Peniarth MS. 508 (formerly Hengwrt MS.).

Love Feigned and Unfeigned. B.M. I. B. 2172.

Marriage Between Wit and Wisdom (Merbury). B.M. Addl. MS. 26782.

Massacre at Paris (Marlowe). Alleged fragmentary MS.

Mayor of Quinborough (Middleton). A late MS.

Meleager (argument). MS. formerly in possession of Mr. B. Dobell.

Misogonus (Johnson). Formerly in collection of Duke of Devonshire.

Monsieur d’Olive (Chapman). Alleged MS. in Heber Collection.

Sir Thomas More. B.M. Harleian MS. 7368.

Mustapha (Greville). MS. at Warwick Castle. Cambridge University Library MS. Ff. ii. 35.

Narcissus. Bodl. MS. 147303 (Rawlinson Poet. MS. 212).

Necromantes (Percy). MS. formerly in collection of Duke of Devonshire.

Nobleman (Tourneur). Alleged MS. in private collection at Oxford.

Oration of Gwgan and Poetry (Owen). National Library of Wales, Peniarth MS. 65.

Orlando Furioso (Greene). Dulwich MS. i. 138.

Parliament of Bees (Day). B.M. Lansdowne MS. 725.

Parnassus. Bodl. Rawlinson MS. D. 398. MS. formerly in collection of J. O. Halliwell-Phillipps.

Poor Man’s Comfort (Daborne). B.M. Egerton MS. 1994.

1 Richard II. B.M. Egerton MS. 1994.

Ruff, Cuff, and Band. B.M. Addl. MS. 23723.

Second Maiden’s Tragedy. B.M. Lansdowne MS. 807.

Sicelides (P. Fletcher). Bodl. Rawl. Poet. MS. 214. B.M. Addl. MS. 4453.

Timon. Victoria and Albert Museum, Dyce MS. 52.

Volpone (Jonson). MS. as yet unprinted.

PLOTS

Battle of Alcazar. B.M. Addl. MS. 10449.

Dead Man’s Fortune. Ibid.

2 Fortune’s Tennis. Ibid.

Frederick and Basilea. Ibid.

1 Tamar Cham. MS. formerly in the collection of George Steevens, not now known.

Troilus and Cressida. B.M. Addl. MS. 10449.

2 Seven Deadly Sins. Dulwich MS. xix.

MASKS

Ashby Entertainment (Marston). B.M. Sloane MS. 848. MS. at Bridgewater House.

Mask of Blackness (Jonson). B.M. Royal MS. 17 B. xxxi.

Mask of Queens (Jonson). B.M. Royal MS. 18 A. xlv. B.M. Harleian MS. 6947.

Twelve Months. MS. formerly in the collection of J. P. Collier, now unknown.

Ulysses and Circe (Browne). Cambridge, Emmanuel College MS. 68. MS. in collection of Mr. H. C. Pole-Gell.

INDEXES

I. OF PLAYS

II. OF PERSONS

III. OF PLACES

IV. OF SUBJECTS

INDEXES

These indexes are selective, not exhaustive. That of Plays is, I hope, full. Classical and foreign plays, including plays given by English players abroad, but not Latin plays written in England, are printed in italics; plays not clearly extant in inverted commas. Translations and fragmentary texts are indicated by ‘tr.’ and ‘fr.’ respectively, and compositions not properly to be classed as plays are also noted. Duplicate titles which might cause confusion are distinguished by dates or authorship. References to the main notices, in vol. iii, pp. 201–518, and vol. iv, pp. 1–74, and occasionally elsewhere, of plays belonging or conjecturally assigned to the period 1558–1616 are printed in blacker type. Titles are shortened by the omission of such words as ‘A’, ‘The’, ‘King’, and cross-references are only given from the better-known alternative titles. The index of Persons gives those connected with the Court and with stage affairs, other as a rule than the players and playwrights, who are alphabetically arranged in chh. xv and xxiii respectively. The index of Places includes, besides London localities, all those recorded in Appendix A as visited by Elizabeth, but not, unless for some special reason, those at which travelling players performed. In the index of Subjects inverted commas are used for technical terms and for ordinary objects as represented on the stage.

INDEX I: OF PLAYS

A

‘A Bad Beginning Makes a Good Ending’, iii. 315; iv. 127, 180.

A Woman is a Weathercock, iii. =313=.

A Woman will have her Will. See Englishmen for my Money.

Abraham, iii. 322, 514.

‘Abraham and Lot’, ii. 95.

Abraham Sacrifiant, i. 249; iii. 322.

Abraham’s Sacrifice (tr.), iii. =322=.

‘Absalom’ (1602), ii. 228.

Absalon (c. 1535), iii. 506; iv. 246.

‘Abuses’, iv. 33.

‘Adams Tragedie’, iv. =398=.

Adelphe, i. 131; iv. 127.

Adelphi (tr.), iii. =236=.

Aegio (fr.), iii. =209=.

‘Aemilia’, i. 131.

‘Aeneas and Dido’, iv. 122.

‘Aesop’s Crow’, ii. 83.

Agamemnon (tr.), iii. =477=.

‘Agamemnon’, ii. 169.

‘Agamemnon and Ulysses’, ii. 17, 101; iv. 101, 160.

Agarite, iii. 16.

‘Ajax and Ulysses’, ii. 63; iv. 87, 146.

‘Ajax Flagellifer’, i. 130, 233.

‘Ajax Flagellifer’ (tr.), i. 127.

Alaham, iii. =331=.

Alarum for London, iv. =1=.

‘Alba’, i. 130.

‘Albere Galles’, ii. 227; iii. 341; iv. 37.

Albion Knight (fr.), iv. =1=.

Albumazar, i. 131; iii. =498=.

Alchemist, iii. 123, 222, 224, =371=, 499; iv. 51, 127, 180, 371.

‘Alcmaeon’, ii. 15; iv. 89, 147.

‘Alexander and Lodowick’, ii. 144, 167, 170.

Alexandraean Tragedy, iii. =209=.

‘Alexius’, iv. 2.

‘Alfonso’, iv. 2.

Alice and Alexis (fr.), iv. =2=.

‘Alice Pierce’, ii. 132, 166.

All Fools, iii. 146, =252=; iv. 119, 171.

‘All Fools but the Fool’. See ‘The World Runs on Wheels’.

All for Money, iii. 23, =411=.

‘All is not Gold that Glisters’, ii. 178.

All is True. See Henry VIII.

All’s One. See Yorkshire Tragedy.

All’s Well that Ends Well, ii. 207; iii. =487=.

Allot Pageant, iii. =455=.

‘Almanac’, ii. 190; iv. 125, 178.

Alphonsus, Emperor of Germany, iv. =2=.

Alphonsus, King of Arragon, ii. 286; iii. =327=; iv. 36.

‘Alt Proculo’, ii. 286.

Althorp Entertainment, i. 126; iii. =391=.

‘Alucius’, ii. 35; iv. 97, 156.

Amantes Amentes, ii. 285.

Amends for Ladies, iii. 297, =313=.

Aminta, ii. 262; iii. 317.

Amphitrio, iii. 4, 5.

‘Amphitryo’, ii. 286; iii. 345.

Andria, iii. 7.

Andria (tr. Bernard), iii. =236=.

Andria (tr. Kyffin), iii. =398=.

‘Anglia’, ii. 277.

Anglorum Feriae (tilt), iii. =463=.

‘Annabella eines Hertzogen Tochter von Ferrara’, ii. 284, 286; iii. 432.

Annus Recurrens. See Vertumnus.

Antigone (tr.), iv. 234, 246.

Antipoe, iii. =503=.

1, 2 Antonio and Mellida, iii. 139, 256, =429=.

Antonio’s Revenge. See Antonio and Mellida.

Antony, iii. =337=.

