The Anatomy of Melancholy (part 5 of 6)

The Anatomy of Melancholy (part 5 of 6)

Quod licet ingratum est, that which is ordinary, is unpleasant. Nero (saith Tacitus) abhorred Octavia his own wife, a noble virtuous lady, and loved Acte, a base quean in respect. [6076]Cerinthus rejected Sulpitia, a nobleman's daughter, and courted a poor servant maid.—tanta est aliena in messe voluptas, for that [6077]stolen waters be more pleasant: or as Vitellius the emperor was wont to say, Jucundiores amores, qui cum periculo habentur, like stolen venison, still the sweetest is that love which is most difficultly attained: they like better to hunt by stealth in another man's walk, than to have the fairest course that may be at game of their own. [6078]Aspice ut in coelo modo sol, modo luna ministret, Sic etiam nobis una pella parum est.

As sun and moon in heaven change their course, So they change loves, though often to the worse.

Or that some fair object so forcibly moves them, they cannot contain themselves, be it heard or seen they will be at it. [6079]Nessus, the centaur, was by agreement to carry Hercules and his wife over the river Evenus; no sooner had he set Dejanira on the other side, but he would have offered violence unto her, leaving Hercules to swim over as he could: and though her husband was a spectator, yet would he not desist till Hercules, with a poisoned arrow, shot him to death. [6080]Neptune saw by chance that Thessalian Tyro, Eunippius' wife, he forthwith, in the fury of his lust, counterfeited her husband's habit, and made him cuckold. Tarquin heard Collatine commend his wife, and was so far enraged, that in the midst of the night to her he went. [6081]Theseus stole Ariadne, vi rapuit that Trazenian Anaxa, Antiope, and now being old, Helen, a girl not yet ready for a husband. Great men are most part thus affected all, as a horse they neigh, saith [6082]Jeremiah, after their neighbours' wives,—ut visa pullus adhinnit equa: and if they be in company with other women, though in their own wives' presence, they must be courting and dallying with them. Juno in Lucian complains of Jupiter that he was still kissing Ganymede before her face, which did not a little offend her: and besides he was a counterfeit Amphitryo, a bull, a swan, a golden shower, and played many such bad pranks, too long, too shameful to relate. Or that they care little for their own ladies, and fear no laws, they dare freely keep whores at their wives' noses. 'Tis too frequent with noblemen to be dishonest; Pielas, probitas, fides, privata bona sunt, as [6083]he said long since, piety, chastity, and such like virtues are for private men: not to be much looked after in great courts: and which Suetonius of the good princes of his time, they might be all engraven in one ring, we may truly hold of chaste potentates of our age. For great personages will familiarly run out in this kind, and yield occasion of offence. [6084] Montaigne, in his Essays, gives instate in Caesar, Mahomet the Turk, that sacked Constantinople, and Ladislaus, king of Naples, that besieged Florence: great men, and great soldiers, are commonly great, &c., probatum est, they are good doers. Mars and Venus are equally balanced in their actions, [6085]Militis in galea nidum fecere columbae, Apparet Marti quam sit amica Venus.

A dove within a headpiece made her nest, 'Twixt Mars and Venus see an interest.

Especially if they be bald, for bald men have ever been suspicious (read more in Aristotle, Sect. 4. prob. 19.) as Galba, Otho, Domitian, and remarkable Caesar amongst the rest. [6086]Urbani servate uxores, maechum calvum adducimus; besides, this bald Caesar, saith Curio in Sueton, was omnium mulierum vir; he made love to Eunoe, queen of Mauritania; to Cleopatra; to Posthumia, wife to Sergius Sulpitius; to Lollia, wife to Gabinius; to Tertulla, of Crassus; to Mutia, Pompey's wife, and I know not how many besides: and well he might, for, if all be true that I have read, he had a license to lie with whom he list. Inter alios honores Caesari decretos (as Sueton, cap. 52. de Julio, and Dion, lib. 44. relate) jus illi datum, cum quibuscunque faeminis se jungendi. Every private history will yield such variety of instances: otherwise good, wise, discreet men, virtuous and valiant, but too faulty in this. Priamus had fifty sons, but seventeen alone lawfully begotten. [6087]Philippus Bonus left fourteen bastards. Lorenzo de Medici, a good prince and a wise, but, saith Machiavel, [6088]prodigiously lascivious. None so valiant as Castruccius Castrucanus, but, as the said author hath it, [6089]none so incontinent as he was. And 'tis not only predominant in grandees this fault: but if you will take a great man's testimony, 'tis familiar with every base soldier in France, (and elsewhere, I think). This vice ([6090] saith mine author) is so common with us in France, that he is of no account, a mere coward, not worthy the name of a soldier, that is not a notorious whoremaster. In Italy he is not a gentleman, that besides his wife hath not a courtesan and a mistress. 'Tis no marvel, then, if poor women in such cases be jealous, when they shall see themselves manifestly neglected, contemned, loathed, unkindly used: their disloyal husbands to entertain others in their rooms, and many times to court ladies to their faces: other men's wives to wear their jewels: how shall a poor woman in such a case moderate her passion? [6091]Quis tibi nunc Dido cernenti talia sensus? How, on the other side, shall a poor man contain himself from this feral malady, when he shall see so manifest signs of his wife's inconstancy? when, as Milo's wife, she dotes upon every young man she sees, or, as [6092]Martial's Sota,—deserto sequitur Clitum marito, deserts her husband and follows Clitus. Though her husband be proper and tall, fair and lovely to behold, able to give contentment to any one woman, yet she will taste of the forbidden fruit: Juvenal's Iberina to a hair, she is as well pleased with one eye as one man. If a young gallant come by chance into her presence, a fastidious brisk, that can wear his clothes well in fashion, with a lock, jingling spur, a feather, that can cringe, and withal compliment, court a gentlewoman, she raves upon him, O what a lovely proper man he was, another Hector, an Alexander, a goodly man, a demigod, how sweetly he carried himself, with how comely a grace, sic oculos, sic ille manus, sic ora ferebat, how neatly he did wear his clothes! [6093] Quam sese ore ferens, quam forti pectore et armis, how bravely did he discourse, ride, sing, and dance, &c., and then she begins to loathe her husband, repugnans osculatur, to hate him and his filthy beard, his goatish complexion, as Doris said of Polyphemus, [6094]totus qui saniem, totus ut hircus olet, he is a rammy fulsome fellow, a goblin-faced fellow, he smells, he stinks, Et caepas simul alliumque ructat [6095]—si quando ad thalamum, &c., how like a dizzard, a fool, an ass, he looks, how like a clown he behaves himself! [6096]she will not come near him by her own good will, but wholly rejects him, as Venus did her fuliginous Vulcan, at last, Nec Deus hunc mensa, Dea nec dignata cubili est. [6097]So did Lucretia, a lady of Senae, after she had but seen Euryalus, in Eurialum tota ferebatur, domum reversa, &c., she would not hold her eyes off him in his presence,— [6098]tantum egregio decus enitet ore, and in his absence could think of none but him, odit virum, she loathed her husband forthwith, might not abide him: [6099]Et conjugalis negligens tori, viro Praesente, acerbo nauseat fastidio;

All against the laws of matrimony, She did abhor her husband's phis'nomy;

and sought all opportunity to see her sweetheart again. Now when the good man shall observe his wife so lightly given, to be so free and familiar with every gallant, her immodesty and wantonness, (as [6100]Camerarius notes) it must needs yield matter of suspicion to him, when she still pranks up herself beyond her means and fortunes, makes impertinent journeys, unnecessary visitations, stays out so long, with such and such companions, so frequently goes to plays, masks, feasts, and all public meetings, shall use such immodest [6101]gestures, free speeches, and withal show some distaste of her own husband; how can he choose, though he were another Socrates, but be suspicious, and instantly jealous? [6102] Socraticas tandem faciet transcendere metas; more especially when he shall take notice of their more secret and sly tricks, which to cornute their husbands they commonly use (dum ludis, ludos haec te facit) they pretend love, honour, chastity, and seem to respect them before all men living, saints in show, so cunningly can they dissemble, they will not so much as look upon another man in his presence, [6103]so chaste, so religious, and so devout, they cannot endure the name or sight of a quean, a harlot, out upon her! and in their outward carriage are most loving and officious, will kiss their husband, and hang about his neck (dear husband, sweet husband), and with a composed countenance salute him, especially when he comes home; or if he go from home, weep, sigh, lament, and take upon them to be sick and swoon (like Jocundo's wife in [6104]Ariosto, when her husband was to depart), and yet arrant, &c. they care not for him, Aye me, the thought (quoth she) makes me so 'fraid, That scarce the breath abideth in my breast; Peace, my sweet love and wife, Jocundo said, And weeps as fast, and comforts her his best, &c. All this might not assuage the woman's pain, Needs must I die before you come again, Nor how to keep my life I can devise, The doleful days and nights I shall sustain, From meat my mouth, from sleep will keep mine eyes, &c. That very night that went before the morrow, That he had pointed surely to depart, Jocundo's wife was sick, and swoon'd for sorrow Amid his arms, so heavy was her heart.

And yet for all these counterfeit tears and protestations, Jocundo coming back in all haste for a jewel he had forgot, His chaste and yoke-fellow he found Yok'd with a knave, all honesty neglected, The adulterer sleeping very sound, Yet by his face was easily detected: A beggar's brat bred by him from his cradle., And now was riding on his master's saddle.

Thus can they cunningly counterfeit, as [6105]Platina describes their customs, kiss their husbands, whom they had rather see hanging on a gallows, and swear they love him dearer than their own lives, whose soul they would not ransom for their little dog's, ———similis si permutatio detur, Morte viri cupiunt aniniani servare catellae.

Many of them seem to be precise and holy forsooth, and will go to such a [6106]church, to hear such a good man by all means, an excellent man, when 'tis for no other intent (as he follows it) than to see and to be seen, to observe what fashions are in use, to meet some pander, bawd, monk, friar, or to entice some good fellow. For they persuade themselves, as [6107] Nevisanus shows, That it is neither sin nor shame to lie with a lord or parish priest, if he be a proper man; [6108]and though she kneel often, and pray devoutly, 'tis (saith Platina) not for her husband's welfare, or children's good, or any friend, but for her sweetheart's return, her pander's health. If her husband would have her go, she feigns herself sick, [6109]Et simulat subito condoluisse caput: her head aches, and she cannot stir: but if her paramour ask as much, she is for him in all seasons, at all hours of the night. [6110]In the kingdom of Malabar, and about Goa in the East Indies, the women are so subtile that, with a certain drink they give them to drive away cares as they say, [6111]they will make them sleep for twenty-four hours, or so intoxicate them that they can remember nought of that they saw done, or heard, and, by washing of their feet, restore them again, and so make their husbands cuckolds to their faces. Some are ill-disposed at all times, to all persons they like, others more wary to some few, at such and such seasons, as Augusta, Livia, non nisi plena navi vectorem tollebat. But as he said, [6112]No pen could write, no tongue attain to tell, By force of eloquence, or help of art, Of women's treacheries the hundredth part.

Both, to say truth, are often faulty; men and women give just occasions in this humour of discontent, aggravate and yield matter of suspicion: but most part of the chief causes proceed from other adventitious accidents and circumstances, though the parties be free, and both well given themselves. The indiscreet carriage of some lascivious gallant (et e contra of some light woman) by his often frequenting of a house, bold unseemly gestures, may make a breach, and by his over-familiarity, if he be inclined to yellowness, colour him quite out. If he be poor, basely born, saith Beneditto Varchi, and otherwise unhandsome, he suspects him the less; but if a proper man, such as was Alcibiades in Greece, and Castruccius Castrucanus in Italy, well descended, commendable for his good parts, he taketh on the more, and watcheth his doings. [6113]Theodosius the emperor gave his wife Eudoxia a golden apple when he was a suitor to her, which she long after bestowed upon a young gallant in the court, of her especial acquaintance. The emperor, espying this apple in his hand, suspected forthwith, more than was, his wife's dishonesty, banished him the court, and from that day following forbare to accompany her any more. [6114]A rich merchant had a fair wife; according to his custom he went to travel; in his absence a good fellow tempted his wife; she denied him; yet he, dying a little after, gave her a legacy for the love he bore her. At his return, her jealous husband, because she had got more by land than he had done at sea, turned her away upon suspicion. Now when those other circumstances of time and place, opportunity and importunity shall concur, what will they not effect? Fair opportunity can win the coyest she that is, So wisely he takes time, as he'll be sure he will not miss: Then lie that loves her gamesome vein, and tempers toys with art, Brings love that swimmeth in her eyes to dive into her heart.

As at plays, masks, great feasts and banquets, one singles out his wife to dance, another courts her in his presence, a third tempts her, a fourth insinuates with a pleasing compliment, a sweet smile, ingratiates himself with an amphibological speech, as that merry companion in the [6115] Satirist did to his Glycerium, [6116]adsidens et interiorem palmam amabiliter concutiens, Quod meus hortus habet sumat impune licebit, Si dederis nobis quod tuus hortus habet;

with many such, &c., and then as he saith, [6117]She may no while in chastity abide. That is assaid on every side.

For after al great feast, [6118]Vino saepe suum nescit amica virum. Noah (saith [6119]Hierome) showed his nakedness in his drunkenness, which for six hundred years he had covered in soberness. Lot lay with his daughters in his drink, as Cyneras with Myrrha,—[6120]quid enim Venus ebria curat? The most continent may be overcome, or if otherwise they keep bad company, they that are modest of themselves, and dare not offend, confirmed by [6121]others, grow impudent, and confident, and get an ill habit. [6122]Alia quaestus gratia matrimonium corrumpit, Alia peccans multas vult morbi habere socias.

Or if they dwell in suspected places, as in an infamous inn, near some stews, near monks, friars, Nevisanus adds, where be many tempters and solicitors, idle persons that frequent their companies, it may give just cause of suspicion. Martial of old inveighed against them that counterfeited a disease to go to the bath; for so, many times, ———relicto Conjuge Penelope venit, abit Helene.

Aeneas Sylvius puts in a caveat against princes' courts, because there be tot formosi juvenes qui promittunt, so many brave suitors to tempt, &c. [6123]If you leave her in such a place, you shall likely find her in company you like not, either they come to her, or she is gone to them. [6124]Kornmannus makes a doubting jest in his lascivious country, Virginis illibata censeatur ne castitas ad quam frequentur accedant scholares? And Baldus the lawyer scoffs on, quum scholaris, inquit, loquitur cum puella, non praesumitur ei dicere, Pater noster, when a scholar talks with a maid, or another man's wife in private, it is presumed he saith not a pater noster. Or if I shall see a monk or a friar climb up a ladder at midnight into a virgin's or widow's chamber window, I shall hardly think he then goes to administer the sacraments, or to take her confession. These are the ordinary causes of jealousy, which are intended or remitted as the circumstances vary.

MEMB. II.

Symptoms of Jealousy, Fear, Sorrow, Suspicion, strange Actions, Gestures, Outrages, Locking up, Oaths, Trials, Laws, &c.

Of all passions, as I have already proved, love is most violent, and of those bitter potions which this love-melancholy affords, this bastard jealousy is the greatest, as appears by those prodigious symptoms which it hath, and that it produceth. For besides fear and sorrow, which is common to all melancholy, anxiety of mind, suspicion, aggravation, restless thoughts, paleness, meagreness, neglect of business, and the like, these men are farther yet misaffected, and in a higher strain. 'Tis a more vehement passion, a more furious perturbation, a bitter pain, a fire, a pernicious curiosity, a gall corrupting the honey of our life, madness, vertigo, plague, hell, they are more than ordinarily disquieted, they lose bonum pacis, as [6125]Chrysostom observes; and though they be rich, keep sumptuous tables, be nobly allied, yet miserrimi omnium sunt, they are most miserable, they are more than ordinarily discontent, more sad, nihil tristius, more than ordinarily suspicious. Jealousy, saith [6126]Vives, begets unquietness in the mind, night and day: he hunts after every word he hears, every whisper, and amplifies it to himself (as all melancholy men do in other matters) with a most unjust calumny of others, he misinterprets everything is said or done, most apt to mistake or misconstrue, he pries into every corner, follows close, observes to a hair. 'Tis proper to jealousy so to do, Pale hag, infernal fury, pleasure's smart, Envy's observer, prying in every part.

Besides those strange gestures of staring, frowning, grinning, rolling of eyes, menacing, ghastly looks, broken pace, interrupt, precipitate, half-turns. He will sometimes sigh, weep, sob for anger. Nempe suos imbres etiam ista tonitrua fundunt,[6127]—swear and belie, slander any man, curse, threaten, brawl, scold, fight; and sometimes again flatter and speak fair, ask forgiveness, kiss and coll, condemn his rashness and folly, vow, protest, and swear he will never do so again; and then eftsoons, impatient as he is, rave, roar, and lay about him like a madman, thump her sides, drag her about perchance, drive her out of doors, send her home, he will be divorced forthwith, she is a whore, &c., and by-and-by with all submission compliment, entreat her fair, and bring her in again, he loves her dearly, she is his sweet, most kind and loving wife, he will not change, nor leave her for a kingdom; so he continues off and on, as the toy takes him, the object moves him, but most part brawling, fretting, unquiet he is, accusing and suspecting not strangers only, but brothers and sisters, father and mother, nearest and dearest friends. He thinks with those Italians, Chi non tocca parentado, Tocca mai e rado.

And through fear conceives unto himself things almost incredible and impossible to be effected. As a heron when she fishes, still prying on all sides; or as a cat doth a mouse, his eye is never off hers; he gloats on him, on her, accurately observing on whom she looks, who looks at her, what she saith, doth, at dinner, at supper, sitting, walking, at home, abroad, he is the same, still inquiring, maundering, gazing, listening, affrighted with every small object; why did she smile, why did she pity him, commend him? why did she drink twice to such a man? why did she offer to kiss, to dance? &c., a whore, a whore, an arrant whore. All this he confesseth in the poet, [6128]Omnia me terrent, timidus sum, ignosce timori. Et miser in tunica suspicor esse virum. Me laedit si multa tibi dabit oscula mater, Me soror, et cum qua dormit amica simul.

Each thing affrights me, I do fear, Ah pardon me my fear, I doubt a man is hid within The clothes that thou dost wear.

Is it not a man in woman's apparel? is not somebody in that great chest, or behind the door, or hangings, or in some of those barrels? may not a man steal in at the window with a ladder of ropes, or come down the chimney, have a false key, or get in when he is asleep? If a mouse do but stir, or the wind blow, a casement clatter, that's the villain, there he is: by his goodwill no man shall see her, salute her, speak with her, she shall not go forth of his sight, so much as to do her needs. [6129]Non ita bovem argus, &c. Argus did not so keep his cow, that watchful dragon the golden fleece, or Cerberus the coming in of hell, as he keeps his wife. If a dear friend or near kinsman come as guest to his house, to visit him, he will never let him be out of his own sight and company, lest, peradventure, &c. If the necessity of his business be such that he must go from home, he doth either lock her up, or commit her with a deal of injunctions and protestations to some trusty friends, him and her he sets and bribes to oversee: one servant is set in his absence to watch another, and all to observe his wife, and yet all this will not serve, though his business be very urgent, he will when he is halfway come back in all post haste, rise from supper, or at midnight, and be gone, and sometimes leave his business undone, and as a stranger court his own wife in some disguised habit. Though there be no danger at all, no cause of suspicion, she live in such a place, where Messalina herself could not be dishonest if she would, yet he suspects her as much as if she were in a bawdy-house, some prince's court, or in a common inn, where all comers might have free access. He calls her on a sudden all to nought, she is a strumpet, a light housewife, a bitch, an arrant whore. No persuasion, no protestation can divert this passion, nothing can ease him, secure or give him satisfaction. It is most strange to report what outrageous acts by men and women have been committed in this kind, by women especially, that will run after their husbands into all places and companies, [6130]as Jovianus Pontanus's wife did by him, follow him whithersoever he went, it matters not, or upon what business, raving like Juno in the tragedy, miscalling, cursing, swearing, and mistrusting every one she sees. Gomesius in his third book of the Life and Deeds of Francis Ximenius, sometime archbishop of Toledo, hath a strange story of that incredible jealousy of Joan queen of Spain, wife to King Philip, mother of Ferdinand and Charles the Fifth, emperors; when her husband Philip, either for that he was tired with his wife's jealousy, or had some great business, went into the Low Countries: she was so impatient and melancholy upon his departure, that she would scarce eat her meat, or converse with any man; and though she were with child, the season of the year very bad, the wind against her, in all haste she would to sea after him. Neither Isabella her queen mother, the archbishop, or any other friend could persuade her to the contrary, but she would after him. When she was now come into the Low Countries, and kindly entertained by her husband, she could not contain herself, [6131]but in a rage ran upon a yellow-haired wench, with whom she suspected her husband to be naught, cut off her hair, did beat her black and blue, and so dragged her about. It is an ordinary thing for women in such cases to scratch the faces, slit the noses of such as they suspect; as Henry the Second's importune Juno did by Rosamond at Woodstock; for she complains in a [6132]modern poet, she scarce spake, But flies with eager fury to my face, Offering me most unwomanly disgrace. Look how a tigress, &c. So fell she on me in outrageous wise, As could disdain and jealousy devise.

Or if it be so they dare not or cannot execute any such tyrannical injustice, they will miscall, rail and revile, bear them deadly hate and malice, as [6133]Tacitus observes, The hatred of a jealous woman is inseparable against such as she suspects. [6134]Nulla vis flammae tumidique venti Tanta, nec teli metuanda torti. Quanta cum conjux viduata taedis Ardet et odit.

Winds, weapons, flames make not such hurly burly, As raving women turn all topsy-turvy.

So did Agrippina by Lollia, and Calphurnia in the days of Claudius. But women are sufficiently curbed in such cases, the rage of men is more eminent, and frequently put in practice. See but with what rigour those jealous husbands tyrannise over their poor wives. In Greece, Spain, Italy, Turkey, Africa, Asia, and generally over all those hot countries, [6135] Mulieres vestrae terra vestra, arate sicut vultis. Mahomet in his Alcoran gives this power to men, your wives are as your land, till them, use them, entreat them fair or foul, as you will yourselves. [6136]Mecastor lege dura vivunt mulieres, they lock them still in their houses, which are so many prisons to them. will suffer nobody to come at them, or their wives to be seen abroad,—nec campos liceat lustrare patentes. They must not so much as look out. And if they be great persons, they have eunuchs to keep them, as the Grand Signior among the Turks, the Sophies of Persia, those Tartarian Mogors, and Kings of China. Infantes masculos castrant innumeros ut regi serviant, saith [6137]Riccius, they geld innumerable infants to this purpose; the King of [6138]China maintains 10,000 eunuchs in his family to keep his wives. The Xeriffes of Barbary keep their courtesans in such a strict manner, that if any man come but in sight of them he dies for it; and if they chance to see a man, and do not instantly cry out, though from their windows, they must be put to death. The Turks have I know not how many black, deformed eunuchs (for the white serve for other ministeries) to this purpose sent commonly from Egypt, deprived in their childhood of all their privities, and brought up in the seraglio at Constantinople to keep their wives; which are so penned up they may not confer with any living man, or converse with younger women, have a cucumber or carrot sent into them for their diet, but sliced, for fear, &c. and so live and are left alone to their unchaste thoughts all the days of their lives. The vulgar sort of women, if at any time they come abroad, which is very seldom, to visit one another, or to go to their baths, are so covered, that no man can see them, as the matrons were in old Rome, lectica aut sella tecta, vectae, so [6139]Dion and Seneca record, Velatae totae incedunt, which [6140]Alexander ab Alexandro relates of the Parthians, lib. 5. cap. 24. which, with Andreas Tiraquellus his commentator, I rather think should be understood of Persians. I have not yet said all, they do not only lock them up, sed et pudendis seras adhibent: hear what Bembus relates lib. 6. of his Venetian history, of those inhabitants that dwell about Quilon in Africa. Lusitani, inquit, quorundum civitates adierunt: qui natis statim faeminis naturam consuunt, quoad urinae exitus ne impediatur, easque quum adoleverint sic consutas in matrimonium collocant, ut sponsi prima cura sit conglutinatas puellae oras ferro interscindere. In some parts of Greece at this day, like those old Jews, they will not believe their wives are honest, nisi pannum menstruatum prima nocte videant: our countryman [6141]Sands, in his peregrination, saith it is severely observed in Zanzynthus, or Zante; and Leo Afer in his time at Fez, in Africa, non credunt virginem esse nisi videant sanguineam mappam; si non, ad parentes pudore rejicitur. Those sheets are publicly shown by their parents, and kept as a sign of incorrupt virginity. The Jews of old examined their maids ex tenui membrana, called Hymen, which Laurentius in his anatomy, Columbus lib. 12. cap. 10. Capivaccius lib. 4. cap. 11. de uteri affectibus, Vincent, Alsarus Genuensis quaesit. med. cent. 4. Hieronymus Mercurialis consult. Ambros. Pareus, Julius Caesar Claudinus Respons. 4. as that also de [6142]ruptura venarum ut sauguis fluat, copiously confute; 'tis no sufficient trial they contend. And yet others again defend it, Gaspar Bartholinus Institut. Anat. lib. 1. cap. 31. Pinaeus of Paris, Albertus Magnus de secret. mulier. cap. 9 & 10. &c. and think they speak too much in favour of women. [6143] Ludovicus Boncialus lib. 4. cap. 2. muliebr. naturalem illam uteri labiorum constrictionem, in qua virginitatem consistere volunt, astringentibus medicinis fieri posse vendicat, et si defloratae sint, astutae [6144]mulieres (inquit) nos fallunt in his. Idem Alsarius Crucius Genuensis iisdem fere verbis. Idem Avicenna lib. 3. Fen. 20. Tract. 1, cap. 47. [6145]Rhasis Continent. lib. 24. Rodericus a Castro de nat. mul. lib. 1. cap. 3. An old bawdy nurse in [6146]Aristaenetus, (like that Spanish Caelestina, [6147]quae, quinque mille virgines fecit mulieres, totidemque mulieres arte sua virgines) when a fair maid of her acquaintance wept and made her moan to her, how she had been deflowered, and now ready to be married, was afraid it would be perceived, comfortably replied, Noli vereri filia, &c. Fear not, daughter, I'll teach thee a trick to help it. Sed haec extra callem. To what end are all those astrological questions, an sit virgo, an sit casta, an sit mulier? and such strange absurd trials in Albertus Magnus, Bap. Porta, Mag. lib. 2. cap. 21. in Wecker. lib. 5. de secret, by stones, perfumes, to make them piss, and confess I know not what in their sleep; some jealous brain was the first founder of them. And to what passion may we ascribe those severe laws against jealousy, Num. v. 14, Adulterers Deut. cap. 22. v. xxii. as amongst the Hebrews, amongst the Egyptians (read [6148]Bohemus l. 1. c. 5. de mor. gen. of the Carthaginians, cap. 6. of Turks, lib. 2. cap. 11.) amongst the Athenians of old, Italians at this day, wherein they are to be severely punished, cut in pieces, burned, vivi-comburio, buried alive, with several expurgations, &c. are they not as so many symptoms of incredible jealousy? we may say the same of those vestal virgins that fetched water in a sieve, as Tatia did in Rome, anno ab. urb. condita 800. before the senators; and [6149]Aemilia, virgo innocens, that ran over hot irons, as Emma, Edward the Confessor's mother did, the king himself being a spectator, with the like. We read in Nicephorus, that Chunegunda the wife of Henricus Bavarus emperor, suspected of adultery, insimulata adulterii per ignitos vomeres illaesa transiit, trod upon red hot coulters, and had no harm: such another story we find in Regino lib. 2. In Aventinus and Sigonius of Charles the Third and his wife Richarda, an. 887, that was so purged with hot irons. Pausanias saith, that he was once an eyewitness of such a miracle at Diana's temple, a maid without any harm at all walked upon burning coals. Pius Secund. in his description of Europe, c. 46. relates as much, that it was commonly practised at Diana's temple, for women to go barefoot over hot coals, to try their honesties: Plinius, Solinus, and many writers, make mention of [6150]Geronia's temple, and Dionysius Halicarnassus, lib. 3. of Memnon's statue, which were used to this purpose. Tatius lib. 6. of Pan his cave, (much like old St. Wilfrid's needle in Yorkshire) wherein they did use to try, maids, [6151]whether they were honest; when Leucippe went in, suavissimus exaudiri sonus caepit Austin de civ. Dei lib. 10. c. 16. relates many such examples, all which Lavater de spectr. part. 1. cap. 19 contends to be done by the illusion of devils; though Thomas quaest. 6. de polentia, &c. ascribes it to good angels. Some, saith [6152]Austin, compel their wives to swear they be honest, as if perjury were a lesser sin than adultery; [6153]some consult oracles, as Phaerus that blind king of Egypt. Others reward, as those old Romans used to do; if a woman were contented with one man, Corona pudicitiae donabatur, she had a crown of chastity bestowed on her. When all this will not serve, saith Alexander Gaguinus, cap. 5. descript. Muscoviae, the Muscovites, if they suspect their wives, will beat them till they confess, and if that will not avail, like those wild Irish, be divorced at their pleasures, or else knock them on the heads, as the old [6154]Gauls have done in former ages. Of this tyranny of jealousy read more in Parthenius Erot. cap. 10. Camerarius cap. 53. hor. subcis. et cent. 2. cap. 34. Caelia's epistles, Tho. Chaloner de repub. Aug. lib. 9. Ariosto lib. 31. stasse 1. Felix Platerus observat. lib. 1. &c.

MEMB. III.

Prognostics of Jealousy. Despair, Madness, to make away themselves and others.

Those which are jealous, most part, if they be not otherwise relieved, [6155]proceed from suspicion to hatred, from hatred to frenzy, madness, injury, murder and despair. [6156]A plague by whose most damnable effect. Divers in deep despair to die have sought, By which a man to madness near is brought, As well with causeless as with just suspect.

In their madness many times, saith [6157]Vives, they make away themselves and others. Which induceth Cyprian to call it, Foecundam et multiplicem perniciem, fontem cladium et seminarium delictorum, a fruitful mischief, the seminary of offences, and fountain of murders. Tragical examples are too common in this kind, both new and old, in all ages, as of [6158] Cephalus and Procris, [6159]Phaereus of Egypt, Tereus, Atreus, and Thyestes. [6160]Alexander Phaereus was murdered of his wife, ob pellicatus suspitionem, Tully saith. Antoninus Verus was so made away by Lucilla; Demetrius the son of Antigonus, and Nicanor, by their wives. Hercules poisoned by Dejanira, [6161]Caecinna murdered by Vespasian, Justina, a Roman lady, by her husband. [6162]Amestris, Xerxes' wife, because she found her husband's cloak in Masista's house, cut off Masista, his wife's paps, and gave them to the dogs, flayed her besides, and cut off her ears, lips, tongue, and slit the nose of Artaynta her daughter. Our late writers are full of such outrages. [6163]Paulus Aemilius, in his history of France, hath a tragical story of Chilpericus the First his death, made away by Ferdegunde his queen. In a jealous humour he came from hunting, and stole behind his wife, as she was dressing and combing her head in the sun, gave her a familiar touch with his wand, which she mistaking for her lover, said, Ah Landre, a good knight should strike before, and not behind: but when she saw herself betrayed by his presence, she instantly took order to make him away. Hierome Osorius, in his eleventh book of the deeds of Emanuel King of Portugal, to this effect hath a tragical narration of one Ferdinandus Chalderia, that wounded Gotherinus, a noble countryman of his, at Goa in the East Indies, [6164]and cut off one of his legs, for that he looked as he thought too familiarly upon his wife, which was afterwards a cause of many quarrels, and much bloodshed. Guianerius cap. 36. de aegritud. matr. speaks of a silly jealous fellow, that seeing his child new-born included in a caul, thought sure a [6165]Franciscan that used to come to his house, was the father of it, it was so like the friar's cowl, and thereupon threatened the friar to kill him: Fulgosus of a woman in Narbonne, that cut off her husband's privities in the night, because she thought he played false with her. The story of Jonuses Bassa, and fair Manto his wife, is well known to such as have read the Turkish history; and that of Joan of Spain, of which I treated in my former section. Her jealousy, saith Gomesius, was the cause of both their deaths: King Philip died for grief a little after, as [6166]Martian his physician gave it out, and she for her part after a melancholy discontented life, misspent in lurking-holes and corners, made an end of her miseries. Felix Plater, in the first book of his observations, hath many such instances, of a physician of his acquaintance, [6167]that was first mad through jealousy, and afterwards desperate: of a merchant [6168]that killed his wife in the same humour, and after precipitated himself: of a doctor of law that cut off his man's nose: of a painter's wife in Basil, anno 1600, that was mother of nine children and had been twenty-seven years married, yet afterwards jealous, and so impatient that she became desperate, and would neither eat nor drink in her own house, for fear her husband should poison her. 'Tis a common sign this; for when once the humours are stirred, and the imagination misaffected, it will vary itself in divers forms; and many such absurd symptoms will accompany, even madness itself. Skenkius observat. lib. 4. cap. de Uter. hath an example of a jealous woman that by this means had many fits of the mother: and in his first book of some that through jealousy ran mad: of a baker that gelded himself to try his wife's honesty, &c. Such examples are too common.

MEMB. IV.

SUBSECT I.—Cure of Jealousy; by avoiding occasions, not to be idle: of good counsel; to contemn it, not to watch or lock them up: to dissemble it, &c.

As of all other melancholy, some doubt whether this malady may be cured or no, they think 'tis like the [6169]gout, or Switzers, whom we commonly call Walloons, those hired soldiers, if once they take possession of a castle, they can never be got out. Qui timet ut sua sit, ne quis sibi subtrahat illam, Ille Machaonia vix ope salvus est.

[6170]This is the cruel wound against whose smart, No liquor's force prevails, or any plaister, No skill of stars, no depth of magic art, Devised by that great clerk Zoroaster, A wound that so infects the soul and heart, As all our sense and reason it doth master; A wound whose pang and torment is so durable, As it may rightly called be incurable.

Yet what I have formerly said of other melancholy, I will say again, it may be cured or mitigated at least by some contrary passion, good counsel and persuasion, if it be withstood in the beginning, maturely resisted, and as those ancients hold, [6171]the nails of it be pared before they grow too long. No better means to resist or repel it than by avoiding idleness, to be still seriously busied about some matters of importance, to drive out those vain fears, foolish fantasies and irksome suspicions out of his head, and then to be persuaded by his judicious friends, to give ear to their good counsel and advice, and wisely to consider, how much he discredits himself, his friends, dishonours his children, disgraceth his family, publisheth his shame, and as a trumpeter of his own misery, divulgeth, macerates, grieves himself and others; what an argument of weakness it is, how absurd a thing in its own nature, how ridiculous, how brutish a passion, how sottish, how odious; for as [6172]Hierome well hath it, Odium sui facit, et ipse novissime sibi odio est, others hate him, and at last he hates himself for it; how harebrain a disease, mad and furious. If he will but hear them speak, no doubt he may be cured. [6173]Joan, queen of Spain, of whom I have formerly spoken, under pretence of changing air was sent to Complutum, or Alcada de las Heneras, where Ximenius the archbishop of Toledo then lived, that by his good counsel (as for the present she was) she might be eased. [6174]For a disease of the soul, if concealed, tortures and overturns it, and by no physic can sooner be removed than by a discreet man's comfortable speeches. I will not here insert any consolatory sentences to this purpose, or forestall any man's invention, but leave it every one to dilate and amplify as he shall think fit in his own judgment: let him advise with Siracides cap. 9. 1. Be not jealous over the wife of thy bosom; read that comfortable and pithy speech to this purpose of Ximenius, in the author himself, as it is recorded by Gomesius; consult with Chaloner lib. 9. de repub. Anglor. or Caelia in her epistles, &c. Only this I will add, that if it be considered aright, which causeth this jealous passion, be it just or unjust, whether with or without cause, true or false, it ought not so heinously to be taken; 'tis no such real or capital matter, that it should make so deep a wound. 'Tis a blow that hurts not, an insensible smart, grounded many times upon false suspicion alone, and so fostered by a sinister conceit. If she be not dishonest, he troubles and macerates himself without a cause; or put case which is the worst, he be a cuckold, it cannot be helped, the more he stirs in it, the more he aggravates his own misery. How much better were it in such a case to dissemble or contemn it? why should that be feared which cannot be redressed? multae tandem deposuerunt (saith [6175]Vives) quum flecti maritos non posse vident, many women, when they see there is no remedy, have been pacified; and shall men be more jealous than women? 'Tis some comfort in such a case to have companions, Solamen miseris socios habuisse doloris; Who can say he is free? Who can assure himself he is not one de praeterito, or secure himself de futuro? If it were his case alone, it were hard; but being as it is almost a common calamity, 'tis not so grievously to be taken. If a man have a lock, which every man's key will open, as well as his own, why should he think to keep it private to himself? In some countries they make nothing of it, ne nobiles quidem, saith [6176]Leo Afer, in many parts of Africa (if she be past fourteen) there's not a nobleman that marries a maid, or that hath a chaste wife; 'tis so common; as the moon gives horns once a month to the world, do they to their husbands at least. And 'tis most part true which that Caledonian lady, [6177]Argetocovus, a British prince's wife, told Julia Augusta, when she took her up for dishonesty, We Britons are naught at least with some few choice men of the better sort, but you Romans lie with every base knave, you are a company of common whores. Severus the emperor in his time made laws for the restraint of this vice; and as [6178]Dion Nicaeus relates in his life, tria millia maechorum, three thousand cuckold-makers, or naturae monetam adulterantes, as Philo calls them, false coiners, and clippers of nature's money, were summoned into the court at once. And yet, Non omnem molitor quae fluit undam videt, the miller sees not all the water that goes by his mill: no doubt, but, as in our days, these were of the commonalty, all the great ones were not so much as called in question for it. [6179]Martial's Epigram I suppose might have been generally applied in those licentious times, Omnia solus habes, &c., thy goods, lands, money, wits are thine own, Uxorem sed habes Candide cum populo; but neighbour Candidus your wife is common: husband and cuckold in that age it seems were reciprocal terms; the emperors themselves did wear Actaeon's badge; how many Caesars might I reckon up together, and what a catalogue of cornuted kings and princes in every story? Agamemnon, Menelaus, Philippus of Greece, Ptolomeus of Egypt, Lucullus, Caesar, Pompeius, Cato, Augustus, Antonius, Antoninus, &c., that wore fair plumes of bull's feathers in their crests. The bravest soldiers and most heroical spirits could not avoid it. They have been active and passive in this business, they have either given or taken horns. [6180]King Arthur, whom we call one of the nine worthies, for all his great valour, was unworthily served by Mordred, one of his round table knights: and Guithera, or Helena Alba, his fair wife, as Leland interprets it, was an arrant honest woman. Parcerem libenter (saith mine [6181]author) Heroinarum laesae majestati, si non historiae veritas aurem vellicaret, I could willingly wink at a fair lady's faults, but that I am bound by the laws of history to tell the truth: against his will, God knows, did he write it, and so do I repeat it. I speak not of our times all this while, we have good, honest, virtuous men and women, whom fame, zeal, fear of God, religion and superstition contains: and yet for all that, we have many knights of this order, so dubbed by their wives, many good women abused by dissolute husbands. In some places, and such persons you may as soon enjoin them to carry water in a sieve, as to keep themselves honest. What shall a man do now in such a case? What remedy is to be had? how shall he be eased? By suing a divorce? this is hard to be effected: si non caste, tamen caute they carry the matter so cunningly, that though it be as common as simony, as clear and as manifest as the nose in a man's face, yet it cannot be evidently proved, or they likely taken in the fact: they will have a knave Gallus to watch, or with that Roman [6182]Sulpitia, all made fast and sure, Ne se Cadurcis destitutam fasciis, Nudam Caleno concumbentem videat.

she will hardly be surprised by her husband, be he never so wary. Much better then to put it up: the more he strives in it, the more he shall divulge his own shame: make a virtue of necessity, and conceal it. Yea, but the world takes notice of it, 'tis in every man's mouth: let them talk their pleasure, of whom speak they not in this sense? From the highest to the lowest they are thus censured all: there is no remedy then but patience. It may be 'tis his own fault, and he hath no reason to complain, 'tis quid pro quo, she is bad, he is worse: [6183]Bethink thyself, hast thou not done as much for some of thy neighbours? why dost thou require that of thy wife, which thou wilt not perform thyself? Thou rangest like a town bull, [6184]why art thou so incensed if she tread, awry? [6185]Be it that some woman break chaste wedlock's laws, And leaves her husband and becomes unchaste: Yet commonly it is not without cause, She sees her man in sin her goods to waste, She feels that he his love from her withdraws, And hath on some perhaps less worthy placed. Who strike with sword, the scabbard them may strike, And sure love craveth love, like asketh like.

Ea semper studebit, saith [6186]Nevisanus, pares reddere vices, she will quit it if she can. And therefore, as well adviseth Siracides, cap. ix. 1. teach her not an evil lesson against thyself, which as Jansenius, Lyranus, on his text, and Carthusianus interpret, is no otherwise to be understood than that she do thee not a mischief. I do not excuse her in accusing thee; but if both be naught, mend thyself first; for as the old saying is, a good husband makes a good wife. Yea but thou repliest, 'tis not the like reason betwixt man and woman, through her fault my children are bastards, I may not endure it; [6187]Sit amarulenta, sit imperiosa prodiga, &c. Let her scold, brawl, and spend, I care not, modo sit casta, so she be honest, I could easily bear it; but this I cannot, I may not, I will not; my faith, my fame, mine eye must not be touched, as the diverb is, Non patitur tactum fama, fides, oculus. I say the same of my wife, touch all, use all, take all but this. I acknowledge that of Seneca to be true, Nullius boni jucunda possessio sine socio, there is no sweet content in the possession of any good thing without a companion, this only excepted, I say, This. And why this? Even this which thou so much abhorrest, it may be for thy progeny's good, [6188] better be any man's son than thine, to be begot of base Irus, poor Seius, or mean Mevius, the town swineherd's, a shepherd's son: and well is he, that like Hercules he hath any two fathers; for thou thyself hast peradventure more diseases than a horse, more infirmities of body and mind, a cankered soul, crabbed conditions, make the worst of it, as it is vulnus insanabile, sic vulnus insensibile, as it is incurable, so it is insensible. But art thou sure it is so? [6189]res agit ille tuas? doth he so indeed? It may be thou art over-suspicious, and without a cause as some are: if it be octimestris partus, born at eight months, or like him, and him, they fondly suspect he got it; if she speak or laugh familiarly with such or such men, then presently she is naught with them; such is thy weakness; whereas charity, or a well-disposed mind, would interpret all unto the best. St. Francis, by chance seeing a friar familiarly kissing another man's wife, was so far from misconceiving it, that he presently kneeled down and thanked God there was so much charity left: but they on the other side will ascribe nothing to natural causes, indulge nothing to familiarity, mutual society, friendship: but out of a sinister suspicion, presently lock them close, watch them, thinking by those means to prevent all such inconveniences, that's the way to help it; whereas by such tricks they do aggravate the mischief. 'Tis but in vain to watch that which will away. [6190]Nec custodiri si velit ulla potest; Nec mentem servare potes, licet omnia serves; Omnibus exclusis, intus adulter erit.

None can be kept resisting for her part; Though body be kept close, within her heart Advoutry lurks, t'exclude it there's no art.

Argus with a hundred eyes cannot keep her, et hunc unus saepe fefellit amor, as in [6191]Ariosto, If all our hearts were eyes, yet sure they said We husbands of our wives should be betrayed.