Antony and Cleopatra, ii. 213; iii. 124, 220, 275, =488=.

‘Antony and Valia’, ii. 147; iii. 301.

Aphrodysial, iii. 137, =464=.

Apius and Virginia (R. B.), iii. 23; iv. =3=.

Appius and Virginia (Webster), iii. =508=.

Ara Fortunae. See Christmas Prince.

Arabia Sitiens, iii. =464=.

Arcadia Reformed. See Queen’s Arcadia.

‘Arcadian Virgin’, ii. 173.

Arches of Triumph. See Coronation Triumph.

Archipropheta, iii. 31.

Arden of Feversham, ii. 108; iii. 395, 518; iv. =3=.

‘Ariodante and Geneuora’, ii. 76; iv. 99, 159.

‘Arraignment of London’, ii. 253; iii. 35, 272.

Arraignment of Paris, iii. =459=; iv. 236.

‘Arthur, King’, ii. 166.

Ashby Entertainment, iii. =434=.

Asinaria, iii. 5.

‘As Plain as can Be’, iv. 84, 144.

As You Like It, ii. 6, 204, 209, 296; iii. =486=; iv. 117.

Astrologo, iii. 499.

Atalanta, iv. =373=.

Atheist’s Tragedy, iii. =499=; iv. 42.

Aulularia, i. 127.

B

Bacchides, iii. 5.

Balet Comique de la Royne, i. 176; iii. 15.

Ball, iii. 260.

Band, Cuff and Ruff. See Ruff, Cuff and Band.

‘Barnardo and Fiammetta’, ii. 144.

Bartholomew Fair, i. 262; ii. 469; iii. 227, =372=; iv. 33, 42, 130, 183.

‘Bartholomew Fairing’, iv. =398=.

‘Battle of Affliction’, iv. =398=.

Battle of Alcazar, ii. 175; iii. =459=; iv. 5.

‘Battle of Evesham’, iii. 214.

‘Battle of Hexham’, iii. 214.

‘Baxster’s Tragedy’, ii. 179.

‘Bear a Brain’, ii. 171; iv. 28.

Bearing down the Inn. See Cuckqueans and Cuckolds Errants.

Beaumont’s Mask, i. 173.

Beauty (mask), i. 173; iii. =379=; iv. 122.

‘Beauty and Housewifery’, ii. 192; iv. 99, 159.

‘Beech’s Tragedy’. See ‘Thomas Merry’.

‘Behendig Dieb’, ii. 286.

Believe as You List, i. 321.

‘Belin Dun’, ii. 141, 143; iv. 403.

‘Belinus’, iii. 182; iv. =398=.

‘Bellman of London’, ii. 253.

‘Bellman of Paris’, iii. 289, 304.

Bellum Grammaticale, i. 129; iv. 238, =374=.

‘Bendo and Richardo’, ii. 122.

Birth of Hercules, iv. =4=.

Birth of Merlin, ii. 145; iii. 474.

Bisham Entertainment, iv. =66=.

‘1, 2 Black Bateman of the North’, ii. 162, 166.

‘1, 2 Black Dog of Newgate’, ii. 227.

‘Black Joan’, ii. 132, 168.

Blackness (mask), i. 171; iii. =375=; iv. 119.

‘Blacksmith’s Daughter’, ii. 394; iv. 204.

Blind Beggar of Alexandria, iii. =251=.

Blind Beggar of Bethnal Green, iii. =285=.

Blurt Master Constable, iii. 142, =439=.

‘Bold Beauchamps’, iii. 347.

Bonduca, iii. =228=.

‘Bonos Nochios’, iv. =399=.

‘Boss of Billingsgate’, ii. 180.

‘Botzario ein Alt Römer’, ii. 284.

‘Bourbon’, ii. 132, 156, 167; iv. 50.

‘Brandimer’, ii. 122.

‘Branholt’, ii. 132, 166; iii. 230.

Brazen Age, iii. 109, =345=.

‘Brennus’, iii. 183; iv. =398=.

Bristol Entertainment (1574). iv. =60=.

Bristol Entertainment (1613), iv. =74=.

‘Bristol Tragedy’, ii. 179; iii. 304; iv. 12.

‘Bristow Merchant’, iii. 304.

Britanniae Primitiae, iv. =374=.

‘Brute Greenshield’. See ‘Conquest of Brute’.

‘Buckingham’, ii. 95, 130, 202, 217.

Bugbears, ii. 14; iii. 28, =351=.

Bussy D’Ambois, iii. 142, =253=.

‘Byron’ (1602), ii. 228; iii. 258, 267.

Byron (1608). See Conspiracy and Tragedy.

C

Caesar and Pompey (Chapman), iii. =259=.

‘Caesar and Pompey’ (c. 1582), ii. 394; iv. 216.

‘1, 2 Caesar and Pompey’ (1594–5), ii. 143–4; iii. 259.

Caesar and Pompey. See Caesar’s Revenge.

‘Caesar Interfectus’, iii. 309.

‘Caesar’s Fall, or, The Two Shapes’, ii. 179.

Caesar’s Revenge, iv. =4=.

Calandra, iii. 9, 13.

Calisto and Melibaea, ii. 30; iv. 211, 399.

Calthrop Pageant, iii. =463=.

Cambyses, iii. 37, =470=; iv. 6, 79.

Campaspe, ii. 17, 39; iii. 32, =413=.

Campbell, or, the Ironmongers’ Fair Field (show), i. 137; iv. =72=.

Captain, iii. =226=; iv. 127, 180.

‘Captain Mario’, iv. 214.

Captain Thomas Stukeley. See Stukeley.

‘Capture of Stuhl Weissenburg’, ii. 207, 367.

‘Cardenio’, ii. 217; iii. =489=; iv. 127, 128, 180.

‘1, 2 Cardinal Wolsey’, ii. 178; iii. 266.

‘Cards’, i. 268; iii. 453; iv. 238.

‘Carolus Herzog aus Burgundt’, ii. 284.

Casina, iii. 5.

Cassaria, iii. 8, 11.

‘Castle of Security’, i. 333.

‘Catiline’ (1588), i. 222.

Catiline his Conspiracy (1611), iii. =372=.

‘Catiline’s Conspiracies’ (c. 1579), ii. 394; iv. 204.

‘Catiline’s Conspiracy’ (1598–9), ii. 163, 170.

Caversham Entertainment, iii. =244=.

Cecil House Entertainment, iii. =248=.

‘Celestina’, iv. =399=.

‘Celinde und Sedea’, ii. 284, 289.

Chabot, Admiral of France, iii. =259=.

Challenge at Tilt, iii. =393=.

‘Chance Medley’, ii. 169.

Chapman’s Mask, i. 173; iii. =260=.

‘Charlemagne’ (c. 1589), iii. 260, 329; iv. 5.

Charlemagne (c. 1600), iii. 260; iv. =5=.

Chaste Maid in Cheapside, iii. =441=.

Chester’s Triumph, iv. =71=.

‘Chinon of England’, ii. 144; iv. =399=.

‘Christabella’, ii. 286.

Christian Turned Turk, i. 328; iii. =271=.

‘Christmas Comes but Once a Year’, ii. 227; iii. 267.

Christmas Prince (revels), iv. =71=, 228.

Christus Redivivus, iii. 31.

Chrysanaleia (show), i. 137; iii. =449=.

Chryso-Thriambos (show), i. 137; iii. =449=.

City Gallant. See Greene’s Tu Quoque.

‘1, 2, 3 Civil Wars of France’, ii. 169; iii. 253.

Civitatis Amor (show), iii. =443=.

Claudius Tiberius Nero, iv. =5=.

‘Cleopatra’ (Anon.), iv. =399=.

Cleopatra (Daniel), iii. =275=.

Cléopâtre Captive, iii. 13.

‘Cloridon and Radiamanta’, ii. 96; iv. 87, 146.

‘Clorys and Orgasto’, ii. 122.

‘Cloth Breeches and Velvet Hose’, iv. =399=.

Club Law, iv. =5=.

Clyomon and Clamydes, ii. 286; iii. 39; iv. =6=.

‘Cobler of Queenhithe’, ii. 168.

Cobler’s Prophecy, iii. 35, =516=; iv. 41.

Cockle de Moye. See Dutch Courtesan.

‘College of Canonical Clerks’, iv. =399=.

‘Collier’, ii. 89; iii. 317; iv. 93, 151.

‘Columbus’, iii. =434=.

Come See a Wonder. See Wonder of a Kingdom.

Comedy of Errors, i. 222; ii. 123, 130, 201, 211; iii. =482=, 506; iv. 56, 119, 171, 246.

Comedy of Humours. See Humorous Day’s Mirth.

‘Comedy of Jeronimo’, ii. 122; iv. 23.

Common Conditions, iii. 39; iv. =6=.

‘Conan, Prince of Cornwall’, ii. 169.

Conflict of Conscience, iii. 25, =517=.

‘1, 2 Conquest of Brute’, ii. 163, 169, 170.

‘Conquest of Spain by John of Gaunt’, ii. 161, 178.

‘Conquest of the West Indies’, ii. 161, 178.

Conspiracy and Tragedy of Byron, i. 327; ii. 53; iii. 147, =257=.

‘Constantine’, ii. 122.

Contention between Liberality and Prodigality. See Liberality and Prodigality.

Contention of York and Lancaster, ii. 129–30; iv. =7=, 44.

Coriolanus, ii. 213; iii. =488=, 509.

Cornelia, iii. =397=.

Cornélie, iii. 16, 397.

Coronation Triumph (1559), iv. =60=.

Coronation Triumph (1604), iii. =391=; iv. =69=.

‘Cosmo’, ii. 123.

Country Girl, iii. 237.

Country’s Tragedy in Vacuniam. See Cupid’s Sacrifice.

Cowdray Entertainment, iv. =65=.

‘Cox of Collumpton’, ii. 171, 172.

Coxcomb, ii. 251; iii. =223=; iv. 127, 181.

‘Crack Me this Nut’, ii. 144, 180.

‘Craft upon Subtlety’s Back’, iv. =399=.

‘Crafty Cromwell’, iv. =399=.

Creation of Henry Prince of Wales, iv. =72=.

Croesus, iii. =209=.

Cromwell, iv. =8=, 28.

Cruel Debtor (fr.), iii. =505=.

‘Cruelty of a Stepmother’, ii. 93; iv. 95, 154.

‘Crysella’, ii. 286; iii. 292.

Cuckqueans and Cuckolds Errants, iii. 136, =464=.

‘Cupid’ (mask), i. 174; iii. =442=; iv. 129.

‘Cupid and Psyche’, ii. 15, 171; iii. 346; iv. 216.

Cupid’s Revenge, iii. =225=; iv. 125, 127, 178, 181.

Cupid’s Sacrifice, iii. =464=.

‘Cupid’s Vagaries’. See ‘Hymen’s Holiday’.

Cupid’s Whirligig, iii. =491=.

‘Cutlack’, ii. 140–1, 146.

‘Cutting Dick’, ii. 228; iv. 50.

‘Cutwell’, i. 223; ii. 381; iv. 91, 152.

Cymbeline, ii. 214–15; iii. 111, 223, =489=.

‘Cynocephali’, ii. 93; iv. 91, 152.

Cynthia and Ariadne (mask). See Ashby Entertainment.

Cynthia’s Revels, ii. 43; iii. 145, =363=, 430; iv. 372.

Cynthia’s Revenge, iii. =495=.

D

‘Damon and Pythias’ (Chettle), ii. 171.

Damon and Pythias (Edwardes), ii. 34; iii. 32, =310=; iv. 81, 143, 193.

‘Damon and Pythias’ (puppet-play), iii. 373.

‘Danish Tragedy’, ii. 179; iii. 264.

Darius (Alexander), iii. =209=.

Darius, King (Anon.), iii. 23; iv. =8=.

David and Bethsabe, iii. 48, =461=.

Dead Man’s Fortune (plot), ii. 136; iv. =9=.

‘Death of the Duke of Guise’ (Anon.), i. 323.

Death of the Duke of Guise (Marlowe). See Massacre at Paris.

Death of Robert Earl of Huntingdon. See Robin Hood.

‘Delight’, ii. 89, 394; iv. 97, 158.

‘Delphrigus’, iv. 236, 241.

Denmark Entertainment, iii. =392=; iv. 70.

Descensus Astraeae (show), i. 137; iii. =463=.

‘Destruction of Jerusalem’ (Legge), iii. =408=; iv. 246.

‘Destruction of Jerusalem’ (Smythe), iii. 409.

‘Destruction of Thebes’, i. 129; iv. 85.

‘Devil and Dives’, iii. 411.

Devil and his Dame. See Grim the Collier of Croydon.

‘Devil of Dowgate’, iii. 232.

Devil’s Charter, iii. 112, =214=; iv. 122.

‘Dialogue of Dives’, iv. 241.

Dido (Gager), i. 129; iii. =318=.

‘Dido’ (Halliwell), i. 127.

‘Dido’ (Ritwise), ii. 11.

‘Dido and Aeneas’, ii. 132, 166; iii. 374, 427.

Dido Queen of Carthage (Marlowe), iii. 35, =426=.

‘Diocletian’, ii. 143; iii. 298.

‘Disguises’, ii. 144; iii. 256.

Disobedient Child, iii. 25, =351=.

Distracted Emperor. See Charlemagne.

Dixie Pageant, iii. =463=.

Doctor Faustus, ii. 281, 286; iii. 329, =422=; iv. 44, 48.

‘Don Horatio’, ii. 122; iv. 23.

Double Falsehood, iii. 490.

Downfall of Robert Earl of Huntingdon. See Robin Hood.

Dream of a Dry Year. See Arabia Sitiens.

Duchess of Malfi, iii. =510=.

‘Duke Humphrey’, iii. 489.

Duke of Guise, iii. 26.

‘Duke of Milan and Marquis of Mantua’, ii. 93; iv. 97, 156.

Dumb Knight, ii. 289; iii. =418=; iv. 11.

Dutch Courtesan, iii. 148, =430=; iv. 127, 128, 180, 182.

E

‘1, 2 Earl Godwin and his Three Sons’, ii. 166.

‘Earl of Hertford’, ii. 180.

Eastward Ho! i. 326; ii. 51; iii. 149, =254=, 257, 286, 367, 433; iv. 36, 42, 129, 182.

Edward I, iii. =460=.

Edward II, iii. =425=; iv. 9, 42, 44.

Edward III, iv. =9=.

Edward IV, ii. 281; iv. =10=.

Ehrebrecherin, ii. 275–6.

Elstrild. See Locrine.

Elvetham Entertainment, iv. =66=.

Endymion, i. 327; ii. 18–19; iii. 33, =415=; iv. 103.

England’s Joy (show), iii. 287, =500=.

‘English Arcadia’, iv. =400=.

‘English Fugitives’, ii. 173.

English Traveller, iii. 339.

Englishmen for my Money, iii. =334=; iv. 16.

Enough is as Good as a Feast, iii. =504=.

Epicoene, i. 327; ii. 59; iii. 222, 230, =369=; iv. 371.

Epidicus, iii. 5.

Epithalamion on the Marquis of Huntly’s Marriage (show), iii. =351=.

‘Erlösung aus der Löwengrube’, ii. 283–4.

‘Error’, ii. 15; iv. 93, 151.

Esther und Haman, ii. 285–6.

Eugène, iii. 13.