Hierome holds, Uxor impudica servari non potest, pudica non debet, infida custos castitatis est necessitas, to what end is all your custody? A dishonest woman cannot be kept, an honest woman ought not to be kept, necessity is a keeper not to be trusted. Difficile custoditur, quod plures amant; that which many covet, can hardly be preserved, as [6192] Salisburiensis thinks. I am of Aeneas Sylvius' mind, [6193]Those jealous Italians do very ill to lock up their wives; for women are of such a disposition, they will most covet that which is denied most, and offend least when they have free liberty to trespass. It is in vain to lock her up if she be dishonest; et tyrranicum imperium, as our great Mr. Aristotle calls it, too tyrannical a task, most unfit: for when she perceives her husband observes her and suspects, liberius peccat, saith [6194]Nevisanus. [6195]Toxica Zelotypo dedit uxor moecha marito, she is exasperated, seeks by all means to vindicate herself, and will therefore offend, because she is unjustly suspected. The best course then is to let them have their own wills, give them free liberty, without any keeping. In vain our friends from this do us dehort, For beauty will be where is most resort.

If she be honest as Lucretia to Collatinus, Laodamia to Protesilaus, Penelope to her Ulysses, she will so continue her honour, good name, credit, Penelope conjux semper Ulyssis ero; I shall always be Penelope the wife of Ulysses. And as Phocias' wife in [6196]Plutarch, called her husband her wealth, treasure, world, joy, delight, orb and sphere, she will hers. The vow she made unto her good man; love, virtue, religion, zeal, are better keepers than all those locks, eunuchs, prisons; she will not be moved: [6197]At mihi vel tellus optem prius ima dehiscat, Aut pater omnipotens adigat me fulmine ad umbras, Pallentes umbras Erebi, noctemque profundam, Ante pudor quam te violem, aut tua jura resolvam.

First I desire the earth to swallow me. Before I violate mine honesty, Or thunder from above drive me to hell, With those pale ghosts, and ugly nights to dwell.

She is resolved with Dido to be chaste; though her husband be false, she will be true: and as Octavia writ to her Antony, [6198]These walls that here do keep me out of sight, Shall keep me all unspotted unto thee, And testify that I will do thee right, I'll never stain thine house, though thou shame me.

Turn her loose to all those Tarquins and Satyrs, she will not be tempted. In the time of Valence the Emperor, saith [6199]St. Austin, one Archidamus, a Consul of Antioch, offered a hundred pounds of gold to a fair young wife, and besides to set her husband free, who was then sub gravissima custodia, a dark prisoner, pro unius noctis concubitu: but the chaste matron would not accept of it. [6200]When Ode commended Theana's fine arm to his fellows, she took him up short, Sir, 'tis not common: she is wholly reserved to her husband. [6201]Bilia had an old man to her spouse, and his breath stunk, so that nobody could abide it abroad; coming home one day he reprehended his wife, because she did not tell him of it: she vowed unto him, she had told him, but she thought every man's breath had been as strong as his. [6202]Tigranes and Armena his lady were invited to supper by King Cyrus: when they came home, Tigranes asked his wife, how she liked Cyrus, and what she did especially commend in him? she swore she did not observe him; when he replied again, what then she did observe, whom she looked on? She made answer, her husband, that said he would die for her sake. Such are the properties and conditions of good women: and if she be well given, she will so carry herself; if otherwise she be naught, use all the means thou canst, she will be naught, Non deest animus sed corruptor, she hath so many lies, excuses, as a hare hath muses, tricks, panders, bawds, shifts, to deceive, 'tis to no purpose to keep her up, or to reclaim her by hard usage. Fair means peradventure may do somewhat. [6203] Obsequio vinces aptius ipse tuo. Men and women are both in a predicament in this behalf, no sooner won, and better pacified. Duci volunt, non cogi: though she be as arrant a scold as Xanthippe, as cruel as Medea, as clamorous as Hecuba, as lustful as Messalina, by such means (if at all) she may be reformed. Many patient [6204]Grizels, by their obsequiousness in this kind, have reclaimed their husbands from their wandering lusts. In Nova Francia and Turkey (as Leah, Rachel, and Sarah did to Abraham and Jacob) they bring their fairest damsels to their husbands' beds; Livia seconded the lustful appetites of Augustus: Stratonice, wife to King Diotarus, did not only bring Electra, a fair maid, to her good man's bed, but brought up the children begot on her, as carefully as if they had been her own. Tertius Emilius' wife, Cornelia's mother, perceiving her husband's intemperance, rem dissimulavit, made much of the maid, and would take no notice of it. A new-married man, when a pickthank friend of his, to curry favour, had showed him his wife familiar in private with a young gallant, courting and dallying, &c. Tush, said he, let him do his worst, I dare trust my wife, though I dare not trust him. The best remedy then is by fair means; if that will not take place, to dissemble it as I say, or turn it off with a jest: hear Guexerra's advice in this case, vel joco excipies, vel silentio eludes; for if you take exceptions at everything your wife doth, Solomon's wisdom, Hercules' valour, Homer's learning, Socrates' patience, Argus' vigilance, will not serve turn. Therefore Minus malum, [6205]a less mischief, Nevisanus holds, dissimulare, to be [6206]Cunarum emptor, a buyer of cradles, as the proverb is, than to be too solicitous. [6207]A good fellow, when his wife was brought to bed before her time, bought half a dozen of cradles beforehand for so many children, as if his wife should continue to bear children every two months. [6208]Pertinax the Emperor, when one told him a fiddler was too familiar with his empress, made no reckoning of it. And when that Macedonian Philip was upbraided with his wife's dishonesty, cum tot victor regnorum ac populorum esset, &c., a conqueror of kingdoms could not tame his wife (for she thrust him out of doors), he made a jest of it. Sapientes portant cornua in pectore, stulti in fronte, saith Nevisanus, wise men bear their horns in their hearts, fools on their foreheads. Eumenes, king of Pergamus, was at deadly feud with Perseus of Macedonia, insomuch that Perseus hearing of a journey he was to take to Delphos, [6209]set a company of soldiers to intercept him in his passage; they did it accordingly, and as they supposed left him stoned to death. The news of this fact was brought instantly to Pergamus; Attalus, Eumenes' brother, proclaimed himself king forthwith, took possession of the crown, and married Stratonice the queen. But by-and-by, when contrary news was brought, that King Eumenes was alive, and now coming to the city, he laid by his crown, left his wife, as a private man went to meet him, and congratulate his return. Eumenes, though he knew all particulars passed, yet dissembling the matter, kindly embraced his brother, and took his wife into his favour again, as if on such matter had been heard of or done. Jocundo, in Ariosto, found his wife in bed with a knave, both asleep, went his ways, and would not so much as wake them, much less reprove them for it. [6210]An honest fellow finding in like sort his wife had played false at tables, and borne a man too many, drew his dagger, and swore if he had not been his very friend, he would have killed him. Another hearing one had done that for him, which no man desires to be done by a deputy, followed in a rage with his sword drawn, and having overtaken him, laid adultery to his charge; the offender hotly pursued, confessed it was true; with which confession he was satisfied, and so left him, swearing that if he had denied it, he would not have put it up. How much better is it to do thus, than to macerate himself, impatiently to rave and rage, to enter an action (as Arnoldus Tilius did in the court of Toulouse, against Martin Guerre his fellow-soldier, for that he counterfeited his habit, and was too familiar with his wife), so to divulge his own shame, and to remain for ever a cuckold on record? how much better be Cornelius Tacitus than Publius Cornutus, to condemn in such cases, or take no notice of it? Melius sic errare, quam Zelotypiae curis, saith Erasmus, se conficere, better be a wittol and put it up, than to trouble himself to no purpose. And though he will not omnibus dormire, be an ass, as he is an ox, yet to wink at it as many do is not amiss at some times, in some cases, to some parties, if it be for his commodity, or some great man's sake, his landlord, patron, benefactor, (as Calbas the Roman saith [6211]Plutarch did by Maecenas, and Phayllus of Argos did by King Philip, when he promised him an office on that condition he might lie with his wife) and so let it pass: [6212]pol me haud poenitet, Scilicet boni dimidium dividere cum Jove,

it never troubles me (saith Amphitrio) to be cornuted by Jupiter, let it not molest thee then; be friends with her; [6213]Tu cum Alcmena uxore antiquam in gratiam Redi———

Receive Alcmena to your grace again; let it, I say, make no breach of love between you. Howsoever the best way is to contemn it, which [6214]Henry II. king of France advised a courtier of his, jealous of his wife, and complaining of her unchasteness, to reject it, and comfort himself; for he that suspects his wife's incontinency, and fears the Pope's curse, shall never live a merry hour, or sleep a quiet night: no remedy but patience. When all is done according to that counsel of [6215]Nevisanus, si vitium uxoris corrigi non potest, ferendum est: if it may not be helped, it must be endured. Date veniam et sustinete taciti, 'tis Sophocles' advice, keep it to thyself, and which Chrysostom calls palaestram philosophiae, et domesticum gymnasium a school of philosophy, put it up. There is no other cure but time to wear it out, Injuriarum remedium est oblivio, as if they had drunk a draught of Lethe in Trophonius' den: to conclude, age will bereave her of it, dies dolorem minuit, time and patience must end it. [6216]The mind's affections patience will appease, It passions kills, and healeth each disease.

SUBSECT. II.—By prevention before, or after Marriage, Plato's Community, marry a Courtesan, Philters, Stews, to marry one equal in years, fortunes, of a good family, education, good place, to use them well, &c.

Of such medicines as conduce to the cure of this malady, I have sufficiently treated; there be some good remedies remaining, by way of prevention, precautions, or admonitions, which if rightly practised, may do much good. Plato, in his Commonwealth, to prevent this mischief belike, would have all things, wives and children, all as one: and which Caesar in his Commentaries observed of those old Britons, that first inhabited this land, they had ten or twelve wives allotted to such a family, or promiscuously to be used by so many men; not one to one, as with us, or four, five, or six to one, as in Turkey. The [6217]Nicholaites, a set that sprang, saith Austin, from Nicholas the deacon, would have women indifferent; and the cause of this filthy sect, was Nicholas the deacon's jealousy, for which when he was condemned to purge himself of his offence, he broached his heresy, that it was lawful to lie with one another's wives, and for any man to lie with his: like to those [6218]Anabaptists in Munster, that would consort with other men's wives as the spirit moved them: or as [6219]Mahomet, the seducing prophet, would needs use women as he list himself, to beget prophets; two hundred and five, their Alcoran saith, were in love with him, and [6220]he as able as forty men. Amongst the old Carthaginians, as [6221]Bohemus relates out of Sabellicus., the king of the country lay with the bride the first night, and once in a year they went promiscuously all together. Munster Cosmog. lib. 3. cap. 497. ascribes the beginning of this brutish custom (unjustly) to one Picardus, a Frenchman, that invented a new sect of Adamites, to go naked as Adam did, and to use promiscuous venery at set times. When the priest repeated that of Genesis, Increase and multiply, out [6222]went the candles in the place where they met, and without all respect of age, persons, conditions, catch that catch may, every man took her that came next, &c.; some fasten this on those ancient Bohemians and Russians: [6223]others on the inhabitants of Mambrium, in the Lucerne valley in Piedmont; and, as I read, it was practised in Scotland amongst Christians themselves, until King Malcolm's time, the king or the lord of the town had their maidenheads. In some parts of [6224]India in our age, and those [6225]islanders, [6226]as amongst the Babylonians of old, they will prostitute their wives and daughters (which Chalcocondila, a Greek modern writer, for want of better intelligence, puts upon us Britons) to such travellers or seafaring men as come amongst them by chance, to show how far they were from this feral vice of jealousy, and how little they esteemed it. The kings of Calecut, as [6227]Lod. Vertomannus relates, will not touch their wives, till one of their Biarmi or high priests have lain first with them, to sanctify their wombs. But those Esai and Montanists, two strange sects of old, were in another extreme, they would not marry at all, or have any society with women, [6228]because of their intemperance they held them all to be naught. Nevisanus the lawyer, lib. 4. num. 33. sylv. nupt. would have him that is inclined to this malady, to prevent the worst, marry a quean, Capiens meretricem, hoc habet saltem boni quod non decipitur, quia scit eam sic esse, quod non contingit aliis. A fornicator in Seneca constuprated two wenches in a night; for satisfaction, the one desired to hang him, the other to marry him. [6229] Hierome, king of Syracuse in Sicily, espoused himself to Pitho, keeper of the stews; and Ptolemy took Thais a common whore to be his wife, had two sons, Leontiscus and Lagus by her, and one daughter Irene: 'tis therefore no such unlikely thing. [6230]A citizen of Engubine gelded himself to try his wife's honesty, and to be freed from jealousy; so did a baker in [6231] Basil, to the same intent. But of all other precedents in this kind, that of [6232]Combalus is most memorable; who to prevent his master's suspicion, for he was a beautiful young man, and sent by Seleucus his lord and king, with Stratonice the queen to conduct her into Syria, fearing the worst, gelded himself before he went, and left his genitals behind him in a box sealed up. His mistress by the way fell in love with him, but he not yielding to her, was accused to Seleucus of incontinency, (as that Bellerophon was in like case, falsely traduced by Sthenobia, to King Praetus her husband, cum non posset ad coitum inducere) and that by her, and was therefore at his corning home cast into prison: the day of hearing appointed, he was sufficiently cleared and acquitted, by showing his privities, which to the admiration of the beholders he had formerly cut off. The Lydians used to geld women whom they suspected, saith Leonicus var. hist. Tib. 3. cap. 49. as well as men. To this purpose [6233]Saint Francis, because he used to confess women in private, to prevent suspicion, and prove himself a maid, stripped himself before the Bishop of Assise and others: and Friar Leonard for the same cause went through Viterbium in Italy, without any garments. Our pseudo-Catholics, to help these inconveniences which proceed from jealousy, to keep themselves and their wives honest, make severe laws; against adultery present death; and withal fornication, a venal sin, as a sink to convey that furious and swift stream of concupiscence, they appoint and permit stews, those punks and pleasant sinners, the more to secure their wives in all populous cities, for they hold them as necessary as churches; and howsoever unlawful, yet to avoid a greater mischief, to be tolerated in policy, as usury, for the hardness of men's hearts; and for this end they have whole colleges of courtesans in their towns and cities. Of [6234]Cato's mind belike, that would have his servants (cum ancillis congredi coitus causa, definito aere, ut graviora facinora evitarent, caeteris interim interdicens) familiar with some such feminine creatures, to avoid worse mischiefs in his house, and made allowance for it. They hold it impossible for idle persons, young, rich, and lusty, so many servants, monks, friars, to live honest, too tyrannical a burden to compel them to be chaste, and most unfit to suffer poor men, younger brothers and soldiers at all to marry, as those diseased persons, votaries, priests, servants. Therefore, as well to keep and ease the one as the other, they tolerate and wink at these kind of brothel-houses and stews. Many probable arguments they have to prove the lawfulness, the necessity, and a toleration of them, as of usury; and without question in policy they are not to be contradicted: but altogether in religion. Others prescribe filters, spells, charms to keep men and women honest. [6235]Mulier ut alienum virum non admittat praeter suum: Accipe fel hirci, et adipem, et exsicca, calescat in oleo, &c., et non alium praeter et amabit. In Alexi. Porta, &c., plura invenies, et multo his absurdiora, uti et in Rhasi, ne mulier virum admittat, et maritum solum diligat, &c. But these are most part Pagan, impious, irreligious, absurd, and ridiculous devices. The best means to avoid these and like inconveniences are, to take away the causes and occasions. To this purpose [6236]Varro writ Satyram Menippeam, but it is lost. [6237]Patritius prescribes four rules to be observed in choosing of a wife (which who so will may read); Fonseca, the Spaniard, in his 45. c. Amphitheat. Amoris, sets down six special cautions for men, four for women; Sam. Neander out of Shonbernerus, five for men, five for women; Anthony Guivarra many good lessons; [6238]Cleobulus two alone, others otherwise; as first to make a good choice in marriage, to invite Christ to their wedding, and which [6239]St. Ambrose adviseth, Deum conjugii praesidem habere, and to pray to him for her, A Domino enim datur uxor prudens, Prov. xix. ) not to be too rash and precipitate in his election, to run upon the first he meets, or dote on every stout fair piece he sees, but to choose her as much by his ears as eyes, to be well advised whom he takes, of what age, &c., and cautelous in his proceedings. An old man should not marry a young woman, nor a young woman an old man, [6240] Quam male inaequales veniunt ad arata juvenci! such matches must needs minister a perpetual cause of suspicion, and be distasteful to each other. [6241]Noctua ut in tumulis, super atque cadavera bubo, Talis apud Sophoclem nostra puella sedet.

Night-crows on tombs, owl sits on carcass dead, So lies a wench with Sophocles in bed.

For Sophocles, as [6242]Atheneus describes him, was a very old man, as cold as January, a bedfellow of bones, and doted yet upon Archippe, a young courtesan, than which nothing can be more odious. [6243]Senex maritus uxori juveni ingratus est, an old man is a most unwelcome guest to a young wench, unable, unfit: [6244]Amplexus suos fugiunt puellae, Omnis horret amor Venusque Hymenque.

And as in like case a good fellow that had but a peck of corn weekly to grind, yet would needs build a new mill for it, found his error eftsoons, for either he must let his mill lie waste, pull it quite down, or let others grind at it. So these men, &c. Seneca therefore disallows all such unseasonable matches, habent enim maledicti locum crebrae nuptiae. And as [6245]Tully farther inveighs, 'tis unfit for any, but ugly and filthy in old age. Turpe senilis amor, one of the three things [6246]God hateth. Plutarch, in his book contra Coleten, rails downright at such kind of marriages, which are attempted by old men, qui jam corpore impotenti, et a voluptatibus deserti, peccant animo, and makes a question whether in some cases it be tolerable at least for such a man to marry,—qui Venerem affectat sine viribus, that is now past those venerous exercises, as a gelded man lies with a virgin and sighs, Ecclus. xxx. 20, and now complains with him in Petronius, funerata est haec pars jam, quad fuit olim Achillea, he is quite done, [6247]Vixit puellae nuper idoneus, Et militavit non sine gloria.

But the question is whether he may delight himself as those Priapeian popes, which, in their decrepit age, lay commonly between two wenches every night, contactu formosarum, et contrectatione, num adhuc gaudeat; and as many doting sires do to their own shame, their children's undoing, and their families' confusion: he abhors it, tanquam ab agresti et furioso domino fugiendum, it must be avoided as a bedlam master, and not obeyed. [6248]Alecto——— Ipsa faces praefert nubentibus, et malus Hymen Triste ululat,———

the devil himself makes such matches. [6249]Levinus Lemnius reckons up three things which generally disturb the peace of marriage: the first is when they marry intempestive or unseasonably, as many mortal men marry precipitately and inconsiderately, when they are effete and old: the second when they marry unequally for fortunes and birth: the third, when a sick impotent person weds one that is sound, novae nuptae spes frustratur: many dislikes instantly follow. Many doting dizzards, it may not be denied, as Plutarch confesseth, [6250]recreate themselves with such obsolete, unseasonable and filthy remedies (so he calls them), with a remembrance of their former pleasures, against nature they stir up their dead flesh: but an old lecher is abominable; mulier tertio nubens, [6251]Nevisanus holds, praesumitur lubrica, et inconstans, a woman that marries a third time may be presumed to be no honester than she should. Of them both, thus Ambrose concludes in his comment upon Luke, [6252]they that are coupled together, not to get children, but to satisfy their lust, are not husbands, but fornicators, with whom St. Austin consents: matrimony without hope of children, non matrimonium, sed concubium dici debet, is not a wedding but a jumbling or coupling together. In a word (except they wed for mutual society, help and comfort one of another, in which respects, though [6253]Tiberius deny it, without question old folks may well marry) for sometimes a man hath most need of a wife, according to Puccius, when he hath no need of a wife; otherwise it is most odious, when an old Acherontic dizzard, that hath one foot in his grave, a silicernium, shall flicker after a young wench that is blithe and bonny, [6254]———salaciorque Verno passere, et albulis columbis.

What can be more detestable? [6255]Tu cano capite amas senex nequissime Jam plenus aetatis, animaque foetida, Senex hircosus tu osculare mulierem? Utine adiens vomitum potius excuties.

Thou old goat, hoary lecher, naughty man, With stinking breath, art thou in love? Must thou be slavering? she spews to see Thy filthy face, it doth so move.

Yet, as some will, it is much more tolerable for an old man to marry a young woman (our ladies' match they call it) for cras erit mulier, as he said in Tully. Cato the Roman, Critobulus in [6256]Xenophon, [6257]Tiraquellus of late, Julius Scaliger, &c., and many famous precedents we have in that kind; but not e contra: 'tis not held fit for an ancient woman to match with a young man. For as Varro will, Anus dum ludit morti delitias facit, 'tis Charon's match between [6258]Cascus and Casca, and the devil himself is surely well pleased with it. And, therefore, as the [6259]poet inveighs, thou old Vetustina bedridden quean, that art now skin and bones, Cui tres capilli, quatuorque sunt dentes, Pectus cicadae, crusculumque formicae, Rugosiorem quae geris stola frontem, Et arenaram cassibus pares mammas.

That hast three hairs, four teeth, a breast Like grasshopper, an emmet's crest, A skin more rugged than thy coat, And drugs like spider's web to boot.

Must thou marry a youth again? And yet ducentas ire nuptum post mortes amant: howsoever it is, as [6260]Apuleius gives out of his Meroe, congressus annosus, pestilens, abhorrendus, a pestilent match, abominable, and not to be endured. In such case how can they otherwise choose but be jealous, how should they agree one with another? This inequality is not in years only, but in birth, fortunes, conditions, and all good [6261]qualities, si qua voles apte nubere, nube pari, 'tis my counsel, saith Anthony Guiverra, to choose such a one. Civis Civem ducat, Nobilis Nobilem, let a citizen match with a citizen, a gentleman with a gentlewoman; he that observes not this precept (saith he) non generum sed malum Genium, non nurum sed Furiam, non vitae Comitem, sed litis fomitem domi habebit, instead of a fair wife shall have a fury, for a fit son-in-law a mere fiend, &c. examples are too frequent. Another main caution fit to be observed is this, that though they be equal in years, birth, fortunes, and other conditions, yet they do not omit virtue and good education, which Musonius and Antipater so much inculcate in Stobeus: [6262]Dos est magna parentum Virtus, et metuens alterius viri Certo foedere castitas.

If, as Plutarch adviseth, one must eat modium salis, a bushel of salt with him, before he choose his friend, what care should be had in choosing a wife, his second self, how solicitous should he be to know her qualities and behaviour; and when he is assured of them, not to prefer birth, fortune, beauty, before bringing up, and good conditions. [6263]Coquage god of cuckolds, as one merrily said, accompanies the goddess Jealousy, both follow the fairest, by Jupiter's appointment, and they sacrifice to them together: beauty and honesty seldom agree; straight personages have often crooked manners; fair faces, foul vices; good complexions, ill conditions. Suspicionis plena res est, et insidiarum, beauty (saith [6264]Chrysostom) is full of treachery and suspicion: he that hath a fair wife, cannot have a worse mischief, and yet most covet it, as if nothing else in marriage but that and wealth were to be respected. [6265]Francis Sforza, Duke of Milan, was so curious in this behalf, that he would not marry the Duke of Mantua's daughter, except he might see her naked first: which Lycurgus appointed in his laws, and Morus in his Utopian Commonwealth approves. [6266]In Italy, as a traveller observes, if a man have three or four daughters, or more, and they prove fair, they are married eftsoons: if deformed, they change their lovely names of Lucia, Cynthia, Camaena, call them Dorothy, Ursula, Bridget, and so put them into monasteries, as if none were fit for marriage, but such as are eminently fair: but these are erroneous tenets: a modest virgin well conditioned, to such a fair snout-piece, is much to be preferred. If thou wilt avoid them, take away all causes of suspicion and jealousy, marry a coarse piece, fetch her from Cassandra's [6267]temple, which was wont in Italy to be a sanctuary of all deformed maids, and so shalt thou be sure that no man will make thee cuckold, but for spite. A citizen of Bizance in France had a filthy, dowdy, deformed slut to his wife, and finding her in bed with another man, cried out as one amazed; O miser! quae te necessitas huc adegit? O thou wretch, what necessity brought thee hither? as well he might; for who can affect such a one? But this is warily to be understood, most offend in another extreme, they prefer wealth before beauty, and so she be rich, they care not how she look; but these are all out as faulty as the rest. Attendenda uxoris forma, as [6268]Salisburiensis adviseth, ne si alteram aspexeris, mox eam sordere putes, as the Knight in Chaucer, that was married to an old woman, And all day after hid him as an owl, So woe was his wife looked so foul.

Have a care of thy wife's complexion, lest whilst thou seest another, thou loathest her, she prove jealous, thou naught, [6269]Si tibi deformis conjux, si serva venusta, Ne utaris serva,———

I can perhaps give instance. Molestum est possidere, quod nemo habere dignetur, a misery to possess that which no man likes: on the other side, Difficile custoditur quod plures amant. And as the bragging soldier vaunted in the comedy, nimia est miseria pulchrum esse hominem nimis. Scipio did never so hardly besiege Carthage, as these young gallants will beset thine house, one with wit or person, another with wealth, &c. If she he fair, saith Guazzo, she will be suspected howsoever. Both extremes are naught, Pulchra cito adamatur, foeda facile concupiscit, the one is soon beloved, the other loves: one is hardly kept, because proud and arrogant, the other not worth keeping; what is to be done in this case? Ennius in Menelippe adviseth thee as a friend to take statam formam, si vis habere incolumem pudicitiam, one of a middle size, neither too fair nor too foul, [6270]Nec formosa magis quam mihi casta placet, with old Cato, though fit let her beauty be, neque lectissima, neque illiberalis, between both. This I approve; but of the other two I resolve with Salisburiensis, caeteris paribus, both rich alike, endowed alike, majori miseria deformis habetur quam formosa servatur, I had rather marry a fair one, and put it to the hazard, than be troubled with a blowze; but do as thou wilt, I speak only of myself. Howsoever, quod iterum maneo, I would advise thee thus much, be she fair or foul, to choose a wife out of a good kindred, parentage, well brought up, in an honest place. [6271]Primum animo tibi proponas quo sanguine creta. Qua forma, qua aetate, quibusque ante omnia virgo Moribus, in junctos veniat nova nupta penates.

He that marries a wife out of a suspected inn or alehouse, buys a horse in Smithfield, and hires a servant in Paul's, as the diverb is, shall likely have a jade to his horse, a knave for his man, an arrant honest woman to his wife. Filia praesumitur, esse matri similis, saith [6272]Nevisanus? Such [6273]a mother, such a daughter; mali corvi malum ovum., cat to her kind. [6274]Scilicet expectas ut tradat mater honestos Atque alios mores quam quos habet?

If the mother be dishonest, in all likelihood the daughter will matrizare, take after her in all good qualities, Creden' Pasiphae non tauripotente futuram Tauripetam?———

If the dam trot, the foal will not amble. My last caution is, that a woman do not bestow herself upon a fool, or an apparent melancholy person; jealousy is a symptom of that disease, and fools have no moderation. Justina, a Roman lady, was much persecuted, and after made away by her jealous husband, she caused and enjoined this epitaph, as a caveat to others, to be engraven on her tomb: [6275]Discite ab exemplo Justinae, discite patres, Ne nubat fatuo filia vestra viro, &c.

Learn parents all, and by Justina's case, Your children to no dizzards for to place.

After marriage, I can give no better admonitions than to use their wives well, and which a friend of mine told me that was a married man, I will tell you as good cheap, saith Nicostratus in [6276]Stobeus, to avoid future strife, and for quietness' sake, when you are in bed, take heed of your wife's flattering speeches over night, and curtain, sermons in the morning. Let them do their endeavour likewise to maintain them to their means, which [6277]Patricius ingeminates, and let them have liberty with discretion, as time and place requires: many women turn queans by compulsion, as [6278]Nevisanus observes, because their husbands are so hard, and keep them so short in diet and apparel, paupertas cogit eas meretricari, poverty and hunger, want of means, makes them dishonest, or bad usage; their churlish behaviour forceth them to fly out, or bad examples, they do it to cry quittance. In the other extreme some are too liberal, as the proverb is, Turdus malum sibi cacat, they make a rod for their own tails, as Candaules did to Gyges in [6279]Herodotus, commend his wife's beauty himself, and besides would needs have him see her naked. Whilst they give their wives too much liberty to gad abroad, and bountiful allowance, they are accessory to their own miseries; animae uxorum pessime olent, as Plautus jibes, they have deformed souls, and by their painting and colours procure odium mariti, their husband's hate, especially,—[6280] cum misere viscantur labra mariti. Besides, their wives (as [6281]Basil notes) Impudenter se exponunt masculorum aspectibus, jactantes tunicas, et coram tripudiantes, impudently thrust themselves into other men's companies, and by their indecent wanton carriage provoke and tempt the spectators. Virtuous women should keep house; and 'twas well performed and ordered by the Greeks, [6282]———mulier ne qua in publicum Spectandam se sine arbitro praebeat viro:

which made Phidias belike at Elis paint Venus treading on a tortoise, a symbol of women's silence and housekeeping. For a woman abroad and alone, is like a deer broke out of a park, quam mille venatores insequuntur, whom every hunter follows; and besides in such places she cannot so well vindicate herself, but as that virgin Dinah (Gen. xxxiv., 2,) going for to see the daughters of the land, lost her virginity, she may be defiled and overtaken of a sudden: Imbelles damae quid nisi praeda sumus? [6283] And therefore I know not what philosopher he was, that would have women come but thrice abroad all their time, [6284]to be baptised, married, and buried; but he was too strait-laced. Let them have their liberty in good sort, and go in good sort, modo non annos viginti aetatis suae domi relinquant, as a good fellow said, so that they look not twenty years younger abroad than they do at home, they be not spruce, neat, angels abroad, beasts, dowdies, sluts at home; but seek by all means to please and give content to their husbands: to be quiet above all things, obedient, silent and patient; if they be incensed, angry, chid a little, their wives must not [6285]cample again, but take it in good part. An honest woman, I cannot now tell where she dwelt, but by report an honest woman she was, hearing one of her gossips by chance complain of her husband's impatience, told her an excellent remedy for it, and gave her withal a glass of water, which when he brawled she should hold still in her mouth, and that toties quoties, as often as he chid; she did so two or three times with good success, and at length seeing her neighbour, gave her great thanks for it, and would needs know the ingredients, [6286]she told her in brief what it was, fair water, and no more: for it was not the water, but her silence which performed the cure. Let every froward woman imitate this example, and be quiet within doors, and (as [6287]M. Aurelius prescribes) a necessary caution it is to be observed of all good matrons that love their credits, to come little abroad, but follow their work at home, look to their household affairs and private business, oeconomiae incumbentes, be sober, thrifty, wary, circumspect, modest, and compose themselves to live to their husbands' means, as a good housewife should do, [6288]Quae studiis gavisa coli, partita labores Fallet opus cantu, formae assimulata coronae Cura puellaris, circum fusosque rotasque Cum volvet, &c.

Howsoever 'tis good to keep them private, not in prison; [6289]Quisquis custodit uxorem vectibus et seris, Etsi sibi sapiens, stultus est, et nihil sapit.

Read more of this subject, Horol. princ. lib. 2. per totum. Arnisaeus, polit. Cyprian, Tertullian, Bossus de mulier. apparat. Godefridus de Amor. lib. 2. cap. 4. Levinus Lemnius cap. 54. de institut. Christ. Barbaras de re uxor. lib. 2. cap. 2. Franciscus Patritius de institut. Reipub. lib. 4. Tit. 4. et 6. de officio mariti et uxoris, Christ. Fonseca Amphitheat. Amor. cap. 45. Sam. Neander, &c. These cautions concern him; and if by those or his own discretion otherwise he cannot moderate himself, his friends must not be wanting by their wisdom, if it be possible, to give the party grieved satisfaction, to prevent and remove the occasions, objects, if it may be to secure him. If it be one alone, or many, to consider whom he suspects or at what times, in what places he is most incensed, in what companies. [6290]Nevisanus makes a question whether a young physician ought to be admitted in cases of sickness, into a new-married man's house, to administer a julep, a syrup, or some such physic. The Persians of old would not suffer a young physician to come amongst women. [6291]Apollonides Cous made Artaxerxes cuckold, and was after buried alive for it. A goaler in Aristaenetus had a fine young gentleman to his prisoner; [6292]in commiseration of his youth and person he let him loose, to enjoy the liberty of the prison, but he unkindly made him a cornuto. Menelaus gave good welcome to Paris a stranger, his whole house and family were at his command, but he ungently stole away his best beloved wife. The like measure was offered to Agis king of Lacedaemon, by [6293] Alcibiades an exile, for his good entertainment, he was too familiar with Timea his wife, begetting a child of her, called Leotichides: and bragging moreover when he came home to Athens, that he had a son should be king of the Lacedaemonians. If such objects were removed, no doubt but the parties might easily be satisfied, or that they could use them gently and entreat them well, not to revile them, scoff at, hate them, as in such cases commonly they do, 'tis a human infirmity, a miserable vexation, and they should not add grief to grief, nor aggravate their misery, but seek to please, and by all means give them content, by good counsel, removing such offensive objects, or by mediation of some discreet friends. In old Rome there was a temple erected by the matrons to that [6294]Viriplaca Dea, another to Venus verticorda, quae maritos uxoribus reddebat benevolos, whither (if any difference happened between man and wife) they did instantly resort: there they did offer sacrifice, a white hart, Plutarch records, sine felle, without the gall, (some say the like of Juno's temple) and make their prayers for conjugal peace; before some [6295] indifferent arbitrators and friends, the matter was heard between man and wife, and commonly composed. In our times we want no sacred churches, or good men to end such controversies, if use were made, of them. Some say that precious stone called [6296]beryllus, others a diamond, hath excellent virtue, contra hostium injurias, et conjugatos invicem conciliare, to reconcile men and wives, to maintain unity and love; you may try this when you will, and as you see cause. If none of all these means and cautions will take place, I know not what remedy to prescribe, or whither such persons may go for ease, except they can get into the same [6297]Turkey paradise, Where they shall have as many fair wives as they will themselves, with clear eyes, and such as look on none but their own husbands, no fear, no danger of being cuckolds; or else I would have them observe that strict rule of [6298]Alphonsus, to marry a deaf and dumb man to a blind woman. If this will not help, let them, to prevent the worst, consult with an [6299]astrologer, and see whether the significators in her horoscope agree with his, that they be not in signis et partibus odiose intuentibus aut imperantibus, sed mutuo et amice antisciis et obedientibus, otherwise (as they hold) there will be intolerable enmities between them: or else get them sigillum veneris, a characteristical seal stamped in the day and hour of Venus, when she is fortunate, with such and such set words and charms, which Villanovanus and Leo Suavius prescribe, ex sigillis magicis Salomonis, Hermetis, Raguelis, &c., with many such, which Alexis, Albertus, and some of our natural magicians put upon us: ut mulier cum aliquo adulterare non possit, incide de capillis ejus, &c., and he shall surely be gracious in all women's eyes, and never suspect or disagree with his own wife so long as he wears it. If this course be not approved, and other remedies may not be had, they must in the last place sue for a divorce; but that is somewhat difficult to effect, and not all out so fit. For as Felisacus in his tract de justa uxore urgeth, if that law of Constantine the Great, or that of Theodosius and Valentinian, concerning divorce, were in use in our times, innumeras propemodum viduas haberemus, et coelibes viros, we should have almost no married couples left. Try therefore those former remedies; or as Tertullian reports of Democritus, that put out his eyes, [6300]because he could not look upon a woman without lust, and was much troubled to see that which he might not enjoy; let him make himself blind, and so he shall avoid that care and molestation of watching his wife. One other sovereign remedy I could repeat, an especial antidote against jealousy, an excellent cure, but I am not now disposed to tell it, not that like a covetous empiric I conceal it for any gain, but some other reasons, I am not willing to publish it: if you be very desirous to know it, when I meet you next I will peradventure tell you what it is in your ear. This is the best counsel I can give; which he that hath need of, as occasion serves, may apply unto himself. In the mean time,—dii talem terris avertite pestem, [6301]as the proverb is, from heresy, jealousy and frenzy, good Lord deliver us.

SECT. IV. MEMB. I.

SUBSECT. I.—Religious Melancholy. Its object God; what his beauty is; How it allures. The parts and parties affected.

That there is such a distinct species of love melancholy, no man hath ever yet doubted: but whether this subdivision of [6302]Religious Melancholy be warrantable, it may be controverted. [6303]Pergite Pieridies, medio nec calle vagantem Linquite me, qua nulla pedum vestigia ducunt, Nulla rotae currus testantur signa priores.