Eunuchus, iii. 5, 7.

Eunuchus (tr. Bernard), iii. =236=.

‘Eunuchus’ (tr. Kyffin?), iii. =398=.

Euribates Pseudomagus, iv. =374=.

Every Man In his Humour, iii. =359=; iv. 119, 172, 247.

Every Man Out of his Humour, i. 381; iii. 122, 128, 292, =360=; iv. 19, 119, 172.

Every Woman in her Humour, iii. 418; iv. =11=.

Exchange Ware at Second Hand. See Ruff, Cuff and Band.

‘Ezechias’, i. 127.

F

‘Fabii’. See ‘Four Sons of Fabius’.

Faery Pastoral, iii. 137, =464=.

‘1, 2 Fair Constance of Rome’, ii. 161, 171, 173.

Fair Em, iii. 325, 329; iv. =11=, 30, 36.

Fair Maid of Bristow, iii. 431; iv. =12=.

‘Fair Maid of Italy’, ii. 95–6, 114.

‘Fair Maid of London’, i. 320.

Fair Maid of the Exchange, iv. =13=.

‘Fairy Knight’, iii. 304.

Faithful Friends, iii. =232=.

Faithful Shepherdess, iii. 151, =221=, 313; iv. 41.

Fall of Mortimer (fr.), iii. 374.

Family of Love, iii. =440=; iv. 11, 29.

Famous Victories of Henry the Fifth, ii. 202; iii. 472; iv. =17=, 239.

‘Famous Wars of Henry I and the Prince of Wales’. See ‘Welshman’s Prize’.

‘Far Fetched and Dear Bought is Good for Ladies’, iv. =400=.

Fatal Dowry, iii. 314.

‘Fatal Love’, iii. 259; iv. 5.

Father’s Own Son. See Monsieur Thomas.

Fatum Vortigerni, iv. =374=.

Favola d’Orfeo, iii. 6.

Fawn, or, Parasitaster, ii. 22, 284, 286; iii. 140, =432=; iv. 42.

Fedele, iii. 316.

Fedele and Fortunio, iii. 28, 316; iv. =13=.

‘Felix and Philiomena’, ii. 106; iv. 101, 160.

‘Felmelanco’, ii. 180; iii. 471.

‘Ferrar’, ii. 93; iv. 99, 159.

Ferrex and Porrex. See Gorboduc.

‘Ferrex and Porrex’ (Haughton), ii. 164, 171.

Filli di Sciro, iii. 238.

‘Finding of Truth’, ii. 79.

‘First Introduction of the Civil Wars of France’, ii. 164, 169.

‘Five Plays in One’ (1585), ii. 106; iii. 497; iv. 101, 160.

‘Five Plays in One’ (1597), ii. 144; iii. 347.

Fleir, iii. 151, =490=.

Flora, iii. 13.

Flowers (mask), i. 174; iv. =59=, 129.

‘Forces of Hercules’ (activities), ii. 90, 272.

Forest of Elves. See Faery Pastoral.

Fortress of Perfect Beauty (tilt), i. 144; iv. =63=.

Fortunato, ii. 285–6.

‘Fortune’, iv. 88, 146.

‘Fortune’ (lottery), iv. =400=.

Fortune by Land and Sea, iii. =343=.

‘1, 2 Fortune’s Tennis’ (plot), ii. 177, 180; iii. 448; iv. =14=.

Fortunia. See Susenbrotus.

‘Fount of New Fashions’. See ‘Isle of a Woman’.

Fountain of Self-Love. See Cynthia’s Revels.

Four Elements, ii. 30; iii. 23.

‘Four Kings’, ii. 167, 169; iv. 6.

Four PP., ii. 30.

‘Four Plays in One’, ii. 122; iii. 497.

Four Plays in One. See Yorkshire Tragedy.

Four Plays or Moral Representations in One, iii. =231=.

Four Prentices of London, iii. 221, =340=.

‘Four Sons of Aymon’, ii. 181.

‘Four Sons of Fabius’, ii. 98, 394; iv. 97, 156, 216.

Fox. See Volpone.

Frederick and Basilea (plot), ii. 150; iv. =14=.

Free Will (tr.), iii. =262=.

‘Freeman’s Honour’, iii. 493.

‘French Comedy’ (1595), ii. 143.

‘French Comedy’ (1597), ii. 144.

‘French Doctor’, ii. 146, 180; iii. 301.

Friar Bacon and Friar Bungay, ii. 114; iii. =328=; iv. 12.

‘Friar Fox and Gillian of Brentford’, ii. 169.

‘Friar Francis’, ii. 95; iv. 253.

‘Friar Rush and the Proud Woman of Antwerp’, ii. 178.

‘Friar Spendleton’, ii. 132, 156, 166.

‘Fromme Frau zu Antorf’, ii. 281.

Fucus, sive, Histriomastix, i. 253.

Fulgens and Lucres, iii. 22–4.

‘Funeral of Richard Cœur de Lion’, i. 320; ii. 166.

G

Galathea, ii. 18; iii. 34, =415=; iv. 103.

‘Galiaso’, ii. 143.

Game at Chess, i. 327; iii. 438.

‘Game of the Cards’, i. 268; ii. 37; iv. 99, 158.

Gammer Gurton’s Needle, ii. 274; iii. 27; iv. 229.

Genièvre, iii. =14=.

Gentle Craft. See Shoemaker’s Holiday.

Gentleman Usher, iii. 146, =251=, 253.

Gentleness and Nobility, ii. 30.

George a Greene, the Pinner of Wakefield, iv. =14=.

‘George Scanderbeg’, iv. =400=.

Gesta Grayorum (mask), i. 168; iii. 240; iv. =56=, 109.

‘Gevatter’, ii. 286.

‘Ginecocratia’, iii. 470.

Giocasta, iii. 321.

Gismond of Salerne, iii. 30, =514=; iv. 82.

‘Give a Man Luck and Throw him into the Sea’, iv. =400=.

Glass of Government, iii. =321=; iv. 196.

‘God Speed the Plough’, ii. 95; iv. =400=.

‘2 Godfrey of Bulloigne’, ii. 143; iii. 340.

Godly Queen Hester, iii. 25, 311, 350.

Golden Age, iii. 109, 114, =344=.

Golden Age Restored (mask), i. 174; iii. =390=; iv. 130.

‘Golden Ass’. See ‘Cupid and Psyche’.

Goosecap, Sir Giles, iii. 146, 251, 255; iv. 11, =15=.

Gorboduc, i. 265; iii. 29, =456=; iv. 80, 226.

‘Gowry’, i. 328; ii. 211.

‘Graf von Angiers’, ii. 286.

Great Duke of Florence, ii. 286.

‘Grecian Comedy’. See ‘Love of a Grecian Lady’.

‘Greek Maid’, ii. 89; iv. 96, 154.

Greene’s Tu Quoque, iii. =269=; iv. 20, 125, 126, 178, 254.

Grim the Collier of Croydon, iv. =16=.

Griseldis, iii. 292.

‘Guido’, ii. 144.

Guise (Marlowe). See Massacre at Paris.

‘Guise’ (Webster), iii. 426, 434; iv. 400.

‘Gustavus King of Swethland’, iii, 304.

Guy Earl of Warwick, iii. 304.

‘Guy of Warwick’, ii. 127; iii. 289, 304.

H

Haddington Mask, i. 173; iii. =381=.

Hamlet, i. 380; ii. 193, 195, 202, 206, 209, 219, 286, 395; iii. 107, 112, 116, 117, 185, 252, 397, =486=; iv. 33, 53, 234, 371.

‘Hannibal and Hermes’, ii. 166.

‘Hannibal and Scipio’, ii. 177.

‘Hardicanute’, ii. 132, 156, 167.

‘Hardshifte for Husbands’, iii. 472.