I have no pattern to follow as in some of the rest, no man to imitate. No physician hath as yet distinctly written of it as of the other; all acknowledge it a most notable symptom, some a cause, but few a species or kind. [6304]Areteus, Alexander, Rhasis, Avicenna, and most of our late writers, as Gordonius, Fuchsius, Plater, Bruel, Montaltus, &c. repeat it as a symptom. [6305]Some seem to be inspired of the Holy Ghost, some take upon them to be prophets, some are addicted to new opinions, some foretell strange things, de statu mundi et Antichristi, saith Gordonius. Some will prophesy of the end of the world to a day almost, and the fall of the Antichrist, as they have been addicted or brought up; for so melancholy works with them, as [6306]Laurentius holds. If they have been precisely given, all their meditations tend that way, and in conclusion produce strange effects, the humour imprints symptoms according to their several inclinations and conditions, which makes [6307]Guianerius and [6308]Felix Plater put too much devotion, blind zeal, fear of eternal punishment, and that last judgment for a cause of those enthusiastics and desperate persons: but some do not obscurely make a distinct species of it, dividing love melancholy into that whose object is women; and into the other whose object is God. Plato, in Convivio, makes mention of two distinct furies; and amongst our neoterics, Hercules de Saxonia lib. 1. pract. med. cap. 16. cap. de Melanch. doth expressly treat of it in a distinct species. [6309] Love melancholy (saith he) is twofold; the first is that (to which peradventure some will not vouchsafe this name or species of melancholy) affection of those which put God for their object, and are altogether about prayer, fasting, &c., the other about women. Peter Forestus in his observations delivereth as much in the same words: and Felix Platerus de mentis alienat. cap. 3. frequentissima est ejus species, in qua curanda saepissime multum fui impeditus; 'tis a frequent disease; and they have a ground of what they say, forth of Areteus and Plato. [6310]Areteus, an old author, in his third book cap. 6. doth so divide love melancholy, and derives this second from the first, which comes by inspiration or otherwise. [6311]Plato in his Phaedrus hath these words, Apollo's priests in Delphos, and at Dodona, in their fury do many pretty feats, and benefit the Greeks, but never in their right wits. He makes them all mad, as well he might; and he that shall but consider that superstition of old, those prodigious effects of it (as in its place I will shew the several furies of our fatidici dii, pythonissas, sibyls, enthusiasts, pseudoprophets, heretics, and schismatics in these our latter ages) shall instantly confess, that all the world again cannot afford so much matter of madness, so many stupendous symptoms, as superstition, heresy, schism have brought out: that this species alone may be paralleled to all the former, has a greater latitude, and more miraculous effects; that it more besots and infatuates men, than any other above named whatsoever, does more harm, works more disquietness to mankind, and has more crucified the souls of mortal men (such hath been the devil's craft) than wars, plagues, sicknesses, dearth, famine, and all the rest. Give me but a little leave, and I will set before your eyes in brief a stupendous, vast, infinite ocean of incredible madness and folly: a sea full of shelves and rocks, sands, gulfs, euripes and contrary tides, full of fearful monsters, uncouth shapes, roaring waves, tempests, and siren calms, halcyonian seas, unspeakable misery, such comedies and tragedies, such absurd and ridiculous, feral and lamentable fits, that I know not whether they are more to be pitied or derided, or may be believed, but that we daily see the same still practised in our days, fresh examples, nova novitia, fresh objects of misery and madness, in this kind that are still represented unto us, abroad, at home, in the midst of us, in our bosoms. But before I can come to treat of these several errors and obliquities, their causes, symptoms, affections, &c., I must say something necessarily of the object of this love, God himself, what this love is, how it allureth, whence it proceeds, and (which is the cause of all our miseries) how we mistake, wander and swerve from it. Amongst all those divine attributes that God doth vindicate to himself, eternity, omnipotency, immutability, wisdom, majesty, justice, mercy, &c., his [6312]beauty is not the least, one thing, saith David, have I desired of the Lord, and that I will still desire, to behold the beauty of the Lord, Psal. xxvii. 4. And out of Sion, which is the perfection of beauty, hath God shined, Psal. 1. 2. All other creatures are fair, I confess, and many other objects do much enamour us, a fair house, a fair horse, a comely person. [6313]I am amazed, saith Austin, when 1 look up to heaven and behold the beauty of the stars, the beauty of angels, principalities, powers, who can express it? who can sufficiently commend, or set out this beauty which appears in us? so fair a body, so fair a face, eyes, nose, cheeks, chin, brows, all fair and lovely to behold; besides the beauty of the soul which cannot be discerned. If we so labour and be so much affected with the comeliness of creatures, how should we be ravished with that admirable lustre of God himself? If ordinary beauty have such a prerogative and power, and what is amiable and fair, to draw the eyes and ears, hearts and affections of all spectators unto it, to move, win, entice, allure: how shall this divine form ravish our souls, which is the fountain and quintessence of all beauty? Coelum pulchrum, sed pulchrior coeli fabricator; if heaven be so fair, the sun so fair, how much fairer shall he be, that made them fair? For by the greatness and beauty of the creatures, proportionally, the maker of them is seen, Wisd. xiii. 5. If there be such pleasure in beholding a beautiful person alone, and as a plausible sermon, he so much affect us, what shall this beauty of God himself, that is infinitely fairer than all creatures, men, angels, &c. [6314] Omnis pulchritudo florem, hominum, angelorum, et rerum omnium pulcherrimarum ad Dei pulchritudinem collata, nox est et tenebrae, all other beauties are night itself, mere darkness to this our inexplicable, incomprehensible, unspeakable, eternal, infinite, admirable and divine beauty. This lustre, pulchritudo omnium pulcherrima. This beauty and [6315] splendour of the divine Majesty, is it that draws all creatures to it, to seek it, love, admire, and adore it; and those heathens, pagans, philosophers, out of those relics they have yet left of God's image, are so far forth incensed, as not only to acknowledge a God; but, though after their own inventions, to stand in admiration of his bounty, goodness, to adore and seek him; the magnificence and structure of the world itself, and beauty of all his creatures, his goodness, providence, protection, enforceth them to love him, seek him, fear him, though a wrong way to adore him: but for us that are Christians, regenerate, that are his adopted sons, illuminated by his word, having the eyes of our hearts and understandings opened; how fairly doth he offer and expose himself? Ambit nos Deus (Austin saith) donis et forma sua, he woos us by his beauty, gifts, promises, to come unto him; [6316]the whole Scripture is a message, an exhortation, a love letter to this purpose; to incite us, and invite us, [6317]God's epistle, as Gregory calls it, to his creatures. He sets out his son and his church in that epithalamium or mystical song of Solomon, to enamour us the more, comparing his head to fine gold, his locks curled and black as a raven, Cant. iv. 5. his eyes like doves on rivers of waters, washed with milk, his lips as lilies, drooping down pure juice, his hands as rings of gold set with chrysolite: and his church to a vineyard, a garden enclosed, a fountain of living waters, an orchard of pomegranates, with sweet scents of saffron, spike, calamus and cinnamon, and all the trees of incense, as the chief spices, the fairest amongst women, no spot in her, [6318]his sister, his spouse, undefiled, the only daughter of her mother, dear unto her, fair as the moon, pure as the sun, looking out as the morning; that by these figures, that glass, these spiritual eyes of contemplation, we might perceive some resemblance of his beauty, the love between his church and him. And so in the xlv. Psalm this beauty of his church is compared to a queen in a vesture of gold of Ophir, embroidered raiment of needlework, that the king might take pleasure in her beauty. To incense us further yet, [6319]John, in his apocalypse, makes a description of that heavenly Jerusalem, the beauty, of it, and in it the maker of it; Likening it to a city of pure gold, like unto clear glass, shining and garnished with all manner of precious stones, having no need of sun or moon: for the lamb is the light of it, the glory of God doth illuminate it: to give us to understand the infinite glory, beauty and happiness of it. Not that it is no fairer than these creatures to which it is compared, but that this vision of his, this lustre of his divine majesty, cannot otherwise be expressed to our apprehensions, no tongue can tell, no heart can conceive it, as Paul saith. Moses himself, Exod. xxxiii. 18. when he desired to see God in his glory, was answered that he might not endure it, no man could see his face and live. Sensibile forte destruit sensum, a strong object overcometh the sight, according to that axiom in philosophy: fulgorem solis ferre non potes, multo magis creatoris; if thou canst not endure the sunbeams, how canst thou endure that fulgor and brightness of him that made the sun? The sun itself and all that we can imagine, are but shadows of it, 'tis visio praecellens, as [6320]Austin calls it, the quintessence of beauty this, which far exceeds the beauty of heavens, sun and moon, stars, angels, gold and silver, woods, fair fields, and whatsoever is pleasant to behold. All those other beauties fail, vary, are subject to corruption, to loathing; [6321]But this is an immortal vision, a divine beauty, an immortal love, an indefatigable love and beauty, with sight of which we shall never be tired nor wearied, but still the more we see the more we shall covet him. [6322]For as one saith, where this vision is, there is absolute beauty; and where is that beauty, from the same fountain comes all pleasure and happiness; neither can beauty, pleasure, happiness, be separated from his vision or sight, or his vision, from beauty, pleasure, happiness. In this life we have but a glimpse of this beauty and happiness: we shall hereafter, as John saith, see him as he is: thine eyes, as Isaiah promiseth, xxxiii. 17. shall behold the king in his glory, then shall we be perfectly enamoured, have a full fruition of it, desire, [6323]behold and love him alone as the most amiable and fairest object, or summum bonum, or chiefest good. This likewise should we now have done, had not our will been corrupted; and as we are enjoined to love God with all our heart, and all our soul: for to that end were we born, to love this object, as [6324]Melancthon discourseth, and to enjoy it. And him our will would have loved and sought alone as our summum bonum, or principal good, and all other good things for God's sake: and nature, as she proceeded from it, would have sought this fountain; but in this infirmity of human nature this order is disturbed, our love is corrupt: and a man is like that monster in [6325]Plato, composed of a Scylla, a lion and a man; we are carried away headlong with the torrent of our affections: the world, and that infinite variety of pleasing objects in it, do so allure and enamour us, that we cannot so much as look towards God, seek him, or think on him as we should: we cannot, saith Austin, Rempub. coelestem cogitare, we cannot contain ourselves from them, their sweetness is so pleasing to us. Marriage, saith [6326] Gualter, detains many; a thing in itself laudable, good and necessary, but many, deceived and carried away with the blind love of it, have quite laid aside the love of God, and desire of his glory. Meat and drink hath overcome as many, whilst they rather strive to please, satisfy their guts and belly, than to serve God and nature. Some are so busied about merchandise to get money, they lose their own souls, whilst covetously carried, and with an insatiable desire of gain, they forget God; as much we may say of honour, leagues, friendships, health, wealth, and all other profits or pleasures in this life whatsoever. [6327]In this world there be so many beautiful objects, splendours and brightness of gold, majesty of glory, assistance of friends, fair promises, smooth words, victories, triumphs, and such an infinite company of pleasing beauties to allure us, and draw us from God, that we cannot look after him. And this is it which Christ himself, those prophets and apostles so much thundered against, 1 John, xvii. 15, dehort us from; love not the world, nor the things that are in the world: if any man love the world, the love of the Father is not in him, 16. For all that is in the world, as lust of the flesh, the lust of the eyes, and pride of life, is not of the Father, but of the world: and the world passeth away and the lust thereof; but he that fulfilleth the will of God abideth for ever. No man, saith our Saviour, can serve two masters, but he must love the one and hate the other, &c., bonos vel malos mores, boni vel mali faciunt amores, Austin well infers: and this is that which all the fathers inculcate. He cannot ([6328]Austin admonisheth) be God's friend, that is delighted with the pleasures of the world: make clean thine heart, purify thine heart; if thou wilt see this beauty, prepare thyself for it. It is the eye of contemplation by which we must behold it, the wing of meditation which lifts us up and rears our souls with the motion of our hearts, and sweetness of contemplation: so saith Gregory cited by [6329]Bonaventure. And as [6330]Philo Judeus seconds him, he that loves God, will soar aloft and take him wings; and leaving the earth fly up to heaven, wander with sun and moon, stars, and that heavenly troop, God himself being his guide. If we desire to see him, we must lay aside all vain objects, which detain us and dazzle our eyes, and as [6331]Ficinus adviseth us, get us solar eyes, spectacles as they that look on the sun: to see this divine beauty, lay aside all material objects, all sense, and then thou shalt see him as he is. Thou covetous wretch, as [6332]Austin expostulates, why dost thou stand gaping on this dross, muck-hills, filthy excrements? behold a far fairer object, God himself woos thee; behold him, enjoy him, he is sick for love. Cant. v. he invites thee to his sight, to come into his fair garden, to eat and drink with him, to be merry with him, to enjoy his presence for ever. [6333]Wisdom cries out in the streets besides the gates, in the top of high places, before the city, at the entry of the door, and bids them give ear to her instruction, which is better than gold or precious stones; no pleasures can be compared to it: leave all then and follow her, vos exhortor o amici et obsecro. In. [6334]Ficinus's words, I exhort and beseech you, that you would embrace and follow this divine love with all your hearts and abilities, by all offices and endeavours make this so loving God propitious unto you. For whom alone, saith [6335]Plotinus, we must forsake the kingdoms and empires of the whole earth, sea, land, and air, if we desire to be engrafted into him, leave all and follow him. Now, forasmuch as this love of God is a habit infused of God, as [6336] Thomas holds, l. 2. quaest. 23. by which a man is inclined to love God above all, and his neighbour as himself, we must pray to God that he will open our eyes, make clear our hearts, that we may be capable of his glorious rays, and perform those duties that he requires of us, Deut. vi. and Josh. xxiii. to love God above all, and our neighbour as ourself, to keep his commandments. In this we know, saith John, c. v. 2, we love the children of God, when we love God and keep his commandments. This is the love of God, that we keep his commandments; he that loveth not, knoweth not God, for God is love, cap. iv. 8, and he that dwelleth in love, dwelleth in God, and God in him; for love pre-supposeth knowledge, faith, hope, and unites us to God himself, as [6337]Leon Hebreus delivereth unto us, and is accompanied with the fear of God, humility, meekness, patience, all those virtues, and charity itself. For if we love God, we shall love our neighbour, and perform the duties which are required at our hands, to which we are exhorted, 1 Cor. xv. 4, 5; Ephes. iv.; Colos. iii.; Rom. xii. We shall not be envious or puffed up, or boast, disdain, think evil, or be provoked to anger, but suffer all things; endeavour to keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace. Forbear one another, forgive one another, clothe the naked, visit the sick, and perform all those works of mercy, which [6338]Clemens Alexandrinus calls amoris et amicitiae, impletionem et extentionem, the extent and complement of love; and that not for fear or worldly respects, but ordine ad Deum, for the love of God himself. This we shall do if we be truly enamoured; but we come short in both, we neither love God nor our neighbour as we should. Our love in spiritual things is too [6339]defective, in worldly things too excessive, there is a jar in both. We love the world too much; God too little; our neighbour not at all, or for our own ends. Vulgus amicitias utilitate probat. The chief thing we respect is our commodity; and what we do is for fear of worldly punishment, for vainglory, praise of men, fashion, and such by respects, not for God's sake. We neither know God aright, nor seek, love or worship him as we should. And for these defects, we involve ourselves into a multitude of errors, we swerve from this true love and worship of God: which is a cause unto us of unspeakable miseries; running into both extremes, we become fools, madmen, without sense, as now in the next place 1 will show you. The parties affected are innumerable almost, and scattered over the face of the earth, far and near, and so have been in all precedent ages, from the beginning of the world to these times, of all sorts and conditions. For method's sake I will reduce them to a twofold division, according to those two extremes of excess and defect, impiety and superstition, idolatry and atheism. Not that there is any excess of divine worship or love of God; that cannot be, we cannot love God too much, or do our duty as we ought, as Papists hold, or have any perfection in this life, much less supererogate: when we have all done, we are unprofitable servants. But because we do aliud agere, zealous without knowledge, and too solicitous about that which is not necessary, busying ourselves about impertinent, needless, idle, and vain ceremonies, populo ut placerent, as the Jews did about sacrifices, oblations, offerings, incense, new moons, feasts, &c., but Isaiah taxeth them, i. 12, who required this at your hands? We have too great opinion of our own worth, that we can satisfy the law: and do more than is required at our hands, by performing those evangelical counsels, and such works of supererogation, merit for others, which Bellarmine, Gregory de Valentia, all their Jesuits and champions defend, that if God should deal in rigour with them, some of their Franciscans and Dominicans are so pure, that nothing could be objected to them. Some of us again are too dear, as we think, more divine and sanctified than others, of a better mettle, greater gifts, and with that proud Pharisee, contemn others in respect of ourselves, we are better Christians, better learned, choice spirits, inspired, know more, have special revelation, perceive God's secrets, and thereupon presume, say and do that many times which is not befitting to be said or done. Of this number are all superstitious idolaters, ethnics, Mahometans, Jews, heretics, [6340]enthusiasts, divinators, prophets, sectaries, and schismatics. Zanchius reduceth such infidels to four chief sects; but I will insist and follow mine own intended method: all which with many other curious persons, monks, hermits, &c., may be ranged in this extreme, and fight under this superstitious banner, with those rude idiots, and infinite swarms of people that are seduced by them. In the other extreme or in defect, march those impious epicures, libertines, atheists, hypocrites, infidels, worldly, secure, impenitent, unthankful, and carnal-minded men, that attribute all to natural causes, that will acknowledge no supreme power; that have cauterised consciences, or live in a reprobate sense; or such desperate persons as are too distrustful of his mercies. Of these there be many subdivisions, diverse degrees of madness and folly, some more than other, as shall be shown in the symptoms: and yet all miserably out, perplexed, doting, and beside themselves for religion's sake. For as [6341]Zanchy well distinguished, and all the world knows religion is twofold, true or false; false is that vain superstition of idolaters, such as were of old, Greeks, Romans, present Mahometans, &c. Timorem deorum inanem, [6342]Tully could term it; or as Zanchy defines it, Ubi falsi dii, aut falso cullu colitur Deus, when false gods, or that God is falsely worshipped. And 'tis a miserable plague, a torture of the soul, a mere madness, Religiosa insania, [6343]Meteran calls it, or insanus error, as [6344]Seneca, a frantic error; or as Austin, Insanus animi morbus, a furious disease of the soul; insania omnium insanissima, a quintessence of madness; [6345]for he that is superstitious can never be quiet. 'Tis proper to man alone, uni superbia, avaritia, superstitio, saith Plin. lib. 7. cap. 1. atque etiam post saevit de futuro, which wrings his soul for the present, and to come: the greatest misery belongs to mankind, a perpetual servitude, a slavery, [6346]Ex timore timor, a heavy yoke, the seal of damnation, an intolerable burden. They that are superstitious are still fearing, suspecting, vexing themselves with auguries, prodigies, false tales, dreams, idle, vain works, unprofitable labours, as [6347]Boterus observes, cura mentis ancipite versantur: enemies to God and to themselves. In a word, as Seneca concludes, Religio Deum colit, superstitio destruit, superstition destroys, but true religion honours God. True religion, ubi verus Deus vere colitur, where the true God is truly worshipped, is the way to heaven, the mother of virtues, love, fear, devotion, obedience, knowledge, &c. It rears the dejected soul of man, and amidst so many cares, miseries, persecutions, which this world affords, it is a sole ease, an unspeakable comfort, a sweet reposal, Jugum suave, et leve, a light yoke, an anchor, and a haven. It adds courage, boldness, and begets generous spirits: although tyrants rage, persecute, and that bloody Lictor or sergeant be ready to martyr them, aut lita, aut morere, (as in those persecutions of the primitive Church, it was put in practice, as you may read in Eusebius and others) though enemies be now ready to invade, and all in an uproar, [6348]Si fractus illabatur orbis, impavidos ferient ruinae, though heaven should fall on his head, he would not be dismayed. But as a good Christian prince once made answer to a menacing Turk, facile scelerata hominum arma contemnit, qui del praesidio tutus est: or as [6349] Phalaris writ to Alexander in a wrong cause, he nor any other enemy could terrify him, for that he trusted in God. Si Deus nobiscum, quis contra nos? In all calamities, persecutions whatsoever, as David did, 2 Sam. ii. 22, he will sing with him, the Lord is my rock, my fortress, my strength, my refuge, the tower and horn of my salvation, &c. In all troubles and adversities, Psal. xlvi. 1. God is my hope and help, still ready to be found, I will not therefore fear, &c., 'tis a fear expelling fear; he hath peace of conscience, and is full of hope, which is (saith [6350]Austin) vita vitae mortalis, the life of this our mortal life, hope of immortality, the sole comfort of our misery: otherwise, as Paul saith, we of all others were most wretched, but this makes us happy, counterpoising our hearts in all miseries; superstition torments, and is from the devil, the author of lies; but this is from God himself, as Lucian, that Antiochian priest, made his divine confession in [6351]Eusebius, Auctor nobis de Deo Deus est, God is the author of our religion himself, his word is our rule, a lantern to us, dictated by the Holy Ghost, he plays upon our hearts as many harpstrings, and we are his temples, he dwelleth in us, and we in him. The part affected of superstition, is the brain, heart, will, understanding, soul itself, and all the faculties of it, totum compositum, all is mad and dotes: now for the extent, as I say, the world itself is the subject of it, (to omit that grand sin of atheism,) all times have been misaffected, past, present, there is not one that doth good, no not one, from the prophet to the priest, &c. A lamentable thing it is to consider, how many myriads of men this idolatry and superstition (for that comprehends all) hath infatuated in all ages, besotted by this blind zeal, which is religion's ape, religion's bastard, religion's shadow, false glass. For where God hath a temple, the devil will have a chapel: where God hath sacrifices, the devil will have his oblations: where God hath ceremonies, the devil will have his traditions: where there is any religion, the devil will plant superstition; and 'tis a pitiful sight to behold and read, what tortures, miseries, it hath procured, what slaughter of souls it hath made, how it rageth amongst those old Persians, Syrians, Egyptians, Greeks, Romans, Tuscans, Gauls, Germans, Britons, &c. Britannia jam hodie celebrat tam attonite, saith [6352]Pliny, tantis ceremoniis (speaking of superstition) ut dedisse Persis videri possit. The Britons are so stupendly superstitious in their ceremonies, that they go beyond those Persians. He that shall but read in Pausanias alone, those gods, temples, altars, idols, statues, so curiously made with such infinite cost and charge, amongst those old Greeks, such multitudes of them and frequent varieties, as [6353]Gerbelius truly observes, may stand amazed, and never enough wonder at it; and thank God withal, that by the light of the Gospel, we are so happily freed from that slavish idolatry in these our days. But heretofore, almost in all countries, in all places, superstition hath blinded the hearts of men; in all ages what a small portion hath the true church ever been! Divisum imperium cum Jove Daemon habet. [6354]The patriarchs and their families, the Israelites a handful in respect, Christ and his apostles, and not all of them, neither. Into what straits hath it been compinged, a little flock! how hath superstition on the other side dilated herself, error, ignorance, barbarism, folly, madness, deceived, triumphed, and insulted over the most wise discreet, and understanding man, philosophers, dynasts, monarchs, all were involved and overshadowed in this mist, in more than Cimmerian darkness. [6355]Adeo ignara superstitio mentes hominum depravat, et nonnunquam sapientum animos transversos agit. At this present, quota pars! How small a part is truly religious! How little in respect! Divide the world into six parts, and one, or not so much, as Christians; idolaters and Mahometans possess almost Asia, Africa, America, Magellanica. The kings of China, great Cham, Siam, and Borneo, Pegu, Deccan, Narsinga, Japan, &c., are gentiles, idolaters, and many other petty princes in Asia, Monomotopa, Congo, and I know not how many Negro princes in Africa, all Terra Australis incognita most of America pagans, differing all in their several superstitions; and yet all idolaters. The Mahometans extend themselves over the great Turk's dominions in Europe, Africa, Asia, to the Xeriffes in Barbary, and its territories in Fez, Sus, Morocco, &c. The Tartar, the great Mogor, the Sophy of Persia, with most of their dominions and subjects, are at this day Mahometans. See how the devil rageth: those at odds, or differing among themselves, some for [6356]Ali, some Enbocar, for Acmor, and Ozimen, those four doctors, Mahomet's successors, and are subdivided into seventy-two inferior sects, as [6357]Leo Afer reports. The Jews, as a company of vagabonds, are scattered over all parts; whose story, present estate, progress from time to time, is fully set down by [6358]Mr. Thomas Jackson, Doctor of Divinity, in his comment on the creed. A fifth part of the world, and hardly that, now professeth CHRIST, but so inlarded and interlaced with several superstitions, that there is scarce a sound part to be found, or any agreement amongst them. Presbyter John, in Africa, lord of those Abyssinians, or Ethiopians, is by his profession a Christian, but so different from us, with such new absurdities and ceremonies, such liberty, such a mixture of idolatry and paganism, [6359]that they keep little more than a bare title of Christianity. They suffer polygamy, circumcision, stupend fastings, divorce as they will themselves, &c., and as the papists call on the Virgin Mary, so do they on Thomas Didymus before Christ. [6360]The Greek or Eastern Church is rent from this of the West, and as they have four chief patriarchs, so have they four subdivisions, besides those Nestorians, Jacobins, Syrians, Armenians, Georgians, &c., scattered over Asia Minor, Syria, Egypt, &c., Greece, Walachia, Circassia, Bulgaria, Bosnia, Albania, Illyricum, Sclavonia, Croatia, Thrace, Servia, Rascia, and a sprinkling amongst the Tartars, the Russians, Muscovites, and most of that great duke's (czar's) subjects, are part of the Greek Church, and still Christians: but as [6361]one saith, temporis successu multas illi addiderunt superstitiones. In process of time they have added so many superstitions, they be rather semi-Christians than otherwise. That which remains is the Western Church with us in Europe, but so eclipsed with several schisms, heresies and superstitions, that one knows not where to find it. The papists have Italy, Spain, Savoy, part of Germany, France, Poland, and a sprinkling in the rest of Europe. In America, they hold all that which Spaniards inhabit, Hispania Nova, Castella Aurea, Peru, &c. In the East Indies, the Philippines, some small holds about Goa, Malacca, Zelan, Ormus, &c., which the Portuguese got not long since, and those land-leaping Jesuits have essayed in China, Japan, as appears by their yearly letters; in Africa they have Melinda, Quiloa, Mombaze, &c., and some few towns, they drive out one superstition with another. Poland is a receptacle of all religions, where Samosetans, Socinians, Photinians (now protected in Transylvania and Poland), Arians, Anabaptists are to be found, as well as in some German cities. Scandia is Christian, but [6362]Damianus A-Goes, the Portugal knight, complains, so mixed with magic, pagan rites and ceremonies, they may be as well counted idolaters: what Tacitus formerly said of a like nation, is verified in them, [6363]A people subject to superstition, contrary to religion. And some of them as about Lapland and the Pilapians, the devil's possession to this day, Misera haec gens (saith mine [6364]author) Satanae hactenus possessio,—et quod maxime mirandum et dolendum, and which is to be admired and pitied; if any of them be baptised, which the kings of Sweden much labour, they die within seven or nine days after, and for that cause they will hardly be brought to Christianity, but worship still the devil, who daily appears to them. In their idolatrous courses, Gandentibus diis patriis, quos religiose colunt, &c. Yet are they very superstitious, like our wild Irish: though they of the better note, the kings of Denmark and Sweden themselves, that govern them, be Lutherans; the remnant are Calvinists, Lutherans, in Germany equally mixed. And yet the emperor himself, dukes of Lorraine, Bavaria, and the princes, electors, are most part professed papists. And though some part of France and Ireland, Great Britain, half the cantons in Switzerland, and the Low Countries, be Calvinists, more defecate than the rest, yet at odds amongst themselves, not free from superstition. And which [6365]Brochard, the monk, in his description of the Holy Land, after he had censured the Greek church, and showed their errors, concluded at last, Faxit Deus ne Latinis multa irrepserint stultifies, I say God grant there be no fopperies in our church. As a dam of water stopped in one place breaks out into another, so doth superstition. I say nothing of Anabaptists, Socinians, Brownists, Familists, &c. There is superstition in our prayers, often in our hearing of sermons, bitter contentions, invectives, persecutions, strange conceits, besides diversity of opinions, schisms, factions, &c. But as the Lord (Job xlii. cap. 7. v.) said to Eliphaz, the Temanite, and his two friends, his wrath was kindled against them, for they had not spoken of him things that were right: we may justly of these schismatics and heretics, how wise soever in their own conceits, non recte loquuntur de Deo, they speak not, they think not, they write not well of God, and as they ought. And therefore, Quid quaeso mi Dorpi, as Erasmus concludes to Dorpius, hisce Theologis faciamus, aut quid preceris, nisi forte fidelem medicum, qui cerebro medeatur? What shall we wish them, but sanam mentem, and a good physician? But more of their differences, paradoxes, opinions, mad pranks, in the symptoms: I now hasten to the causes.

SUBSECT. II.—Causes of Religious melancholy. From the Devil by miracles, apparitions, oracles. His instruments or factors, politicians, Priests, Impostors, Heretics, blind guides. In them simplicity, fear, blind zeal, ignorance, solitariness, curiosity, pride, vainglory, presumption, &c. his engines, fasting, solitariness, hope, fear, &c.

We are taught in Holy Scripture, that the Devil rangeth abroad like a roaring lion, still seeking whom he may devour: and as in several shapes, so by several engines and devices he goeth about to seduce us; sometimes he transforms himself into an angel of light; and is so cunning that he is able, if it were possible, to deceive the very elect. He will be worshipped as [6366]God himself, and is so adored by the heathen, and esteemed. And in imitation of that divine power, as [6367]Eusebius observes, [6368]to abuse or emulate God's glory, as Dandinus adds, he will have all homage, sacrifices, oblations, and whatsoever else belongs to the worship of God, to be done likewise unto him, similis erit altissimo, and by this means infatuates the world, deludes, entraps, and destroys many a thousand souls. Sometimes by dreams, visions (as God to Moses by familiar conference), the devil in several shapes talks with them: in the [6369]Indies it is common, and in China nothing so familiar as apparitions, inspirations, oracles, by terrifying them with false prodigies, counterfeit miracles, sending storms, tempests, diseases, plagues (as of old in Athens there was Apollo, Alexicacus, Apollo λόιμιος, pestifer et malorum depulsor), raising wars, seditions by spectrums, troubling their consciences, driving them to despair, terrors of mind, intolerable pains; by promises, rewards, benefits, and fair means, he raiseth such an opinion of his deity and greatness, that they dare not do otherwise than adore him, do as he will have them, they dare not offend him. And to compel them more to stand in awe of him, [6370]he sends and cures diseases, disquiets their spirits (as Cyprian saith), torments and terrifies their souls, to make them adore him: and all his study, all his endeavour is to divert them from true religion to superstition: and because he is damned himself, and in an error, he would have all the world participate of his errors, and be damned with him. The primum mobile, therefore, and first mover of all superstition, is the devil, that great enemy of mankind, the principal agent, who in a thousand several, shapes, after diverse fashions, with several engines, illusions, and by several names hath deceived the inhabitants of the earth, in several places and countries, still rejoicing at their falls. All the world over before Christ's time, he freely domineered, and held the souls of men in most slavish subjection (saith [6371]Eusebius) in diverse forms, ceremonies, and sacrifices, till Christ's coming, as if those devils of the air had shared the earth amongst them, which the Platonists held for gods ([6372]Ludus deorum sumus), and were our governors and keepers. In several places, they had several rites, orders, names, of which read Wierus de praestigiis daemonum, lib. 1. cap. 5. [6373]Strozzius Cicogna, and others; Adonided amongst the Syrians; Adramalech amongst the Capernaites, Asiniae amongst the Emathites; Astartes with the Sidonians; Astaroth with the Palestines; Dagon with the Philistines; Tartary with the Hanaei; Melchonis amongst the Ammonites: Beli the Babylonians; Beelzebub and Baal with the Samaritans and Moabites; Apis, Isis, and Osiris amongst the Egyptians; Apollo Pythius at Delphos, Colophon, Ancyra, Cuma, Erythra; Jupiter in Crete, Venus at Cyprus, Juno at Carthage, Aesculapius at Epidaurus, Diana at Ephesus, Pallas at Athens, &c. And even in these our days, both in the East and West Indies, in Tartary, China, Japan, &c., what strange idols, in what prodigious forms, with what absurd ceremonies are they adored? What strange sacraments, like ours of Baptism and the Lord's Supper, what goodly temples, priests, sacrifices they had in America, when the Spaniards first landed there, let Acosta the Jesuit relate, lib. 5. cap. 1, 2, 3, 4, &c., and how the devil imitated the Ark and the children of Israel's coming out of Egypt; with many such. For as Lipsius well discourseth out of the doctrine of the Stoics, maxime cupiunt adorationem hominum, now and of old, they still and most especially desire to be adored by men. See but what Vertomannus, l. 5. c. 2. Marcus Polus, Lerius, Benzo, P. Martyr in his Ocean Decades, Acosta, and Mat. Riccius expedit. Christ. in Sinus, lib. 1. relate. [6374]Eusebius wonders how that wise city of Athens, and flourishing kingdoms of Greece, should be so besotted; and we in our times, how. those witty Chinese, so perspicacious in all other things should be so gulled, so tortured with superstition, so blind as to worship stocks and stones. But it is no marvel, when we see all out as great effects amongst Christians themselves; how are those Anabaptists, Arians, and Papists above the rest, miserably infatuated! Mars, Jupiter, Apollo, and Aesculapius, have resigned their interest, names, and offices to Saint George. ([6375](Maxime bellorum rector, quem nostra juventus Pro Mavorte colit.)———

St. Christopher, and a company of fictitious saints, Venus to the Lady of Loretto. And as those old Romans had several distinct gods, for divers offices, persons, places, so have they saints, as [6376]Lavater well observes out of Lactantius, mutato nomine tantum, 'tis the same spirit or devil that deludes them still. The manner how, as I say, is by rewards, promises, terrors, affrights, punishments. In a word, fair and foul means, hope and fear. How often hath Jupiter, Apollo, Bacchus, and the rest, sent plagues in [6377]Greece and Italy, because their sacrifices were neglected? [6378]Dii multa neglecti dederunt Hesperiae mala luctuosae,

to terrify them, to arouse them up, and the like: see but Livy, Dionysius Halicarnassaeus, Thucydides, Pausanius, Philostratus, [6379]Polybius, before the battle of Cannae, prodigiis signis, ostentis, templa cuncta, privates etiam aedes scatebant. Oeneus reigned in Aetolia, and because he did not sacrifice to Diana with his other gods (see more in Labanius his Diana), she sent a wild boar, insolitae magnitudinis, qui terras et homines misere depascebatur, to spoil both men and country, which was afterwards killed by Meleager. So Plutarch in the Life of Lucullus relates, how Mithridates, king of Pontus, at the siege of Cizicum, with all his navy, was overthrown by Proserpina, for neglecting of her holy day. She appeared in a vision to Aristagoras in the night, Cras inquit tybicinem Lybicum cum tybicine pontico committam (tomorrow I will cause a contest between a Libyan and a Pontic minstrel), and the day following this enigma was understood; for with a great south wind which came from Libya, she quite overwhelmed Mithridates' army. What prodigies and miracles, dreams, visions, predictions, apparitions, oracles, have been of old at Delphos, Dodona, Trophonius' den, at Thebes, and Lebaudia, of Jupiter Ammon in Egypt, Amphiaraus in Attica, &c.; what strange cures performed by Apollo and Aesculapius? Juno's image and that of [6380]Fortune spake, [6381]Castor and Pollux fought in person for the Romans against Hannibal's army, as Pallas, Mars, Juno, Venus, for Greeks and Trojans, &c. Amongst our pseudo-Catholics nothing so familiar as such miracles; how many cures done by our lady of Loretto, at Sichem! of old at our St. Thomas's shrine, &c. [6382]St. Sabine was seen to fight for Arnulphus, duke of Spoleto. [6383]St. George fought in person for John the Bastard of Portugal, against the Castilians; St. James for the Spaniards in America. In the battle of Bannockburn, where Edward the Second, our English king, was foiled by the Scots, St. Philanus' arm was seen to fight (if [6384]Hector Boethius doth not impose), that was before shut up in a silver cap-case; another time, in the same author, St. Magnus fought for them. Now for visions, revelations, miracles, not only out of the legend, out of purgatory, but everyday comes news from the Indies, and at home read the Jesuits' Letters, Ribadineira, Thurselinus, Acosta, Lippomanus, Xaverius, Ignatius' Lives, &c., and tell me what difference? His ordinary instruments or factors which he useth, as God himself, did good kings, lawful magistrates, patriarchs, prophets, to the establishing of his church, [6385]are politicians, statesmen, priests, heretics, blind guides, impostors, pseudoprophets, to propagate his superstition. And first to begin of politicians, it hath ever been a principal axiom with them to maintain religion or superstition, which they determine of, alter and vary upon all occasions, as to them seems best, they make religion mere policy, a cloak, a human invention, nihil aeque valet ad regendos vulgi animos ac superstitio, as [6386]Tacitus and [6387]Tully hold. Austin, l. 4. de civitat. Dei. c. 9. censures Scaevola saying and acknowledging expedire civitates religione falli, that it was a fit thing cities should be deceived by religion, according to the diverb, Si mundus vult decipi, decipiatur, if the world will be gulled, let it be gulled, 'tis good howsoever to keep it in subjection. 'Tis that [6388]Aristotle and [6389]Plato inculcate in their politics, Religion neglected, brings plague to the city, opens a gap to all naughtiness. 'Tis that which all our late politicians ingeminate. Cromerus, l. 2. pol. hist. Boterus, l. 3. de incrementis urbium. Clapmarius, l. 2. c. 9. de Arcanis rerump. cap. 4. lib. 2. polit. Captain Machiavel will have a prince by all means to counterfeit religion, to be superstitious in show at least, to seem to be devout, frequent holy exercises, honour divines, love the church, affect priests, as Numa, Lycurgus, and such lawmakers were and did, non ut his fidem habeant, sed ut subditos religionis metu facilius in officio contineant, to keep people in obedience. [6390]Nam naturaliter (as Cardan writes) lex Christiana lex est pietatis, justitiae, fidei, simplicitatis, &c. But this error of his, Innocentius Jentilettus, a French lawyer, theorem. 9. comment. 1. de Relig, and Thomas Bozius in his book de ruinis gentium et Regnorum have copiously confuted. Many politicians, I dare not deny, maintain religion as a true means, and sincerely speak of it without hypocrisy, are truly zealous and religious themselves. Justice and religion are the two chief props and supporters of a well-governed commonwealth: but most of them are but Machiavellians, counterfeits only for political ends; for solus rex (which Campanella, cap. 18. atheismi triumphali observes), as amongst our modern Turks, reipub. Finis, as knowing [6391]magnus ejus in animos imperium; and that, as [6392]Sabellicus delivers, A man without religion, is like a horse without a bridle. No way better to curb than superstition, to terrify men's consciences, and to keep them in awe: they make new laws, statutes, invent new religions, ceremonies, as so many stalking horses, to their ends. [6393]Haec enim (religio) si falsa sit, dummodo vera credatur, animorum ferociam domat, libidines coercet, subditos principi obsequentes efficit. [6394]Therefore (saith [6395]Polybius of Lycurgus), did he maintain ceremonies, not that he was superstitious himself, but that he had perceived mortal men more apt to embrace paradoxes than aught else, and durst attempt no evil things for fear of the gods. This was Zamolcus's stratagem amongst the Thracians, Numa's plot, when he said he had conference with the nymph Aegeria, and that of Sertorius with a hart; to get more credit to their decrees, by deriving them from the gods; or else they did all by divine instinct, which Nicholas Damascen well observes of Lycurgus, Solon, and Minos, they had their laws dictated, monte sacro, by Jupiter himself. So Mahomet referred his new laws to the [6396]angel Gabriel, by whose direction he gave out they were made. Caligula in Dion feigned himself to be familiar with Castor and Pollux, and many such, which kept those Romans under (who, as Machiavel proves, lib. 1. disput. cap. 11. et 12. were Religione maxime moti, most superstitious): and did curb the people more by this means, than by force of arms, or severity of human laws. Sola plebecula eam agnoscebat (saith Vaninus, dial. 1. lib. 4. de admirandis naturae arcanis) speaking of religion, que facile decipitur, magnates vero et philosophi nequaquam, your grandees and philosophers had no such conceit, sed ad imperii conformationem et amplificationem quam sine praetextu religionis tueri non poterant; and many thousands in all ages have ever held as much, Philosophers especially, animadvertebant hi semper haec esse fabellas, attamen ob metum publicae potestatis silere cogebantur they were still silent for fear of laws, &c. To this end that Syrian Phyresides, Pythagoras his master, broached in the East amongst the heathens, first the immortality of the soul, as Trismegistus did in Egypt, with a many of feigned gods. Those French and Briton Druids in the West first taught, saith [6397]Caesar, non interire animas (that souls did not die), but after death to go from one to another, that so they might encourage them to virtue. 'Twas for a politic end, and to this purpose the old [6398]poets feigned those elysian fields, their Aeacus, Minos, and Rhadamanthus, their infernal judges, and those Stygian lakes, fiery Phlegethons, Pluto's kingdom, and variety of torments after death. Those that had done well, went to the elysian fields, but evil doers to Cocytus, and to that burning lake of [6399]hell with fire, and brimstone for ever to be tormented. 'Tis this which [6400]Plato labours for in his Phaedon, et 9. de rep. The Turks in their Alcoran, when they set down rewards, and several punishments for every particular virtue and vice, [6401]when they persuade men, that they that die in battle shall go directly to heaven, but wicked livers to eternal torment, and all of all sorts (much like our papistical purgatory), for a set time shall be tortured in their graves, as appears by that tract which John Baptista Alfaqui, that Mauritanian priest, now turned Christian, hath written in his confutation of the Alcoran. After a man's death two black angels, Nunquir and Nequir (so they call them) come to him to his grave and punish him for his precedent sins; if he lived well, they torture him the less; if ill, per indesinentes cruciatus ad diem fudicii, they incessantly punish him to the day of judgment, Nemo viventium qui ad horum mentionem non totus horret et contremiscit, the thought of this crucifies them all their lives long, and makes them spend their days in fasting and prayer, ne mala haec contingant, &c. A Tartar prince, saith Marcus Polus, lib. 1. cap. 23. called Senex de Montibus, the better to establish his government amongst his subjects, and to keep them in awe, found a convenient place in a pleasant valley, environed with hills, in [6402]which he made a delicious park full of odoriferous flowers and fruits, and a palace of all worldly contents, that could possibly be devised, music, pictures, variety of meats, &c., and chose out a certain young man, whom with a [6403]soporiferous potion he so benumbed, that he perceived nothing: and so fast asleep as he was, caused him to be conveyed into this fair garden: where after he had lived awhile in all such pleasures a sensual man could desire, [6404]He cast him into a sleep again, and brought him forth, that when he awaked he might tell others he had been in Paradise. The like he did for hell, and by this means brought his people to subjection. Because heaven and hell are mentioned in the scriptures, and to be believed necessary by Christians: so cunningly can the devil and his ministers, in imitation of true religion, counterfeit and forge the like, to circumvent and delude his superstitious followers. Many such tricks and impostures are acted by politicians, in China especially, but with what effect I will discourse in the symptoms. Next to politicians, if I may distinguish them, are some of our priests (who make religion policy), if not far beyond them, for they domineer over princes and statesmen themselves. Carnificinam exercent, one saith they tyrannise over men's consciences more than any other tormentors whatsoever, partly for their commodity and gain; Religionem enim omnium abusus (as [6405]Postellus holds), quaestus scilicet sacrificum in causa est: for sovereignty, credit, to maintain their state and reputation, out of ambition and avarice, which are their chief supporters: what have they not made the common people believe? Impossibilities in nature, incredible things; what devices, traditions, ceremonies, have they not invented in all ages to keep men in obedience, to enrich themselves? Quibus quaestui sunt capti superstitione animi, as [6406]Livy saith. Those Egyptian priests of old got all the sovereignty into their hands, and knowing, as [6407]Curtius insinuates, nulla res efficacius multitudinem regit quam superstitio; melius vatibus quam ducibus parent, vana religione capti, etiam impotentes faeminae; the common people will sooner obey priests than captains, and nothing so forcible as superstition, or better than blind zeal to rule a multitude; have so terrified and gulled them, that it is incredible to relate. All nations almost have been besotted in this kind; amongst our Britons and old Gauls the Druids; magi in Persia; philosophers in Greece; Chaldeans amongst the Oriental; Brachmanni in India; Gymnosophists in Ethiopia; the Turditanes in Spain; Augurs in Rome, have insulted; Apollo's priests in Greece, Phaebades and Pythonissae, by their oracles and phantasms; Amphiaraus and his companions; now Mahometan and pagan priests, what can they not effect? How do they not infatuate the world? Adeo ubique (as [6408]Scaliger writes of the Mahometan priests), tum gentium tum locorum, gens ista sacrorum ministra, vulgi secat spes, ad ea quae ipsi fingunt somnia, so cunningly can they gull the commons in all places and countries. But above all others, that high priest of Rome, the dam of that monstrous and superstitious brood, the bull-bellowing pope, which now rageth in the West, that three-headed Cerberus hath played his part. [6409] Whose religion at this day is mere policy, a state wholly composed of superstition and wit, and needs nothing but wit and superstition to maintain it, that useth colleges and religious houses to as good purpose as forts and castles, and doth more at this day by a company of scribbling parasites, fiery-spirited friars, zealous anchorites, hypocritical confessors, and those praetorian soldiers, his Janissary Jesuits, and that dissociable society, as [6410]Languis terms it, postremus diaboli conatus et saeculi excrementum, that now stand in the fore front of the battle, will have a monopoly of, and engross all other learning, but domineer in divinity, [6411]Excipiunt soli totius vulnera belli, and fight alone almost (for the rest are but his dromedaries and asses), than ever he could have done by garrisons and armies. What power of prince, or penal law, be it never so strict, could enforce men to do that which for conscience' sake they will voluntarily undergo? And as to fast from all flesh, abstain from marriage, rise to their prayers at midnight, whip themselves, with stupendous fasting and penance, abandon the world, wilful poverty, perform canonical and blind obedience, to prostrate their goods, fortunes, bodies, lives, and offer up themselves at their superior's feet, at his command? What so powerful an engine as superstition? which they right well perceiving, are of no religion at all themselves: Primum enim (as Calvin rightly suspects, the tenor and practice of their life proves), arcanae illius theologiae, quod apud eos regnat, caput est, nullum esse deum, they hold there is no God, as Leo X. did, Hildebrand the magician, Alexander VI., Julius II., mere atheists, and which the common proverb amongst them approves, [6412]The worst Christians of Italy are the Romans, of the Romans the priests are wildest, the lewdest priests are preferred to be cardinals, and the baddest men amongst the cardinals is chosen to be pope, that is an epicure, as most part the popes are, infidels and Lucianists, for so they think and believe; and what is said of Christ to be fables and impostures, of heaven and hell, day of judgment, paradise, immortality of the soul, are all, [6413]Rumores vacui, verbaque inania, Et par sollicito fabula somnio.