Harefield Entertainment, iv. =67=.

Hay Mask, iii. =240=.

Heautontimorumenus, i. 75; ii. 72; iv. 82.

Heautontimorumenus (tr.), iii. =236=.

Heaven’s Blessing and Earth’s Joy. See Marriage of Frederick and Elizabeth.

Hector of Germany, iii. =493=.

Hecyra (tr.), iii. =236=.

‘Heliogabalus’, iii. 324; iv. =401=.

Hemetes the Hermit. See Woodstock Entertainment.

‘Hemidos and Thelay’, iv. =401=.

‘Hengist’. See ‘Vortigern’.

‘Henry I’, ii. 144; iii. 307, 489.

‘Henry II’, iii. 489.

1 Henry IV, i. 220, 311; ii. 6, 196, 204, 217, 443; iii. 307, =484=; iv. 36, 127, 180, 246, 371.

2 Henry IV, ii. 196, 217, 293, 443; iii. =485=; iv. 127, 180, 246, 371.

‘Henry V’ (Anon.), ii. 144, 211; iv. 17.

Henry V (Shakespeare), ii. 203, 211, 415; iii. =485=; iv. 9, 119, 172.

Henry V. See Famous Victories.

1 Henry VI, i. 260; ii. 122, 129–30, 201; iii. 55, 97, =481=; iv. 8, 17, 238.

2 Henry VI, ii. 129–30, 202; iii. 113, =481=; iv. 8, 34, 43.

3 Henry VI, ii. 129–30, 200, 202; iii. =481=; iv. 8.

Henry VIII (Rowley). See When You See Me, You Know Me.

Henry VIII (Shakespeare), ii. 95, 130, 202, 217, 219, 419; iii. =489=.

‘Henry of Cornwall’, ii. 122; iv. 2.

‘2 Henry Richmond’, ii. 161, 171.

‘Herbert Mask’, iii. 377.

‘1, 2 Hercules’, ii. 143–4, 167; iii. 345; iv. 4.

Hercules Furens (tr.), iii. =477=.

Hercules Oetaeus (fr. tr.), iii. =311=.

Hercules Oetaeus (tr.), iii. =478=.

Herod and Antipater, iii. 417.

Herodes, iv. =375=.

‘Herpetulus the Blue Knight and Perobia’, ii. 97; iv. 89, 148.

‘Herzog von Florenz und Edelmanns Tochter’, ii. 281, 286.

‘Herzog von Mantua und Herzog von Verona’, ii. 286.

‘Hester and Ahasuerus’, ii. 140, 193, 202.

Hickscorner, iii. 22.

Highgate Entertainment, i. 126; iii. =392=.

Himatia Poleos (show), i. 137; iii. =449=.

Hippolytus, iii. 3, 319.

Hippolytus (tr.), iii. =478=.

Hispanus, iv. =375=.

‘Histoire Angloise contre la Roine d’Angleterre’, i. 323.

‘History of Love and Fortune’, iv. 28.

‘History of the Old Testament’, ii. 11.

Histriomastix, i. 381–2; iii. 135, 362; iv. =17=.

‘Hit Nail o’ th’ Head’, iii. 437.

Hoffman, iii. =264=.

Honest Lawyer, iv. =19=.

Honest Man’s Fortune, i. 321; ii. 251; iii. =227=.

1, 2 Honest Whore, iii. =294=.

Horestes, iii. 38, =466=; iv. 84, 144.

‘Hot Anger Soon Cold’, ii. 169.

How a Man may Choose a Good Wife from a Bad, iii. 342; iv. =19=.

‘How to Learn of a Woman to Woo’, iii. 342; iv. 119, 171.

Hue and Cry after Cupid. See Haddington Mask.

Huff, Suff, and Ruff. See Cambyses.

Humorous Day’s Mirth, iii. =251=.

‘Humorous Earl of Gloucester with his Conquest of Portugal’, ii. 179; iv. 28.

Humour out of Breath, iii. =287=.

Hunting of Cupid, iii. =462=; iv. 54.

‘Huon of Bordeaux’, ii. 95; iii. 304.

Hymenaei (mask), i. 172; iii. =378=; iv. 120.

Hymenaeus, iv, =375=.

‘Hymen’s Holiday’, ii. 244; iv. 126, 178.

Hymen’s Triumph, i. 174; iii. =276=; iv. 129.

I

If It be not Good, the Devil is in It, iii. 271, =297=.

1, 2 If You Know not Me, You Know Nobody, iii. =342=.

Ignoramus, i. 131; iii. =475=.

Illusion Comique, iii. 16.

‘Impatient Grissell’, iv. 401.

Impatient Poverty, iii. 23; iv. =20=, 31.

Inner Temple and Gray’s Inn Mask, iii. =233=.

Insatiate Countess, iii. =433=.

‘Iphigenia’ (Anon.), ii. 14; iii. 352; iv. 87, 146.

Iphigenia (tr. Lumley), ii. 14; iii. =411=.

‘Iphigenia’ (tr. Peele), iii. =462=.

Iphigenia in Aulis, iii. 411.

‘Iphis and Iantha’, iii. 489.

Ira seu Tumulus Fortuna. See Christmas Prince.

‘Irish Knight’, ii. 98, 381; iv. 91, 152.

Irish Mask, i. 173; iii. 247, =388=; iv. 128.

1, 2 Iron Age, iii. =345=.

Irus. See Blind Beggar of Alexandria.

‘Isle of a Woman’, ii. 167, 169; iii. 253.

‘Isle of Dogs’, i. 298, 324; ii. 132, 151; iii. 353, 364, =453=; iv. 323.

Isle of Gulls, i. 326; ii. 52; iii. 150, =286=, 295, 296.

‘Italian Tragedy’ (Day), ii. 173; iii. 518.

‘Italian Tragedy’ (Smith), ii. 227.

Ivy-Church, The Countess of Pembroke’s. See Phillis and Amyntas.

J

‘Jack and Jill’, iv. 84, 144.

Jack Drum’s Entertainment, i. 381; ii. 20; iii. 138; iv. 18, 19, =21=.

Jack Juggler, iii. 27.

Jack Straw, iv. =22=.

Jacob and Esau, iii. 24, 350; iv. =22=.

James IV, ii. 296; iii. =330=.

‘Jealous Comedy’, ii. 123, 130, 201.

Jemand und Niemand, ii. 281–2, 285–6.

‘Jephthah’ (Dekker), ii. 179.

Jephthes (Buchanan), iii. =514=; iv. 246.

1 Jeronimo, ii. 286; iii. 396; iv. =22=.

‘Jeronimo, Comedy of’, ii. 122–3.

‘Jeronimo’. See Spanish Tragedy.

‘Jerusalem’, ii. 122; iii. 409.

‘Jesuits’ Comedy’, i. 323; iv. =401=.

‘Jew’, ii. 380; iv. 204.

Jew of Malta, ii. 286; iii. =424=.

‘Jew of Venice’, iii. =301=.

‘Joan as Good as my Lady’, ii. 169.

‘Job’, iii. 330.

Jocasta, iii. 30, =320=.

‘Joconda and Astolso’, iii. 304.

Johan, Kinge, i. 241, 245; iii. 22; iv. 79.

Johan Johan, ii. 30; iii. 23.

Johan the Evangelist, iii. 22.

John, King, ii. 194; iii. =483=; iv. 24, 246.

John. See Troublesome Reign.

John a Kent and John a Cumber, iii. =446=; iv. 32, 33.

John and Matilda, iii. 447.

John Baptist, i. 241.

‘John of Gaunt’, iv. =401=.

Joseph, iii. 18.

‘Joseph’s Afflictions’, iv. =401=.

Josephus Jude von Venedig, ii. 145, 147, 286.

‘Joshua’, ii. 180.

‘Judas’ (1600), ii. 173, 178.

‘Judas’ (1601), ii. 178.

‘Jude’, ii. 281.

Judith (fr. tr.), iv. =24=.

‘Jugurtha’, ii. 171.

‘Julian the Apostate’ (Anon.), ii. 144.

‘Julian the Apostate’ (Ashton), iii. 210.

Julio und Hyppolita, ii. 145, 285; iii. 301.

Julius Caesar (Alexander), iii. =209=.

Julius Caesar (Shakespeare), ii. 203, 217, 286, 365; iii. =486=, 509; iv. 33, 54, 127, 180.

Juvenis, Pater, Uxor, iii. 351.

K

Kenilworth Entertainment, iv. =61=.

King and No King, iii. =225=; iv. 125, 127, 177, 180.

King of Denmark’s Entertainment, iv. =70=.

‘King of Fairies’, iv. 236, 241.

‘King of Scots’, iii. 432; iv. 84, 144.

Knack to Know a Knave, iv. =24=.

Knack to Know an Honest Man, iv. =24=.

‘1, 2 Knaves’, ii. 244; iv. 127, 180.

‘Knight in the Burning Rock’, ii. 98; iv. 96, 155.

‘Knight of Rhodes iii. 462; iv. 47.

Knight of the Burning Pestle, iii. 151, =220=, 237; iv. 36.

‘Knot of Fools’, iv. 127, 180.

‘König aus Arragona’, ii. 286; iii. 327.

‘König aus Engelandt und Goltschmitt Weib’, ii. 281.

‘König in Dennemark und König in Schweden’, ii. 286.

‘König in Spanien und Vice Roy in Portugall’, ii. 286.

‘König Ludwig und König Friedrich von Ungarn’, ii. 281.

‘König von Khipern und Herzog von Venedig’, ii. 281, 286.

Königes Sohne aus Engellandt und Königes Tochter aus Schottlandt, ii. 281, 285, 286.

L

Labyrinthus, iii. =336=.

‘Lady Amity’, iii. 215.

‘Lady Barbara’, ii. 96; iv. 87, 146.

1, 2 Lady Jane. See Sir Thomas Wyatt.

Lady of May (show), i. 124; ii. 89; iii. =491=.

Laelia, iii. 212; iv. 53, =375=.

‘Late Murder of the Son upon the Mother’, iii. 512.

Law Tricks, iii. =285=.

Leander, iii. =336=.

Lear, King, ii. 212, 286; iii. =488=, 499; iv. 25, 48, 121.

Leire, King, ii. 202; iv. =25=, 48.

Lena, iii. 11.

Liberality and Prodigality, iii. 145; iv. 26.

Life and Repentance of Mary Magdalene, iii. 25, =503=; iv. 194.

‘Like Quits Like’, iii. 267.

‘Like unto Like’ (1600), ii. 133; iv. 16.

Like will to Like (c. 1568), ii. 14; iii. 24, =317=; iv. 16.

Lingua, iii. =497=.

Lisandre et Caliste, iii. 16.

Little Thief. See Nightwalker.

Locrine, iii. 232; iv. =26=, 44, 46.

‘London Against the Three Ladies,’ iii. 515; iv. 216.

‘1, 2 London Florentine’, ii. 180–1.

‘London Merchant’, iii. 315.

London Maid. See Thorny Abbey.

London Prodigal, iv. =27=.

London’s Love to Prince Henry, iv. =72=.

‘1 Long Meg of Westminster’, ii. 147, 190.

‘Longshanks’, ii. 144, 181; iii. 461.

‘Longsword, Sir William’, i. 320; ii. 170.

Look About You, iv. =28=.

Looking Glass for London and England, ii. 280, 296; iii. =328=.

Lords’ Mask, i. 173; iii. =241=.

Love and Fortune, ii. 118; iii. 45; iv. =28=, 99, 159.

‘Love and Self-Love’ (show), iii. 212, 306.

Love Feigned and Unfeigned, iv. =28=.

Love Freed from Ignorance and Folly (mask), i. 173; iii. =386=; iv. 125.

Love Lies Bleeding. See Philaster.

‘Love of a Grecian Lady’, ii. 146; iii. 462.

‘Love of an English Lady’, ii. 143.

‘Love Parts Friendship’, ii. 179; iii. 266; iv. 50.

‘Love Prevented’, ii. 166; iii. 467.

Love Restored (mask), i. 173; iii. =387=; iv. 35, 58, 125.

Love’s Cure, iii. =231=.

Love’s Labour’s Lost, ii. 194, 211; iii. 260, =482=; iv. 119, 139, 172, 246.

‘Love’s Labour’s Won’, ii. 197; iii. 489; iv. 246.

Love’s Metamorphosis, iii. 34, 145, =416=.

Love’s Mistress, iii. 346.

Lovesick King, iii. =237=.

‘Loyalty and Beauty’, ii. 35; iv. 96, 155.

Lucidi, iii. 13.

‘Lud, King’, ii. 95.

‘Ludovico, ein König aus Hispania’, ii. 284.

‘Lustie London’, iii. 470.

Lust’s Dominion, iii. =427=.

Lusty Juventus, iii. 22; iv. 380.

M

Macbeth, i. 126; ii. 212, 215, 269; iii. 332, 438, 439, =488=, 498.

‘Machiavel’ (1592), ii. 122; iii. 272.

‘Machiavel and the Devil’ (1613), i. 374; ii. 252; iii. 272.

Machiavellus, iv. =376=.

‘Mack’, ii. 143; iii. 299.

Mad World, my Masters, iii. 143, =439=.

‘Madman’s Morris’, ii. 166.

‘Madon King of Britain’, iii. 233.

‘Mahomet’, ii. 146, 180; iii. 327; iv. 47.

‘Mahomet’s Poo’, iii. 327, 460, 462.

Maidenhead Well Lost, iii. 347.

‘Maiden’s Holiday’, iii. 289, =427=.

Maid’s Metamorphosis, ii. 20; iii. 136; iv. =29=.

Maid’s Tragedy, iii. =224=; iv. 127, 180, 371.

‘Malcolm King of Scots’, ii. 179.

Malcontent, iii. 147, =431=; iv. 23.

‘Mamillia’, ii. 89; iv. 89, 147.

‘Mandeville’, ii. 122–3; iv. 12.

‘Manhood and Misrule’, iv. =402=.

Mankind, iv. 37.

‘Man’s Wit’, iv. 241.

Marc Antoine, iii. 337.

‘Marcus Geminus’, i. 128.

Mariam, iii. 247.

Marius and Sulla. See Wounds of Civil War.

‘Marquis d’Ancre’, i. 327; iii. 511.

Marriage between Wit and Wisdom, iii. =437=.

Marriage of Frederick and Elizabeth (shows), iv. =73=.

‘Marriage of Mind and Measure’, ii. 15; iii. 437; iv. 96, =154=.

Marriage of Wit and Science, iv. =29=.

‘Marshal Osric’, ii. 227; iii. 341.

‘Märtherin Dorothea’, ii. 286.

Martial Maid. See Love’s Cure.

‘Martin Swart’, ii. 144.

Mary Magdalene. See Life and Repentance.

Mask of Heroes, ii. 245.

Massacre at Paris, i. 323; ii. 123, 146; iii. =425=.

Match at Midnight, iii. =474=.

Match Me in London, iii. =297=.

‘Match or No Match’, iii. 472.

May Day, iii. 147, =256=.

‘May Lord’, iii. 374.

Mayor of Quinborough, iii. =442=.

Measure for Measure, ii. 211; iii. =487=; iv. 119, 171.

Medea (tr.), iii. =478=.

‘Medicine for a Curst Wife’, ii. 179, 227.

Melanthe, i. 131; iii. =238=.