Dreams, toys, and old wives' tales. Yet as so many [6414]whetstones to make other tools cut, but cut not themselves, though they be of no religion at all, they will make others most devout and superstitious, by promises and threats, compel, enforce from, and lead them by the nose like so many bears in a line; when as their end is not to propagate the church, advance God's kingdom, seek His glory or common good, but to enrich themselves, to enlarge their territories, to domineer and compel them to stand in awe, to live in subjection to the See of Rome. For what otherwise care they? Si mundus vult decipi, decipiatur, since the world wishes to be gulled, let it be gulled, 'tis fit it should be so. And for which [6415]Austin cites Varro to maintain his Roman religion, we may better apply to them: multa vera, quae vulgus scire non est utile; pleraque falsa, quae tamen uliter existimare populum expedit; some things are true, some false, which for their own ends they will not have the gullish commonalty take notice of. As well may witness their intolerable covetousness, strange forgeries, fopperies, fooleries, unrighteous subtleties, impostures, illusions, new doctrines, paradoxes, traditions, false miracles, which they have still forged, to enthral, circumvent and subjugate them, to maintain their own estates. [6416]One while by bulls, pardons, indulgencies, and their doctrines of good works, that they be meritorious, hope of heaven, by that means they have so fleeced the commonalty, and spurred on this free superstitious horse, that he runs himself blind, and is an ass to carry burdens. They have so amplified Peter's patrimony, that from a poor bishop, he is become Rex Regum, Dominus dominantium, a demigod, as his canonists make him (Felinus and the rest), above God himself. And for his wealth and [6417] temporalities, is not inferior to many kings: [6418]his cardinals, princes' companions; and in every kingdom almost, abbots, priors, monks, friars, &c., and his clergy, have engrossed a [6419]third part, half, in some places all, into their hands. Three princes, electors in Germany, bishops; besides Magdeburg, Spire, Saltsburg, Breme, Bamberg, &c. In France, as Bodine lib. de repub. gives us to understand, their revenues are 12,300,000 livres; and of twelve parts of the revenues in France, the church possesseth seven. The Jesuits, a new sect, begun in this age, have, as [6420]Middendorpius and [6421]Pelargus reckon up, three or four hundred colleges in Europe, and more revenues than many princes. In France, as Arnoldus proves, in thirty years they have got bis centum librarum millia annua, 200,000_l_. I say nothing of the rest of their orders. We have had in England, as Armachanus demonstrates, above 30,000 friars at once, and as [6422]Speed collects out of Leland and others, almost 600 religious houses, and near 200,000_l._ in revenues of the old rent belonging to them, besides images of gold, silver, plate, furniture, goods and ornaments, as [6423]Weever calculates, and esteems them at the dissolution of abbeys, worth a million of gold. How many towns in every kingdom hath superstition enriched? What a deal of money by musty relics, images, idolatry, have their mass-priests engrossed, and what sums have they scraped by their other tricks! Loretto in Italy, Walsingham in England, in those days. Ubi omnia auro nitent, where everything shines with gold, saith Erasmus, St. Thomas's shrine, &c., may witness. [6424]Delphos so renowned of old in Greece for Apollo's oracle, Delos commune conciliabulum et emporium sola religions manitum; Dodona, whose fame and wealth were sustained by religion, were not so rich, so famous. If they can get but a relic of some saint, the Virgin Mary's picture, idols or the like, that city is for ever made, it needs no other maintenance. Now if any of these their impostures or juggling tricks be controverted, or called in question: if a magnanimous or zealous Luther, an heroical Luther, as [6425]Dithmarus Calls him, dare touch the monks' bellies, all is in a combustion, all is in an uproar: Demetrius and his associates are ready to pull him in pieces, to keep up their trades, [6426] Great is Diana of the Ephesians: with a mighty shout of two hours long they will roar and not be pacified. Now for their authority, what by auricular confession, satisfaction, penance, Peter's keys, thunderings, excommunications, &c., roaring bulls, this high priest of Rome, shaking his Gorgon's head, hath so terrified the soul of many a silly man, insulted over majesty itself, and swaggered generally over all Europe for many ages, and still doth to some, holding them as yet in slavish subjection, as never tyrannising Spaniards did by their poor Negroes, or Turks by their galley-slaves. [6427]The bishop of Rome (saith Stapleton, a parasite of his, de mag. Eccles. lib. 2. cap. 1.) hath done that without arms, which those Roman emperors could never achieve with forty legions of soldiers, deposed kings, and crowned them again with his foot, made friends, and corrected at his pleasure, &c. [6428] 'Tis a wonder, saith Machiavel, Florentinae, his. lib. 1. what slavery King Henry II. endured for the death of Thomas a Beckett, what things he was enjoined by the Pope, and how he submitted himself to do that which in our times a private man would not endure, and all through superstition. [6429]Henry IV. disposed of his empire, stood barefooted with his wife at the gates of Canossus. [6430]Frederic the Emperor was trodden on by Alexander III., another held Adrian's stirrup, King John kissed the knees of Pandulphos the Pope's legate, See. What made so many thousand Christians travel from France, Britain, &c., into the Holy Land, spend such huge sums of money, go a pilgrimage so familiarly to Jerusalem, to creep and crouch, but slavish superstition? What makes them so freely venture their lives, to leave their native countries, to go seek martyrdom in the Indies, but superstition? to be assassins, to meet death, murder kings, but a false persuasion of merit, of canonical or blind obedience which they instil into them, and animate them by strange illusions, hope of being martyrs and saints: such pretty feats can the devil work by priests, and so well for their own advantage can they play their parts. And if it were not yet enough, by priests and politicians to delude mankind, and crucify the souls of men, he hath more actors in his tragedy, more irons in the fire, another scene of heretics, factious, ambitious wits, insolent spirits, schismatics, impostors, false prophets, blind guides, that out of pride, singularity, vainglory, blind zeal, cause much more madness yet, set all in an uproar by their new doctrines, paradoxes, figments, crotchets, make new divisions, subdivisions, new sects, oppose one superstition to another, one kingdom to another, commit prince and subjects, brother against brother, father against son, to the ruin and destruction of a commonwealth, to the disturbance of peace, and to make a general confusion of all estates. How did those Arians rage of old? how many did they circumvent? Those Pelagians, Manichees, &c., their names alone would make a just volume. How many silly souls have impostors still deluded, drawn away, and quite alienated from Christ! Lucian's Alexander Simon Magus, whose statue was to be seen and adored in Rome, saith Justin Martyr, Simoni deo sancto, &c., after his decease. [6431]Apollonius Tianaeus, Cynops, Eumo, who by counterfeiting some new ceremonies and juggling tricks of that Dea Syria, by spitting fire, and the like, got an army together of 40,000 men, and did much harm: with Eudo de stellis, of whom Nubrigensis speaks, lib. 1. cap. 19. that in King Stephen's days imitated most of Christ's miracles, fed I know not how many people in the wilderness, and built castles in the air, &c., to the seducing of multitudes of poor souls. In Franconia, 1476, a base illiterate fellow took upon him to be a prophet, and preach, John Beheim by name, a neatherd at Nicholhausen, he seduced 30,000 persons, and was taken by the commonalty to be a most holy man, come from heaven. [6432] Tradesmen left their shops, women their distaffs, servants ran from their masters, children from their parents, scholars left their tutors, all to hear him, some for novelty, some for zeal. He was burnt at last by the Bishop of Wartzburg, and so he and his heresy vanished together. How many such impostors, false prophets, have lived in every king's reign? what chronicles will not afford such examples? that as so many ignes fatui, have led men out of the way, terrified some, deluded others, that are apt to be carried about by the blast of every wind, a rude inconstant multitude, a silly company of poor souls, that follow all, and are cluttered together like so many pebbles in a tide. What prodigious follies, madness, vexations, persecutions, absurdities, impossibilities, these impostors, heretics, &c., have thrust upon the world, what strange effects shall be shown in the symptoms. Now the means by which, or advantages the devil and his infernal ministers take, so to delude and disquiet the world with such idle ceremonies, false doctrines, superstitious fopperies, are from themselves, innate fear, ignorance, simplicity, hope and fear, those two battering cannons and principal engines, with their objects, reward and punishment, purgatory, Limbus Patrum, &c. which now more than ever tyrannise; [6433]for what province is free from atheism, superstition, idolatry, schism, heresy, impiety, their factors and followers? thence they proceed, and from that same decayed image of God, which is yet remaining in us. [6434]Os homini sublime dedit, coelumque tueri Jussit.———

Our own conscience doth dictate so much unto us, we know there is a God and nature doth inform us; Nulla gens tam barbara (saith Tully) cui non insideat haec persuasio Deum esse; sed nec Scytha, nec Groecus, nec Persa, nec Hyperboreus dissentiet (as Maximus Tyrius the Platonist ser. 1. farther adds) nec continentis nec insularum habitator, let him dwell where he will, in what coast soever, there is no nation so barbarous that is not persuaded there is a God. It is a wonder to read of that infinite superstition amongst the Indians in this kind, of their tenets in America, pro suo quisque libitu varias res venerabantur superstitiose, plantas, animalia, montes, &c. omne quod amabant aut horrebant (some few places excepted as he grants, that had no God at all). So the heavens declare the glory of God, and the firmament declares his handy work, Psalm xix. Every creature will evince it; Praesentemque refert quaelibet herba deum. Nolentes sciunt, fatentur inviti, as the said Tyrius proceeds, will or nill, they must acknowledge it. The philosophers, Socrates, Plato, Plotinus, Pythagoras, Trismegistus, Seneca, Epictetus, those Magi, Druids, &c. went as far as they could by the light of nature; [6435]multa praeclara, de natura Dei seripta reliquerunt, writ many things well of the nature of God, but they had but a confused light, a glimpse, [6436]Quale per incertam lunam sub luce maligna Est iter in sylvis,———

as he that walks by moonshine in a wood, they groped in the dark; they had a gross knowledge, as he in Euripides, O Deus quicquid es, sive coelum, sive terra, sive aliud quid, and that of Aristotle, Ens entium miserere mei. And so of the immortality of the soul, and future happiness. Immortalitatem animae (saith Hierom) Pythagoras somniavit, Democritus non credidit in consolalionem damnationis suae Socrates in carcere disputavit; Indus, Persa, Cothus, &c. Philosophantur. So some said this, some that, as they conceived themselves, which the devil perceiving, led them farther out (as [6437]Lemnius observes) and made them worship him as their God with stocks and stones, and torture themselves to their own destruction, as he thought fit himself, inspired his priests and ministers with lies and fictions to prosecute the same, which they for their own ends were as willing to undergo, taking advantage of their simplicity, fear and ignorance. For the common people are as a flock of sheep, a rude, illiterate rout, void many times of common sense, a mere beast, bellua multorum capitum, will go whithersoever they are led: as you lead a ram over a gap by the horns, all the rest will follow, [6438]Non qua eundum, sed qua itur, they will do as they see others do, and as their prince will have them, let him be of what religion he will, they are for him. Now for those idolaters, Maxentius and Licinius, then for Constantine a Christian. [6439]Qui Christum negant male pereant, acclamatum est Decies, for two hours' space; qui Christum non colunt, Augusti inimici sunt, acclamatum est ter decies; and by and by idolaters again under that Apostate Julianus; all Arians under Constantius, good Catholics again under Jovinianus, And little difference there is between the discretion of men and children in this case, especially of old folks and women, as [6440] Cardan discourseth, when, as they are tossed with fear and superstition, and with other men's folly and dishonesty. So that I may say their ignorance is a cause of their superstition, a symptom, and madness itself: Supplicii causa est, sappliciumque sui. Their own fear, folly, stupidity, to be deplored lethargy, is that which gives occasion to the other, and pulls these miseries on their own heads. For in all these religions and superstitions, amongst our idolaters, you shall find that the parties first affected, are silly, rude, ignorant people, old folks, that are naturally prone to superstition, weak women, or some poor, rude, illiterate persons, that are apt to be wrought upon, and gulled in this kind, prone without either examination or due consideration (for they take up religion a trust, as at mercers' they do their wares) to believe anything. And the best means they have to broach first, or to maintain it when they have done, is to keep them still in ignorance: for ignorance is the mother of devotion, as all the world knows, and these times can amply witness. This hath been the devil's practice, and his infernal ministers in all ages; not as our Saviour by a few silly fishermen, to confound the wisdom of the world, to save publicans and sinners, but to make advantage of their ignorance, to convert them and their associates; and that they may better effect what they intend, they begin, as I say, with poor, [6441]stupid, illiterate persons. So Mahomet did when he published his Alcoran, which is a piece of work (saith [6442]Bredenbachius) full of nonsense, barbarism, confusion, without rhyme, reason, or any good composition, first published to a company of rude rustics, hog-rubbers, that had no discretion, judgment, art, or understanding, and is so still maintained. For it is a part of their policy to let no man comment, dare to dispute or call in question to this day any part of it, be it never so absurd, incredible, ridiculous, fabulous as it is, must be believed implicite, upon pain of death no man must dare to contradict it, God and the emperor, &c. What else do our papists, but by keeping the people in ignorance vent and broach all their new ceremonies and traditions, when they conceal the scripture, read it in Latin, and to some few alone, feeding the slavish people in the meantime with tales out of legends, and such like fabulous narrations? Whom do they begin with but collapsed ladies, some few tradesmen, superstitious old folks, illiterate persons, weak women, discontent, rude, silly companions, or sooner circumvent? So do all our schismatics and heretics. Marcus and Valentinian heretics, in [6443]Irenaeus, seduced first I know not how many women, and made them believe they were prophets. [6444]Friar Cornelius of Dort seduced a company of silly women. What are all our Anabaptists, Brownists, Barrowists, familists, but a company of rude, illiterate, capricious, base fellows? What are most of our papists, but stupid, ignorant and blind bayards? how should they otherwise be, when as they are brought up and kept still in darkness? [6445]If their pastors (saith Lavater) have done their duties, and instructed their flocks as they ought, in the principles of Christian religion, or had not forbidden them the reading of scriptures, they had not been as they are. But being so misled all their lives in superstition, and carried hoodwinked like hawks, how can they prove otherwise than blind idiots, and superstitious asses? what else shall we expect at their hands? Neither is it sufficient to keep them blind, and in Cimmerian darkness, but withal, as a schoolmaster doth by his boys, to make them follow their books, sometimes by good hope, promises and encouragements, but most of all by fear, strict discipline, severity, threats and punishment, do they collogue and soothe up their silly auditors, and so bring them into a fools' paradise. Rex eris aiunt, si recte facies, do well, thou shalt be crowned; but for the most part by threats, terrors, and affrights, they tyrannise and terrify their distressed souls: knowing that fear alone is the sole and only means to keep men in obedience, according to that hemistichium of Petronius, primus in orbe deos fecit timor, the fear of some divine and supreme powers, keeps men in obedience, makes the people do their duties: they play upon their consciences; [6446]which was practised of old in Egypt by their priests; when there was an eclipse, they made the people believe God was angry, great miseries were to come; they take all opportunities of natural causes, to delude the people's senses, and with fearful tales out of purgatory, feigned apparitions, earthquakes in Japonia or China, tragical examples of devils, possessions, obsessions, false miracles, counterfeit visions, &c. They do so insult over and restrain them, never hoby so dared a lark, that they will not [6447]offend the least tradition, tread, or scarce look awry: Deus bone ([6448]Lavater exclaims) quot hoc commentum de purgatorio misere afflixit! good God, how many men have been miserably afflicted by this fiction of purgatory! To these advantages of hope and fear, ignorance and simplicity, he hath several engines, traps, devices, to batter and enthral, omitting no opportunities, according to men's several inclinations, abilities, to circumvent and humour them, to maintain his superstitions, sometimes to stupefy, besot them: sometimes again by oppositions, factions, to set all at odds and in an uproar; sometimes he infects one man, and makes him a principal agent; sometimes whole cities, countries. If of meaner sort, by stupidity, canonical obedience, blind zeal, &c. If of better note, by pride, ambition, popularity, vainglory. If of the clergy and more eminent, of better parts than the rest, more learned, eloquent, he puffs them up with a vain conceit of their own worth, scientia inflati, they begin to swell, and scorn all the world in respect of themselves, and thereupon turn heretics, schismatics, broach new doctrines, frame new crotchets and the like; or else out of too much learning become mad, or out of curiosity they will search into God's secrets, and eat of the forbidden fruit; or out of presumption of their holiness and good gifts, inspirations, become prophets, enthusiasts, and what not? Or else if they be displeased, discontent, and have not (as they suppose) preferment to their worth, have some disgrace, repulse, neglected, or not esteemed as they fondly value themselves, or out of emulation, they begin presently to rage and rave, coelum terrae, miscent, they become so impatient in an instant, that a whole kingdom cannot contain them, they will set all in a combustion, all at variance, to be revenged of their adversaries. [6449]Donatus, when he saw Cecilianus preferred before him in the bishopric of Carthage, turned heretic, and so did Arian, because Alexander was advanced: we have examples at home, and too many experiments of such persons. If they be laymen of better note, the same engines of pride, ambition, emulation and jealousy, take place, they will be gods themselves: [6450]Alexander in India, after his victories, became so insolent, he would be adored for a god: and those Roman emperors came to that height of madness, they must have temples built to them, sacrifices to their deities, Divus Augustus, D. Claudius, D. Adrianus: [6451]Heliogabalus, put out that vestal fire at Rome, expelled the virgins, and banished all other religions all over the world, and would be the sole God himself. Our Turks, China kings, great Chams, and Mogors do little less, assuming divine and bombast titles to themselves; the meaner sort are too credulous, and led with blind zeal, blind obedience, to prosecute and maintain whatsoever their sottish leaders shall propose, what they in pride and singularity, revenge, vainglory, ambition, spleen, for gain, shall rashly maintain and broach, their disciples make a matter of conscience, of hell and damnation, if they do it not, and will rather forsake wives, children, house and home, lands, goods, fortunes, life itself, than omit or abjure the least tittle of it, and to advance the common cause, undergo any miseries, turn traitors, assassins, pseudomartyrs, with full assurance and hope of reward in that other world, that they shall certainly merit by it, win heaven, be canonised for saints. Now when they are truly possessed with blind zeal, and misled with superstition, he hath many other baits to inveigle and infatuate them farther yet, to make them quite mortified and mad, and that under colour of perfection, to merit by penance, going woolward, whipping, alms, fastings, &c. An. 1320. there was a sect of [6452]whippers in Germany, that, to the astonishment of the beholders, lashed, and cruelly tortured themselves. I could give many other instances of each particular. But these works so done are meritorious, ex opere operato, ex condigno, for themselves and others, to make them macerate and consume their bodies, specie virtutis et umbra, those evangelical counsels are propounded, as our pseudo-Catholics call them, canonical obedience, wilful poverty, [6453]vows of chastity, monkery, and a solitary life, which extend almost to all religions and superstitions, to Turks, Chinese, Gentiles, Abyssinians, Greeks, Latins, and all countries. Amongst the rest, fasting, contemplation, solitariness, are as it were certain rams by which the devil doth batter and work upon the strongest constitutions. Nonnulli (saith Peter Forestus) ob longas inedias, studia et meditationes coelestes, de rebus sacris et religione semper agitant, by fasting overmuch, and divine meditations, are overcome. Not that fasting is a thing of itself to be discommended, for it is an excellent means to keep the body in subjection, a preparative to devotion, the physic of the soul, by which chaste thoughts are engendered, true zeal, a divine spirit, whence wholesome counsels do proceed, concupiscence is restrained, vicious and predominant lusts and humours are expelled. The fathers are very much in commendation of it, and, as Calvin notes, sometimes immoderate. [6454]The mother of health, key of heaven, a spiritual wing to arear us, the chariot of the Holy Ghost, banner of faith, &c. And 'tis true they say of it, if it be moderately and seasonably used, by such parties as Moses, Elias, Daniel, Christ, and his [6455]apostles made use of it; but when by this means they will supererogate, and as [6456]Erasmus well taxeth, Coelum non sufficere putant suis meritis. Heaven is too small a reward for it; they make choice of times and meats, buy and sell their merits, attribute more to them than to the ten Commandments, and count it a greater sin to eat meat in Lent, than to kill a man, and as one sayeth, Plus respiciunt assum piscem, quam Christum crucifixum, plus salmonem quam Solomonem, quibus in ore Christus, Epicurus in corde, pay more respect to a broiled fish than to Christ crucified, more regard to salmon than to Solomon, have Christ on their lips, but Epicurus in their hearts, when some counterfeit, and some attribute more to such works of theirs than to Christ's death and passion; the devil sets in a foot, strangely deludes them, and by that means makes them to overthrow the temperature of their bodies, and hazard their souls. Never any strange illusions of devils amongst hermits, anchorites, never any visions, phantasms, apparitions, enthusiasms, prophets, any revelations, but immoderate fasting, bad diet, sickness, melancholy, solitariness, or some such things, were the precedent causes, the forerunners or concomitants of them. The best opportunity and sole occasion the devil takes to delude them. Marcilius Cognatus, lib. 1. cont. cap. 7. hath many stories to this purpose, of such as after long fasting have been seduced by devils; and [6457]'tis a miraculous thing to relate (as Cardan writes) what strange accidents proceed from fasting; dreams, superstition, contempt of torments, desire of death, prophecies, paradoxes, madness; fasting naturally prepares men to these things. Monks, anchorites, and the like, after much emptiness, become melancholy, vertiginous, they think they hear strange noises, confer with hobgoblins, devils, rivel up their bodies, et dum hostem insequimur, saith Gregory, civem quem diligimus, trucidamus, they become bare skeletons, skin and bones; Carnibus abstinentes proprias carnes devorant, ut nil praeter cutem et ossa sit reliquum. Hilarion, as [6458]Hierome reports in his life, and Athanasius of Antonius, was so bare with fasting, that the skin did scarce stick to the bones; for want of vapours he could not sleep, and for want of sleep became idleheaded, heard every night infants cry, oxen low, wolves howl, lions roar (as he thought), clattering of chains, strange voices, and the like illusions of devils. Such symptoms are common to those that fast long, are solitary, given to contemplation, overmuch solitariness and meditation. Not that these things (as I said of fasting) are to be discommended of themselves, but very behoveful in some cases and good: sobriety and contemplation join our souls to God, as that heathen [6459]Porphyry can tell us. [6460]Ecstasy is a taste of future happiness, by which we are united unto God, a divine melancholy, a spiritual wing, Bonaventure terms it, to lift us up to heaven; but as it is abused, a mere dotage, madness, a cause and symptom of religious melancholy. [6461]If you shall at any time see (saith Guianerius) a religious person over-superstitious, too solitary, or much given to fasting, that man will certainly be melancholy, thou mayst boldly say it, he will be so. P. Forestus hath almost the same words, and [6462]Cardan subtil, lib. 18. et cap. 40. lib. 8. de rerum varietate, solitariness, fasting, and that melancholy humour, are the causes of all hermits' illusions. Lavater, de spect. cap. 19. part. 1. and part. 1. cap. 10. puts solitariness a main cause of such spectrums and apparitions; none, saith he, so melancholy as monks and hermits, the devil's hath melancholy; [6463]none so subject to visions and dotage in this kind, as such as live solitary lives, they hear and act strange things in their dotage. [6464]Polydore Virgil, lib. 2. prodigiis, holds that those prophecies and monks' revelations? nuns, dreams, which they suppose come from God, to proceed wholly ab instinctu daemonum, by the devil's means; and so those enthusiasts, Anabaptists, pseudoprophets from the same cause. [6465]Fracastorius, lib. 2. de intellect, will have all your pythonesses, sibyls, and pseudoprophets to be mere melancholy, so doth Wierus prove, lib. 1. cap. 8. et l. 3. cap. 7. and Arculanus in 9 Rhasis, that melancholy is a sole cause, and the devil together, with fasting and solitariness, of such sibylline prophecies, if there were ever such, which with [6466]Casaubon and others I justly except at; for it is not likely that the Spirit of God should ever reveal such manifest revelations and predictions of Christ, to those Pythonissae witches, Apollo's priests, the devil's ministers, (they were no better) and conceal them from his own prophets; for these sibyls set down all particular circumstances of Christ's coming, and many other future accidents far more perspicuous and plain than ever any prophet did. But, howsoever, there be no Phaebades or sibyls, I am assured there be other enthusiasts, prophets, dii Fatidici, Magi, (of which read Jo. Boissardus, who hath laboriously collected them into a great [6467]volume of late, with elegant pictures, and epitomised their lives) &c., ever have been in all ages, and still proceeding from those causes, [6468]qui visiones suas enarrant, somniant futura, prophetisant, et ejusmodi deliriis agitati, Spiritum Sanctum sibi communicari putant. That which is written of Saint Francis' five wounds, and other such monastical effects, of him and others, may justly be referred to this our melancholy; and that which Matthew Paris relates of the [6469]monk of Evesham, who saw heaven and hell in a vision; of [6470]Sir Owen, that went down into Saint Patrick's purgatory in King Stephen's days, and saw as much; Walsingham of him that showed as much by Saint Julian. Beda, lib. 5. cap. 13. 14. 15. et 20. reports of King Sebba, lib. 4. cap. 11. eccles. hist. that saw strange [6471]visions; and Stumphius Helvet Cornic, a cobbler of Basle, that beheld rare apparitions at Augsburg, [6472]in Germany. Alexander ab Alexandro, gen. dier. lib. 6. cap. 21. of an enthusiastical prisoner, (all out as probable as that of Eris Armenius, in Plato's tenth dialogue de Repub. that revived again ten days after he was killed in a battle, and told strange wonders, like those tales Ulysses related to Alcinous in Homer, or Lucian's vera historia itself) was still after much solitariness, fasting, or long sickness, when their brains were addled, and their bellies as empty of meat as their heads of wit. Florilegus hath many such examples, fol. 191. one of Saint Gultlake of Crowald that fought with devils, but still after long fasting, overmuch solitariness, [6473]the devil persuaded him therefore to fast, as Moses and Elias did, the better to delude him. [6474]In the same author is recorded Carolus Magnus vision an. 185. or ecstasies, wherein he saw heaven and hell after much fasting and meditation. So did the devil of old with Apollo's priests. Amphiaraus and his fellows, those Egyptians, still enjoin long fasting before he would give any oracles, triduum a cibo et vino abstinerent, [6475]before they gave any answers, as Volateran lib. 13. cap. 4. records, and Strabo Geog. lib. 14. describes Charon's den, in the way between Tralles and Nissum, whither the priests led sick and fanatic men: but nothing performed without long fasting, no good to be done. That scoffing [6476]Lucian conducts his Menippus to hell by the directions of that Chaldean Mithrobarzanes, but after long fasting, and such like idle preparation. Which the Jesuits right well perceiving of what force this fasting and solitary meditation is, to alter men's minds, when they would make a man mad, ravish him, improve him beyond himself, to undertake some great business of moment, to kill a king, or the like, [6477]they bring him into a melancholy dark chamber, where he shall see no light for many days together, no company, little meat, ghastly pictures of devils all about him, and leave him to lie as he will himself, on the bare floor in this chamber of meditation, as they call it, on his back, side, belly, till by this strange usage they make him quite mad and beside himself. And then after some ten days, as they find him animated and resolved, they make use of him. The devil hath many such factors, many such engines, which what effect they produce, you shall hear in the following symptoms.

SUBSECT. III.—Symptoms general, love to their own sect, hate of all other religions, obstinacy, peevishness, ready to undergo any danger or cross for it; Martyrs, blind zeal, blind obedience, fastings, vows, belief of incredibilities, impossibilities: Particular of Gentiles, Mahometans, Jews, Christians; and in them, heretics old, and new, schismatics, schoolmen, prophets, enthusiasts, &c.

Fleat Heraclitus, an rideat Democritus? in attempting to speak of these symptoms, shall I laugh with Democritus, or weep with Heraclitus? they are so ridiculous and absurd on the one side, so lamentable and tragical on the other: a mixed scene offers itself, so full of errors and a promiscuous variety of objects, that I know not in what strain to represent it. When I think of the Turkish paradise, those Jewish fables, and pontifical rites, those pagan superstitions, their sacrifices, and ceremonies, as to make images of all matter, and adore them when they have done, to see them, kiss the pyx, creep to the cross, &c. I cannot choose but laugh with Democritus: but when I see them whip and torture themselves, grind their souls for toys and trifles, desperate, and now ready to die, I cannot but weep with Heraclitus. When I see a priest say mass, with all those apish gestures, murmurings, &c. read the customs of the Jews' synagogue, or Mahometa Meschites, I must needs [6478]laugh at their folly, risum teneatis amici? but when I see them make matters of conscience of such toys and trifles, to adore the devil, to endanger their souls, to offer their children to their idols, &c. I must needs condole their misery. When I see two superstitious orders contend pro aris et focis, with such have and hold, de lana, caprina, some write such great volumes to no purpose, take so much pains to so small effect, their satires, invectives, apologies, dull and gross fictions; when I see grave learned men rail and scold like butter-women, methinks 'tis pretty sport, and fit [6479]for Calphurnius and Democritus to laugh at. But when I see so much blood spilt, so many murders and massacres, so many cruel battles fought, &c. 'tis a fitter subject for Heraclitus to lament. [6480]As Merlin when he sat by the lake side with Vortigern, and had seen the white and red dragon fight, before he began to interpret or to speak, in fletum prorupit, fell a weeping, and then proceeded to declare to the king what it meant. I should first pity and bewail this misery of human kind with some passionate preface, wishing mine eyes a fountain of tears, as Jeremiah did, and then to my task. For it is that great torture, that infernal plague of mortal men, omnium pestium pestilentissima superstitio, and able of itself alone to stand in opposition to all other plagues, miseries and calamities whatsoever; far more cruel, more pestiferous, more grievous, more general, more violent, of a greater extent. Other fears and sorrows, grievances of body and mind, are troublesome for the time; but this is for ever, eternal damnation, hell itself, a plague, a fire: an inundation hurts one province alone, and the loss may be recovered; but this superstition involves all the world almost, and can never be remedied. Sickness and sorrows come and go, but a superstitious soul hath no rest; [6481]superstitione imbutus animus nunquam quietus esse potest, no peace, no quietness. True religion and superstition are quite opposite, longe diversa carnificina et pietas, as Lactantius describes, the one erects, the other dejects; illorum pietas, mera impietus; the one is an easy yoke, the other an intolerable burden, an absolute tyranny; the one a sure anchor, a haven; the other a tempestuous ocean; the one makes, the other mars; the one is wisdom, the other is folly, madness, indiscretion; the one unfeigned, the other a counterfeit; the one a diligent observer, the other an ape; one leads to heaven, the other to hell. But these differences will more evidently appear by their particular symptoms. What religion is, and of what parts it doth consist, every catechism will tell you, what symptoms it hath, and what effects it produceth: but for their superstitions, no tongue can tell them, no pen express, they are so many, so diverse, so uncertain, so inconstant, and so different from themselves. Tot mundi superstitiones quot coelo stellae, one saith, there be as many superstitions in the world, as there be stars in heaven, or devils themselves that are the first founders of them: with such ridiculous, absurd symptoms and signs, so many several rites, ceremonies, torments and vexations accompanying, as may well express and beseem the devil to be the author and maintainer of them. I will only point at some of them, ex ungue leonem guess at the rest, and those of the chief kinds of superstition, which beside us Christians now domineer and crucify the world, Gentiles, Mahometans, Jews, &c. Of these symptoms some be general, some particular to each private sect: general to all, are, an extraordinary love and affection they bear and show to such as are of their own sect, and more than Vatinian hate to such as are opposite in religion, as they call it, or disagree from them in their superstitious rites, blind zeal, (which is as much a symptom as a cause,) vain fears, blind obedience, needless works, incredibilities, impossibilities, monstrous rites and ceremonies, wilfulness, blindness, obstinacy, &c. For the first, which is love and hate, as [6482]Montanus saith, nulla firmior amicitia quam quae contrahitur hinc; nulla discordia major, quam quae a religione fit; no greater concord, no greater discord than that which proceeds from religion, it is incredible to relate, did not our daily experience evince it, what factions, quam teterrimae factiones, (as [6483]Rich. Dinoth writes) have been of late for matters of religion in France, and what hurlyburlies all over Europe for these many years. Nihil est quod tam impotentur rapiat homines, quam suscepta de salute opinio; siquidem pro ea omnes gentes corpora et animas devovere solent, et arctissimo necessitudinis vinculo se invicem colligare. We are all brethren in Christ, servants of one Lord, members of one body, and therefore are or should be at least dearly beloved, inseparably allied in the greatest bond of love and familiarity, united partakers not only of the same cross, but coadjutors, comforters, helpers, at all times, upon all occasions: as they did in the primitive church, Acts the 5. they sold their patrimonies, and laid them at the apostles' feet, and many such memorable examples of mutual love we have had under the ten general persecutions, many since. Examples on the other side of discord none like, as our Saviour saith, he came therefore into the world to set father against son, &c. In imitation of whom the devil belike ([6484]nam superstitio irrepsit verae religionis imitatrix, superstition is still religion's ape, as in all other things, so in this) doth so combine and glue together his superstitious followers in love and affection, that they will live and die together: and what an innate hatred hath he still inspired to any other superstition opposite? How those old Romans were affected, those ten persecutions may be a witness, and that cruel executioner in Eusebius, aut lita aut morere, sacrifice or die. No greater hate, more continuate, bitter faction, wars, persecution in all ages, than for matters of religion, no such feral opposition, father against son, mother against daughter, husband against wife, city against city, kingdom against kingdom: as of old at Tentira and Combos: [6485]Immortale odium, et nunquam sanabile vulnus, Inde furor vulgo, quod numina vicinorum Odit uterque locus, quum solos credit habendos Esse deos quos ipse colat.———

Immortal hate it breeds, a wound past cure, And fury to the commons still to endure: Because one city t' other's gods as vain Deride, and his alone as good maintain.

The Turks at this day count no better of us than of dogs, so they commonly call us giaours, infidels, miscreants, make that their main quarrel and cause of Christian persecution. If he will turn Turk, he shall be entertained as a brother, and had in good esteem, a Mussulman or a believer, which is a greater tie to them than any affinity or consanguinity. The Jews stick together like so many burrs; but as for the rest, whom they call Gentiles, they do hate and abhor, they cannot endure their Messiah should be a common saviour to us all, and rather, as [6486]Luther writes, than they that now scoff at them, curse them, persecute and revile them, shall be coheirs and brethren with them, or have any part or fellowship with their Messiah, they would crucify their Messiah ten times over, and God himself, his angels, and all his creatures, if it were possible, though they endure a thousand hells for it. Such is their malice towards us. Now for Papists, what in a common cause, for the advancement of their religion they will endure, our traitors and pseudo-Catholics will declare unto us; and how bitter on the other side to their adversaries, how violently bent, let those Marian times record, as those miserable slaughters at Merindol and Cabriers, the Spanish inquisition, the Duke of Alva's tyranny in the Low Countries, the French massacres and civil wars. [6487]Tantum religio potuit suadere malorum. Such wickedness did religion persuade. Not there only, but all over Europe, we read of bloody battles, racks and wheels, seditions, factions, oppositions. [6488]———obvia signis Signa, pares aquilas, et pila minantia pilis,

Invectives and contentions. They had rather shake hands with a Jew, Turk, or, as the Spaniards do, suffer Moors to live amongst them, and Jews, than Protestants; my name (saith [6489]Luther) is more odious to them than any thief or murderer. So it is with all heretics and schismatics whatsoever: and none so passionate, violent in their tenets, opinions, obstinate, wilful, refractory, peevish, factious, singular and stiff in defence of them; they do not only persecute and hate, but pity all other religions, account them damned, blind, as if they alone were the true church, they are the true heirs, have the fee-simple of heaven by a peculiar donation, 'tis entailed on them and their posterities, their doctrine sound, per funem aureum de coelo delapsa doctrinci, let down from, heaven by a golden rope, they alone are to be saved, The Jews at this day are so incomprehensibly proud and churlish, saith [6490]Luther, that soli salvari, soli domini terrarum salutari volunt. And as [6491]Buxtorfius adds, so ignorant and self-willed withal, that amongst their most understanding Rabbins you shall find nought but gross dotage, horrible hardness of heart, and stupendous obstinacy, in all their actions, opinions, conversations: and yet so zealous with all, that no man living can be more, and vindicate themselves for the elect people of GOD. 'Tis so with all other superstitious sects, Mahometans, Gentiles in China, and Tartary: our ignorant Papists, Anabaptists, Separatists, and peculiar churches of Amsterdam, they alone, and none but they can be saved. [6492]Zealous (as Paul saith, Rom. x. 2.) without knowledge, they will endure any misery, any trouble, suffer and do that which the sunbeams will not endure to see, Religionis acti Furiis, all extremities, losses and dangers, take any pains, fast, pray, vow chastity, wilful poverty, forsake all and follow their idols, die a thousand deaths as some Jews did to Pilate's soldiers, in like case, exertos praebentes jugulos, et manifeste prae se ferentes, (as Josephus hath it) cariorem esse rita sibi legis patriae observationem, rather than abjure, or deny the least particle of that religion which their fathers profess, and they themselves have been brought up in, be it never so absurd, ridiculous, they will embrace it, and without farther inquiry or examination of the truth, though it be prodigiously false, they will believe it; they will take much more pains to go to hell, than we shall do to heaven. Single out the most ignorant of them, convince his understanding, show him his errors, grossness, and absurdities of his sect. Non persuadebis etiamsi persuaseris, he will not be persuaded. As those pagans told the Jesuits in Japona, [6493]they would do as their forefathers have done: and with Ratholde the Frisian Prince, go to hell for company, if most of their friends went thither: they will not be moved, no persuasion, no torture can stir them. So that papists cannot brag of their vows, poverty, obedience, orders, merits, martyrdoms, fastings, alms, good works, pilgrimages: much and more than all this, I shall show you, is, and hath been done by these superstitious Gentiles, Pagans, Idolaters and Jews: their blind zeal and idolatrous superstition in all kinds is much at one; little or no difference, and it is hard to say which is the greatest, which is the grossest. For if a man shall duly consider those superstitious rites amongst the Ethnics in Japan, the Bannians in Gusart, the Chinese idolaters, [6494]Americans of old, in Mexico especially, Mahometan priests, he shall find the same government almost, the same orders and ceremonies, or so like, that they may seem all apparently to be derived from some heathen spirit, and the Roman hierarchy no better than the rest. In a word, this is common to all superstition, there is nothing so mad and absurd, so ridiculous, impossible, incredible, which they will not believe, observe, and diligently perform, as much as in them lies; nothing so monstrous to conceive, or intolerable to put in practice, so cruel to suffer, which they will not willingly undertake. So powerful a thing is superstition. [6495]O Egypt (as Trismegistus exclaims) thy religion is fables, and such as posterity will not believe. I know that in true religion itself, many mysteries are so apprehended alone by faith, as that of the Trinity, which Turks especially deride, Christ's incarnation, resurrection of the body at the last day, quod ideo credendum (saith Tertullian) quod incredible, &c. many miracles not to be controverted or disputed of. Mirari non rimari sapientia vera est, saith [6496]Gerhardus; et in divinis (as a good father informs us) quaedam credenda, quaedam admiranda, &c. some things are to be believed, embraced, followed with all submission and obedience, some again admired. Though Julian the apostate scoff at Christians in this point, quod captivemus intellectum in obsequium fidei, saying, that the Christian creed is like the Pythagorean Ipse dixit, we make our will and understanding too slavishly subject to our faith, without farther examination of the truth; yet as Saint Gregory truly answers, our creed is altioris praestantiae, and much more divine; and as Thomas will, pie consideranti semper suppetunt rationes, ostendentes credibilitatem in mysteriis supernaturalibus, we do absolutely believe it, and upon good reasons, for as Gregory well informeth us; Fides non habet meritum, ubi humana ratio quaerit experimentum; that faith hath no merit, is not worth the name of faith, that will not apprehend without a certain demonstration: we must and will believe God's word; and if we be mistaken or err in our general belief, as [6497]Richardus de Sancto Victore, vows he will say to Christ himself at the day of judgment; Lord, if we be deceived, thou alone hast deceived us: thus we plead. But for the rest I will not justify that pontificial consubstantiation, that which [6498]Mahometans and Jews justly except at, as Campanella confesseth, Atheismi triumphat. cap. 12. fol. 125, difficillimum dogma esse, nec aliud subjectum magis haereticorum blasphemiis, et stultis irrisionibus politicorum reperiri. They hold it impossible, Deum in pane manducari; and besides they scoff at it, vide gentem comedentem Deum suum, inquit quidam Maurus. [6499]Hunc Deum muscae et vermes irrident, quum ipsum polluunt et devorant, subditus est igni, aquae, et latrones furantur, pixidem auream humi prosternunt, et se tamen non defendit hic Deus. Qui fieri potest, ut sit integer in singulis hostiae particulis, idem corpus numero, tam multis locis, caelo, terra, &c. But he that shall read the [6500]Turks' Alcoran, the Jews' Talmud, and papists' golden legend, in the mean time will swear that such gross fictions, fables, vain traditions, prodigious paradoxes and ceremonies, could never proceed from any other spirit, than that of the devil himself, which is the author of confusion and lies; and wonder withal how such wise men as have been of the Jews, such learned understanding men as Averroes, Avicenna, or those heathen philosophers, could ever be persuaded to believe, or to subscribe to the least part of them: aut fraudem non detegere: but that as [6501]Vanninus answers, ob publicae, potestatis formidinem allatrare philosophi non audebant, they durst not speak for fear of the law. But I will descend to particulars: read their several symptoms and then guess. Of such symptoms as properly belong to superstition, or that irreligious religion, I may say as of the rest, some are ridiculous, some again feral to relate. Of those ridiculous, there can be no better testimony than the multitude of their gods, those absurd names, actions, offices they put upon them, their feasts, holy days, sacrifices, adorations, and the like. The Egyptians that pretended so great antiquity, 300 kings before Amasis: and as Mela writes, 13,000 years from the beginning of their chronicles, that bragged so much of their knowledge of old, for they invented arithmetic, astronomy, geometry: of their wealth and power, that vaunted of 20,000 cities: yet at the same time their idolatry and superstition was most gross: they worshipped, as Diodorus Siculus records, sun and moon under the name of Isis and Osiris, and after, such men as were beneficial to them, or any creature that did them good. In the city of Bubasti they adored a cat, saith Herodotus. Ibis and storks, an ox: (saith Pliny) [6502]leeks and onions, Macrobius, [6503]Porrum et caepe deos imponere nubibus ausi, Hos tu Nile deos colis.———

Scoffing [6504]Lucian in his vera Historia: which, as he confesseth himself, was not persuasively written as a truth, but in comical fashion to glance at the monstrous fictions and gross absurdities of writers and nations, to deride without doubt this prodigious Egyptian idolatry, feigns this story of himself: that when he had seen the Elysian fields, and was now coming away, Rhadamanthus gave him a mallow root, and bade him pray to that when he was in any peril or extremity; which he did accordingly; for when he came to Hydamordia in the island of treacherous women, he made his prayers to his root, and was instantly delivered. The Syrians, Chaldeans, had as many proper gods of their own invention; see the said Lucian de dea Syria. Morney cap. 22. de veritat. relig. Guliel. Stuckius [6505]Sacrorum Sacrificiorumque Gentil. descript. Peter Faber Semester, l. 3. c. 1, 2, 3. Selden de diis Syris, Purchas' pilgrimage, [6506] Rosinus of the Romans, and Lilius Giraldus of the Greeks. The Romans borrowed from all, besides their own gods, which were majorum and minorum gentium, as Varro holds, certain and uncertain; some celestial, select, and great ones, others indigenous and Semi-dei, Lares, Lemures, Dioscuri, Soteres, and Parastatae, dii tutelares amongst the Greeks: gods of all sorts, for all functions; some for the land, some for sea; some for heaven, some for hell; some for passions, diseases, some for birth, some for weddings, husbandry, woods, waters, gardens, orchards, &c. All actions and offices, Pax-Quies, Salus, Libertas, Felicitas, Strenua, Stimula, Horta, Pan, Sylvanus, Priapus, Flora, Cloacina, Stercutius, Febris, Pallor, Invidia, Protervia, Risus, Angerona, Volupia, Vacuna, Viriplaca, Veneranda, Pales, Neptunia, Doris, kings, emperors, valiant men that had done any good offices for them, they did likewise canonise and adore for gods, and it was usually done, usitatum apud antiquos, as [6507]Jac. Boissardus well observes, deificare homines qui beneficiis mortales juvarent, and the devil was still ready to second their intents, statim se ingessit illorum sepulchris, statuis, templis, aris, &c. he crept into their temples, statues, tombs, altars, and was ready to give oracles, cure diseases, do miracles, &c. as by Jupiter, Aesculapius, Tiresias, Apollo, Mopsus, Amphiaraus, &c. dii et Semi-dii. For so they were Semi-dii, demigods, some medii inter Deos et homines, as Max. [6508]Tyrius, the Platonist, ser. 26. et 27, maintains and justifies in many words. When a good man dies, his body is buried, but his soul, ex homine daemon evadit, becomes forthwith a demigod, nothing disparaged with malignity of air, or variety of forms, rejoiceth, exults and sees that perfect beauty with his eyes. Now being deified, in commiseration he helps his poor friends here on earth, his kindred and allies, informs, succours, &c. punisheth those that are bad and do amiss, as a good genius to protect and govern mortal men appointed by the gods, so they will have it, ordaining some for provinces, some for private men, some for one office, some for another. Hector and Achilles assist soldiers to this day; Aesculapius all sick men, the Dioscuri seafaring men, &c. and sometimes upon occasion they show themselves. The Dioscuri, Hercules and Aesculapius, he saw himself (or the devil in his likeness) non somnians sed vigilans ipse vidi: So far Tyrius. And not good men only do they thus adore, but tyrants, monsters, devils, (as [6509] Stuckius inveighs) Neros, Domitians, Heliogables, beastly women, and arrant whores amongst the rest. For all intents, places, creatures, they assign gods; Et domibus, tectis, thermis, et equis soleatis Assignare solent genios———

saith Prudentius. Cuna for cradles, Diverra for sweeping houses, Nodina knots, Prema, Pramunda, Hymen, Hymeneus, for weddings; Comus the god of good fellows, gods of silence, of comfort, Hebe goddess of youth, Mena menstruarum, &c. male and female gods, of all ages, sexes and dimensions, with beards, without beards, married, unmarried, begot, not born at all, but, as Minerva, start out of Jupiter's head. Hesiod reckons up at least 30,000 gods, Varro 300 Jupiters. As Jeremy told them, their gods were to the multitude of cities; Quicquid humus, pelagus, coelum miserabile gignit Id dixere deos, colles, freta, flumina, flammas.

Whatever heavens, sea, and land begat, Hills, seas, and rivers, God was this and that.

And which was most absurd, they made gods upon such ridiculous occasions; As children make babies (so saith [6510]Morneus), their poets make gods, et quos adorant in templis, ludunt in Theatris, as Lactantius scoffs. Saturn, a man, gelded himself, did eat his own children, a cruel tyrant driven out of his kingdom by his son Jupiter, as good a god as himself, a wicked lascivious paltry king of Crete, of whose rapes, lusts, murders, villainies, a whole volume is too little to relate. Venus, a notorious strumpet, as common as a barber's chair, Mars, Adonis, Anchises' whore, is a great she-goddess, as well as the rest, as much renowned by their poets, with many such; and these gods so fabulously and foolishly made, ceremoniis, hymnis, et canticis celebrunt; their errors, luctus et gaudia, amores, iras, nuptias et liberorum procreationes ([6511]as Eusebius well taxeth), weddings, mirth and mournings, loves, angers, and quarrelling they did celebrate in hymns, and sing of in their ordinary songs, as it were publishing their villainies. But see more of their originals. When Romulus was made away by the sedition of the senators, to pacify the people, [6512]Julius Proculus gave out that Romulus was taken up by Jupiter into heaven, and therefore to be ever after adored for a god amongst the Romans. Syrophanes of Egypt had one only son, whom he dearly loved; he erected his statue in his house, which his servants did adorn with garlands, to pacify their master's wrath when he was angry, so by little and little he was adored for a god. This did Semiramis for her husband Belus, and Adrian the emperor by his minion Antinous. Flora was a rich harlot in Rome, and for that she made the commonwealth her heir, her birthday was solemnised long after; and to make it a more plausible holiday, they made her goddess of flowers, and sacrificed to her amongst the rest. The matrons of Rome, as Dionysius Halicarnassaeus relates, because at their entreaty Coriolanus desisted from his wars, consecrated a church Fortunes muliebri; and [6513]Venus Barbata had a temple erected, for that somewhat was amiss about hair, and so the rest. The citizens [6514]of Alabanda, a small town in Asia Minor, to curry favour with the Romans (who then warred in Greece with Perseus of Macedon, and were formidable to these parts), consecrated a temple to the City of Rome, and made her a goddess, with annual games and sacrifices; so a town of houses was deified, with shameful flattery of the one side to give, and intolerable arrogance on the other to accept, upon so vile and absurd an occasion. Tully writes to Atticus, that his daughter Tulliola might be made a goddess, and adored as Juno and Minerva, and as well she deserved it. Their holy days and adorations were all out as ridiculous; those Lupercals of Pan, Florales of Flora, Bona dea, Anna Perenna, Saturnals, &c., as how they were celebrated, with what lascivious and wanton gestures, bald ceremonies, [6515]by what bawdy priests, how they hang their noses over the smoke of sacrifices, saith [6516]Lucian, and lick blood like flies that was spilled about the altars. Their carved idols, gilt images of wood, iron, ivory, silver, brass, stone, olim truncus eram, &c., were most absurd, as being their own workmanship; for as Seneca notes, adorant ligneos deos, et fabros interim qui fecerunt, contemnunt, they adore work, contemn the workman; and as Tertullian follows it, Si homines non essent diis propitii, non essent dii, had it not been for men, they had never been gods, but blocks, and stupid statues in which mice, swallows, birds make their nests, spiders their webs, and in their very mouths laid their excrements. Those images, I say, were all out as gross as the shapes in which they did represent them: Jupiter with a ram's head, Mercury a dog's, Pan like a goat, Heccate with three heads, one with a beard, another without; see more in Carterius and [6517]Verdurius of their monstrous forms and ugly pictures: and, which was absurder yet, they told them these images came from heaven, as that of Minerva in her temple at Athens, quod e coelo cecidisse credebant accolae, saith Pausanias. They formed some like storks, apes, bulls, and yet seriously believed: and that which was impious and abominable, they made their gods notorious whoremasters, incestuous Sodomites (as commonly they were all, as well as Jupiter, Mars, Apollo, Mercury, Neptune, &c.), thieves, slaves, drudges (for Apollo and Neptune made tiles in Phrygia), kept sheep, Hercules emptied stables, Vulcan a blacksmith, unfit to dwell upon the earth for their villainies, much less in heaven, as [6518]Mornay well saith, and yet they gave them out to be such; so weak and brutish, some to whine, lament, and roar, as Isis for her son and Cenocephalus, as also all her weeping priests; Mars in Homer to be wounded, vexed; Venus ran away crying, and the like; than which what can be more ridiculous? Nonne ridiculum lugere quod colas, vel colere quod lugeas? (which [6519]Minutius objects) Si dii, cur plangitis? si mortui, cur adoratis? that it is no marvel if [6520]Lucian, that adamantine persecutor of superstition, and Pliny could so scoff at them and their horrible idolatry as they did; if Diagoras took Hercules' image, and put it under his pot to seethe his pottage, which was, as he said, his 13th labour. But see more of their fopperies in Cypr. 4. tract, de Idol. varietat. Chrysostom advers. Gentil. Arnobius adv. Gentes. Austin, de civ. dei. Theodoret. de curat. Graec. affect. Clemens Alexandrinus, Minutius Felix, Eusebius, Lactantius, Stuckius, &c. Lamentable, tragical, and fearful those symptoms are, that they should be so far forth affrighted with their fictitious gods, as to spend the goods, lives, fortunes, precious time, best days in their honour, to [6521]sacrifice unto them, to their inestimable loss, such hecatombs, so many thousand sheep, oxen with gilded horns, goats, as [6522]Croesus, king of Lydia, [6523] Marcus Julianus, surnamed ob crebras hostias Victimarius, et Tauricremus, and the rest of the Roman emperors usually did with such labour and cost; and not emperors only and great ones, pro communi bono, were at this charge, but private men for their ordinary occasions. Pythagoras offered a hundred oxen for the invention of a geometrical problem, and it was an ordinary thing to sacrifice in [6524]Lucian's time, a heifer for their good health, four oxen for wealth, a hundred for a kingdom, nine bulls for their safe return from Troja to Pylus, &c. Every god almost had a peculiar sacrifice—the Sun horses, Vulcan fire, Diana a white hart, Venus a turtle, Ceres a hog, Proserpine a black lamb, Neptune a bull (read more in [6525] Stuckius at large), besides sheep, cocks, corals, frankincense, to their undoings, as if their gods were affected with blood or smoke. And surely ([6526]saith he) if one should but repeat the fopperies of mortal men, in their sacrifices, feasts, worshipping their gods, their rites and ceremonies, what they think of them, of their diet, houses, orders, &c., what prayers and vows they make; if one should but observe their absurdity and madness, he would burst out a laughing, and pity their folly. For what can be more absurd than their ordinary prayers, petitions, [6527]requests, sacrifices, oracles, devotions? of which we have a taste in Maximus Tyrius, serm. 1. Plato's Alcibiades Secundus, Persius Sat. 2. Juvenal. Sat. 10. there likewise exploded, Mactant opimas et pingues hostias deo quasi esurienti, profundunt vina tanquam sitienti, lumina accendunt velut in tenebris agenti (Lactantius, lib. 2. cap. 6). As if their gods were hungry, athirst, in the dark, they light candles, offer meat and drink. And what so base as to reveal their counsels and give oracles, e viscerum sterquiliniis, out of the bowels and excremental parts of beasts? sordidos deos Varro truly calls them therefore, and well he might. I say nothing of their magnificent and sumptuous temples, those majestical structures: to the roof of Apollo Didymeus' temple, ad branchidas, as [6528]Strabo writes, a thousand oaks did not suffice. Who can relate the glorious splendour, and stupend magnificence, the sumptuous building of Diana at Ephesus, Jupiter Ammon's temple in Africa, the Pantheon at Rome, the Capitol, the Sarapium at Alexandria, Apollo's temple at Daphne in the suburbs of Antioch. The great temple at Mexico so richly adorned, and so capacious (for 10,000 men might stand in it at once), that fair Pantheon of Cusco, described by Acosta in his Indian History, which eclipses both Jews and Christians. There were in old Jerusalem, as some write, 408 synagogues; but new Cairo reckons up (if [6529]Radzivilus may be believed) 6800 mosques; Fez 400, whereof 50 are most magnificent, like St. Paul's in London. Helena built 300 fair churches in the Holy Land, but one Bassa hath built 400 mosques. The Mahometans have 1000 monks in a monastery; the like saith Acosta of Americans; Riccius of the Chinese, for men and women, fairly built; and more richly endowed some of them, than Arras in Artois, Fulda in Germany, or St. Edmund's-Bury in England with us: who can describe those curious and costly statues, idols, images, so frequently mentioned in Pausanias? I conceal their donaries, pendants, other offerings, presents, to these their fictitious gods daily consecrated. [6530]Alexander, the son of Amyntas, king of Macedonia, sent two statues of pure gold to Apollo at Delphos. [6531]Croesus, king of Lydia dedicated a hundred golden tiles in the same place with a golden altar: no man came empty-handed to their shrines. But these are base offerings in respect; they offered men themselves alive. The Leucadians, as Strabo writes, sacrificed every year a man, averruncandae, deorum irae, causa, to pacify their gods, de montis praecipitio dejecerent, &c. and they did voluntarily undergo it. The Decii did so sacrifice, Diis manibus; Curtius did leap into the gulf. Were they not all strangely deluded to go so far to their oracles, to be so gulled by them, both in war and peace, as Polybius relates (which their argurs, priests, vestal virgins can witness), to be so superstitious, that they would rather lose goods and lives than omit any ceremonies, or offend their heathen gods? Nicias, that generous and valiant captain of the Greeks, overthrew the Athenian navy, by reason of his too much superstition, [6532] because the augurs told him it was ominous to set sail from the haven of Syracuse whilst the moon was eclipsed; he tarried so long till his enemies besieged him, he and all his army were overthrown. The [6533]Parthians of old were so sottish in this kind, they would rather lose a victory, nay lose their own lives, than fight in the night, 'twas against their religion. The Jews would make no resistance on the Sabbath, when Pompeius besieged Jerusalem; and some Jewish Christians in Africa, set upon by the Goths, suffered themselves upon the same occasion to be utterly vanquished. The superstition of the Dibrenses, a bordering town in Epirus, besieged by the Turks, is miraculous almost to report. Because a dead dog was flung into the only fountain which the city had, they would die of thirst all, rather than drink of that [6534]unclean water, and yield up the city upon any conditions. Though the praetor and chief citizens began to drink first, using all good persuasions, their superstition was such, no saying would serve, they must all forthwith die or yield up the city. Vix ausum ipse credere (saith [6535]Barletius) tantam superstitionem, vel affirmare levissimam hanc causam tantae rei vel magis ridiculam, quum non dubitem risum potius quum admirationem posteris excitaturam. The story was too ridiculous, he was ashamed to report it, because he thought nobody would believe it. It is stupend to relate what strange effects this idolatry and superstition hath brought forth of the latter years in the Indies and those bordering parts: [6536]in what feral shapes the [6537]devil is adored, ne quid mali intentent, as they say; for in the mountains betwixt Scanderoon and Aleppo, at this day, there are dwelling a certain kind of people called Coords, coming of the race of the ancient Parthians, who worship the devil, and allege this reason in so doing: God is a good man and will do no harm, but the devil is bad and must be pleased, lest he hurt them. It is wonderful to tell how the devil deludes them, how he terrifies them, how they offer men and women sacrifices unto him, a hundred at once, as they did infants in Crete to Saturn of old, the finest children, like Agamemnon's Iphigenia, &c. At [6538]Mexico, when the Spaniards first overcame them, they daily sacrificed viva hominum corda e viventium corporibus extracta, the hearts of men yet living, 20,000 in a year (Acosta lib. 5. cap. 20) to their idols made of flour and men's blood, and every year 6000 infants of both sexes: and as prodigious to relate, [6539]how they bury their wives with husbands deceased, 'tis fearful to report, and harder to believe, [6540]Nam certamen habent laethi quae viva sequatur Conjugium, pudor, est non licuisse mori,

and burn them alive, best goods, servants, horses, when a grandee dies, [6541]twelve thousand at once amongst the Tartar's, when a great Cham departs, or an emperor in America: how they plague themselves, which abstain from all that hath life, like those old Pythagoreans, with immoderate fastings, [6542]as the Bannians about Surat, they of China, that for superstition's sake never eat flesh nor fish all their lives, never marry, but live in deserts and by-places, and some pray to their idols twenty-four hours together without any intermission, biting of their tongues when they have done, for devotion's sake. Some again are brought to that madness by their superstitious priests (that tell them such vain stories of immortality, and the joys of heaven in that other life), [6543] that many thousands voluntarily break their own necks, as Cleombrotus Amborciatus, auditors of old, precipitate themselves, that they may participate of that unspeakable happiness in the other world. One poisons, another strangles himself, and the King of China had done as much, deluded with the vain hope, had he not been detained by his servant. But who can sufficiently tell of their several superstitions, vexations, follies, torments? I may conclude with [6544]Possevinus, Religifacit asperos mites, homines e feris; superstitio ex hominibus feras, religion makes wild beasts civil, superstition makes wise men beasts and fools; and the discreetest that are, if they give way to it, are no better than dizzards; nay more, if that of Plotinus be true, is unus religionis scopus, ut ei quem colimus similes fiamus, that is the drift of religion to make us like him whom we worship: what shall be the end of idolaters, but to degenerate into stocks and stones? of such as worship these heathen gods, for dii gentium daemonia, [6545]but to become devils themselves? 'Tis therefore exitiosus error, et maxime periculosus, a most perilous and dangerous error of all others, as [6546]Plutarch holds, turbulenta passio hominem consternans, a pestilent, a troublesome passion, that utterly undoeth men. Unhappy superstition, [6547]Pliny calls it, morte non finitur, death takes away life, but not superstition. Impious and ignorant are far more happy than they which are superstitious, no torture like to it, none so continuate, so general, so destructive, so violent. In this superstitious row, Jews for antiquity may go next to Gentiles: what of old they have done, what idolatries they have committed in their groves and high places, what their Pharisees, Sadducees, Scribes, Essei, and such sectaries have maintained, I will not so much as mention: for the present, I presume no nation under heaven can be more sottish, ignorant, blind, superstitious, wilful, obstinate, and peevish, tiring themselves with vain ceremonies to no purpose; he that shall but read their Rabbins' ridiculous comments, their strange interpretation of scriptures, their absurd ceremonies, fables, childish tales, which they steadfastly believe, will think they be scarce rational creatures; their foolish [6548]customs, when they rise in the morning, and how they prepare themselves to prayer, to meat, with what superstitious washings, how to their Sabbath, to their other feasts, weddings, burials, &c. Last of all, the expectation of their Messiah, and those figments, miracles, vain pomp that shall attend him, as how he shall terrify the Gentiles, and overcome them by new diseases; how Michael the archangel shall sound his trumpet, how he shall gather all the scattered Jews in the Holy Land, and there make them a great banquet, [6549] Wherein shall be all the birds, beasts, fishes, that ever God made, a cup of wine that grew in Paradise, and that hath been kept in Adam's cellar ever since. At the first course shall be served in that great ox in Job iv. 10., that every day feeds on a thousand hills, Psal. 1. 10., that great Leviathan, and a great bird, that laid an egg so big, [6550]that by chance tumbling out of the nest, it knocked down three hundred tall cedars, and breaking as it fell, drowned one hundred and sixty villages: this bird stood up to the knees in the sea, and the sea was so deep, that a hatchet would not fall to the bottom in seven years: of their Messiah's [6551]wives and children; Adam and Eve, &c., and that one stupend fiction amongst the rest: when a Roman prince asked of rabbi Jehosua ben Hanania, why the Jews' God was compared to a lion; he made answer, he compared himself to no ordinary lion, but to one in the wood Ela, which, when he desired to see, the rabbin prayed to God he might, and forthwith the lion set forward. [6552] But when he was four hundred miles from Rome he so roared that all the great-bellied women in Rome made abortions, the city walls fell down, and when he came a hundred miles nearer, and roared the second time, their teeth fell out of their heads, the emperor himself fell down dead, and so the lion went back. With an infinite number of such lies and forgeries, which they verily believe, feed themselves with vain hope, and in the mean time will by no persuasions be diverted, but still crucify their souls with a company of idle ceremonies, live like slaves and vagabonds, will not be relieved or reconciled. Mahometans are a compound of Gentiles, Jews, and Christians, and so absurd in their ceremonies, as if they had taken that which is most sottish out of every one of them, full of idle fables in their superstitious law, their Alcoran itself a gallimaufry of lies, tales, ceremonies, traditions, precepts, stolen from other sects, and confusedly heaped up to delude a company of rude and barbarous clowns. As how birds, beasts, stones, saluted Mahomet when he came from Mecca, the moon came down from heaven to visit him, [6553]how God sent for him, spake to him, &c., with a company of stupend figments of the angels, sun, moon, and stars, &c. Of the day of judgment, and three sounds to prepare to it, which must last fifty thousand years of Paradise, which wholly consists in coeundi et comedendi voluptate, and pecorinis hominibus scriptum, bestialis beatitudo, is so ridiculous, that Virgil, Dante, Lucian, nor any poet can be more fabulous. Their rites and ceremonies are most vain and superstitious, wine and swine's flesh are utterly forbidden by their law, [6554]they must pray five times a day; and still towards the south, wash before and after all their bodies over, with many such. For fasting, vows, religious orders, peregrinations, they go far beyond any papists, [6555]they fast a month together many times, and must not eat a bit till sun be set. Their kalendars, dervises, and torlachers, &c. are more [6556]abstemious some of them, than Carthusians, Franciscans, Anchorites, forsake all, live solitary, fare hard, go naked, &c. [6557]Their pilgrimages are as far as to the river [6558]Ganges (which the Gentiles of those tracts likewise do), to wash themselves, for that river as they hold hath a sovereign virtue to purge them of all sins, and no man can be saved that hath not been washed in it. For which reason they come far and near from the Indies; Maximus gentium omnium confluxus est; and infinite numbers yearly resort to it. Others go as far as Mecca to Mahomet's tomb, which journey is both miraculous and meritorious. The ceremonies of flinging stones to stone the devil, of eating a camel at Cairo by the way; their fastings, their running till they sweat, their long prayers, Mahomet's temple, tomb, and building of it, would ask a whole volume to dilate: and for their pains taken in this holy pilgrimage, all their sins are forgiven, and they reputed for so many saints. And diverse of them with hot bricks, when they return, will put out their eyes, [6559]that they never after see any profane thing, bite out their tongues, &c. They look for their prophet Mahomet as Jews do for their Messiah. Read more of their customs, rites, ceremonies, in Lonicerus Turcic. hist. tom. 1. from the tenth to the twenty-fourth chapter. Bredenbachius, cap. 4, 5, 6. Leo Afer, lib. 1. Busbequius Sabellicus, Purchas, lib. 3. cap. 3, et 4, 5. Theodorus Bibliander, &c. Many foolish ceremonies you shall find in them; and which is most to be lamented, the people are generally so curious in observing of them, that if the least circumstance be omitted, they think they shall be damned, 'tis an irremissible offence, and can hardly be forgiven. I kept in my house amongst my followers (saith Busbequius, sometime the Turk's orator in Constantinople) a Turkey boy, that by chance did eat shellfish, a meat forbidden by their law, but the next day when he knew what he had done, he was not only sick to cast and vomit, but very much troubled in mind, would weep and [6560]grieve many days after, torment himself for his foul offence. Another Turk being to drink a cup of wine in his cellar, first made a huge noise and filthy faces, [6561]to warn his soul, as he said, that it should not be guilty of that foul fact which he was to commit. With such toys as these are men kept in awe, and so cowed, that they dare not resist, or offend the least circumstance of their law, for conscience' sake misled by superstition, which no human edict otherwise, no force of arms, could have enforced. In the last place are pseudo-Christians, in describing of whose superstitious symptoms, as a mixture of the rest, I may say that which St. Benedict once saw in a vision, one devil in the marketplace, but ten in a monastery, because there was more work; in populous cities they would swear and forswear, lie, falsify, deceive fast enough of themselves, one devil could circumvent a thousand; but in their religious houses a thousand devils could scarce tempt one silly monk. All the principal devils, I think, busy themselves in subverting Christians; Jews, Gentiles, and Mahometans, are extra caulem, out of the fold, and need no such attendance, they make no resistance, [6562]eos enim pulsare negligit, quos quieto jure possidere se sentit, they are his own already: but Christians have that shield of faith, sword of the Spirit to resist, and must have a great deal of battery before they can be overcome. That the devil is most busy amongst us that are of the true church, appears by those several oppositions, heresies, schisms, which in all ages he hath raised to subvert it, and in that of Rome especially, wherein Antichrist himself now sits and plays his prize. This mystery of iniquity began to work even in the Apostles' time, many Antichrists and heretics' were abroad, many sprung up since, many now present, and will be to the world's end, to dementate men's minds, to seduce and captivate their souls. Their symptoms I know not how better to express, than in that twofold division, of such as lead, and are led. Such as lead are heretics, schismatics, false prophets, impostors, and their ministers: they have some common symptoms, some peculiar. Common, as madness, folly, pride, insolency, arrogancy, singularity, peevishness, obstinacy, impudence, scorn and contempt of all other sects: Nullius addicti jurare in verba magistri; [6563]they will approve of nought but what they first invent themselves, no interpretation good but what their infallible spirit dictates: none shall be in secundis, no not in tertiis, they are only wise, only learned in the truth, all damned but they and their followers, caedem scripturarum faciunt ad materiam suam, saith Tertullian, they make a slaughter of Scriptures, and turn it as a nose of wax to their own ends. So irrefragable, in the mean time, that what they have once said, they must and will maintain, in whole tomes, duplications, triplications, never yield to death, so self-conceited, say what you can. As [6564]Bernard (erroneously some say) speaks of P. Aliardus, omnes patres sic, atque ego sic. Though all the Fathers, Councils, the whole world contradict it, they care not, they are all one: and as [6565] Gregory well notes of such as are vertiginous, they think all turns round and moves, all err: when as the error is wholly in their own brains. Magallianus, the Jesuit, in his Comment on 1 Tim. xvi. 20, and Alphonsus de castro lib. 1. adversus haereses, gives two more eminent notes or probable conjectures to know such men by, (they might have taken themselves by the noses when they said it) [6566]First they affect novelties and toys, and prefer falsehood before truth; [6567]secondly, they care not what they say, that which rashness and folly hath brought out, pride afterward, peevishness and contumacy shall maintain to the last gasp. Peculiar symptoms are prodigious paradoxes, new doctrines, vain phantasms, which are many and diverse as they themselves. [6568]Nicholaites of old, would have wives in common: Montanists will not marry at all, nor Tatians, forbidding all flesh, Severians wine; Adamians go naked, [6569]because Adam did so in Paradise; and some [6570]barefoot all their lives, because God, Exod. iii. and Joshua v. bid Moses so to do; and Isaiah xx. was bid put off his shoes; Manichees hold that Pythagorean transmigration of souls from men to beasts; [6571]the Circumcellions in Africa, with a mad cruelty made away themselves, some by fire, water, breaking their necks, and seduced others to do the like, threatening some if they did not, with a thousand such; as you may read in [6572]Austin (for there were fourscore and eleven heresies in his times, besides schisms and smaller factions) Epiphanius, Alphonsus de Castro, Danaeus, Gab, Prateolus, &c. Of prophets, enthusiasts and impostors, our Ecclesiastical stories afford many examples; of Elias and Christs, as our [6573]Eudo de stellis, a Briton in King Stephen's time, that went invisible, translated himself from one to another in a moment, fed thousands with good cheer in the wilderness, and many such; nothing so common as miracles, visions, revelations, prophecies. Now what these brain-sick heretics once broach, and impostors set on foot, be it never so absurd, false, and prodigious, the common people will follow and believe. It will run along like murrain in cattle, scab in sheep. Nulla scabies, as [6574]he said, superstitione scabiosior; as he that is bitten with a mad dog bites others, and all in the end become mad; either out of affection of novelty, simplicity, blind zeal, hope and fear, the giddy-headed multitude will embrace it, and without further examination approve it. Sed vetera querimur, these are old, haec prius fuere. In our days we have a new scene of superstitious impostors and heretics. A new company of actors, of Antichrists, that great Antichrist himself: a rope of hopes, that by their greatness and authority bear down all before them: who from that time they proclaimed themselves universal bishops, to establish their own kingdom, sovereignty, greatness, and to enrich themselves, brought in such a company of human traditions, purgatory, Limbus Patrum, Infantum, and all that subterranean geography, mass, adoration of saints, alms, fastings, bulls, indulgences, orders, friars, images, shrines, musty relics, excommunications, confessions, satisfactions, blind obediences, vows, pilgrimages, peregrinations, with many such curious toys, intricate subtleties, gross errors, obscure questions, to vindicate the better and set a gloss upon them, that the light of the Gospel was quite eclipsed, darkness over all, the Scriptures concealed, legends brought in, religion banished, hypocritical superstition exalted, and the Church itself [6575] obscured and persecuted: Christ and his members crucified more, saith Benzo, by a few necromantical, atheistical popes, than ever it was by [6576] Julian the Apostate, Porphyrius the Platonist, Celsus the physician, Libanius the Sophister; by those heathen emperors, Huns, Goths, and Vandals. What each of them did, by what means, at what times, quibus auxiliis, superstition climbed to this height, tradition increased, and Antichrist himself came to his estate, let Magdeburgenses, Kemnisius, Osiander, Bale, Mornay, Fox, Usher, and many others relate. In the mean time, he that shall but see their profane rites and foolish customs, how superstitiously kept, how strictly observed, their multitude of saints, images, that rabble of Romish deities, for trades, professions, diseases, persons, offices, countries, places; St. George for England; St. Denis for France, Patrick, Ireland; Andrew, Scotland; Jago, Spain; &c. Gregory for students; Luke for painters; Cosmus and Damian for philosophers; Crispin, shoemakers; Katherine, spinners; &c. Anthony for pigs; Gallus, geese; Wenceslaus, sheep; Pelagius, oxen; Sebastian, the plague; Valentine, falling sickness; Apollonia, toothache; Petronella for agues; and the Virgin Mary for sea and land, for all parties, offices: he that shall observe these things, their shrines, images, oblations, pendants, adorations, pilgrimages they make to them, what creeping to crosses, our Lady of Loretto's rich [6577]gowns, her donaries, the cost bestowed on images, and number of suitors; St. Nicholas Burge in France; our St. Thomas's shrine of old at Canterbury; those relics at Rome, Jerusalem, Genoa, Lyons, Pratum, St. Denis; and how many thousands come yearly to offer to them, with what cost, trouble, anxiety, superstition (for forty several masses are daily said in some of their [6578]churches, and they rise at all hours of the night to mass, come barefoot, &c.), how they spend themselves, times, goods, lives, fortunes, in such ridiculous observations; their tales and figments, false miracles, buying and selling of pardons, indulgences for 40,000 years to come, their processions on set days, their strict fastings, monks, anchorites, friar mendicants, Franciscans, Carthusians, &c. Their vigils and fasts, their ceremonies at Christmas, Shrovetide, Candlemas, Palm Sunday, Blaise, St. Martin, St. Nicholas' day; their adorations, exorcisms, &c., will think all those Grecian, Pagan, Mahometan superstitions, gods, idols, and ceremonies, the name, time and place, habit only altered, to have degenerated into Christians. Whilst they prefer traditions before Scriptures; those Evangelical Councils, poverty, obedience, vows, alms, fasting, supererogations, before God's Commandments; their own ordinances instead of his precepts, and keep them in ignorance, blindness, they have brought the common people into such a case by their cunning conveyances, strict discipline, and servile education, that upon pain of damnation they dare not break the least ceremony, tradition, edict; hold it a greater sin to eat a bit of meat in Lent, than kill a man: their consciences are so terrified, that they are ready to despair if a small ceremony be omitted; and will accuse their own father, mother, brother, sister, nearest and dearest friends of heresy, if they do not as they do, will be their chief executioners, and help first to bring a faggot to burn them. What mulct, what penance soever is enjoined, they dare not but do it, tumble with St. Francis in the mire amongst hogs, if they be appointed, go woolward, whip themselves, build hospitals, abbeys, &c., go to the East or West Indies, kill a king, or run upon a sword point: they perform all, without any muttering or hesitation, believe all. [6579]Ut pueri infantes credunt signa omnia ahena Vivere, et esse homines, et sic isti omnia ficta Vera putant, credunt signis cor inesse ahenis.

As children think their babies live to be, Do they these brazen images they see.

And whilst the ruder sort are so carried headlong with blind zeal, are so gulled and tortured by their superstitions, their own too credulous simplicity and ignorance, their epicurean popes and hypocritical cardinals laugh in their sleeves, and are merry in their chambers with their punks, they do indulgere genio, and make much of themselves. The middle sort, some for private gain, hope of ecclesiastical preferment, (quis expedivit psittaco suum χαίρε) popularity, base flattery, must and will believe all their paradoxes and absurd tenets, without exception, and as obstinately maintain and put in practice all their traditions and idolatrous ceremonies (for their religion is half a trade) to the death; they will defend all, the golden legend itself, with all the lies and tales in it: as that of St. George, St. Christopher, St. Winifred, St. Denis, &c. It is a wonder to see how Nic. Harpsfield, that Pharisaical impostor, amongst the rest, Ecclesiast. Hist. cap. 22. saec prim, sex., puzzles himself to vindicate that ridiculous fable of St. Ursula and the eleven thousand virgins, as when they live,[6580]how they came to Cologne, by whom martyred, &c., though he can say nothing for it, yet he must and will approve it: nobilitavit (inquit) hoc saeculum Ursula cum comitibus, cujus historia utinam tam mihi esset expedita et certa, quam in animo meo certum ac expeditum est, eam esse cum sodalibus beatam in coelis virginem. They must and will (I say) either out of blind zeal believe, vary their compass with the rest, as the latitude of religion varies, apply themselves to the times, and seasons, and for fear and flattery are content to subscribe and to do all that in them lies to maintain and defend their present government and slavish religious schoolmen, canonists, Jesuits, friars, priests, orators, sophisters, who either for that they had nothing else to do, luxuriant wits knew not otherwise how to busy themselves in those idle times, for the Church then had few or no open adversaries, or better to defend their lies, fictions, miracles, transubstantiations, traditions, pope's pardons, purgatories, masses, impossibilities, &c. with glorious shows, fair pretences, big words, and plausible wits, have coined a thousand idle questions, nice distinctions, subtleties, Obs and Sols, such tropological, allegorical expositions, to salve all appearances, objections, such quirks and quiddities, quodlibetaries, as Bale saith of Ferribrigge and Strode, instances, ampliations, decrees, glosses, canons, that instead of sound commentaries, good preachers, are come in a company of mad sophisters, primo secundo secundarii, sectaries, Canonists, Sorbonists, Minorites, with a rabble of idle controversies and questions, [6581]an Papa sit Deus, an quasi Deus? An participet utramque Christi naturam? Whether it be as possible for God to be a humble bee or a gourd, as a man? Whether he can produce respect without a foundation or term, make a whore a virgin? fetch Trajan's soul from hell, and how? with a rabble of questions about hell-fire: whether it be a greater sin to kill a man, or to clout shoes upon a Sunday? whether God can make another God like unto himself? Such, saith Kemnisius, are most of your schoolmen, (mere alchemists) 200 commentators on Peter Lambard; (Pitsius catal. scriptorum Anglic. reckons up 180 English commentators alone, on the matter of the sentences), Scotists, Thomists, Reals, Nominals, &c., and so perhaps that of St. [6582]Austin may be verified. Indocti rapiunt coelum, docti interim descendunt ad infernum. Thus they continued in such error, blindness, decrees, sophisms, superstitions; idle ceremonies and traditions were the sum of their new-coined holiness and religion, and by these knaveries and stratagems they were able to involve multitudes, to deceive the most sanctified souls, and, if it were possible, the very elect. In the mean time the true Church, as wine and water mixed, lay hid and obscure to speak of, till Luther's time, who began upon a sudden to defecate, and as another sun to drive away those foggy mists of superstition, to restore it to that purity of the primitive Church. And after him many good and godly men, divine spirits, have done their endeavours, and still do. [6583]And what their ignorance esteem'd so holy, Our wiser ages do account as folly.

But see the devil, that will never suffer the Church to be quiet or at rest: no garden so well tilled but some noxious weeds grow up in it, no wheat but it hath some tares: we have a mad giddy company of precisians, schismatics, and some heretics, even, in our own bosoms in another extreme. [6584]Dum vitant stulti vitia in contraria currunt; that out of too much zeal in opposition to Antichrist, human traditions, those Romish rites and superstitions, will quite demolish all, they will admit of no ceremonies at all, no fasting days, no cross in baptism, kneeling at communion, no church music, &c., no bishops' courts, no church government, rail at all our church discipline, will not hold their tongues, and all for the peace of thee, O Sion! No, not so much as degrees some of them will tolerate, or universities, all human learning, ('tis cloaca diaboli) hoods, habits, cap and surplice, such as are things indifferent in themselves, and wholly for ornament, decency, or distinction's sake, they abhor, hate, and snuff at, as a stone-horse when he meets a bear: they make matters of conscience of them, and will rather forsake their livings than subscribe to them. They will admit of no holidays, or honest recreations, as of hawking, hunting, &c., no churches, no bells some of them, because papists use them; no discipline, no ceremonies but what they invent themselves; no interpretations of 'scriptures, no comments of fathers, no councils, but such as their own fantastical spirits dictate, or recta ratio, as Socinians, by which spirit misled, many times they broach as prodigious paradoxes as papists themselves. Some of them turn prophets, have secret revelations, will be of privy council with God himself, and know all his secrets, [6585] Per capillos spiritum sanctum tenent, et omnia sciunt cum sint asini omnium obstinatissimi, a company of giddy heads will take upon them to define how many shall be saved and who damned in a parish, where they shall sit in heaven, interpret Apocalypses, (Commentatores praecipites et vertiginosos, one calls them, as well he might) and those hidden mysteries to private persons, times, places, as their own spirit informs them, private revelations shall suggest, and precisely set down when the world shall come to an end, what year, what month, what day. Some of them again have such strong faith, so presumptuous, they will go into infected houses, expel devils, and fast forty days, as Christ himself did; some call God and his attributes into question, as Vorstius and Socinus; some princes, civil magistrates, and their authorities, as Anabaptists, will do all their own private spirit dictates, and nothing else. Brownists, Barrowists, Familists, and those Amsterdamian sects and sectaries, are led all by so many private spirits. It is a wonder to reveal what passages Sleidan relates in his Commentaries, of Cretinck, Knipperdoling, and their associates, those madmen of Munster in Germany; what strange enthusiasms, sottish revelations they had, how absurdly they carried themselves, deluded others; and as profane Machiavel in his political disputations holds of Christian religion, in general it doth enervate, debilitate, take away men's spirits and courage from them, simpliciores reddit homines, breeds nothing so courageous soldiers as that Roman: we may say of these peculiar sects, their religion takes away not spirits only, but wit and judgment, and deprives them of their understanding; for some of them are so far gone with their private enthusiasms and revelations, that they are quite mad, out of their wits. What greater madness can there be, than for a man to take upon him to be a God, as some do? to be the Holy Ghost, Elias, and what not? In [6586]Poland, 1518, in the reign of King Sigismund, one said he was Christ, and got him twelve apostles, came to judge the world, and strangely deluded the commons. [6587]One David George, an illiterate painter, not many years since, did as much in Holland, took upon him to be the Messiah, and had many followers. Benedictus Victorinus Faventinus, consil. 15, writes as much of one Honorius, that thought he was not only inspired as a prophet, but that he was a God himself, and had [6588]familiar conference with God and his angels. Lavat. de spect. c. 2. part. 8. hath a story of one John Sartorious, that thought he was the prophet Elias, and cap. 7. of diverse others that had conference with angels, were saints, prophets. Wierus, lib. 3. de Lamiis c. 7. makes mention of a prophet of Groning that said he was God the Father; of an Italian and Spanish prophet that held as much. We need not rove so far abroad, we have familiar examples at home: Hackett that said he was Christ; Coppinger and Arthington his disciples; [6589]Burchet and Hovatus, burned at Norwich. We are never likely seven years together without some such new prophets that have several inspirations, some to convert the Jews, some fast forty days, go with Daniel to the lion's den; some foretell strange things, some for one thing, some for another. Great precisians of mean conditions and very illiterate, most part by a preposterous zeal, fasting, meditation, melancholy, are brought into those gross errors and inconveniences. Of those men I may conclude generally, that howsoever they may seem to be discreet, and men of understanding in other matters, discourse well, laesam habent imaginationem, they are like comets, round in all places but where they blaze, caetera sani, they have impregnable wits many of them, and discreet otherwise, but in this their madness and folly breaks out beyond measure, in infinitum erumpit stultitia. They are certainly far gone with melancholy, if not quite mad, and have more need of physic than many a man that keeps his bed, more need of hellebore than those that are in Bedlam.

SUBSECT. IV.—Prognostics of Religious Melancholy.

You may guess at the prognostics by the symptoms. What can these signs fore tell otherwise than folly, dotage, madness, gross ignorance, despair, obstinacy, a reprobate sense, [6590]a bad end? What else can superstition, heresy produce, but wars, tumults, uproars, torture of souls, and despair, a desolate land, as Jeremy teacheth, cap. vii. 34. when they commit idolatry, and walk after their own ways? how should it be otherwise with them? what can they expect but blasting, famine, dearth, and all the plagues of Egypt, as Amos denounceth, cap. iv. vers. 9. 10. to be led into captivity? If our hopes be frustrate, we sow much and bring in little, eat and have not enough, drink and are not filled, clothe and be not warm, &c. Haggai i. 6. we look for much and it comes to little, whence is it? His house was waste, they came to their own houses, vers. 9. therefore the heaven stayed his dew, the earth his fruit. Because we are superstitious, irreligious, we do not serve God as we ought, all these plagues and miseries come upon us; what can we look for else but mutual wars, slaughters, fearful ends in this life, and in the life to come eternal damnation? What is it that hath caused so many feral battles to be fought, so much Christian blood shed, but superstition! That Spanish inquisition, racks, wheels, tortures, torments, whence do they proceed? from superstition. Bodine the Frenchman, in his [6591]method. hist. accounts Englishmen barbarians, for their civil wars: but let him read those Pharsalian fields [6592]fought of late in France for their religion, their massacres, wherein by their own relations in twenty-four years, I know not how many millions have been consumed, whole families and cities, and he shall find ours to be but velitations to theirs. But it hath ever been the custom of heretics and idolaters, when they are plagued for their sins, and God's just judgments come upon them, not to acknowledge any fault in themselves, but still impute it unto others. In Cyprian's time it was much controverted between him and Demetrius an idolater, who should be the cause of those present calamities. Demetrius laid all the fault on Christians, (and so they did ever in the primitive church, as appears by the first book of [6593]Arnobius), [6594]that there were not such ordinary showers in winter, the ripening heat in summer, so seasonable springs, fruitful autumns, no marble mines in the mountains, less gold and silver than of old; that husbandmen, seamen, soldiers, all were scanted, justice, friendship, skill in arts, all was decayed, and that through Christians' default, and all their other miseries from them, quod dii nostri a vobis non colantur, because they did not worship their gods. But Cyprian retorts all upon him again, as appears by his tract against him. 'Tis true the world is miserably tormented and shaken with wars, dearth, famine, fire, inundations, plagues, and many feral diseases rage amongst us, sed non ut tu quereris ista accidunt quod dii vestri a nobis non colantur, sed quod a vobis non colatur Deus, a quibus nec quaeritur, nec timetur, not as thou complainest, that we do not worship your Gods, but because you are idolaters, and do not serve the true God, neither seek him, nor fear him as you ought. Our papists object as much to us, and account us heretics, we them; the Turks esteem of both as infidels, and we them as a company of pagans, Jews against all; when indeed there is a general fault in us all, and something in the very best, which may justly deserve God's wrath, and pull these miseries upon our heads. I will say nothing here of those vain cares, torments, needless works, penance, pilgrimages, pseudomartyrdom, &c. We heap upon ourselves unnecessary troubles, observations; we punish our bodies, as in Turkey (saith [6595]Busbequius leg. Turcic. ep. 3.) one did, that was much affected with music, and to hear boys sing, but very superstitious; an old sibyl coming to his house, or a holy woman, (as that place yields many) took him down for it, and told him, that in that other world he should suffer for it; thereupon he flung his rich and costly instruments which he had bedecked with jewels, all at once into the fire. He was served in silver plate, and had goodly household stuff: a little after, another religious man reprehended him in like sort, and from thenceforth he was served in earthen vessels, last of all a decree came forth, because Turks might not drink wine themselves, that neither Jew nor Christian then living in Constantinople, might drink any wine at all. In like sort amongst papists, fasting at first was generally proposed as a good thing; after, from such meats at set times, and then last of all so rigorously proposed, to bind the consciences upon pain of damnation. First Friday, saith Erasmus, then Saturday, et nunc periclitatur dies Mercurii) and Wednesday now is in danger of a fast. [6596]And for such like toys, some so miserably afflict themselves, to despair, and death itself, rather than offend, and think themselves good Christians in it, when as indeed they are superstitious Jews. So saith Leonardus Fuchsius, a great physician in his time. [6597]We are tortured in Germany with these popish edicts, our bodies so taken down, our goods so diminished, that if God had not sent Luther, a worthy man, in time, to redress these mischiefs, we should have eaten hay with our horses before this. [6598]As in fasting, so in all other superstitious edicts, we crucify one another without a cause, barring ourselves of many good and lawful things, honest disports, pleasures and recreations; for wherefore did God create them but for our use? Feasts, mirth, music, hawking, hunting, singing, dancing, &c. non tam necessitatibus nostris Deus inservit, sed in delicias amamur, as Seneca notes, God would have it so. And as Plato 2. de legibus gives out, Deos laboriosam hominum vitam miseratos, the gods in commiseration of human estate sent Apollo, Bacchus, and the Muses, qui cum voluptate tripudia et soltationes nobis ducant, to be merry with mortals, to sing and dance with us. So that he that will not rejoice and enjoy himself, making good use of such things as are lawfully permitted, non est temperatus, as he will, sed superstitiosus. There is nothing better for a man, than that he should eat and drink, and that he should make his soul enjoy good in his labour, Eccles. ii. 24. And as [6599]one said of hawking and hunting, tot solatia in hac aegri orbis calamitate, mortalibus taediis deus objecit, I say of all honest recreations, God hath therefore indulged them to refresh, ease, solace and comfort us. But we are some of us too stern, too rigid, too precise, too grossly superstitious, and whilst we make a conscience of every toy, with touch not, taste not, &c., as those Pythagoreans of old, and some Indians now, that will eat no flesh, or suffer any living creature to be killed, the Bannians about Guzzerat; we tyrannise over our brother's soul, lose the right use of many good gifts; honest [6600]sports, games and pleasant recreations, [6601]punish ourselves without a cause, lose our liberties, and sometimes our lives. Anno 1270, at [6602]Magdeburg in Germany, a Jew fell into a privy upon a Saturday, and without help could not possibly get out; he called to his fellows for succour, but they denied it, because it was their Sabbath, non licebat opus manuum exercere; the bishop hearing of it, the next day forbade him to be pulled out, because it was our Sunday. In the mean time the wretch died before Monday. We have myriads of examples in this kind amongst those rigid Sabbatarians, and therefore not without good cause, [6603]Intolerabilem pertubationem Seneca calls it, as well he might, an intolerable perturbation, that causeth such dire events, folly, madness, sickness, despair, death of body and soul, and hell itself.

SUBSECT. V.—Cure of Religious Melancholy.