Meleager, i. 129; iii. 32, =318=; iv. 30.

Meleager (argument), ii. 18; iv. =30=.

‘Melone König aus Dalmatia’, ii. 284.

Menaechmi, iii. 4, 5, 20.

Menaechmi (tr.), iii. =505=.

Menechmes, iii. 17.

‘Merchant of Emden’, ii. 143.

Merchant of Venice, ii. 195, 211, 283, 286; iii. 301, =484=; iv. 30, 53, 119, 172, 246.

Mercury Vindicated from the Alchemists (mask), i. 174; iii. =389=; iv. 130.

‘Merry as May Be’, ii. 180.

Merry Devil of Edmonton, iv. 12, =30=, 36, 127, 180.

Merry Wives of Windsor, ii. 64, 204, 211; iii. 185, =486=; iv. 30, 53, 119, 171.

Messallina, ii. 519.

Metropolis Coronata (show), i. 137; iii. =449=.

Michaelmas Term, iii. 143, =440=.

Midas, ii. 18; iii. 34, =416=; iv. 104.

Middle Temple and Lincoln’s Inn Mask. See Chapman’s Mask.

Midsummer Night’s Dream, i. 124; ii. 117, 194; iii. =483=; iv. 36, 109, 118, 246.

Miles Gloriosus, i. 75; ii. 72; iii. 5, 20; iv. 3, 82.

‘Miller’, ii. 168; iii. 407.

Minds (tr.), iv. =31=.

‘Mingo’, ii. 89.

Miseries of Enforced Marriage, iii. =513=; iv. 55.

Misfortunes of Arthur, iii. 30, =348=; iv. 103.

Misogonus, iii. 24; iv. =31=.

Moll Cut-Purse. See Roaring Girl.

Monsieur d’Olive, iii. 146, =252=.

Monsieur Thomas, iii. =228=.

Montague Mask, iii. 321.

More, Sir Thomas, i. 321; iv. 21, =32=.

‘Mortimer’, iii. 425.

Mother Bombie, iii. 34, =416=.

‘Mother Redcap’, ii. 166.

‘Mother Rumming’, iv. =402=.

Mountebanks Mask, iii. 240, 435.

Mucedorus, i. 328; ii. 286; iii. 271; iv. 12, 30, =34=.

Much Ado About Nothing, ii. 197, 217, 300, 312; iii. =485=; iv. 16, 127, 180.

Mulleasses. See Turk.

‘Mulmutius Dunwallow’, ii. 170.

‘Muly Mollocco’, ii. 122–3; iii. 460.

‘Murderous Michael’, ii. 93; iv. 4, 96, 155.

Mustapha, iii. =331=.

‘Mutius Scaevola’, ii. 35, 63; iv. 91, 151.

N

‘Narcissus’ (1572), iv. 87, 146.

Narcissus (1603), iv. =36=.

‘Nebuchadnezzar’, ii. 144.

Necromantes, iii. =464=.

Nero (Anon.), iv. 5.

Nero (Gwynne), iii. =332=.

‘Netherlands’, iv. =402=.

New Custom, iv. =36=.

New Wonder, A Woman Never Vexed, iii. =474=.

‘New World’s Tragedy’, ii. 144.

Nice Wanton, iii. 23.

Nightwalker, iii. =230=.

‘Niniveh’s Repentance’, iv. =402=.

‘Ninus and Semiramis’, iv. =402=.

No Wit, no Help, like a Woman’s, iii. =441=.

Noble Soldier, iii. 288, =300=.

‘Nobleman’, iii. =500=; iv. 126, 127, 178, 180.

Nobody and Somebody, iv. =37=.

Northern Man. See Too Good to be True.

Northward Ho! iii. 141, 286, =295=.

‘Nugize’, iv. 37.

O

Oberon (mask), i. 173; iii. =385=; iv. 35, 58, 125.

Octavia (tr.), iii. =478=.

Oedipus (fr.), iii. =319=.

Oedipus (tr.), iii. =477=.

Old Fortunatus, ii. 281, 286; iii. =290=; iv. 112.

Old Law, iii. =438=.

Old Wive’s Tale, iii. 48, 329, =461=.

1, ‘2’ Oldcastle, ii. 6, 171, 218; iii. =306=.

‘Olympo’, ii. 143; iii. 344.

Oration of Gwgan and Poetry (Welsh), iii. =457=.

Orestes. See Horestes.

‘Orestes Furious’. See ‘Agamemnon’.

Orlando Furioso, i. 378; ii. 286; iii. 325, =329=, 461, 472.

‘Orphans’ Tragedy’, ii. 173, 179; iii. 518.

‘Ortenus’, iv. =402=.

‘Osric’, ii. 147.

Othello, ii. 207, 211, 215, 217; iii. 112, =487=; iv. 68, 119, 127, 138, 171, 180, 371.

Overthrow of Rebels. See Sir Thomas Wyatt.

‘Owen Tudor’, ii. 173.

‘Owl’, ii. 253; iii. 233, 272.

P

‘Page of Plymouth’, ii. 171.

‘Painful Pilgrimage’, iv. 84, 144.

‘Painter’s Daughter’, ii. 98; iv. 93, 151.

‘Palamon and Arcite’ (Anon.), ii. =143=.

‘Palamon and Arcite’ (Edwardes), i. 128; iii. =311=.

Pammachius, i. 241.

Pandoste, iii. 16–17.

‘Panecia’, ii. 88; iv. 91, 149.

Panniculus Hippolyto Assutus, iii. =319=.

‘Paradox’, ii. 144.

Parasitaster. See Fawn.

Pardoner and Frere, ii. 30; iii. 22.

‘Paris and Vienna’, ii. 75; iv. 87, 146.

Parliament of Bees (dialogues), iii. =287=, 299, 300.

1, 2, 3 Parnassus, i. 381, 385; iv. =38=.

Parthenia, iv. =376=.

Pasquill and Katherine. See Jack Drum’s Entertainment.

‘Passion of Christ’, iii. 211.

Pastor Fido (tr.), iv. =40=.

Pastor Fidus (tr.), iv. =376=.

Pastoral Dialogue, iii. =492=.

‘Pastoral Tragedy’, ii. 170.

Pathomachia, iii. 499.

Patient Grissell (Dekker), ii. 286; iii. =292=.

Patient Grissell (Phillip), iii. 38, =465=.

Pedantius, iv. 49, 238, =376=.

Pedlar’s Prophecy, iv. =41=.

Penates. See Highgate Entertainment.

Penulus, iii. 5.

Perfidus Etruscus, iv. 377.

Periander. See Christmas Prince.

Pericles, ii. 213; iii. =488=, 513; iv. 41.

‘Perseus and Andromeda’, ii. 76; iv. 88, 90, 146, 148.

‘Phaethon’, ii. 164, 166, 178; iii. 300.

‘Phedrastus’, ii. 93; iv. 91, 149.

‘Phigon and Lucia’, ii. 93; iv. 91, 149.

Philaster, or, Love Lies Bleeding, iii. =222=, 224; iv. 127, 180.

‘Philemon and Philecia’, ii. 88; iv. 90, 148.

‘Philenzo and Hypollita’, ii. 145; iii. 301.

‘Philip of Spain’, ii. 181; iii. 343.

‘Philipo and Hippolito’, ii. 143; iii. 300.

Phillis and Amyntas (tr.), iii. =316=.

‘Philole und Mariana’, ii. 289; iii. 418.

Philomathes. See Christmas Prince.

Philomela. See Christmas Prince.

Philotas (Daniel), i. 326; iii. 150, =275=.

‘Philotas’ (Lateware), iii. 275.

Philotus, iv. =41=.

‘Phocas’, ii. 144, 167.

Phoenissae, iii. 321.

Phoenix, iii. 143, =439=; iv. 118.