To purge the world of idolatry and superstition, will require some monster-taming Hercules, a divine Aesculapius, or Christ himself to come in his own person, to reign a thousand years on earth before the end, as the Millenaries will have him. They are generally so refractory, self-conceited, obstinate, so firmly addicted to that religion in which they have been bred and brought up, that no persuasion, no terror, no persecution, can divert them. The consideration of which, hath induced many commonwealths to suffer them to enjoy their consciences as they will themselves: a toleration of Jews is in most provinces of Europe. In Asia they have their synagogues: Spaniards permit Moors to live amongst them: the Mogullians, Gentiles: the Turks all religions. In Europe, Poland and Amsterdam are the common sanctuaries. Some are of opinion, that no man ought to be compelled for conscience' sake, but let him be of what religion he will, he may be saved, as Cornelius was formerly accepted, Jew, Turks, Anabaptists, &c. If he be an honest man, live soberly, and civilly in his profession, (Volkelius, Crellius, and the rest of the Socinians, that now nestle themselves about Krakow and Rakow in Poland, have renewed this opinion) serve his own God, with that fear and reverence as he ought. Sua cuique civitati (Laeli) religio sit, nostra nobis, Tully thought fit every city should be free in this behalf, adore their own Custodes et Topicos Deos, tutelar and local gods, as Symmachus calls them. Isocrates adviseth Demonicus, when he came to a strange city, to [6604]worship by all means the gods of the place, et unumquemque, Topicum deum sic coli oportere, quomodo ipse praeceperit: which Cecilius in [6605]Minutius labours, and would have every nation sacrorum ritus gentiles habere et deos colere municipes, keep their own ceremonies, worship their peculiar gods, which Pomponius Mela reports of the Africans, Deos suos patrio more venerantur, they worship their own gods according to their own ordination. For why should any one nation, as he there pleads, challenge that universality of God, Deum suum quem nec ostendunt, nec vident, discurrantem silicet et ubique praesentem, in omnium mores, actus, et occultas, cogitationes inquirentem, &c., as Christians do: let every province enjoy their liberty in this behalf, worship one God, or all as they will, and are informed. The Romans built altars Diis Asiae, Europae, Lybiae, diis ignotis et peregrinis: others otherwise, &c. Plinius Secundus, as appears by his Epistle to Trajan, would not have the Christians so persecuted, and in some time of the reign of Maximinus, as we find it registered in Eusebius lib. 9. cap. 9. there was a decree made to this purpose, Nullus cogatur invitus ad hunc vel illum deorum cultum, let no one be compelled against his will to worship any particular deity, and by Constantine in the 19th year of his reign as [6606]Baronius informeth us, Nemo alteri exhibeat molestiam, quod cujusque animus vult, hoc quisque transigat, new gods, new lawgivers, new priests, will have new ceremonies, customs and religions, to which every wise man as a good formalist should accommodate himself. [6607]Saturnus periit, perierunt et sua jura, Sub Jove nunc mundus, jussa sequare Jovis.

The said Constantine the emperor, as Eusebius writes, flung down and demolished all the heathen gods, silver, gold statues, altars, images and temples, and turned them all to Christian churches, infestus gentilium monumentis ludibrio exposuit; the Turk now converts them again to Mahometan mosques. The like edict came forth in the reign of Arcadius and Honorius. [6608]Symmachus the orator in his days, to procure a general toleration, used this argument, [6609]Because God is immense and infinite, and his nature cannot perfectly be known, it is convenient he should be as diversely worshipped, as every man shall perceive or understand. It was impossible, he thought, for one religion to be universal: you see that one small province can hardly be ruled by one law, civil or spiritual; and how shall so many distinct and vast empires of the world be united into one? It never was, never will be Besides, if there be infinite planetary and firmamental worlds, as [6610]some will, there be infinite genii or commanding spirits belonging to each of them; and so, per consequens (for they will be all adored), infinite religions. And therefore let every territory keep their proper rites and ceremonies, as their dii tutelares will, so Tyrius calls them, and according to the quarter they hold, their own institutions, revelations, orders, oracles, which they dictate from time to time, or teach their own priests or ministers. This tenet was stiffly maintained in Turkey not long since, as you may read in the third epistle of Busbequius, [6611]that all those should participate of eternal happiness, that lived a holy and innocent life, what religion soever they professed. Rustan Bassa was a great patron of it; though Mahomet himself was sent virtute gladdi, to enforce all, as he writes in his Alcoran, to follow him. Some again will approve of this for Jews, Gentiles, infidels, that are out of the fold, they can be content to give them all respect and favour, but by no means to such as are within the precincts of our own church, and called Christians, to no heretics, schismatics, or the like; let the Spanish inquisition, that fourth fury, speak of some of them, the civil wars and massacres in France, our Marian times. [6612]Magillianus the Jesuit will not admit of conference with a heretic, but severity and rigour to be used, non illis verba reddere, sed furcas, figere oportet; and Theodosius is commended in Nicephorus, lib. 12. cap. 15. [6613]That he put all heretics to silence. Bernard. Epist. 180, will have club law, fire and sword for heretics, [6614]compel them, stop their mouths not with disputations, or refute them with reasons, but with fists; and this is their ordinary practice. Another company are as mild on the other side; to avoid all heart-burning, and contentious wars and uproars, they would have a general toleration in every kingdom, no mulct at all, no man for religion or conscience be put to death, which [6615]Thuanus the French historian much favours; our late Socinians defend; Vaticanus against Calvin in a large Treatise in behalf of Servetus, vindicates; Castilio, &c., Martin Ballius and his companions, maintained this opinion not long since in France, whose error is confuted by Beza in a just volume. The medium is best, and that which Paul prescribes, Gal. i. If any man shall fall by occasion, to restore such a one with the spirit of meekness, by all fair means, gentle admonitions; but if that will not take place, Post unam et alteram admonitionem haereticum devita, he must be excommunicate, as Paul did by Hymenaeus, delivered over to Satan. Immedicabile vulnus ense recidendum est. As Hippocrates said in physic, I may well say in divinity, Quae ferro non curantur, ignis curat. For the vulgar, restrain them by laws, mulcts, burn their books, forbid their conventicles; for when the cause is taken away, the effect will soon cease. Now for prophets, dreamers, and such rude silly fellows, that through fasting, too much meditation, preciseness, or by melancholy, are distempered: the best means to reduce them ad sanam mentem, is to alter their course of life, and with conference, threats, promises, persuasions, to intermix physic. Hercules de Saxonia, had such a prophet committed to his charge in Venice, that thought he was Elias, and would fast as he did; he dressed a fellow in angel's attire, that said he came from heaven to bring him divine food, and by that means stayed his fast, administered his physic; so by the meditation of this forged angel he was cured. [6616]Rhasis an Arabian, cont. lib. 1. cap. 9, speaks of a fellow that in like case complained to him, and desired his help: I asked him (saith he) what the matter was; he replied, I am continually meditating of heaven and hell, and methinks I see and talk with fiery spirits, and smell brimstone, &c., and am so carried away with these conceits, that I can neither eat, nor sleep, nor go about my business: I cured him (saith Rhasis) partly by persuasion, partly by physic, and so have I done by many others. We have frequently such prophets and dreamers amongst us, whom we persecute with fire and faggot: I think the most compendious cure, for some of them at least, had been in Bedlam. Sed de his satis.

MEMB. II.

SUBSECT. I.—Religious Melancholy in defect; parties affected, Epicures, Atheists, Hypocrites, worldly secure, Carnalists; all impious persons, impenitent sinners, &c.

In that other extreme or defect of this love of God, knowledge, faith, fear, hope, &c. are such as err both in doctrine and manners, Sadducees, Herodians, libertines, politicians: all manner of atheists, epicures, infidels, that are secure, in a reprobate sense, fear not God at all, and such are too distrustful and timorous, as desperate persons be. That grand sin of atheism or impiety, [6617]Melancthon calls it monstrosam melancholiam, monstrous melancholy; or venenatam melancholiam, poisoned melancholy. A company of Cyclops or giants, that war with the gods, as the poets feigned, antipodes to Christians, that scoff at all religion, at God himself, deny him and all his attributes, his wisdom, power, providence, his mercy and judgment. [6618]Esse aliquos manes, et subterranea regna, Et contum, et Stygio ranas in gurgite nigras, Atque una transire vadum tot millia cymba, Nec pueri credunt, nisi qui nondum aere lavantur.

That there is either heaven or hell, resurrection of the dead, pain, happiness, or world to come, credat Judaeus Apella; for their parts they esteem them as so many poet's tales, bugbears, Lucian's Alexander; Moses, Mahomet, and Christ are all as one in their creed. When those bloody wars in France for matters of religion (saith [6619]Richard Dinoth) were so violently pursued between Huguenots and Papists, there was a company of good fellows laughed them all to scorn, for being such superstitious fools, to lose their wives and fortunes, accounting faith, religion, immortality of the soul, mere fopperies and illusions. Such loose [6620]atheistical spirits are too predominant in all kingdoms. Let them contend, pray, tremble, trouble themselves that will, for their parts, they fear neither God nor devil; but with that Cyclops in Euripides, Haud ulla numina expavescunt caelitum, Sed victimas uni deorum maximo, Ventri offerunt, deos ignorant caeteros.

They fear no God but one, They sacrifice to none. But belly, and him adore, For gods they know no more.

Their God is their belly, as Paul saith, Sancta mater saturitas;—quibus in solo vivendi causa palato est. The idol, which they worship and adore, is their mistress; with him in Plautus, mallem haec mulier me amet quam dii, they had rather have her favour than the gods'. Satan is their guide, the flesh is their instructor, hypocrisy their counsellor, vanity their fellow-soldier, their will their law, ambition their captain, custom their rule; temerity, boldness, impudence their art, toys their trading, damnation their end. All their endeavours are to satisfy their lust and appetite, how to please their genius, and to be merry for the present, Ede, lude, bibe, post mortem nulla voluptas.[6621]The same condition is of men and of beasts; as the one dieth, so dieth the other, Eccles. iii. 19. The world goes round, [6622]———truditur dies die, Novaeque pergunt interire Lunae:

[6623]They did eat and drink of old, marry, bury, bought, sold, planted, built, and will do still. [6624]Our life is short and tedious, and in the death of a man there is no recovery, neither was any man known that hath returned from the grave; for we are born at all adventure, and we shall be hereafter as though we had never been; for the breath is as smoke in our nostrils, &c., and the spirit vanisheth as the soft air. [6625]Come let us enjoy the pleasures that are present, let us cheerfully use the creatures as in youth, let us fill ourselves with costly wine and ointments, let not the flower of our life pass by us, let us crown ourselves with rose-buds before they are withered, &c. [6626]Vivamus mea Lesbia et amemus, &c. [6627] Come let us take our fill of love, and pleasure in dalliance, for this is our portion, this is our lot. Tempora labuntur, tacitisque senescimus annis.[6628] For the rest of heaven and hell, let children and superstitious fools believe it: for their parts, they are so far from trembling at the dreadful day of judgment that they wish with Nero, Me vivo fiat, let it come in their times: so secure, so desperate, so immoderate in lust and pleasure, so prone to revenge that, as Paterculus said of some caitiffs in his time in Rome, Quod nequiter ausi, fortiter executi: it shall not be so wickedly attempted, but as desperately performed, whatever they take in hand. Were it not for God's restraining grace, fear and shame, temporal punishment, and their own infamy, they would. Lycaon-like exenterate, as so many cannibals eat up, or Cadmus' soldiers consume one another. These are most impious, and commonly professed atheists, that never use the name of God but to swear by it; that express nought else but epicurism in their carriage, or hypocrisy; with Pentheus they neglect and contemn these rites and religious ceremonies of the gods; they will be gods themselves, or at least socii deorum. Divisum imperium cum Jove Caesar habet. Caesar divides the empire with Jove. Aproyis, an Egyptian tyrant, grew, saith [6629]Herodotus, to that height of pride, insolency of impiety, to that contempt of Gods and men, that he held his kingdom so sure, ut a nemine deorum aut hominum sibi eripi posset, neither God nor men could take it from him. [6630]A certain blasphemous king of Spain (as [6631]Lansius reports) made an edict, that no subject of his, for ten years' space, should believe in, call on, or worship any god. And as [6632]Jovius relates of Mahomet the Second, that sacked Constantinople, he so behaved himself, that he believed neither Christ nor Mahomet; and thence it came to pass, that he kept his word and promise no farther than for his advantage, neither did he care to commit any offence to satisfy his lust. I could say the like of many princes, many private men (our stories are full of them) in times past, this present age, that love, fear, obey, and perform all civil duties as they shall find them expedient or behoveful to their own ends. Securi adversus Deos, securi adversus homines, votis non est opus, which [6633] Tacitus reports of some Germans, they need not pray, fear, hope, for they are secure, to their thinking, both from Gods and men. Bulco Opiliensis, sometime Duke of [6634]Silesia, was such a one to a hair; he lived (saith [6635]Aeneas Sylvius) at [6636]Vratislavia, and was so mad to satisfy his lust, that he believed neither heaven nor hell, or that the soul was immortal, but married wives, and turned them up as he thought fit, did murder and mischief, and what he list himself. This duke hath too many followers in our days: say what you can, dehort, exhort, persuade to the contrary, they are no more moved,—quam si dura, silex aut stet Marpesia cautes, than so many stocks, and stones; tell them of heaven and hell, 'tis to no purpose, laterem lavas, they answer as Ataliba that Indian prince did friar Vincent, [6637]when he brought him a book, and told him all the mysteries of salvation, heaven and hell, were contained in it: he looked upon it, and said he saw no such matter, asking withal, how he knew it: they will but scoff at it, or wholly reject it. Petronius in Tacitus, when he was now by Nero's command bleeding to death, audiebat amicos nihil referentes de immortalitate animae, aut sapientum placitis, sed levia carmina et faciles versus; instead of good counsel and divine meditations, he made his friends sing him bawdy verses and scurrilous songs. Let them take heaven, paradise, and that future happiness that will, bonum est esse hic, it is good being here: there is no talking to such, no hope of their conversion, they are in a reprobate sense, mere carnalists, fleshly minded men, which howsoever they may be applauded in this life by some few parasites, and held for worldly wise men. [6638]They seem to me (saith Melancthon) to be as mad as Hercules was when he raved and killed his wife and children. A milder sort of these atheistical spirits there are that profess religion, but timide et haesitanter, tempted thereunto out of that horrible consideration of diversity of religions, which are and have been in the world (which argument Campanella, Atheismi Triumphati, cap. 9. both urgeth and answers), besides the covetousness, imposture, and knavery of priests, quae faciunt (as [6639]Postellus observes) ut rebus sacris minus faciant fidem; and those religions some of them so fantastical, exorbitant, so violently maintained with equal constancy and assurance; whence they infer, that if there be so many religious sects, and denied by the rest, why may they not be all false? or why should this or that be preferred before the rest? The sceptics urge this, and amongst others it is the conclusion of Sextus Empericus, lib. 3. advers. Mathematicos: after many philosophical arguments and reasons pro and con that there are gods, and again that there are no gods, he so concludes, cum tot inter se pugnent, &c. Una tantum potest esse vera, as Tully likewise disputes: Christians say, they alone worship the true God, pity all other sects, lament their case; and yet those old Greeks and Romans that worshipped the devil, as the Chinese now do, aut deos topicos, their own gods; as Julian the apostate, [6640]Cecilius in Minutius, Celsus and Porphyrius the philosopher object: and as Machiavel contends, were much more noble, generous, victorious, had a more flourishing commonwealth, better cities, better soldiers, better scholars, better wits. Their gods overcame our gods, did as many miracles, &c. Saint Cyril, Arnobius, Minutius, with many other ancients of late, Lessius, Morneus, Grotius de Verit. Relig. Christianae, Savanarola de Verit. Fidei Christianae, well defend; but Zanchius, [6641]Campanella, Marinus Marcennus, Bozius, and Gentillettus answer all these atheistical arguments at large. But this again troubles many as of old, wicked men generally thrive, professed atheists thrive, [6642]Nullos esse Deos, inane coelum, Affirmat Selius: probatque, quod se Factum, dum negat haec, videt beatum.

There are no gods, heavens are toys, Selius in public justifies; Because that whilst he thus denies Their deities, he better thrives.

This is a prime argument: and most part your most sincere, upright, honest, and [6643]good men are depressed, The race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong (Eccles. ix. 11.), nor yet bread to the wise, favour nor riches to men of understanding, but time and chance comes to all. There was a great plague in Athens (as Thucydides, lib. 2. relates), in which at last every man, with great licentiousness, did what he list, not caring at all for God's or men's laws. Neither the fear of God nor laws of men (saith he) awed any man, because the plague swept all away alike, good and bad; they thence concluded it was alike to worship or not worship the gods, since they perished all alike. Some cavil and make doubts of scripture itself: it cannot stand with God's mercy, that so many should be damned, so many bad, so few good, such have and hold about religions, all stiff on their side, factious alike, thrive alike, and yet bitterly persecuting and damning each other; It cannot stand with God's goodness, protection, and providence (as [6644]Saint Chrysostom in the Dialect of such discontented persons) to see and suffer one man to be lame, another mad, a third poor and miserable all the days of his life, a fourth grievously tormented with sickness and aches, to his last hour. Are these signs and works of God's providence, to let one man be deaf, another dumb? A poor honest fellow lives in disgrace, woe and want, wretched he is; when as a wicked caitiff abounds in superfluity of wealth, keeps whores, parasites, and what he will himself: Audis Jupiter haec? Talia multa connectentes, longum reprehensionis sermonem erga Dei providentiam contexunt. [6645]Thus they mutter and object (see the rest of their arguments in Marcennus in Genesin, and in Campanella, amply confuted), with many such vain cavils, well known, not worthy the recapitulation or answering: whatsoever they pretend, they are interim of little or no religion. Cousin-germans to these men are many of our great philosophers and deists, who, though they be more temperate in this life, give many good moral precepts, honest, upright, and sober in their conversation, yet in effect they are the same (accounting no man a good scholar that is not an atheist), nimis altum sapiunt, too much learning makes them mad. Whilst they attribute all to natural causes, [6646]contingence of all things, as Melancthon calls them, Pertinax hominum genus, a peevish generation of men, that misled by philosophy, and the devil's suggestion, their own innate blindness, deny God as much as the rest, hold all religion a fiction, opposite to reason and philosophy, though for fear of magistrates, saith [6647]Vaninus, they durst not publicly profess it. Ask one of them of what religion he is, he scoffingly replies, a philosopher, a Galenist, an [6648]Averroist, and with Rabelais a physician, a peripatetic, an epicure. In spiritual things God must demonstrate all to sense, leave a pawn with them, or else seek some other creditor. They will acknowledge Nature and Fortune, yet not God: though in effect they grant both: for as Scaliger defines, Nature signifies God's ordinary power; or, as Calvin writes, Nature is God's order, and so things extraordinary may be called unnatural: Fortune his unrevealed will; and so we call things changeable that are beside reason and expectation. To this purpose [6649]Minutius in Octavio, and [6650] Seneca well discourseth with them, lib. 4. de beneficiis, cap. 5, 6, 7. They do not understand what they say; what is Nature but God? call him what thou wilt, Nature, Jupiter, he hath as many names as offices: it comes all to one pass, God is the fountain of all, the first Giver and Preserver, from whom all things depend, [6651]a quo, et per quem omnia, Nam quocunque vides Deus est, quocunque moveris, God is all in all, God is everywhere, in every place. And yet this Seneca, that could confute and blame them, is all out as much to be blamed and confuted himself, as mad himself; for he holds fatum Stoicum, that inevitable Necessity in the other extreme, as those Chaldean astrologers of old did, against whom the prophet Jeremiah so often thunders, and those heathen mathematicians, Nigidius Figulus, magicians, and Priscilianists, whom St. Austin so eagerly confutes, those Arabian questionaries, Novem Judices, Albumazer, Dorotheus, &c., and our countryman [6652]Estuidus, that take upon them to define out of those great conjunction of stars, with Ptolomeus, the periods of kingdoms, or religions, of all future accidents, wars, plagues, schisms, heresies, and what not? all from stars, and such things, saith Maginus, Quae sibi et intelligentiis suis reservavit Deus, which God hath reserved to himself and his angels, they will take upon them to foretell, as if stars were immediate, inevitable causes of all future accidents. Caesar Vaninus, in his book de admirandis naturae Arcanis, dial. 52. de oraculis, is more free, copious, and open, in this explication of this astrological tenet of Ptolemy, than any of our modern writers, Cardan excepted, a true disciple of his master Pomponatius; according to the doctrine of Peripatetics, he refers all apparitions, prodigies, miracles, oracles, accidents, alterations of religions, kingdoms, &c. (for which he is soundly lashed by Marinus Mercennus, as well he deserves), to natural causes (for spirits he will not acknowledge), to that light, motion, influences of heavens and stars, and to the intelligences that move the orbs. Intelligentia quae, movet orbem mediante coelo, &c. Intelligences do all: and after a long discourse of miracles done of old, si haec daemones possint, cur non et intelligentiae, coelorum motrices? And as these great conjunctions, aspects of planets, begin or end, vary, are vertical and predominant, so have religions, rites, ceremonies, and kingdoms their beginning, progress, periods, in urbibus, regibus, religionibus, ac in particularibus hominibus, haec vera ac manifesta, sunt, ut Aristoteles innuere videtur, et quotidiana docet experientia, ut historias perlegens videbit; quid olim in Gentili lege Jove sanctius et illustrius? quid nunc vile magis et execrandum? Ita coelestia corpora pro mortalium beneficio religiones aedificant, et cum cessat influxus, cessat lex,[6653] &c. And because, according to their tenets, the world is eternal, intelligences eternal, influences of stars eternal, kingdoms, religions, alterations shall be likewise eternal, and run round after many ages; Atque iterum ad Troiam magnus mittetur Achilles; renascentur religiones, et ceremoniae, res humanae in idem recident, nihil nunc quod non olim fuit, et post saeculorum revolutiones alias est, erit,[6654]&c. idem specie, saith Vaninus, non individuo quod Plato significavit. These (saith mine [6655]author), these are the decrees of Peripatetics, which though I recite, in obsequium Christianae fidei detestor, as I am a Christian I detest and hate. Thus Peripatetics and astrologians held in former times, and to this effect of old in Rome, saith Dionysius Halicarnassus, lib. 7, when those meteors and prodigies appeared in the air, after the banishment of Coriolanus, [6656] Men were diversely affected: some said they were God's just judgments for the execution of that good man, some referred all to natural causes, some to stars, some thought they came by chance, some by necessity decreed ab initio, and could not be altered. The two last opinions of necessity and chance were, it seems, of greater note than the rest. [6657]Sunt qui in Fortunae jam casibus omnia ponunt, Et mundum credunt nullo rectore moveri, Natura, volvente vices, &c.

For the first of chance, as [6658]Sallust likewise informeth us, those old Romans generally received; They supposed fortune alone gave kingdoms and empires, wealth, honours, offices: and that for two causes; first, because every wicked base unworthy wretch was preferred, rich, potent, &c.; secondly, because of their uncertainty, though never so good, scarce any one enjoyed them long: but after, they began upon better advice to think otherwise, that every man made his own fortune. The last of Necessity was Seneca's tenet, that God was alligatus causis secundis, so tied to second causes, to that inexorable Necessity, that he could alter nothing of that which was once decreed; sic erat in fatis, it cannot be altered, semel jussit, semper paret Deus, nulla vis rumpit, nullae preces, nec ipsum fulmen, God hath once said it, and it must for ever stand good, no prayers, no threats, nor power, nor thunder itself can alter it. Zeno, Chrysippus, and those other Stoics, as you may read in Tully 2. de divinatione, Gellius, lib. 6. cap. 2. &c., maintained as much. In all ages, there have been such, that either deny God in all, or in part; some deride him, they could have made a better world, and ruled it more orderly themselves, blaspheme him, derogate at their pleasure from him. 'Twas so in [6659]Plato's time, Some say there be no gods, others that they care not for men, a middle sort grant both. Si non sit Deus, unde mala? si sit Deus, unde mala? So Cotta argues in Tully, why made he not all good, or at least tenders not the welfare of such as are good? As the woman told Alexander, if he be not at leisure to hear causes, and redress them, why doth he reign? [6660]Sextus Empericus hath many such arguments. Thus perverse men cavil. So it will ever be, some of all sorts, good, bad, indifferent, true, false, zealous, ambidexters, neutralists, lukewarm, libertines, atheists, &c. They will see these religious sectaries agree amongst themselves, be reconciled all, before they will participate with, or believe any: they think in the meantime (which [6661]Celsus objects, and whom Origen confutes), We Christians adore a person put to [6662]death with no more reason than the barbarous Getes worshipped Zamolxis, the Cilicians Mopsus, the Thebans Amphiaraus, and the Lebadians Trophonius; one religion is as true as another, new fangled devices, all for human respects; great-witted Aristotle's works are as much authentical to them as Scriptures, subtle Seneca's Epistles as canonical as St. Paul's, Pindarus' Odes as good as the Prophet David's Psalms, Epictetus' Enchiridion equivalent to wise Solomon's Proverbs. They do openly and boldly speak this and more, some of them, in all places and companies. [6663]Claudius the emperor was angry with Heaven, because it thundered, and challenged Jupiter into the field; with what madness! saith Seneca; he thought Jupiter could not hurt him, but he could hurt Jupiter. Diagoras, Demonax, Epicurus, Pliny, Lucian, Lucretius,—Contemptorque Deum Mezentius, professed atheists all in their times: though not simple atheists neither, as Cicogna proves, lib. 1. cap. 1. they scoffed only at those Pagan gods, their plurality, base and fictitious offices. Gilbertus Cognatus labours much, and so doth Erasmus, to vindicate Lucian from scandal, and there be those that apologise for Epicurus, but all in vain; Lucian scoffs at all, Epicurus he denies all, and Lucretius his scholar defends him in it: [6664]Humana ante oculua foede cum vita jaceret In terris oppressa gravi cum religione, Quae caput a coeli regionibus ostendebat, Horribili super aspectu mortalibus instans, &c.

When human kind was drench'd in superstition, With ghastly looks aloft, which frighted mortal men, &c.

He alone, like another Hercules, did vindicate the world from that monster. Uncle [6665]Pliny, lib. 2. cap. 7. nat. hist. and lib. 7. cap. 55, in express words denies the immortality of the soul. [6666]Seneca doth little less, lib. 7. epist. 55. ad Lucilium, et lib. de consol. ad Martiam, or rather more. Some Greek Commentators would put as much upon Job, that he should deny resurrection, &c., whom Pineda copiously confutes in cap. 7. Job, vers. 9. Aristotle is hardly censured of some, both divines and philosophers. St. Justin in Peraenetica ad Gentes, Greg. Nazianzen. in disput. adversus Eun., Theodoret, lib. 5. de curat. graec. affec., Origen. lib. de principiis. Pomponatius justifies in his Tract (so styled at least) De immortalitate Animae, Scaliger (who would forswear himself at any time, saith Patritius, in defence of his great master Aristotle), and Dandinus, lib. 3. de anima, acknowledge as much. Averroes oppugns all spirits and supreme powers; of late Brunus (infelix Brunus, [6667]Kepler calls him), Machiavel, Caesar Vaninus lately burned at Toulouse in France, and Pet. Aretine, have publicly maintained such atheistical paradoxes, [6668]with that Italian Boccaccio with his fable of three rings, &c., ex quo infert haud posse internosci, quae sit verior religio, Judaica, Mahometana, an Christiana, quoniam eadem signa, &c., from which he infers, that it cannot be distinguished which is the true religion, Judaism, Mahommedanism, or Christianity, &c. [6669]Marinus Mercennus suspects Cardan for his subtleties, Campanella, and Charron's Book of Wisdom, with some other Tracts, to savour of [6670]atheism: but amongst the rest that pestilent book de tribus mundi impostoribus, quem sine horrore (inquit) non legas, et mundi Cymbalum dialogis quatuor contentum, anno 1538, auctore Peresio, Parisiis excusum, [6671]&c. And as there have been in all ages such blasphemous spirits, so there have not been wanting their patrons, protectors, disciples and adherents. Never so many atheists in Italy and Germany, saith [6672]Colerus, as in this age: the like complaint Mercennus makes in France, 50,000 in that one city of Paris. Frederic the Emperor, as [6673]Matthew Paris records licet non sit recitabile (I use his own words) is reported to have said, Tres praestigiatores, Moses, Christus, et Mahomet, uti mundo dominarentur, totum populum sibi contemporaneum se duxisse. (Henry, the Landgrave of Hesse, heard him speak it,) Si principes imperii institutioni meae adhaererent, ego multo meliorem modum credendi et vivendi ordinarem. To these professed atheists, we may well add that impious and carnal crew of worldly-minded men, impenitent sinners, that go to hell in a lethargy, or in a dream; who though they be professed Christians, yet they will nulla pallescere culpa, make a conscience of nothing they do, they have cauterised consciences, and are indeed in a reprobate sense, past all feeling, have given themselves over to wantonness, to work all manner of uncleanness even with greediness, Ephes. iv. 19. They do know there is a God, a day of judgment to come, and yet for all that, as Hugo saith, ita comedunt ac dormiunt, ac si diem judicii evasissent; ita ludunt ac rident, ac si in coelis cum Deo regnarent: they are as merry for all the sorrow, as if they had escaped all dangers, and were in heaven already: [6674]———Metus omnes, et inexorabile fatum Subjecit pedibus, strepitumque Acherontis avari.

Those rude idiots and ignorant persons, that neglect and contemn the means of their salvation, may march on with these; but above all others, those Herodian temporizing statesmen, political Machiavellians and hypocrites, that make a show of religion, but in their hearts laugh at it. Simulata sanctitas duplex iniquitas; they are in a double fault, that fashion themselves to this world, which [6675]Paul forbids, and like Mercury, the planet, are good with good, bad with bad. When they are at Rome, they do there as they see done, puritans with puritans, papists with papists; omnium horarum homines, formalists, ambidexters, lukewarm Laodiceans. [6676]All their study is to please, and their god is their commodity, their labour to satisfy their lusts, and their endeavours to their own ends. Whatsoever they pretend, or in public seem to do, [6677]With the fool in their hearts, they say there is no God. Heus tu—de Jove quid sentis? Hulloa! what is your opinion about a Jupiter? Their words are as soft as oil, but bitterness is in their hearts; like [6678]Alexander VI. so cunning dissemblers, that what they think they never speak. Many of them are so close, you can hardly discern it, or take any just exceptions at them; they are not factious, oppressors as most are, no bribers, no simoniacal contractors, no such ambitious, lascivious persons as some others are, no drunkards, sobrii solem vident orientem, sobrii vident occidentem, they rise sober, and go sober to bed, plain dealing, upright, honest men, they do wrong to no man, and are so reputed in the world's esteem at least, very zealous in religion, very charitable, meek, humble, peace-makers, keep all duties, very devout, honest, well spoken of, beloved of all men: but he that knows better how to judge, he that examines the heart, saith they are hypocrites, Cor dolo plenum; sonant vitium percussa maligne, they are not sound within. As it is with writers [6679]oftentimes, Plus sanctimoniae, in libello, quam libelli auctore, more holiness is in the book than in the author of it: so 'tis with them: many come to church with great Bibles, whom Cardan said he could not choose but laugh at, and will now and then dare operam Augustino, read Austin, frequent sermons, and yet professed usurers, mere gripes, tota vitae ratio epicurea est; all their life is epicurism and atheism, come to church all day, and lie with a courtesan at night. Qui curios simulant et Bacchanalia vivunt, they have Esau's hands, and Jacob's voice: yea, and many of those holy friars, sanctified men, Cappam, saith Hierom, et cilicium induunt, sed intus latronem tegunt. They are wolves in sheep's clothing, Introrsum turpes, speciosi pelle decora, Fair without, and most foul within. [6680]Latet plerumque sub tristi amictu lascivia, et deformis horror vili veste tegitur; ofttimes under a mourning weed lies lust itself, and horrible vices under a poor coat. But who can examine all those kinds of hypocrites, or dive into their hearts? ]f we may guess at the tree by the fruit, never so many as in these days; show me a plain-dealing true honest man: Et pudor, et probitas, et timor omnis abest. He that shall but look into their lives, and see such enormous vices, men so immoderate in lust, unspeakable in malice, furious in their rage, flattering and dissembling (all for their own ends) will surely think they are not truly religious, but of an obdurate heart, most part in a reprobate sense, as in this age. But let them carry it as they will for the present, dissemble as they can, a time will come when they shall be called to an account, their melancholy is at hand, they pull a plague and curse upon their own heads, thesaurisant iram Dei. Besides all such as are in deos contumeliosi, blaspheme, contemn, neglect God, or scoff at him, as the poets feign of Salmoneus, that would in derision imitate Jupiter's thunder, he was precipitated for his pains, Jupiter intonuit contra, &c. so shall they certainly rue it in the end, ([6681]in se spuit, qui in coelum spuit), their doom's at hand, and hell is ready to receive them. Some are of opinion, that it is in vain to dispute with such atheistical spirits in the meantime, 'tis not the best way to reclaim them. Atheism, idolatry, heresy, hypocrisy, though they have one common root, that is indulgence to corrupt affection, yet their growth is different, they have divers symptoms, occasions, and must have several cures and remedies. 'Tis true some deny there is any God, some confess, yet believe it not; a third sort confess and believe, but will not live after his laws, worship and obey him: others allow God and gods subordinate, but not one God, no such general God, non talem deum, but several topic gods for several places, and those not to persecute one another for any difference, as Socinus will, but rather love and cherish. To describe them in particular, to produce their arguments and reasons, would require a just volume, I refer them therefore that expect a more ample satisfaction, to those subtle and elaborate treatises, devout and famous tracts of our learned divines (schoolmen amongst the rest, and casuists) that have abundance of reasons to prove there is a God, the immortality of the soul, &c., out of the strength of wit and philosophy bring irrefragable arguments to such as are ingenuous and well disposed; at the least, answer all cavils and objections to confute their folly and madness, and to reduce them, si fieri posset, ad sanam mentem, to a better mind, though to small purpose many times. Amongst others consult with Julius Caesar Lagalla, professor of philosophy in Rome, who hath written a large volume of late to confute atheists: of the immortality of the soul, Hierom. Montanus de immortalitate Animae: Lelius Vincentius of the same subject: Thomas Giaminus, and Franciscus Collius de Paganorum animabus post mortem, a famous doctor of the Ambrosian College in Milan. Bishop Fotherby in his Atheomastix, Doctor Dove, Doctor Jackson, Abernethy, Corderoy, have written well of this subject in our mother tongue: in Latin, Colerus, Zanchius, Palearius, Illyricus, [6682]Philippus, Faber Faventinus, &c. But instar omnium, the most copious confuter of atheists is Marinus Mercennus in his Commentaries on Genesis: [6683]with Campanella's Atheismus Triumphatus. He sets down at large the causes of this brutish passion, (seventeen in number I take it) answers all their arguments and sophisms, which he reduceth to twenty-six heads, proving withal his own assertion; There is a God, such a God, the true and sole God, by thirty-five reasons. His Colophon is how to resist and repress atheism, and to that purpose he adds four especial means or ways, which who so will may profitably peruse.

SUBSECT. II.—Despair. Despairs, Equivocations, Definitions, Parties and Parts affected.

There be many kinds of desperation, whereof some be holy, some unholy, as [6684]one distinguisheth; that unholy he defines out of Tully to be Aegritudinem animi sine ulla rerum expectatione meliore, a sickness of the soul without any hope or expectation of amendment; which commonly succeeds fear; for whilst evil is expected, we fear: but when it is certain, we despair. According to Thomas 2. 2ae. distinct. 40. art. 4. it is Recessus a re desiderata, propter impossibilitatem existimatam, a restraint from the thing desired, for some impossibility supposed. Because they cannot obtain what they would, they become desperate, and many times either yield to the passion by death itself, or else attempt impossibilities, not to be performed by men. In some cases, this desperate humour is not much to be discommended, as in wars it is a cause many times of extraordinary valour; as Joseph, lib. 1. de bello Jud. cap. 14. L. Danaeus in Aphoris. polit. pag. 226. and many politicians hold. It makes them improve their worth beyond itself, and of a forlorn impotent company become conquerors in a moment. Una salus victis nullam sperare salutem, the only hope for the conquered is despair. In such courses when they see no remedy, but that they must either kill or be killed, they take courage, and oftentimes, praeter spem, beyond all hope vindicate themselves. Fifteen thousand Locrenses fought against a hundred thousand Crotonienses, and seeing now no way but one, they must all die, [6685]thought they would not depart unrevenged, and thereupon desperately giving an assault, conquered their enemies. Nec alia causa victoriae, (saith Justin mine author) quam quod desperaverant. William the Conqueror, when he first landed in England, sent back his ships, that his soldiers might have no hope of retiring back. [6686]Bodine excuseth his countrymen's overthrow at that famous battle at Agincourt, in Henry the Fifth his time, (cui simile, saith Froissard, tota historia producere non possit, which no history can parallel almost, wherein one handful of Englishmen overthrew a royal army of Frenchmen) with this refuge of despair, pauci desperati, a few desperate fellows being compassed in by their enemies, past all hope of life, fought like so many devils; and gives a caution, that no soldiers hereafter set upon desperate persons, which [6687]after Frontinus and Vigetius, Guicciardini likewise admonisheth, Hypomnes. part. 2. pag. 25. not to stop an enemy that is going his way. Many such kinds there are of desperation, when men are past hope of obtaining any suit, or in despair of better fortune; Desperatio facit monachum, as the saying is, and desperation causeth death itself; how many thousands in such distress have made away themselves, and many others? For he that cares not for his own, is master of another man's life. A Tuscan soothsayer, as [6688]Paterculus tells the story, perceiving himself and Fulvius Flaccus his dear friend, now both carried to prison by Opimius, and in despair of pardon, seeing the young man weep, quin tu potius hoc inquit facis, do as I do; and with that knocked out his brains against the door-cheek, as he was entering into prison, protinusque illiso capite in capite in carceris januam effuso cerebro expiravit, and so desperate died. But these are equivocal, improper. When I speak of despair, saith [6689]Zanchie, I speak not of every kind, but of that alone which concerns God. It is opposite to hope, and a most pernicious sin, wherewith the devil seeks to entrap men. Musculus makes four kinds of desperation, of God, ourselves, our neighbour, or anything to be done; but this division of his may be reduced easily to the former: all kinds are opposite to hope, that sweet moderator of passions, as Simonides calls it; I do not mean that vain hope which fantastical fellows feign to themselves, which according to Aristotle is insomnium vigilantium, a waking dream; but this divine hope which proceeds from confidence, and is an anchor to a floating soul; spes alit agricolas, even in our temporal affairs, hope revives us, but in spiritual it farther animateth; and were it not for hope, we of all others were the most miserable, as Paul saith, in this life; were it not for hope, the heart would break; for though they be punished in the sight of men, (Wisdom iii. 4.) yet is their hope full of immortality: yet doth it not so rear, as despair doth deject; this violent and sour passion of despair, is of all perturbations most grievous, as [6690]Patritius holds. Some divide it into final and temporal; [6691]final is incurable, which befalleth reprobates; temporal is a rejection of hope and comfort for a time, which may befall the best of God's children, and it commonly proceeds [6692]from weakness of faith, as in David when he was oppressed he cried out, O Lord, thou hast forsaken me, but this for a time. This ebbs and flows with hope and fear; it is a grievous sin howsoever: although some kind of despair be not amiss, when, saith Zanchius, we despair of our own means, and rely wholly upon God: but that species is not here meant. This pernicious kind of desperation is the subject of our discourse, homicida animae, the murderer of the soul, as Austin terms it, a fearful passion, wherein the party oppressed thinks he can get no ease but by death, and is fully resolved to offer violence unto himself; so sensible of his burthen, and impatient of his cross, that he hopes by death alone to be freed of his calamity (though it prove otherwise), and chooseth with Job vi. 8. 9. xvii. 5. Rather to be strangled and die, than to be in his bonds. [6693]The part affected is the whole soul, and all the faculties of it; there is a privation of joy, hope, trust, confidence, of present and future good, and in their place succeed fear, sorrow, &c. as in the symptoms shall be shown. The heart is grieved, the conscience wounded, the mind eclipsed with black fumes arising from those perpetual terrors.

SUBSECT. III.—Causes of Despair, the Devil, Melancholy, Meditation, Distrust, Weakness of Faith, Rigid Ministers, Misunderstanding Scriptures, Guilty Consciences, &c.

The principal agent and procurer of this mischief is the devil; those whom God forsakes, the devil by his permission lays hold on. Sometimes he persecutes them with that worm of conscience, as he did Judas, [6694]Saul, and others. The poets call it Nemesis, but it is indeed God's just judgment, sero sed serio, he strikes home at last, and setteth upon them as a thief in the night, 1 Thes. ii. [6695]This temporary passion made David cry out, Lord, rebuke me not in thine anger, neither chasten me in thine heavy displeasure; for thine arrows have light upon me, &c. there is nothing sound in my flesh, because of thine anger. Again, I roar for the very grief of my heart: and Psalm xxii. My God, my God, why hast thou forsaken me, and art so far from my health, and the words of my crying? I am like to water poured out, my bones are out of joint, mine heart is like wax, that is molten in the midst of my bowels. So Psalm lxxxviii. 15 and 16 vers. and Psalm cii. I am in misery at the point of death, from my youth I suffer thy terrors, doubting for my life; thine indignations have gone over me, and thy fear hath cut me off. Job doth often complain in this kind; and those God doth not assist, the devil is ready to try and torment, still seeking whom he may devour. If he find them merry, saith Gregory, he tempts them forthwith to some dissolute act; if pensive and sad, to a desperate end. Aut suadendo blanditur, aut minando terret, sometimes by fair means, sometimes again by foul, as he perceives men severally inclined. His ordinary engine by which he produceth this effect, is the melancholy humour itself, which is balneum diaboli, the devil's bath; and as in Saul, those evil spirits get in [6696]as it were, and take possession of us. Black choler is a shoeing-horn, a bait to allure them, insomuch that many writers make melancholy an ordinary cause, and a symptom of despair, for that such men are most apt, by reason of their ill-disposed temper, to distrust, fear, grief, mistake, and amplify whatsoever they preposterously conceive, or falsely apprehend. Conscientia scrupulosa nascitur ex vitio naturali, complexione melancholica (saith Navarrus cap. 27. num. 282. tom. 2. cas. conscien.) The body works upon the mind, by obfuscating the spirits and corrupted instruments, which [6697]Perkins illustrates by simile of an artificer, that hath a bad tool, his skill is good, ability correspondent, by reason of ill tools his work must needs be lame and imperfect. But melancholy and despair, though often, do not always concur; there is much difference: melancholy fears without a cause, this upon great occasion; melancholy is caused by fear and grief, but this torment procures them and all extremity of bitterness; much melancholy is without affliction of conscience, as [6698]Bright and Perkins illustrate by four reasons; and yet melancholy alone may be sometimes a sufficient cause of this terror of conscience. [6699]Felix Plater so found it in his observations, e melancholicis alii damnatos se putant, Deo curae, non sunt, nec praedestinati, &c. They think they are not predestinate, God hath forsaken them; and yet otherwise very zealous and religious; and 'tis common to be seen, melancholy for fear of God's judgment and hell-fire, drives men to desperation; fear and sorrow, if they be immoderate, end often with it. Intolerable pain and anguish, long sickness, captivity, misery, loss of goods, loss of friends, and those lesser griefs, do sometimes effect it, or such dismal accidents. Si non statim relevantur, [6700]Mercennus, dubitant an sit Deus, if they be not eased forthwith, they doubt whether there be any God, they rave, curse, and are desperately mad because good men are oppressed, wicked men flourish, they have not as they think to their desert, and through impatience of calamities are so misaffected. Democritus put out his eyes, ne malorum civium prosperos videret successus, because he could not abide to see wicked men prosper, and was therefore ready to make away himself, as [6701]Agellius writes of him. Felix Plater hath a memorable example in this kind, of a painter's wife in Basil, that was melancholy for her son's death, and for melancholy became desperate; she thought God would not pardon her sins, [6702]and for four months still raved, that she was in hell-fire, already damned. When the humour is stirred up, every small object aggravates and incenseth it, as the parties are addicted. [6703]The same author hath an example of a merchant man, that for the loss of a little wheat, which he had over long kept, was troubled in conscience, for that he had not sold it sooner, or given it to the poor, yet a good scholar and a great divine; no persuasion would serve to the contrary, but that for this fact he was damned: in other matters Very judicious and discreet. Solitariness, much fasting, divine meditation, and contemplations of God's judgments, most part accompany this melancholy, and are main causes, as [6704]Navarrus holds; to converse with such kinds of persons so troubled, is sufficient occasion of trouble to some men. Nonnulli ob longas inedias, studia et meditationes coelestes, de rebus sacris et religione semper agitant, &c. Many, (saith P. Forestus) through long fasting, serious meditations of heavenly things, fall into such fits; and as Lemnius adds, lib. 4. cap. 21, [6705]If they be solitary given, superstitious, precise, or very devout: seldom shall you find a merchant, a soldier, an innkeeper, a bawd, a host, a usurer, so troubled in mind, they have cheverel consciences that will stretch, they are seldom moved in this kind or molested: young men and middle age are more wild and less apprehensive; but old folks, most part, such as are timorous and religiously given. Pet. Forestus observat. lib. 10. cap. 12. de morbis cerebri, hath a fearful example of a minister, that through precise fasting in Lent, and overmuch meditation, contracted this mischief, and in the end became desperate, thought he saw devils in his chamber, and that he could not be saved; he smelled nothing, as he said, but fire and brimstone, was already in hell, and would ask them, still, if they did not [6706]smell as much. I told him he was melancholy, but he laughed me to scorn, and replied that he saw devils, talked with them in good earnest, Would spit in my face, and ask me if 1 did not smell brimstone, but at last he was by him cured. Such another story I find in Plater observat. lib. 1. A poor fellow had done some foul offence, and for fourteen days would eat no meat, in the end became desperate, the divines about him could not ease him, [6707]but so he died. Continual meditation of God's judgments troubles many, Multi ob timorem futuri judicii, saith Guatinerius cap. 5. tract. 15. et suspicionem desperabundi sunt. David himself complains that God's judgments terrified his soul, Psalm cxix. part. 16. vers. 8. My flesh trembleth for fear of thee, and I am afraid of thy judgments. Quoties diem illum cogito (saith [6708]Hierome) toto corpore contremisco, I tremble as often as I think of it. The terrible meditation of hell-fire and eternal punishment much torments a sinful silly soul. What's a thousand years to eternity? Ubi moeror, ubi fletus, ubi dolor sempiternus. Mors sine morte, finis sine fine; a finger burnt by chance we may not endure, the pain is so grievous, we may not abide an hour, a night is intolerable; and what shall this unspeakable fire then be that burns for ever, innumerable infinite millions of years, in omne aevum in aeternum. O eternity!

[6709]Aeternitas est illa vox, Vox illa fulminatrix,

Tonitruis minacior, Fragoribusque coeli,

Aeternitas est illa vox, —meta carens et orta, &c.

Tormenta nulla territant, Quae finiuntur annis;

Aeternitas, aeternitas Versat coquilque pectus.

Auget haec poenas indies, Centuplicatque flammas, &c.

This meditation terrifies these poor distressed souls, especially if their bodies be predisposed by melancholy, they religiously given, and have tender consciences, every small object affrights them, the very inconsiderate reading of Scripture itself, and misinterpretation of some places of it; as, Many are called, few are chosen. Not every one that saith Lord. Fear not little flock. He that stands, let him take heed lest he fall. Work out your salvation with fear and trembling, That night two shall be in a bed, one received, the other left. Strait is the way that leads to heaven, and few there are that enter therein. The parable of the seed and of the sower, some fell on barren ground, some was choked. Whom he hath predestinated he hath chosen. He will have mercy on whom he will have mercy. Non est volentis nec currentis, sed miserentis Dei. These and the like places terrify the souls of many; election, predestination, reprobation, preposterously conceived, offend divers, with a deal of foolish presumption, curiosity, needless speculation, contemplation, solicitude, wherein they trouble and puzzle themselves about those questions of grace, free will, perseverance, God's secrets; they will know more than is revealed of God in his word, human capacity, or ignorance can apprehend, and too importunate inquiry after that which is revealed; mysteries, ceremonies, observation of Sabbaths, laws, duties, &c., with many such which the casuists discuss, and schoolmen broach, which divers mistake, misconstrue, misapply to themselves, to their own undoing, and so fall into this gulf. They doubt of their election, how they shall know, it, by what signs. And so far forth, saith Luther, with such nice points, torture and crucify themselves, that they are almost mad, and all they get by it is this, they lay open a gap to the devil by desperation to carry them to hell; but the greatest harm of all proceeds from those thundering ministers, a most frequent cause they are of this malady: [6710]and do more harm in the church (saith Erasmus) than they that flatter; great danger on both sides, the one lulls them asleep in carnal security, the other drives them to despair. Whereas, [6711]St. Bernard well adviseth, We should not meddle with the one without the other, nor speak of judgment without mercy; the one alone brings desperation, the other security. But these men are wholly for judgment; of a rigid disposition themselves, there is no mercy with them, no salvation, no balsam for their diseased souls, they can speak of nothing but reprobation, hell-fire, and damnation; as they did Luke xi. 46. lade men with burdens grievous to be borne, which they themselves touch not with a finger. 'Tis familiar with our papists to terrify men's souls with purgatory, tales, visions, apparitions, to daunt even the most generous spirits, to [6712]require charity, as Brentius observes, of others, bounty, meekness, love, patience, when they themselves breathe nought but lust, envy, covetousness. They teach others to fast, give alms, do penance, and crucify their mind with superstitious observations, bread and water, hair clothes, whips, and the like, when they themselves have all the dainties the world can afford, lie on a down-bed with a courtesan in their arms: Heu quantum patimur pro Christo, as [6713]he said, what a cruel tyranny is this, so to insult over and terrify men's souls! Our indiscreet pastors many of them come not far behind, whilst in their ordinary sermons they speak so much of election, predestination, reprobation, ab aeterno, subtraction of grace, preterition, voluntary permission, &c., by what signs and tokens they shall discern and try themselves, whether they be God's true children elect, an sint reprobi, praedestinati, &c., with such scrupulous points, they still aggravate sin, thunder out God's judgments without respect, intempestively rail at and pronounce them damned in all auditories, for giving so much to sports and honest recreations, making every small fault and thing indifferent an irremissible offence, they so rent, tear and wound men's consciences, that they are almost mad, and at their wits' end. These bitter potions (saith [6714]Erasmus) are still in their mouths, nothing but gall and horror, and a mad noise, they make all their auditors desperate: many are wounded by this means, and they commonly that are most devout and precise, have been formerly presumptuous, and certain of their salvation; they that have tender consciences, that follow sermons, frequent lectures, that have indeed least cause, they are most apt to mistake, and fall into these miseries. I have heard some complain of Parson's Resolution, and other books of like nature (good otherwise), they are too tragical, too much dejecting men, aggravating offences: great care and choice, much discretion is required in this kind. The last and greatest cause of this malady, is our own conscience, sense of our sins, and God's anger justly deserved, a guilty conscience for some foul offence formerly committed,—[6715]O miser Oreste, quid morbi te perdit? Or: Conscientia, Sum enim mihi conscius de malis perpetratis.[6716] A good conscience is a continual feast, but a galled conscience is as great a torment as can possibly happen, a still baking oven, (so Pierius in his Hieroglyph, compares it) another hell. Our conscience, which is a great ledger book, wherein are written all our offences, a register to lay them up, (which those [6717]Egyptians in their hieroglyphics expressed by a mill, as well for the continuance, as for the torture of it) grinds our souls with the remembrance of some precedent sins, makes us reflect upon, accuse and condemn our own selves. [6718]Sin lies at door, &c. I know there be many other causes assigned by Zanchius, [6719]Musculus, and the rest; as incredulity, infidelity, presumption, ignorance, blindness, ingratitude, discontent, those five grand miseries in Aristotle, ignominy, need, sickness, enmity, death, &c.; but this of conscience is the greatest, [6720]Instar ulceris corpus jugiter percellens: The scrupulous conscience (as [6721]Peter Forestus calls it) which tortures so many, that either out of a deep apprehension of their unworthiness, and consideration of their own dissolute life, accuse themselves and aggravate every small offence, when there is no such cause, misdoubting in the meantime God's mercies, they fall into these inconveniences. The poet calls them [6722]furies dire, but it is the conscience alone which is a thousand witnesses to accuse us, [6723] Nocte dieque suum gestant in pectore testem. A continual tester to give in evidence, to empanel a jury to examine us, to cry guilty, a persecutor with hue and cry to follow, an apparitor to summon us, a bailiff to carry us, a serjeant to arrest, an attorney to plead against us, a gaoler to torment, a judge to condemn, still accusing, denouncing, torturing and molesting. And as the statue of Juno in that holy city near Euphrates in [6724]Assyria will look still towards you, sit where you will in her temple, she stares full upon you, if you go by, she follows with her eye, in all sites, places, conventicles, actions, our conscience will be still ready to accuse us. After many pleasant days, and fortunate adventures, merry tides, this conscience at last doth arrest us. Well he may escape temporal punishment, [6725]bribe a corrupt judge, and avoid the censure of law, and flourish for a time; for [6726]who ever saw (saith Chrysostom) a covetous man troubled in mind when he is telling of his money, an adulterer mourn with his mistress in his arms? we are then drunk with pleasure, and perceive nothing: yet as the prodigal son had dainty fare, sweet music at first, merry company, jovial entertainment, but a cruel reckoning in the end, as bitter as wormwood, a fearful visitation commonly follows. And the devil that then told thee that it was a light sin, or no sin at all, now aggravates on the other side, and telleth thee, that it is a most irremissible offence, as he did by Cain and Judas, to bring them to despair; every small circumstance before neglected and contemned, will now amplify itself, rise up in judgment, and accuse the dust of their shoes, dumb creatures, as to Lucian's tyrant, lectus et candela, the bed and candle did bear witness, to torment their souls for their sins past. Tragical examples in this kind are too familiar and common: Adrian, Galba, Nero, Otho, Vitellius, Caracalla, were in such horror of conscience for their offences committed, murders, rapes, extortions, injuries, that they were weary of their lives, and could get nobody to kill them. [6727]Kennetus, King of Scotland, when he had murdered his nephew Malcom, King Duffe's son, Prince of Cumberland, and with counterfeit tears and protestations dissembled the matter a long time, [6728]at last his conscience accused him, his unquiet soul could not rest day or night, he was terrified with fearful dreams, visions, and so miserably tormented all his life. It is strange to read what [6729]Cominaeus hath written of Louis XI. that French King; of Charles VIII.; of Alphonsus, King of Naples; in the fury of his passion how he came into Sicily, and what pranks he played. Guicciardini, a man most unapt to believe lies, relates how that Ferdinand his father's ghost who before had died for grief, came and told him, that he could not resist the French King, he thought every man cried France, France; the reason of it (saith Cominseus) was because he was a vile tyrant, a murderer, an oppressor of his subjects, he bought up all commodities, and sold them at his own price, sold abbeys to Jews and Falkoners; both Ferdinand his father, and he himself never made conscience of any committed sin; and to conclude, saith he, it was impossible to do worse than they did. Why was Pausanias the Spartan tyrant, Nero, Otho, Galba, so persecuted with spirits in every house they came, but for their murders which they had committed? [6730]Why doth the devil haunt many men's houses after their deaths, appear to them living, and take possession of their habitations, as it were, of their palaces, but because of their several villainies? Why had Richard the Third such fearful dreams, saith Polydore, but for his frequent murders? Why was Herod so tortured in his mind? because he had made away Mariamne his wife. Why was Theodoric, the King of the Goths, so suspicious, and so affrighted with a fish head alone, but that he had murdered Symmachus, and Boethius his son-in-law, those worthy Romans? Caelius, lib. 27. cap. 22. See more in Plutarch, in his tract De his qui sero a Numine puniuntur, and in his book De tranquillitate animi, &c. Yea, and sometimes GOD himself hath a hand in it, to show his power, humiliate, exercise, and to try their faith, (divine temptation, Perkins calls it, Cas. cons. lib. 1. cap. 8. sect. 1.) to punish them for their sins. God the avenger, as [6731]David terms him, ultor a tergo Deus, his wrath is apprehended of a guilty, soul, as by Saul and Judas, which the poets expressed by Adrastia, or Nemesis: [6732]Assequitur Nemesique virum vestigia servat, Ne male quid facias.———

And she is, as [6733]Ammianus, lib. 14. describes her, the queen of causes, and moderator of things, now she pulls down the proud, now she rears and encourageth those that are good; he gives instance in his Eusebius; Nicephorus, lib. 10. cap. 35. eccles. hist. in Maximinus and Julian. Fearful examples of God's just judgment, wrath and vengeance, are to be found in all histories, of some that have been eaten to death with rats and mice, as [6734]Popelius, the second King of Poland, ann. 830, his wife and children; the like story is of Hatto, Archbishop of Mentz, ann. 969, so devoured by these vermin, which howsoever Serrarius the Jesuit Mogunt. rerum lib. 4. cap. 5. impugn by twenty-two arguments, Tritemius, [6735]Munster, Magdeburgenses, and many others relate for a truth. Such another example I find in Geraldus Cambrensis Itin. Cam. lib. 2. cap. 2. and where not? And yet for all these terrors of conscience, affrighting punishments which are so frequent, or whatsoever else may cause or aggravate this fearful malady in other religions, I see no reason at all why a papist at any time should despair, or be troubled for his sins; for let him be never so dissolute a caitiff so notorious a villain, so monstrous a sinner, out of that treasure of indulgences and merits of which the pope is dispensator, he may have free pardon and plenary remission of all his sins. There be so many general pardons for ages to come, forty thousand years to come, so many jubilees, so frequent gaol-deliveries out of purgatory for all souls, now living, or after dissolution of the body, so many particular masses daily said in several churches, so many altars consecrated to this purpose, that if a man have either money or friends, or will take any pains to come to such an altar, hear a mass, say so many paternosters, undergo such and such penance, he cannot do amiss, it is impossible his mind should be troubled, or he have any scruple to molest him. Besides that Taxa Camerae Apostolicae, which was first published to get money in the days of Leo Decimus, that sharking pope, and since divulged to the same ends, sets down such easy rates and dispensations for all offences, for perjury, murder, incest, adultery, &c., for so many grosses or dollars (able to invite any man to sin, and provoke him to offend, methinks, that otherwise would not) such comfortable remission, so gentle and parable a pardon, so ready at hand, with so small cost and suit obtained, that I cannot see how he that hath any friends amongst them (as I say) or money in his purse, or will at least to ease himself, can any way miscarry or be misaffected, how he should be desperate, in danger of damnation, or troubled in mind. Their ghostly fathers can so readily apply remedies, so cunningly string and unstring, wind and unwind their devotions, play upon their consciences with plausible speeches and terrible threats, for their best advantage settle and remove, erect with such facility and deject, let in and out, that I cannot perceive how any man amongst them should much or often labour of this disease, or finally miscarry. The causes above named must more frequently therefore take hold in others.

SUBSECT. IV.—Symptoms of Despair, Fear, Sorrow, Suspicion, Anxiety, Horror of Conscience, Fearful Dreams and Visions.

As shoemakers do when they bring home shoes, still cry leather is dearer and dearer, may I justly say of those melancholy symptoms: these of despair are most violent, tragical, and grievous, far beyond the rest, not to be expressed but negatively, as it is privation of all happiness, not to be endured; for a wounded spirit who can bear it? Prov. xviii. 19. What, therefore, [6736]Timanthes did in his picture of Iphigenia, now ready to be sacrificed, when he had painted Chalcas mourning, Ulysses sad, but most sorrowful Menelaus; and showed all his art in expressing a variety of affections, he covered the maid's father Agamemnon's head with a veil, and left it to every spectator to conceive what he would himself; for that true passion and sorrow in summo gradu, such as his was, could not by any art be deciphered. What he did in his picture, I will do in describing the symptoms of despair; imagine what thou canst, fear, sorrow, furies, grief, pain, terror, anger, dismal, ghastly, tedious, irksome, &c. it is not sufficient, it comes far short, no tongue can tell, no heart conceive it. 'Tis an epitome of hell, an extract, a quintessence, a compound, a mixture of all feral maladies, tyrannical tortures, plagues, and perplexities. There is no sickness almost but physic provideth a remedy for it; to every sore chirurgery will provide a slave; friendship helps poverty; hope of liberty easeth imprisonment; suit and favour revoke banishment; authority and time wear away reproach: but what physic, what chirurgery, what wealth, favour, authority can relieve, bear out, assuage, or expel a troubled conscience? A quiet mind cureth all them, but all they cannot comfort a distressed soul: who can put to silence the voice of desperation? All that is single in other melancholy, Horribile, dirum, pestilens, atrox, ferum, concur in this, it is more than melancholy in the highest degree; a burning fever of the soul; so mad, saith [6737]Jacchinus, by this misery; fear, sorrow, and despair, he puts for ordinary symptoms of melancholy. They are in great pain and horror of mind, distraction of soul, restless, full of continual fears, cares, torments, anxieties, they can neither eat, drink, nor sleep for them, take no rest, [6738]Perpetua impietas, nec mensae tempore cessat, Exagitat vesana quies, somnique furentes.

Neither at bed, nor yet at board, Will any rest despair afford.

Fear takes away their content, and dries the blood, wasteth the marrow, alters their countenance, even in their greatest delights, singing, dancing, dalliance, they are still (saith [6739]Lemnius) tortured in their souls. It consumes them to nought, I am like a pelican in the wilderness (saith David of himself, temporally afflicted), an owl, because of thine indignation, Psalm cii. 8, 10, and Psalm lv. 4. My heart trembleth within me, and the terrors of death have come upon me; fear and trembling are come upon me, &c. at death's door, Psalm cvii. 18. Their soul abhors all manner of meats. Their [6740]sleep is (if it be any) unquiet, subject to fearful dreams and terrors. Peter in his bonds slept secure, for he knew God protected him; and Tully makes it an argument of Roscius Amerinus' innocency, that he killed not his father, because he so securely slept. Those martyrs in the primitive church were most [6741]cheerful and merry in the midst of their persecutions; but it is far otherwise with these men, tossed in a sea, and that continually without rest or intermission, they can think of nought that is pleasant, [6742]their conscience will not let them be quiet, in perpetual fear, anxiety, if they be not yet apprehended, they are in doubt still they shall be ready to betray themselves, as Cain did, he thinks every man will kill him; and roar for the grief of heart, Psalm xxxviii. 8, as David did; as Job did, xx. 3, 21, 22, &c., Wherefore is light given to him that is in misery, and life to them that have heavy hearts? which long for death, and if it come not, search it more than treasures, and rejoice when they can find the grave. They are generally weary of their lives, a trembling heart they have, a sorrowful mind, and little or no rest. Terror ubique tremor, timor undique et undique terror. Fears, terrors, and affrights in all places, at all times and seasons. Cibum et potum pertinaciter aversantur multi, nodum in scirpo quaeritantes, et culpam imaginantes ubi nulla est, as Wierus writes de Lamiis lib. 3. c. 7. they refuse many of them meat and drink, cannot rest, aggravating still and supposing grievous offences where there are none. God's heavy wrath is kindled in their souls, and notwithstanding their continual prayers and supplications to Christ Jesus, they have no release or ease at all, but a most intolerable torment, and insufferable anguish of conscience, and that makes them, through impatience, to murmur against God many times, to rave, to blaspheme, turn atheists, and seek to offer violence to themselves. Deut. xxviii. 65, 68. In the morning they wish for evening, and for morning in the evening, for the sight of their eyes which they see, and fear of hearts. [6743]Marinus Mercennus, in his comment on Genesis, makes mention of a desperate friend of his, whom, amongst others, he came to visit, and exhort to patience, that broke out into most blasphemous atheistical speeches, too fearful to relate, when they wished him to trust in God, Quis est ille Deus (inquit) ut serviam illi, quid proderit si oraverim; si praesens est, cur non succurrit? cur non me carcere, inertia, squalore confectum liberat? quid ego feci? &c. absit a me hujusmodi Deus. Another of his acquaintance broke out into like atheistical blasphemies, upon his wife's death raved, cursed, said and did he cared not what. And so for the most part it is with them all, many of them, in their extremity, think they hear and see visions, outcries, confer with devils, that they are tormented, possessed, and in hell-fire, already damned, quite forsaken of God, they have no sense or feeling of mercy, or grace, hope of salvation, their sentence of condemnation is already past, and not to be revoked, the devil will certainly have them. Never was any living creature in such torment before, in such a miserable estate, in such distress of mind, no hope, no faith, past cure, reprobate, continually tempted to make away themselves. Something talks with them, they spit fire and brimstone, they cannot but blaspheme, they cannot repent, believe or think a good thought, so far carried; ut cogantur ad impia cogitandum etiam contra voluntatem, said [6744]Felix Plater, ad blasphemiam erga deum, ad multa horrenda perpetranda, ad manus violentas sibi inferendas, &c., and in their distracted fits and desperate humours, to offer violence to others, their familiar and dear friends sometimes, or to mere strangers, upon very small or no occasion; for he that cares not for his own, is master of another man's life. They think evil against their wills; that which they abhor themselves, they must needs think, do, and speak. He gives instance in a patient of his, that when he would pray, had such evil thoughts still suggested to him, and wicked [6745]meditations. Another instance he hath of a woman that was often tempted to curse God, to blaspheme and kill herself. Sometimes the devil (as they say) stands without and talks with them, sometimes he is within them, as they think, and there speaks and talks as to such as are possessed: so Apollodorus, in Plutarch, thought his heart spake within him. There is a most memorable example of [6746]Francis Spira, an advocate of Padua, Ann. 1545, that being desperate, by no counsel of learned men could be comforted: he felt (as he said) the pains of hell in his soul; in all other things he discoursed aright, but in this most mad. Frismelica, Bullovat, and some other excellent physicians, could neither make him eat, drink, or sleep, no persuasion could ease him. Never pleaded any man so well for himself, as this man did against himself, and so he desperately died. Springer, a lawyer, hath written his life. Cardinal Crescence died so likewise desperate at Verona, still he thought a black dog followed him to his death-bed, no man could drive the dog away, Sleiden. com. 23. cap. lib. 3. Whilst I was writing this Treatise, saith Montaltus, cap. 2. de mel. [6747]A nun came to me for help, well for all other matters, but troubled in conscience for five years last past; she is almost mad, and not able to resist, thinks she hath offended God, and is certainly damned. Felix Plater hath store of instances of such as thought themselves damned, [6748] forsaken of God, &c. One amongst the rest, that durst not go to church, or come near the Rhine, for fear to make away himself, because then he was most especially tempted. These and such like symptoms are intended and remitted, as the malady itself is more or less; some will hear good counsel, some will not; some desire help, some reject all, and will not be eased.

SUBSECT. V.—Prognostics of Despair, Atheism, Blasphemy, violent death, &c.

Most part these kind of persons make [6749]away themselves, some are mad, blaspheme, curse, deny God, but most offer violence to their own persons, and sometimes to others. A wounded spirit who can bear? Prov. xviii. 14. As Cain, Saul, Achitophel, Judas, blasphemed and died. Bede saith, Pilate died desperate eight years after Christ. [6750]Felix Plater hath collected many examples. [6751]A merchant's wife that was long troubled with such temptations, in the night rose from her bed, and out of the window broke her neck into the street: another drowned himself desperate as he was in the Rhine: some cut their throats, many hang themselves. But this needs no illustration. It is controverted by some, whether a man so offering violence to himself, dying desperate, may be saved, ay or no? If they die so obstinately and suddenly, that they cannot so much as wish for mercy, the worst is to be suspected, because they die impenitent. [6752]If their death had been a little more lingering, wherein they might have some leisure in their hearts to cry for mercy, charity may judge the best; divers have been recovered out of the very act of hanging and drowning themselves, and so brought ad sanam mentem, they have been very penitent, much abhorred their former act, confessed that they have repented in an instant, and cried for mercy in their hearts. If a man put desperate hands upon himself, by occasion of madness or melancholy, if he have given testimony before of his regeneration, in regard he doth this not so much out of his will, as ex vi morbi, we must make the best construction of it, as [6753]Turks do, that think all fools and madmen go directly to heaven.

SUBSECT. VI.—Cure of Despair by Physic, Good Counsel, Comforts, &c.

Experience teacheth us, that though many die obstinate and wilful in this malady, yet multitudes again are able to resist and overcome, seek for help and find comfort, are taken e faucibus Erebi, from the chops of hell, and out of the devil's paws, though they have by [6754]obligation, given themselves to him. Some out of their own strength, and God's assistance, Though He kill me, (saith Job,) yet will I trust in Him, out of good counsel, advice and physic. [6755]Bellovacus cured a monk by altering his habit, and course of life: Plater many by physic alone. But for the most part they must concur; and they take a wrong course that think to overcome this feral passion by sole physic; and they are as much out, that think to work this effect by good service alone, though both be forcible in themselves, yet vis unita fortior, they must go hand in hand to this disease:—alterius sic altera poscit opem. For physic the like course is to be taken with this as in other melancholy: diet, air, exercise, all those passions and perturbations of the mind, &c. are to be rectified by the same means. They must not be left solitary, or to themselves, never idle, never out of company. Counsel, good comfort is to be applied, as they shall see the parties inclined, or to the causes, whether it be loss, fear, be grief, discontent, or some such feral accident, a guilty conscience, or otherwise by frequent meditation, too grievous an apprehension, and consideration of his former life; by hearing, reading of Scriptures, good divines, good advice and conference, applying God's word to their distressed souls, it must be corrected and counterpoised. Many excellent exhortations, phraenetical discourses, are extant to this purpose, for such as are any way troubled in mind: Perkins, Greenham, Hayward, Bright, Abernethy, Bolton, Culmannus, Helmingius, Caelius Secundus, Nicholas Laurentius, are copious on this subject: Azorius, Navarrus, Sayrus, &c., and such as have written cases of conscience amongst our pontifical writers. But because these men's works are not to all parties at hand, so parable at all times, I will for the benefit and ease of such as are afflicted, at the request of some [6756]friends, recollect out of their voluminous treatises, some few such comfortable speeches, exhortations, arguments, advice, tending to this subject, and out of God's word, knowing, as Culmannus saith upon the like occasion, [6757]how unavailable and vain men's councils are to comfort an afflicted conscience, except God's word concur and be annexed, from which comes life, ease, repentance, &c. Presupposing first that which Beza, Greenham, Perkins, Bolton, give in charge, the parties to whom counsel is given be sufficiently prepared, humbled for their sins, fit for comfort, confessed, tried how they are more or less afflicted, how they stand affected, or capable of good advice, before any remedies be applied: to such therefore as are so thoroughly searched and examined, I address this following discourse. Two main antidotes, [6758]Hemmingius observes, opposite to despair, good hope out of God's word, to be embraced; perverse security and presumption from the devil's treachery, to be rejected; Illa solus animae, haec pestis; one saves, the other kills, occidit animam, saith Austin, and doth as much harm as despair itself, [6759]Navarrus the casuist reckons up ten special cures out of Anton. 1. part. Tit. 3. cap. 10. 1. God. 2. Physic. 3. [6760]Avoiding such objects as have caused it. 4. Submission of himself to other men's judgments. 5. Answer of all objections, &c. All which Cajetan, Gerson, lib. de vit. spirit. Sayrus, lib. 1. cons. cap. 14. repeat and approve out of Emanuel Roderiques, cap. 51 et 52. Greenham prescribes six special rules, Culmannus seven. First, to acknowledge all help come from God. 2. That the cause of their present misery is sin. 3. To repent and be heartily sorry for their sins. 4. To pray earnestly to God they may be eased. 5. To expect and implore the prayers of the church, and good men's advice. 6. Physic. 7. To commend themselves to God, and rely upon His mercy: others, otherwise, but all to this effect. But forasmuch as most men in this malady are spiritually sick, void of reason almost, overborne by their miseries, and too deep an apprehension of their sins, they cannot apply themselves to good counsel, pray, believe, repent, we must, as much as in us lies, occur and help their peculiar infirmities, according to their several causes and symptoms, as we shall find them distressed and complain. The main matter which terrifies and torments most that are troubled in mind, is the enormity of their offences, the intolerable burthen of their sins, God's heavy wrath and displeasure so deeply apprehended, that they account themselves reprobates, quite forsaken of God, already damned, past all hope of grace, incapable of mercy, diaboli mancipia, slaves of sin, and their offences so great they cannot be forgiven. But these men must know there is no sin so heinous which is not pardonable in itself, no crime so great but by God's mercy it may be forgiven. Where sin aboundeth, grace aboundeth much more, Rom. v. 20. And what the Lord said unto Paul in his extremity, 2 Cor. xi. 9. My grace is sufficient for thee, for my power is made perfect through weakness: concerns every man in like case. His promises are made indefinite to all believers, generally spoken to all touching remission of sins that are truly penitent, grieved for their offences, and desire to be reconciled, Matt. ix. 12, 13, I came not to call the righteous but sinners to repentance, that is, such as are truly touched in conscience for their sins. Again, Matt. xi. 28, Come unto me all ye that are heavy laden, and I will ease you. Ezek. xviii. 27, At what time soever a sinner shall repent him of his sins from the bottom of his heart, I will blot out all his wickedness out of my remembrance saith the Lord. Isaiah xliii. 25, I, even I, am He that put away thine iniquity for mine own sake, and will not remember thy sins. As a father (saith David Psal. ciii. 13) hath compassion on his children, so hath the Lord compassion on them that fear him. And will receive them again as the prodigal son was entertained, Luke xv., if they shall so come with tears in their eyes, and a penitent heart. Peccator agnoscat, Deus ignoscit. The Lord is full of compassion and mercy, slow to anger, of great kindness, Psal. ciii. 8. He will not always chide, neither keep His anger for ever, 9. As high as the heaven is above the earth, so great is His mercy towards them that fear Him, 11. As far as the East is from the West, so far hath He removed our sins from us, 12. Though Cain cry out in the anguish of his soul, my punishment is greater than I can bear, 'tis not so; thou liest, Cain (saith Austin), God's mercy is greater than thy sins. His mercy is above all His works, Psal. cxlv. 9, able to satisfy for all men's sins, antilutron, 1 Tim. ii. 6. His mercy is a panacea, a balsam for an afflicted soul, a sovereign medicine, an alexipharmacum for all sins, a charm for the devil; his mercy was great to Solomon, to Manasseh, to Peter, great to all offenders, and whosoever thou art, it may be so to thee. For why should God bid us pray (as Austin infers) Deliver us from all evil, nisi ipse misericors perseveraret, if He did not intend to help us? He therefore that [6761]doubts of the remission of his sins, denies God's mercy, and doth Him injury, saith Austin. Yea, but thou repliest, I am a notorious sinner, mine offences are not so great as infinite. Hear Fulgentius, [6762]God's invincible goodness cannot be overcome by sin, His infinite mercy cannot be terminated by any: the multitude of His mercy is equivalent to His magnitude. Hear [6763]Chrysostom, Thy malice may be measured, but God's mercy cannot be defined; thy malice is circumscribed, His mercies infinite. As a drop of water is to the sea, so are thy misdeeds to His mercy: nay, there is no such proportion to be given; for the sea, though great, yet may be measured, but God's mercy cannot be circumscribed. Whatsoever thy sins be then in quantity or quality, multitude or magnitude, fear them not, distrust not. I speak not this, saith [6764]Chrysostom, to make thee secure and negligent, but to cheer thee up. Yea but, thou urgest again, I have little comfort of this which is said, it concerns me not: Inanis poenitentia quam sequens culpa coinquinat, 'tis to no purpose for me to repent, and to do worse than ever I did before, to persevere in sin, and to return to my lusts as a dog to his vomit, or a swine to the mire: [6765]to what end is it to ask forgiveness of my sins, and yet daily to sin again and again, to do evil out of a habit? I daily and hourly offend in thought, word, and deed, in a relapse by mine own weakness and wilfulness: my bonus genius, my good protecting angel is gone, I am fallen from that I was or would be, worse and worse, my latter end is worse than my beginning: Si quotidiae peccas, quotidie, saith Chrysostom, poenitentiam age, if thou daily offend, daily repent: [6766]if twice, thrice, a hundred, a hundred thousand times, twice, thrice, a hundred thousand times repent. As they do by an old house that is out of repair, still mend some part or other; so do by thy soul, still reform some vice, repair it by repentance, call to Him for grace, and thou shalt have it; For we are freely justified by His grace, Rom. iii. 24. If thine enemy repent, as our Saviour enjoined Peter, forgive him seventy-seven times; and why shouldst thou think God will not forgive thee? Why should the enormity of thy sins trouble thee? God can do it, he will do it. My conscience (saith [6767]Anselm) dictates to me that I deserve damnation, my repentance will not suffice for satisfaction: but thy mercy, O Lord, quite overcometh all my transgressions. The gods once (as the poets feign) with a gold chain would pull Jupiter out of heaven, but all they together could not stir him, and yet he could draw and turn them as he would himself; maugre all the force and fury of these infernal fiends, and crying sins, His grace is sufficient. Confer the debt and the payment; Christ and Adam; sin, and the cure of it; the disease and the medicine; confer the sick man to his physician, and thou shalt soon perceive that his power is infinitely beyond it. God is better able, as [6768]Bernard informeth us, to help, than sin to do us hurt; Christ is better able to save, than the devil to destroy. [6769]If he be a skilful Physician, as Fulgentius adds, he can cure all diseases; if merciful, he will. Non est perfecta bonitas a qua non omnis malitia vincitur, His goodness is not absolute and perfect, if it be not able to overcome all malice. Submit thyself unto Him, as St. Austin adviseth, [6770]He knoweth best what he doth; and be not so much pleased when he sustains thee, as patient when he corrects thee; he is omnipotent, and can cure all diseases when he sees his own time. He looks down from heaven upon earth, that he may hear the mourning of prisoners, and deliver the children of death, Psal. cii. 19. 20. And though our sins be as red as scarlet, He can make them as white as snow, Isai. i. 18. Doubt not of this, or ask how it shall be done: He is all-sufficient that promiseth; qui fecit mundum de immundo, saith Chrysostom, he that made a fair world of nought, can do this and much more for his part: do thou only believe, trust in him, rely on him, be penitent and heartily sorry for thy sins. Repentance is a sovereign remedy for all sins, a spiritual wing to rear us, a charm for our miseries, a protecting amulet to expel sin's venom, an attractive loadstone to draw God's mercy and graces unto us. [6771]Peccatum vulnus, poenitentia medicinam: sin made the breach, repentance must help it; howsoever thine offence came, by error, sloth, obstinacy, ignorance, exitur per poenitentiam, this is the sole means to be relieved. [6772]Hence comes our hope of safety, by this alone sinners are saved, God is provoked to mercy. This unlooseth all that is bound, enlighteneth darkness, mends that is broken, puts life to that which was desperately dying: makes no respect of offences, or of persons. [6773]This doth not repel a fornicator, reject a drunkard, resist a proud fellow, turn away an idolater, but entertains all, communicates itself to all. Who persecuted the church more than Paul, offended more than Peter? and yet by repentance (saith Curysologus) they got both Magisterium et ministerium sanctitatis, the Magistery of holiness. The prodigal son went far, but by repentance he came home at last. [6774]This alone will turn a wolf into a sheep, make a publican a preacher, turn a thorn into an olive, make a debauched fellow religious, a blasphemer sing halleluja, make Alexander the coppersmith truly devout, make a devil a saint. [6775]And him that polluted his mouth with calumnies, lying, swearing, and filthy tunes and tones, to purge his throat with divine Psalms. Repentance will effect prodigious cures, make a stupend metamorphosis. A hawk came into the ark, and went out again a hawk; a lion came in, went out a lion; a bear, a bear; a wolf, a wolf; but if a hawk came into this sacred temple of repentance, he will go forth a dove (saith [6776]Chrysostom), a wolf go out a sheep, a lion a lamb. [6777]This gives sight to the blind, legs to the lame, cures all diseases, confers grace, expels vice, inserts virtue, comforts and fortifies the soul. Shall I say, let thy sin be what it will, do but repent, it is sufficient. [6778]Quem poenitet peccasse pene est innocens. 'Tis true indeed and all-sufficient this, they do confess, if they could repent; but they are obdurate, they have cauterised consciences, they are in a reprobate sense, they cannot think a good thought, they cannot hope for grace, pray, believe, repent, or be sorry for their sins, they find no grief for sin in themselves, but rather a delight, no groaning of spirit, but are carried headlong to their own destruction, heaping wrath to themselves against the day of wrath, Rom. ii. 5. 'Tis a grievous case this I do yield, and yet not to be despaired; God of his bounty and mercy calls all to repentance, Rom. ii. 4, thou mayst be called at length, restored, taken to His grace, as the thief upon the cross, at the last hour, as Mary Magdalene and many other sinners have been, that were buried in sin. God (saith [6779]Fulgentius) is delighted in the conversion of a sinner, he sets no time; prolixitas temporis Deo non praejudicat, aut gravitas peccati, deferring of time or grievousness of sin, do not prejudicate his grace, things past and to come are all one to Him, as present: 'tis never too late to repent. [6780]This heaven of repentance is still open for all distressed souls; and howsoever as yet no signs appear, thou mayst repent in good time. Hear a comfortable speech of St. Austin, [6781]Whatsoever thou shall do, how great a sinner soever, thou art yet living; if God would not help thee, he would surely take thee away; but in sparing thy life, he gives thee leisure, and invites thee to repentance. Howsoever as yet, I say, thou perceivest no fruit, no feeling, findest no likelihood of it in thyself, patiently abide the Lord's good leisure, despair not, or think thou art a reprobate; He came to call sinners to repentance, Luke v. 32, of which number thou art one; He came to call thee, and in his time will surely call thee. And although as yet thou hast no inclination to pray, to repent, thy faith be cold and dead, and thou wholly averse from all Divine functions, yet it may revive, as trees are dead in winter, but flourish in the spring! these virtues may lie hid in thee for the present, yet hereafter show themselves, and peradventure already bud, howsoever thou dost not perceive. 'Tis Satan's policy to plead against, suppress and aggravate, to conceal those sparks of faith in thee. Thou dost not believe, thou sayest, yet thou wouldst believe if thou couldst, 'tis thy desire to believe; then pray, [6782]Lord help mine unbelief: and hereafter thou shall certainly believe: [6783]Dabitur sitienti, it shall be given to him that thirsteth. Thou canst not yet repent, hereafter thou shall; a black cloud of sin as yet obnubilates thy soul, terrifies thy conscience, but this cloud may conceive a rainbow at the last, and be quite dissipated by repentance. Be of good cheer; a child is rational in power, not in act; and so art thou penitent in affection, though not yet in action. 'Tis thy desire to please God, to be heartily sorry; comfort thyself, no time is overpast, 'tis never too late. A desire to repent is repentance itself, though not in nature, yet in God's acceptance; a willing mind is sufficient. Blessed are they that hunger and thirst after righteousness, Matt. v. 6. He that is destitute of God's grace, and wisheth for it, shall have it. The Lord (saith David, Psal. x. 17) will hear the desire of the poor, that is, such as are in distress of body and mind. 'Tis true thou canst not as yet grieve for thy sin, thou hast no feeling of faith, I yield; yet canst thou grieve thou dost not grieve? It troubles thee, I am sure, thine heart should be so impenitent and hard, thou wouldst have it otherwise; 'tis thy desire to grieve, to repent, and to believe. Thou lovest God's children and saints in the meantime, hatest them not, persecutest them not, but rather wishest thyself a true professor, to be as they are, as thou thyself hast been heretofore; which is an evident token thou art in no such desperate case. 'Tis a good sign of thy conversion, thy sins are pardonable, thou art, or shalt surely be reconciled. The Lord is near them that are of a contrite heart, Luke iv. 18. [6784]A true desire of mercy in the want of mercy, is mercy itself; a desire of grace in the want of grace, is grace itself; a constant and earnest desire to believe, repent, and to be reconciled to God, if it be in a touched heart, is an acceptation of God, a reconciliation, faith and repentance itself. For it is not thy faith and repentance, as [6785]Chrysostom truly teacheth, that is available, but God's mercy that is annexed to it, He accepts the will for the deed: so that I conclude, to feel in ourselves the want of grace, and to be grieved for it, is grace itself. I am troubled with fear my sins are not forgiven, Careless objects: but Bradford answers they are; For God hath given thee a penitent and believing heart, that is, a heart which desireth to repent and believe; for such an one is taken of him (he accepting the will for the deed) for a truly penitent and believing heart. All this is true thou repliest, but yet it concerns not thee, 'tis verified in ordinary offenders, in common sins, but thine are of a higher strain, even against the Holy Ghost himself, irremissible sins, sins of the first magnitude, written with a pen of iron, engraven with a point of a diamond. Thou art worse than a pagan, infidel, Jew, or Turk, for thou art an apostate and more, thou hast voluntarily blasphemed, renounced God and all religion, thou art worse than Judas himself, or they that crucified Christ: for they did offend out of ignorance, but thou hast thought in thine heart there is no God. Thou hast given thy soul to the devil, as witches and conjurors do, explicite and implicite, by compact, band and obligation (a desperate, a fearful case) to satisfy thy lust, or to be revenged of thine enemies, thou didst never pray, come to church, hear, read, or do any divine duties with any devotion, but for formality and fashion's sake, with a kind of reluctance, 'twas troublesome and painful to thee to perform any such thing, praeter voluntatem, against thy will. Thou never mad'st any conscience of lying, swearing, bearing false witness, murder, adultery, bribery, oppression, theft, drunkenness, idolatry, but hast ever done all duties for fear of punishment, as they were most advantageous, and to thine own ends, and committed all such notorious sins, with an extraordinary delight, hating that thou shouldst love, and loving that thou shouldst hate. Instead of faith, fear and love of God, repentance, &c., blasphemous thoughts have been ever harboured in his mind, even against God himself, the blessed Trinity; the [6786]Scripture false, rude, harsh, immethodical: heaven, hell, resurrection, mere toys and fables, [6787]incredible, impossible, absurd, vain, ill contrived; religion, policy, and human invention, to keep men in obedience, or for profit, invented by priests and lawgivers to that purpose. If there be any such supreme power, he takes no notice of our doings, hears not our prayers, regardeth them not, will not, cannot help, or else he is partial, an excepter of persons, author of sin, a cruel, a destructive God, to create our souls, and destinate them to eternal damnation, to make us worse than our dogs and horses, why doth he not govern things better, protect good men, root out wicked livers? why do they prosper and flourish? as she raved in the [6788]tragedy—pellices caelum tenent, there they shine, Suasque Perseus aureas stellas habet, where is his providence? how appears it? [6789]Marmoreo Licinus tumulo jacet, at Cato parvo, Pomponius nullo, quis putet esse Deos.