Phormio, ii. 11; iii. 20.

Phormio (tr.), iii. =236=.

‘Phyllida and Corin’, ii. 106; iv. 101, 160.

Physiponomachia, iv. 377.

‘Pierce of Exton’, ii. 167.

‘Pierce of Winchester’, ii. 169.

Pinner of Wakefield. See George a Greene.

‘Plays and Pastimes’, i. 257; ii. 394; iv. 217.

Pleasant Dialogues and Dramas, ii. 448; iii. =346=.

Poetaster, i. 380–1, 384; ii. 43; iii. 146, 293, =364=, 430; iv. 21, 372.

Polyhymnia (tilt), i. 145; iii. =402=.

‘Pompey’, ii. 15, 394; iv. 97, 158.

‘Pontius Pilate’, ii. 168, 180.

Poor Man’s Comfort, iii. =271=.

‘Poor Man’s Paradise’, ii. 173.

‘Pope Joan’, ii. 122.

Porcie, iii. 397.

‘Portio and Demorantes’, ii. 93; iv. 97, 156.

‘Practice of Parasites’, iv. 206.

‘Praise at Parting’, iv. 214.

‘Predor and Lucia’, ii. 88; iv. 89, 147.

‘Pretestus’, ii. 97; iv. 91, 149.

Prince Henry’s Barriers, iii. =393=.

Princely Pleasures at Kenilworth. See Kenilworth Entertainment.

Prodigal Child (fr.), iii. 445.

‘Prodigality’, iv. 26, 84, 144.

‘Progne’, i. 129; iii. 239.

Progne, iii. 239.

Progress of James I from Scotland, iv. =68=.

Promos and Cassandra, iii. 29, =512=; iv. 201.

Prophetae, i. 241.

Prophetess, iii. 298.

Proteus (mask). See Gesta Grayorum.

‘Proud Maid’s Tragedy’, iii. 441; iv. 126, 178.

Psyche et Filii ejus, iv. =377=.

‘Ptolome’, ii. 380; iv. 204.

Puritan, i. 262; iii. 143; iv. =41=, 249.

Pyrame et Thisbée, iii. 16–17.

‘Pyramo und Thisbe’, ii. 283.

‘Pythagoras’, ii. 144, 167.

Q

‘Queen’, iv. =402=.

‘Queen of Ethiopia’, ii. 135.

Queens (mask), i. 173; iii. =382=; iv. 123.

Queen’s Arcadia, i. 131; iii. 227, =276=, 373.

‘Quintus Fabius’, ii. 63; iv. 89, 148.

R

Ralph Roister Doister, ii. 14, 70, 74; iii. 27; iv. 188.

Ram Alley, iii. =215=; iv. 16.

‘Randulf Earl of Chester’, ii. 180; iii. 446.

‘Ranger’s Comedy’, ii. 96, 114, 140, 146.

Rape of Lucrece, iii. =343=; iv. 126, 178.

‘Rape of the Second Helen’, ii. 93; iv. 96, 154.

Rare Triumphs of Love and Fortune. See Love and Fortune.

‘Raymond Duke of Lyons’, ii. 248; iv. 127, 181.

‘Re Vera’, iii. 476.

‘Red Knight’, ii. 93.

‘Reich Mann und arme Lazarus’, ii. 281, 286.

Rencontre, iii. 13.

Revenge for a Father. See Hoffman.

Revenge for Honour, iii. 260.

Revenge of Bussy D’Ambois, iii. =258=.

Revenger’s Tragedy, iv. =42=, 45.

1 Richard II (c. 1592), iv. =42=.

Richard II, i. 220, 325; ii. 194, 204, 270; iii. =484=; iv. 43, 246.

‘Richard II’ (1611), ii. 216.

‘Richard III’ (Rowley), iii. 472.

Richard III (Shakespeare), ii. 95, 130, 202, 448; iii. =481=; iv. 44, 246.

Richard III. See True Tragedy.

‘Richard Crookback’, ii. 179.

Richard Duke of York. See Contention of York and Lancaster.

‘Richard the Confessor’, ii. 95.

‘Richard Whittington’, ii. 189; iv. =402=.

Richardus Tertius, iii. =408=; iv. 238, 246.

Rivales, i. 129, 251; iii. =319=.

Roaring Girl, ii. 439; iii. =296=; iv. 254.

Robert Laneham’s Letter. See Kenilworth Entertainment.

‘Robert II, or, The Scot’s Tragedy’, ii. 171.

‘Robin Goodfellow’, iii. 279.

‘Robin Goodfellow’ (forgery), iii. 267.

1, 2 Robin Hood, ii. 6; iii. =446=.

Robin Hood (May game), iv. =44=.

‘Robin Hood and Little John’, iii. 447; iv. =402=.

‘Robin Hood’s Pennyworths’, ii. 178.

‘Roderick’, ii. 133.

Romeo and Juliet, ii. 194, 196, 203, 283, 286, 403; iii. 51, 58, 59, 66, 83, 94, 98, 99, 200, =483=; iv. 246.

Romeus et Julietta, iv. =378=.

Roxana, ii. 519; iii. =208=.

Royal King and Loyal Subject, iii. =341=.

‘Royal Widow of England’, ii. 46.

Ruff, Cuff and Band, iv. =44=.

‘Rufus I’, iv. =403=.

Running Stream Entertainment, iii. =443=.

Rycote Entertainment, iv. =66=.

S

‘Sackful of News’, ii. 444; iv. =403=.

Sad Shepherd (fr.), iii. 374.

S. Albanus Protomartyr. See Britanniae Primitiae.

‘Samson’ (1567), ii. 380.

‘Samson’ (1602), ii. 180, 367.

‘Samson’ (c. 1607), iii. 120.

Sapho and Phao, ii. 17, 39; iii. 33, =414=; iv. 100.

Sapientia Solomonis, ii. 74; iv. =378=.

‘Sarpedon’, ii. 93; iv. 97, 157.

Satiromastix, i. 381; iii. 141, 253, =293=, 353, 364–6; iv. 21, 40, 47.

Saturnalia. See Christmas Prince.

Satyr. See Althorp Entertainment.

‘Scipio Africanus’, ii. 15; iv. 97, 156.

‘Scogan and Skelton’, ii. 178.

Scornful Lady, iii. =229=; iv. 371.

‘Scot’s Tragedy’. See Robert II.

Scourge of Simony. See Parnassus.

Scyros, i. 131; iii. =238=; iv. 127.

Sea Feast. See Aphrodysial.

‘Sebastian of Portugal’, ii. 178.

Second Maiden’s Tragedy, i. 321; iii. 224; iv. =45=.

Sejanus, i. 327; iii. 255, =366=, 433.

‘Self Love’, ii. 83.

Selimus, iv. 27, =46=.

‘Set at Maw’, ii. 143; iii. 297.

‘Set at Tennis’, ii. 177, 180; iii. 448; iv. 14.

‘1, 2 Seven Days of the Week’, ii. 144.

Seven Days of the Week. See Christmas Prince.

Seven Deadly Sins, ii. 107, 122, 125; iii. =496=; iv. 33.

‘Seven Wise Masters’, ii. 171.

‘She Saint’, ii. 253.

‘Shepherd’s Song’ (show), iii. 313.

Shoemaker a Gentleman, iii. =473=.

Shoemaker’s Holiday, iii. =291=; iv. 112.

Shore. See Edward IV.

‘Short and Sweet’, iii. 516; iv. 206.

Sicelides, i. 131; iii. =315=.

Sidonia und Theagenes, ii. 285.

‘Siege of Dunkirk and Alleyn the Pirate’, ii. 181.

‘Siege of Edinburgh Castle’, iii. 283.

‘Siege of London’, ii. 146.

Silent Woman. See Epicoene.

Silvanus, iv. =378=.

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