Why doth he suffer Turks to overcome Christians, the enemy to triumph over his church, paganism to domineer in all places as it doth, heresies to multiply, such enormities to be committed, and so many such bloody wars, murders, massacres, plagues, feral diseases! why doth he not make us all good, able, sound? why makes he [6790]venomous creatures, rocks, sands, deserts, this earth itself the muck-hill of the world, a prison, a house of correction? [6791]Mentimur regnare Jovem, &c., with many such horrible and execrable conceits, not fit to be uttered; Terribilia de fide, horribilia de Divinitate. They cannot some of them but think evil, they are compelled volentes nolentes, to blaspheme, especially when they come to church and pray, read, &c., such foul and prodigious suggestions come into their hearts. These are abominable, unspeakable offences, and most opposite to God, tentationes foedae, et impiae, yet in this case, he or they that shall be tempted and so affected, must know, that no man living is free from such thoughts in part, or at some times, the most divine spirits have been so tempted in some sort, evil custom, omission of holy exercises, ill company, idleness, solitariness, melancholy, or depraved nature, and the devil is still ready to corrupt, trouble, and divert our souls, to suggest such blasphemous thoughts into our fantasies, ungodly, profane, monstrous and wicked conceits: If they come from Satan, they are more speedy, fearful and violent, the parties cannot avoid them: they are more frequent, I say, and monstrous when they come; for the devil he is a spirit, and hath means and opportunities to mingle himself with our spirits, and sometimes more slyly, sometimes more abruptly and openly, to suggest such devilish thoughts into our hearts; he insults and domineers in melancholy distempered fantasies and persons especially; melancholy is balneum, diaboli, as Serapio holds, the devil's bath, and invites him to come to it. As a sick man frets, raves in his fits, speaks and doth he knows not what, the devil violently compels such crazed souls to think such damned thoughts against their wills, they cannot but do it; sometimes more continuate, or by fits, he takes his advantage, as the subject is less able to resist, he aggravates, extenuates, affirms, denies, damns, confounds the spirits, troubles heart, brain, humours, organs, senses, and wholly domineers in their imaginations. If they proceed from themselves, such thoughts, they are remiss and moderate, not so violent and monstrous, not so frequent. The devil commonly suggests things opposite to nature, opposite to God and his word, impious, absurd, such as a man would never of himself, or could not conceive, they strike terror and horror into the parties' own hearts. For if he or they be asked whether they do approve of such like thoughts or no, they answer (and their own souls truly dictate as much) they abhor them as much as hell and the devil himself, they would fain think otherwise if they could; he hath thought otherwise, and with all his soul desires so to think again; he doth resist, and hath some good motions intermixed now and then: so that such blasphemous, impious, unclean thoughts, are not his own, but the devil's; they proceed not from him, but from a crazed phantasy, distempered humours, black fumes which offend his brain: [6792]they are thy crosses, the devil's sins, and he shall answer for them, he doth enforce thee to do that which thou dost abhor, and didst never give consent to: and although he hath sometimes so slyly set upon thee, and so far prevailed, as to make thee in some sort to assent to such wicked thoughts, to delight in, yet they have not proceeded from a confirmed will in thee, but are of that nature which thou dost afterwards reject and abhor. Therefore be not overmuch troubled and dismayed with such kind of suggestions, at least if they please thee not, because they are not thy personal sins, for which thou shalt incur the wrath of God, or his displeasure: contemn, neglect them, let them go as they come, strive not too violently, or trouble thyself too much, but as our Saviour said to Satan in like case, say thou, avoid Satan, I detest thee and them. Satanae est mala ingerere (saith Austin) nostrum non consentire: as Satan labours to suggest, so must we strive not to give consent, and it will be sufficient: the more anxious and solicitous thou art, the more perplexed, the more thou shalt otherwise be troubled and entangled. Besides, they must know this, all so molested and distempered, that although these be most execrable and grievous sins, they are pardonable yet, through God's mercy and goodness, they may be forgiven, if they be penitent and sorry for them. Paul himself confesseth, Rom. xvii. 19. He did not the good he would do, but the evil which he would not do; 'tis not I, but sin that dwelleth in me. 'Tis not thou, but Satan's suggestions, his craft and subtlety, his malice: comfort thyself then if thou be penitent and grieved, or desirous to be so, these heinous sins shall not be laid to thy charge; God's mercy is above all sins, which if thou do not finally contemn, without doubt thou shalt be saved. [6793]No man sins against the Holy Ghost, but he that wilfully and finally renounceth Christ, and contemneth him and his word to the last, without which there is no salvation, from which grievous sin, God of his infinite mercy deliver us. Take hold of this to be thy comfort, and meditate withal on God's word, labour to pray, to repent, to be renewed in mind, keep thine heart with all diligence. Prov. iv. 13, resist the devil, and he will fly from thee, pour out thy soul unto the Lord with sorrowful Hannah, pray continually, as Paul enjoins, and as David did, Psalm i. meditate on his law day and night. Yea, but this meditation is that mars all, and mistaken makes many men far worse, misconceiving all they read or hear, to their own overthrow; the more they search and read Scriptures, or divine treatises, the more they puzzle themselves, as a bird in a net, the more they are entangled and precipitated into this preposterous gulf: Many are called, but few are chosen, Matt. xx. 16. and xxii. 14. with such like places of Scripture misinterpreted strike them with horror, they doubt presently whether they be of this number or no: God's eternal decree of predestination, absolute reprobation, and such fatal tables, they form to their own ruin, and impinge upon this rock of despair. How shall they be assured of their salvation, by what signs? If the righteous scarcely be saved, where shall the ungodly and sinners appear? 1 Pet. iv. 18. Who knows, saith Solomon, whether he be elect? This grinds their souls, how shall they discern they are not reprobates? But I say again, how shall they discern they are? From the devil can be no certainty, for he is a liar from the beginning; if he suggests any such thing, as too frequently he doth, reject him as a deceiver, an enemy of human kind, dispute not with him, give no credit to him, obstinately refuse him, as St. Anthony did in the wilderness, whom the devil set upon in several shapes, or as the collier did, so do thou by him. For when the devil tempted him with the weakness of his faith, and told him he could not be saved, as being ignorant in the principles of religion, and urged him moreover to know what he believed, what he thought of such and such points and mysteries: the collier told him, he believed as the church did; but what (said the devil again) doth the church believe? as I do (said the collier); and what's that thou believest? as the church doth, &c., when the devil could get no other answer, he left him. If Satan summon thee to answer, send him to Christ: he is thy liberty, thy protector against cruel death, raging sin, that roaring lion, he is thy righteousness, thy Saviour, and thy life. Though he say, thou art not of the number of the elect, a reprobate, forsaken of God, hold thine own still, hic murus aheneus esto, let this be as a bulwark, a brazen wall to defend thee, stay thyself in that certainty of faith; let that be thy comfort, Christ will protect thee, vindicate thee, thou art one of his flock, he will triumph over the law, vanquish death, overcome the devil, and destroy hell. If he say thou art none of the elect, no believer, reject him, defy him, thou hast thought otherwise, and mayst so be resolved again; comfort thyself; this persuasion cannot come from the devil, and much less can it be grounded from thyself? men are liars, and why shouldst thou distrust? A denying Peter, a persecuting Paul, an adulterous cruel David, have been received; an apostate Solomon may be converted; no sin at all but impenitency, can give testimony of final reprobation. Why shouldst thou then distrust, misdoubt thyself, upon what ground, what suspicion? This opinion alone of particularity? Against that, and for the certainty of election and salvation on the other side, see God's good will toward men, hear how generally his grace is proposed to him, and him, and them, each man in particular, and to all. 1 Tim. ii. 4. God will that all men be saved, and come to the knowledge of the truth. 'Tis a universal promise, God sent not his son into the world to condemn the world, but that through him the world might be saved. John iii. 17. He that acknowledged himself a man in the world, must likewise acknowledge he is of that number that is to be saved. Ezek. xxxiii. 11, I will not the death of a sinner, but that he repent and live: But thou art a sinner; therefore he will not thy death. This is the will of him that sent me, that every man that believeth in the Son, should have everlasting life. John vi. 40. He would have no man perish, but all come to repentance, 2 Pet. iii. 9. Besides, remission of sins is to be preached, not to a few, but universally to all men, Go therefore and tell all nations, baptising them, &c. Matt. xxviii. 19. Go into all the world, and preach the Gospel to every creature, Mark xvi. 15. Now there cannot be contradictory wills in God, he will have all saved, and not all, how can this stand together? be secure then, believe, trust in him, hope well and be saved. Yea, that's the main matter, how shall I believe or discern my security from carnal presumption? my faith is weak and faint, I want those signs and fruits of sanctification, [6794]sorrow for sin, thirsting for grace, groanings of the spirit, love of Christians as Christians, avoiding occasion of sin, endeavour of new obedience, charity, love of God, perseverance. Though these signs be languishing in thee, and not seated in thine heart, thou must not therefore be dejected or terrified; the effects of the faith and spirit are not yet so fully felt in thee; conclude not therefore thou art a reprobate, or doubt of thine election, because the elect themselves are without them, before their conversion. Thou mayst in the Lord's good time be converted; some are called at the eleventh hour. Use, I say, the means of thy conversion, expect the Lord's leisure, if not yet called, pray thou mayst be, or at least wish and desire thou. mayst be. Notwithstanding all this which might be said to this effect, to ease their afflicted minds, what comfort our best divines can afford in this case, Zanchius, Beza, &c. This furious curiosity, needless speculation, fruitless meditation about election, reprobation, free will, grace, such places of Scripture preposterously conceived, torment still, and crucify the souls of too many, and set all the world together by the ears. To avoid which inconveniences, and to settle their distressed minds, to mitigate those divine aphorisms, (though in another extreme some) our late Arminians have revived that plausible doctrine of universal grace, which many fathers, our late Lutheran and modern papists do still maintain, that we have free will of ourselves, and that grace is common to all that will believe. Some again, though less orthodoxal, will have a far greater part saved than shall be damned, (as [6795]Caelius Secundus stiffly maintains in his book, De amplitudine regni coelestis, or some impostor under his name) beatorum numerus multo major quam damnatorum. [6796]He calls that other tenet of special [6797]election and reprobation, a prejudicate, envious and malicious opinion, apt to draw all men to desperation. Many are called, few chosen, &c. He opposeth some opposite parts of Scripture to it, Christ came into the world to save sinners, &c. And four especial arguments he produceth, one from God's power. If more be damned than saved, he erroneously concludes, [6798]the devil hath the greater sovereignty! for what is power but to protect? and majesty consists in multitude. If the devil have the greater part, where is his mercy, where is his power? how is he Deus Optimus Maximus, misericors? &c., where is his greatness, where his goodness? He proceeds, [6799]We account him a murderer that is accessory only, or doth not help when he can; which may not be supposed of God without great offence, because he may do what he will, and is otherwise accessory, and the author of sin. The nature of good is to be communicated, God is good, and will not then be contracted in his goodness: for how is he the father of mercy and comfort, if his good concern but a few? O envious and unthankful men to think otherwise! [6800]Why should we pray to God that are Gentiles, and thank him for his mercies and benefits, that hath damned us all innocuous for Adam's offence, one man's offence, one small offence, eating of an apple? why should we acknowledge him for our governor that hath wholly neglected the salvation of our souls, contemned us, and sent no prophets or instructors to teach us, as he hath done to the Hebrews? So Julian the apostate objects. Why should these Christians (Caelius urgeth) reject us and appropriate God unto themselves, Deum illum suum unicum, &c. But to return to our forged Caelius. At last he comes to that, he will have those saved that never heard of, or believed in Christ, ex puris naturalibus, with the Pelagians, and proves it out of Origen and others. They (saith [6801]Origen) that never heard God's word, are to be excused for their ignorance; we may not think God will be so hard, angry, cruel or unjust as to condemn any man indicta causa. They alone (he holds) are in the state of damnation that refuse Christ's mercy and grace, when it is offered. Many worthy Greeks and Romans, good moral honest men, that kept the law of nature, did to others as they would be done to themselves, as certainly saved, he concludes, as they were that lived uprightly before the law of Moses. They were acceptable in. God's sight, as Job was, the Magi, the queen of Sheba, Darius of Persia, Socrates, Aristides, Cato, Curius, Tully, Seneca, and many other philosophers, upright livers, no matter of what religion, as Cornelius, out of any nation, so that he live honestly, call on God, trust in him, fear him, he shall be saved. This opinion was formerly maintained by the Valentinian and Basiledian heretics, revived of late in [6802]Turkey, of what sect Rustan Bassa was patron, defended by [6803]Galeatius [6804]Erasmus, by Zuinglius in exposit. fidei ad Regem Galliae, whose tenet Bullinger vindicates, and Gualter approves in a just apology with many arguments. There be many Jesuits that follow these Calvinists in this behalf, Franciscus Buchsius Moguntinus, Andradius Consil. Trident, many schoolmen that out of the 1 Rom. v. 18. 19. are verily persuaded that those good works of the Gentiles did so far please God, that they might vitam aeternam promereri, and be saved in the end. Sesellius, and Benedictus Justinianus in his comment on the first of the Romans, Mathias Ditmarsh the politician, with many others, hold a mediocrity, they may be salute non indigni but they will not absolutely decree it. Hofmannus, a Lutheran professor of Helmstad, and many of his followers, with most of our church, and papists, are stiff against it. Franciscus Collius hath fully censured all opinions in his Five Books, de Paganorum animabus post mortem, and amply dilated this question, which whoso will may peruse. But to return to my author, his conclusion is, that not only wicked livers, blasphemers, reprobates, and such as reject God's grace, but that the devils themselves shall be saved at last, as [6805]Origen himself long since delivered in his works, and our late [6806]Socinians defend, Ostorodius, cap. 41. institut. Smaltius, &c. Those terms of all and for ever in Scripture, are not eternal, but only denote a longer time, which by many examples they prove. The world shall end like a comedy, and we shall meet at last in heaven, and live in bliss altogether, or else in conclusion, in nihil evanescere. For how can he be merciful that shall condemn any creature to eternal unspeakable punishment, for one small temporary fault, all posterity, so many myriads for one and another man's offence, quid meruistis oves? But these absurd paradoxes are exploded by our church, we teach otherwise. That this vocation, predestination, election, reprobation, non ex corrupta massa, praeviso, fide, as our Arminians, or ex praevisis operibus, as our papists, non ex praeteritione, but God's absolute decree ante mundum creatum, (as many of our church hold) was from the beginning, before the foundation of the world was laid, or homo conditus, (or from Adam's fall, as others will, homo lapsus objectum est reprobationis) with perseverantia sanctorum, we must be certain of our salvation, we may fall but not finally, which our Arminians will not admit. According to his immutable, eternal, just decree and counsel of saving men and angels, God calls all, and would have all to be saved according to the efficacy of vocation: all are invited, but only the elect apprehended: the rest that are unbelieving, impenitent, whom God in his just judgment leaves to be punished for their sins, are in a reprobate sense; yet we must not determine who are such, condemn ourselves or others, because we have a universal invitation; all are commanded to believe, and we know not how soon or how late our end may be received. I might have said more of this subject; but forasmuch as it is a forbidden question, and in the preface or declaration to the articles of the church, printed 1633, to avoid factions and altercations, we that are university divines especially, are prohibited all curious search, to print or preach, or draw the article aside by our own sense and comments upon pain of ecclesiastical censure. I will surcease, and conclude with [6807]Erasmus of such controversies: Pugnet qui volet, ego censeo leges majorum reverenter suscipiendas, et religiose observandas, velut a Deo profectas; nec esse tutum, nec esse pium, de potestate publica sinistram concipere aut serere suspicionem. Et siquid est tyrannidis, quod tamen non cogat ad impietatem, satius est ferre, quam seditiose reluctari. But to my former task. The last main torture and trouble of a distressed mind, is not so much this doubt of election, and that the promises of grace are smothered and extinct in them, nay quite blotted out, as they suppose, but withal God's heavy wrath, a most intolerable pain and grief of heart seizeth on them: to their thinking they are already damned, they suffer the pains of hell, and more than possibly can be expressed, they smell brimstone, talk familiarly with devils, hear and see chimeras, prodigious, uncouth shapes, bears, owls, antiques, black dogs, fiends, hideous outcries, fearful noises, shrieks, lamentable complaints, they are possessed, [6808]and through impatience they roar and howl, curse, blaspheme, deny God, call his power in question, abjure religion, and are still ready to offer violence unto themselves, by hanging, drowning, &c. Never any miserable wretch from the beginning of the world was in such a woeful case. To such persons I oppose God's mercy and his justice; Judicia Dei occulta, non injusta: his secret counsel and just judgment, by which he spares some, and sore afflicts others again in this life; his judgment is to be adored, trembled at, not to be searched or inquired after by mortal men: he hath reasons reserved to himself, which our frailty cannot apprehend. He may punish all if he will, and that justly for sin; in that he doth it in some, is to make a way for his mercy that they repent and be saved, to heal them, to try them, exercise their patience, and make them call upon him, to confess their sins and pray unto him, as David did, Psalm cxix. 137. Righteous art thou, O Lord, and just are thy judgments. As the poor publican, Luke xviii. 13. Lord have mercy upon me a miserable sinner. To put confidence and have an assured hope in him, as Job had, xiii. 15. Though he kill me I will trust In him: Ure, seca, occide O Domine, (saith Austin) modo serves animam, kill, cut in pieces, burn my body (O Lord) to save my soul. A small sickness; one lash of affliction, a little misery, many times will more humiliate a man, sooner convert, bring him home to know himself, than all those paraenetical discourses, the whole theory of philosophy, law, physic, and divinity, or a world of instances and examples. So that this, which they take to be such an insupportable plague, is an evident sign of God's mercy and justice, of His love and goodness: periissent nisi periissent, had they not thus been undone, they had finally been undone. Many a carnal man is lulled asleep in perverse security, foolish presumption, is stupefied in his sins, and hath no feeling at all of them: I have sinned (he saith) and what evil shall come unto me, Eccles. v. 4, and Tush, how shall God know it? and so in a reprobate sense goes down to hell. But here, Cynthius aurem vellit, God pulls them by the ear, by affliction, he will bring them to heaven and happiness; Blessed are they that mourn, for they shall be comforted, Matt. v. 4, a blessed and a happy state, if considered aright, it is, to be so troubled. It is good for me that I have been afflicted, Psal. cxix. before I was afflicted I went astray, but now I keep Thy word. Tribulation works patience, patience hope, Rom. v. 4, and by such like crosses and calamities we are driven from the stake of security. So that affliction is a school or academy, wherein the best scholars are prepared to the commencements of the Deity. And though it be most troublesome and grievous for the time, yet know this, it comes by God's permission and providence; He is a spectator of thy groans and tears, still present with thee, the very hairs of thy head are numbered, not one of them can fall to the ground without the express will of God: he will not suffer thee to be tempted above measure, he corrects us all, [6809]numero, pondere, et mensura, the Lord will not quench the smoking flax, or break the bruised reed, Tentat (saith Austin) non ut obruat, sed ut coronet he suffers thee to be tempted for thy good. And as a mother doth handle her child sick and weak, not reject it, but with all tenderness observe and keep it, so doth God by us, not forsake us in our miseries, or relinquish us for our imperfections, but with all pity and compassion support and receive us; whom he loves, he loves to the end. Rom. viii. Whom He hath elected, those He hath called, justified, sanctified, and glorified. Think not then thou hast lost the Spirit, that thou art forsaken of God, be not overcome with heaviness of heart, but as David said, I will not fear though I walk in the shadows of death. We must all go, non a deliciis ad delicias, [6810]but from the cross to the crown, by hell to heaven, as the old Romans put Virtue's temple in the way to that of Honour; we must endure sorrow and misery in this life. 'Tis no new thing this, God's best servants and dearest children have been so visited and tried. Christ in the garden cried out, My God, my God, why hast thou forsaken me? His son by nature, as thou art by adoption and grace. Job, in his anguish, said, The arrows of the Almighty God were in him, Job vi. 4. His terrors fought against him, the venom drank up his spirit, cap. xiii. 26. He saith, God was his enemy, writ bitter things against him (xvi. 9.) hated him. His heavy wrath had so seized on his soul. David complains, his eyes were eaten up, sunk into his head, Ps. vi. 7, his moisture became as the drought in summer, his flesh was consumed, his bones vexed: yet neither Job nor David did finally despair. Job would not leave his hold, but still trust in Him, acknowledging Him to be his good God. The Lord gives, the Lord takes, blessed be the name of the Lord, Job. i. 21. Behold I am vile, I abhor myself, repent in dust and ashes, Job xxxix. 37. David humbled himself, Psal. xxxi. and upon his confession received mercy. Faith, hope, repentance, are the sovereign cures and remedies, the sole comforts in this case; confess, humble thyself, repent, it is sufficient. Quod purpura non potest, saccus potest, saith Chrysostom; the king of Nineveh's sackcloth and ashes did that which his purple robes and crown could not effect; Quod diadema non potuit, cinis perfecit. Turn to Him, he will turn to thee; the Lord is near those that are of a contrite heart, and will save such as be afflicted in spirit, Ps. xxxiv. 18. He came to the lost sheep of Israel, Matt. xv. 14. Si cadentem intuetur, clementiae manum protendit, He is at all times ready to assist. Nunquam spernit Deus Poenitentiam si sincere et simpliciter offeratur, He never rejects a penitent sinner, though he have come to the full height of iniquity, wallowed and delighted in sin; yet if he will forsake his former ways, libenter amplexatur, He will receive him. Parcam huic homini, saith [6811]Austin, (ex persona Dei) quia sibi ipsi non pepercit; ignoscam quia peccatum agnovit. I will spare him because he hath not spared himself; I will pardon him because he doth acknowledge his offence: let it be never so enormous a sin, His grace is sufficient, 2 Cor. xii. 9. Despair not then, faint not at all, be not dejected, but rely on God, call on him an thy trouble, and he will hear thee, he will assist, help, and deliver thee: Draw near to Him, he will draw near to thee, James iv. 8. Lazarus was poor and full of boils, and yet still he relied upon God, Abraham did hope beyond hope. Thou exceptest, these were chief men, divine spirits, Deo cari, beloved of God, especially respected; but I am a contemptible and forlorn wretch, forsaken of God, and left to the merciless fury of evil spirits. I cannot hope, pray, repent, &c. How often shall I say it? thou mayst perform all those duties, Christian offices, and be restored in good time. A sick man loseth his appetite, strength and ability, his disease prevaileth so far, that all his faculties are spent, hand and foot perform not their duties, his eyes are dim, hearing dull, tongue distastes things of pleasant relish, yet nature lies hid, recovereth again, and expelleth all those feculent matters by vomit, sweat, or some such like evacuations. Thou art spiritually sick, thine heart is heavy, thy mind distressed, thou mayst happily recover again, expel those dismal passions of fear and grief; God did not suffer thee to be tempted above measure; whom he loves (I say) he loves to the end; hope the best. David in his misery prayed to the Lord, remembering how he had formerly dealt with him; and with that meditation of God's mercy confirmed his faith, and pacified his own tumultuous heart in his greatest agony. O my soul, why art thou so disquieted within me, &c. Thy soul is eclipsed for a time, I yield, as the sun is shadowed by a cloud; no doubt but those gracious beams of God's mercy will shine upon thee again, as they have formerly done: those embers of faith, hope and repentance, now buried in ashes, will flame out afresh, and be fully revived. Want of faith, no feeling of grace for the present, are not fit directions; we must live by faith, not by feeling; 'tis the beginning of grace to wish for grace: we must expect and tarry. David, a man after God's own heart, was so troubled himself; Awake, why sleepest thou? O Lord, arise, cast me not off; wherefore hidest thou thy face, and forgettest mine affliction and oppression? My soul is bowed down to the dust. Arise, redeem us, &c., Ps. xliv. 22. He prayed long before he was heard, expectans expectavit; endured much before he was relieved. Psal. lxix. 3, he complains, I am weary of crying, and my throat is dry, mine eyes fail, whilst I wait on the Lord; and yet he perseveres. Be not dismayed, thou shalt be respected at last. God often works by contrarieties, he first kills and then makes alive, he woundeth first and then healeth, he makes man sow in tears that he may reap in joy; 'tis God's method: he that is so visited, must with patience endure and rest satisfied for the present. The paschal lamb was eaten with sour herbs; we shall feel no sweetness of His blood, till we first feel the smart of our sins. Thy pains are great, intolerable for the time; thou art destitute of grace and comfort, stay the Lord's leisure, he will not (I say) suffer thee to be tempted above that thou art able to bear, 1 Cor. x. 13. but will give an issue to temptation. He works all for the best to them that love God, Rom. viii. 28. Doubt not of thine election, it is an immutable decree; a mark never to be defaced: you have been otherwise, you may and shall be. And for your present affliction, hope the best, it will shortly end. He is present with his servants in their affliction, Ps. xci. 15. Great are the troubles of the righteous, but the Lord delivereth them out of all, Ps. xxxiv. 19. Our light affliction, which is but for a moment, worketh in us an eternal weight of glory, 2. Cor. iv. 18. Not answerable to that glory which is to come; though now in heaviness, saith 1 Pet. i. 6, you shall rejoice. Now last of all to those external impediments, terrible objects, which they hear and see many times, devils, bugbears, and mormeluches, noisome smells, &c. These may come, as I have formerly declared in my precedent discourse of the Symptoms of Melancholy, from inward causes; as a concave glass reflects solid bodies, a troubled brain for want of sleep, nutriment, and by reason of that agitation of spirits to which Hercules de Saxonia attributes all symptoms almost, may reflect and show prodigious shapes, as our vain fear and crazed phantasy shall suggest and feign, as many silly weak women and children in the dark, sick folks, and frantic for want of repast and sleep, suppose they see that they see not: many times such terriculaments may proceed from natural causes, and all other senses may be deluded. Besides, as I have said, this humour is balneum diaboli, the devil's bath, by reason of the distemper of humours, and infirm organs in us: he may so possess us inwardly to molest us, as he did Saul and others, by God's permission: he is prince of the air, and can transform himself into several shapes, delude all our senses for a time, but his power is determined, he may terrify us, but not hurt; God hath given His angels charge over us, He is a wall round about his people, Psal. xci. 11, 12. There be those that prescribe physic in such cases, 'tis God's instrument and not unfit. The devil works by mediation of humours, and mixed diseases must have mixed remedies. Levinus Lemnius cap. 57 & 58, exhort. ad vit. ep. instit. is very copious on this subject, besides that chief remedy of confidence in God, prayer, hearty repentance, &c., of which for your comfort and instruction, read Lavater de spectris part. 3. cap. 5. and 6. Wierus de praestigiis daemonum lib. 5. to Philip Melancthon, and others, and that Christian armour which Paul prescribes; he sets down certain amulets, herbs, and precious stones, which have marvellous virtues all, profligandis daemonibus, to drive away devils and their illusions. Sapphires, chrysolites, carbuncles, &c. Quae mira virtute pollent ad lemures, stryges, incubos, genios aereos arcendos, si veterum monumentis habenda fides. Of herbs, he reckons us pennyroyal, rue, mint, angelica, peony: Rich. Argentine de praestigiis daemonum, cap. 20, adds, hypericon or St. John's wort, perforata herba, which by a divine virtue drives away devils, and is therefore fuga daemonum: all which rightly used by their suffitus, Daemonum vexationibus obsistunt, afflictas mentes a daemonibus relevant, et venenatis Jiimis, expel devils themselves, and all devilish illusions. Anthony Musa, the Emperor Augustus, his physician, cap. 6, de Betonia, approves of betony to this purpose; [6812]the ancients used therefore to plant it in churchyards, because it was held to be an holy herb and good against fearful visions, did secure such places as it grew in, and sanctified those persons that carried it about them. Idem fere Mathiolus in dioscoridem. Others commend accurate music, so Saul was helped by David's harp. Fires to be made in such rooms where spirits haunt, good store of lights to be set up, odours, perfumes, and suffumigations, as the angel taught Tobias, of brimstone and bitumen, thus, myrrh, briony root, with many such simples which Wecker hath collected, lib. 15, de secretis, cap. 15. ♃ sulphuris drachmam unam, recoquatur in vitis albae, aqua, ut dilutius sit sulphur; detur aegro: nam daemones sunt morbi (saith Rich. Argentine, lib. de praestigiis daemonum, cap. ult.) Vigetus hath a far larger receipt to this purpose, which the said Wecker cites out of Wierus, ♃ sulphuris, vini, bituminis, opoponacis, galbani, castorei, &c. Why sweet perfumes, fires and so many lights should be used in such places, Ernestus Burgravius Lucerna vitae, et mortis, and Fortunius Lycetus assigns this cause, quod his boni genii provocentur, mali arceaniur; because good spirits are well pleased with, but evil abhor them! And therefore those old Gentiles, present Mahometans, and Papists have continual lamps burning in their churches all day and all night, lights at funerals and in their graves; lucernae ardentes ex auro liquefacto for many ages to endure (saith Lazius), ne daemones corpus laedant; lights ever burning as those vestal virgins. Pythonissae maintained heretofore, with many such, of which read Tostatus in 2 Reg. cap. 6. quaest. 43, Thyreus, cap. 57, 58, 62, &c. de locis infestis, Pictorius Isagog. de daemonibus, &c., see more in them. Cardan would have the party affected wink altogether in such a case, if he see aught that offends him, or cut the air with a sword in such places they walk and abide; gladiis enim et lanceis terrentur, shoot a pistol at them, for being aerial bodies (as Caelius Rhodiginus, lib. 1. cap. 29. Tertullian, Origen, Psellas, and many hold), if stroken, they feel pain. Papists commonly enjoin and apply crosses, holy water, sanctified beads, amulets, music, ringing of bells, for to that end are they consecrated, and by them baptised, characters, counterfeit relics, so many masses, peregrinations, oblations, adjurations, and what not? Alexander Albertinus a, Rocha, Petrus Thyreus, and Hieronymus Mengus, with many other pontificial writers, prescribe and set down several forms of exorcisms, as well to houses possessed with devils, as to demoniacal persons; but I am of [6813]Lemnius's mind, 'tis but damnosa adjuratio, aut potius ludificatio, a mere mockery, a counterfeit charm, to no purpose, they are fopperies and fictions, as that absurd [6814]story is amongst the rest, of a penitent woman seduced by a magician in France, at St. Bawne, exorcised by Domphius, Michaelis, and a company of circumventing friars. If any man (saith Lemnius) will attempt such a thing, without all those juggling circumstances, astrological elections of time, place, prodigious habits, fustian, big, sesquipedal words, spells, crosses, characters, which exorcists ordinarily use, let him follow the example of Peter and John, that without any ambitious swelling terms, cured a lame man. Acts iii. In the name of Christ Jesus rise and walk. His name alone is the best and only charm against all such diabolical illusions, so doth Origen advise: and so Chrysostom, Haec erit tibi baculus, haec turris inexpugnabilis, haec armatura. Nos quid ad haec dicemus, plures fortasse expectabunt, saith St. Austin. Many men will desire my counsel and opinion what is to be done in this behalf; I can say no more, quam ut vera fide, quae per dilectionem operatur, ad Deum unum fugiamus, let them fly to God alone for help. Athanasius in his book, De variis quaest. prescribes as a present charm against devils, the beginning of the lxvii. Psalm. Exurgat Deus, dissipentur inimici, &c. But the best remedy is to fly to God, to call on him, hope, pray, trust, rely on him, to commit ourselves wholly to him. What the practice of the primitive church was in this behalf, Et quis daemonia ejiciendi modus, read Wierus at large, lib. 5. de Cura. Lam. meles. cap. 38. et deinceps. Last of all: if the party affected shall certainly know this malady to have proceeded from too much fasting, meditation, precise life, contemplation of God's judgments (for the devil deceives many by such means), in that other extreme he circumvents melancholy itself, reading some books, treatises, hearing rigid preachers, &c. If he shall perceive that it hath begun first from some great loss, grievous accident, disaster, seeing others in like case, or any such terrible object, let him speedily remove the cause, which to the cure of this disease Navarras so much commends, [6815]avertat cogitationem a re scrupulosa, by all opposite means, art, and industry, let him laxare animum, by all honest recreations, refresh and recreate his distressed soul; let him direct his thoughts, by himself and other of his friends. Let him read no more such tracts or subjects, hear no more such fearful tones, avoid such companies, and by all means open himself, submit himself to the advice of good physicians and divines, which is contraventio scrupulorum, as [6816]he calls it, hear them speak to whom the Lord hath given the tongue of the learned, to be able to minister a word to him that is weary, [6817]whose words are as flagons of wine. Let him not be obstinate, headstrong, peevish, wilful, self-conceited (as in this malady they are), but give ear to good advice, be ruled and persuaded; and no doubt but such good counsel may prove as preposterous to his soul, as the angel was to Peter, that opened the iron gates, loosed his bands, brought him out of prison, and delivered him from bodily thraldom; they may ease his afflicted mind, relieve his wounded soul, and take him out of the jaws of hell itself. I can say no more, or give better advice to such as are any way distressed in this kind, than what I have given and said. Only take this for a corollary and conclusion, as thou tenderest thine own welfare in this, and all other melancholy, thy good health of body and mind, observe this short precept, give not way to solitariness and idleness. Be not solitary, be not idle. SPERATE MISERI—UNHAPPY HOPE. CAVETE FELICES—HAPPY BE CAUTIOUS. Vis a dubio liberari? vis quod incertum est evadere? Age poenitentiam dum sanus es; sic agens, dico tibi quod securus es, quod poenitentiam egisti eo tempore quo peccare potuisti. Austin. Do you wish to be freed from doubts? do you desire to escape uncertainty? Be penitent whilst rational: by so doing I assert that you are safe, because you have devoted that time to penitence in which you might have been guilty of sin.

INDEX.

Absence a cure of love-melancholy Absence over long, cause of jealousy Abstinence commended Academicorum Errata Adversity, why better than prosperity Aerial devils Affections whence they arise; how they transform us; of sleeping and waking Affection in melancholy, what Against abuses, repulse, injuries, contumely, disgraces, scoffs Against envy, livor, hatred, malice Against sorrow, vain fears, death of friends Air, how it causeth melancholy; how rectified it cureth melancholy; air in love Alkermes good against melancholy All are melancholy All beautiful parts attractive in love Aloes, his virtues Alteratives in physic, to what use; against melancholy Ambition defined, described, cause of melancholy; of heresy; hinders and spoils many matches Amiableness loves object Amorous objects causes of love-melancholy Amulets controverted, approved Amusements Anger's description, effects, how it causeth melancholy Antimony a purger of melancholy Anthony inveigled by Cleopatra Apology of love-melancholy Appetite Apples, good or bad, how Apparel and clothes, a cause of love-melancholy Aqueducts of old Arminian's tenets Arteries, what Artificial air against melancholy Artificial allurements of love Art of memory Astrological aphorisms, how available, signs or causes of melancholy Astrological signs of love Atheists described Averters of melancholy Aurum potabile censured, approved B. Baits of lovers Bald lascivious Balm good against melancholy Banishment's effects; its cure and antidote Barrenness, what grievances it causeth; a cause of jealousy Barren grounds have best air Bashfulness a symptom of melancholy; of love-melancholy; cured Baseness of birth no disparagement Baths rectified Bawds a cause of love-melancholy Beasts and birds in love Beauty's definition; described; in parts; commendation; attractive power, prerogatives, excellency, how it causeth melancholy; makes grievous wounds, irresistible; more beholding to art than nature; brittle and uncertain; censured; a cause of jealousy; beauty of God Beef a melancholy meat Beer censured Best site of a house Bezoar's stone good against melancholy Black eyes best Black spots in the nails signs of melancholy Black man a pearl in a woman's eye Blasphemy, how pardonable Blindness of lovers Bloodletting, when and how cure of melancholy; time and quantity Bloodletting and purging, how causes of melancholy Blow on the head cause of melancholy Body, how it works on the mind Body melancholy, its causes Bodily symptoms of melancholy; of love-melancholy Bodily exercises Books of all sorts Borage and bugloss, sovereign herbs against melancholy; their wines and juice most excellent Boring of the head, a cure for melancholy Brain distempered, how cause of melancholy; his parts anatomised Bread and beer, how causes of melancholy Brow and forehead, which are most pleasing Brute beasts jealous Business the best cure of love-melancholy C. Cardan's father conjured up seven devils at once; had a spirit bound to him Cards and dice censured, approved Care's effects Carp fish's nature Cataplasms and cerates for melancholy Cause of diseases Causes immediate of melancholy symptoms Causes of honest love; of heroical love; of jealousy Cautions against jealousy Centaury good against melancholy Charles the Great enforced to love basely by a philter Change of countenance, sign of love-melancholy Charity described; defects of it Character of a covetous man Charles the Sixth, king of France, mad for anger Chemical physic censured Chess-play censured Chiromantical signs of melancholy Chirurgical remedies of melancholy Choleric melancholy signs Chorus sancti Viti, a disease Circumstances increasing jealousy Cities' recreations Civil lawyers' miseries Climes and particular places, how causes of love-melancholy Clothes a mere cause of good respect Clothes causes of love-melancholy Clysters good for melancholy Coffee, a Turkey cordial drink Cold air cause of melancholy Comets above the moon Compound alteratives censured, approved; compound purgers of melancholy; compound wines for melancholy Community of wives a cure of jealousy Compliment and good carriage causes of love-melancholy Confections and conserves against melancholy Confession of his grief to a friend, a principal cure of melancholy Confidence in his physician half a cure Conjugal love best Conscience what it is Conscience troubled, a cause of despair Continual cogitation of his mistress a symptom of love-melancholy Contention, brawling, lawsuits, effects Continent or inward causes of melancholy Content above all, whence to be had Contention's cure Cookery taxed Copernicus, his hypothesis of the earth's motion Correctors of accidents in melancholy Correctors to expel windiness, and costiveness helped Cordials against melancholy Costiveness to some a cause of melancholy Costiveness helped Covetousness defined, described, how it causeth melancholy Counsel against melancholy; cure of jealousy; of despair Country recreations Crocodiles jealous Cuckolds common in all ages Cupping-glasses, cauteries how and when used to melancholy Cure of melancholy, unlawful, rejected; from God; of head-melancholy; over all the body; of hypochondriacal melancholy; of love-melancholy; of jealousy; of despair Cure of melancholy in himself; or friends Curiosity described, his effects Custom of diet, delight of appetite, how to be kept and yielded to D. Dancing, masking, mumming, censured, approved; their effects, how they cause love-melancholy; how symptoms of lovers Death foretold by spirits Death of friends cause of melancholy; other effects; how cured; death advantageous Deformity of body no misery Delirium Despair, equivocations; causes; symptoms; prognostics; cure Devils, how they cause melancholy; their, beginning, nature, conditions; feel pain, swift in motion, mortal; their orders; power; how they cause religious melancholy; how despair; devils are often in love; shall be saved, as some hold Diet what, and how causeth melancholy; quantity; diet of divers nations Diet rectified in substance; in quantity Diet a cause of love-melancholy; a cure Diet, inordinate, of parents, a cause of melancholy to their offspring Digression against all manner of discontents; digression of air; of anatomy of devils and spirits Discommodities of unequal matches Disgrace a cause of melancholy; qualified by counsel Dissimilar parts of the body Distemper of particular parts, causes of melancholy, and how Discontents, cares, miseries, causes of melancholy; how repelled and cured by good counsel Diseases why inflicted upon us; their number, definition, division; diseases of the head; diseases of the mind; more grievous than those of the body Divers accidents causing melancholy Divine sentences Divines' miseries; with the causes of their miseries Dotage what Dotage of lovers Dowry and money main causes of love-melancholy Dreams and their kinds Dreams troublesome, how to be amended Drunkards' children often melancholy Drunkenness taxed E. Earth's motion examined; compass, centre; an sit anamata. Eccentrics and epicycles exploded Education a cause of melancholy Effects of love Election misconceived, cause of despair Element of fire exploded Emulation, hatred, faction, desire of revenge, causes of melancholy; their cure Envy and malice causes of melancholy; their antidote Epicurus vindicated Epicurus's remedy for melancholy Epicures, atheists, hypocrites how mad, and melancholy Epithalamium Equivocations of melancholy; of jealousy Eunuchs why kept, and where Evacuations, how they cause melancholy Exercise if immoderate, cause of melancholy; before meals wholesome; exercise rectified; several kinds, when fit; exercises of the mind Exotic and strange simples censured Extasies Eyes main instruments of love; love's darts, seats, orators, arrows, torches; how they pierce F. Face's prerogative, a most attractive part Fairies Fasting cause of melancholy; a cure of love-melancholy; abused, the devil's instrument; effects of it Fear cause of melancholy, its effects; fear of death, destinies foretold; a symptom of melancholy; sign of love-melancholy; antidote to fear Fenny fowl, melancholy Fiery devils Fire's rage Fish, what melancholy Fish good Fishes in love Fishing and fowling, how and when good exercise Flaxen hair a great motive of love Fools often beget wise men; by love become wise Force of imagination Friends a cure of melancholy Fruits causing melancholy; allowed Fumitory purgeth melancholy G. Gaming a cause of melancholy, his effects Gardens of simples where, to what end Gardens for pleasure General toleration of religion, by whom permitted, and why Gentry, whence it came first; base without means; vices accompanying it; true gentry, whence; gentry commended Geography commended Geometry, arithmetic, algebra, commended Gesture cause of love-melancholy Gifts and promises of great force amongst lovers God's just judgment cause of melancholy; sole cause sometimes Gold good against melancholy; a most beautiful object Good counsel a charm to melancholy; good counsel for lovesick persons; against melancholy itself; for such as are jealous Great men most part dishonest Gristle what Guts described H. Hand and paps how forcible in love-melancholy Hard usage a cause of jealousy Hatred cause of melancholy Hawking and hunting why good Head melancholy's causes; symptoms; its cure Hearing, what Heat immoderate, cause of melancholy Health a treasure Heavens penetrable; infinitely swift Hell where Hellebore, white and black, purgers of melancholy; black, its virtues and history Help from friends against melancholy Hemorrhage cause of melancholy Hemorrhoids stopped cause of melancholy Herbs causing melancholy; curing melancholy Hereditary diseases Heretics their conditions; their symptoms Heroical love's pedigree, power, extent; definition, part affected; tyranny Hippocrates' jealousy Honest objects of love Hope a cure of misery; its benefits Hope and fear, the Devil's main engines to entrap the world Hops good against melancholy Horseleeches how and when used in melancholy Hot countries apt and prone to jealousy How oft 'tis fit to eat in a day How to resist passions How men fall in love Humours, what they are Hydrophobia described Hypochondriacal melancholy; its causes inward, outward; symptom; cure of it Hypochondries misaffected, causes Hypocrites described I. Idleness a main cause of melancholy; of love-melancholy; of jealousy Ignorance the mother of devotion Ignorance commended Ignorant persons still circumvented Imagination what; its force and effects Imagination of the mother affects her infant Immaterial melancholy Immortality of the soul proved; impugned by whom Impediments of lovers Importunity and opportunity cause of love-melancholy; of jealousy Imprisonment cause of melancholy Impostures of devils; of politicians; of priests Impotency a cause of jealousy Impulsive cause of man's misery Incubi and succubi Inconstancy of lovers Inconstancy a sign of melancholy Infirmities of body and mind, what grievances they cause Injuries and abuses rectified Instrumental causes of diseases Instrumental cause of man's misery Interpreters of dreams Inundation's fury Inventions resulting from love Inward causes of melancholy Inward senses described Issues when used in melancholy J. Jealousy a symptom of melancholy; defined, described; of princes; of brute beasts; causes of it; symptoms of it; prognostics; cure of it Jests how and when to be used Jews' religious symptoms Joy in excess cause of melancholy K. Kings and princes' discontents Kissing a main cause of love-melancholy; a symptom of love-melancholy L. Labour, business, cure of love-melancholy; Lapis Armenus, its virtues against melancholy Lascivious meats to be avoided Laughter, its effects Laurel a purge for melancholy Laws against adultery Leo Decimus the pope's scoffing tricks Lewellyn prince of Wales, his submission Leucata petra the cure of lovesick persons Liberty of princes and great men, how abused Libraries commended Liver its site; cause of melancholy distempers, if hot or cold Loss of liberty, servitude, imprisonment, cause of melancholy Losses in general how they offend; cause of despair; how eased Love of gaming and pleasures immoderate, cause of melancholy Love of learning, overmuch study, cause of melancholy Love's beginning, object, definition, division; love made the world; love's power; in vegetables; in sensible creatures; love's power in devils and spirits; in men; love a disease; a fire; love's passions; phrases of lovers; their vain wishes and attempts; lovers impudent; courageous; wise, valiant, free; neat in apparel; poets, musicians, dancers; love's effects; love lost revived by sight; love cannot be compelled Love and hate symptoms of religious melancholy Lycanthropia described M. Madness described; the extent of melancholy; a symptom and effect of love-melancholy Made dishes cause melancholy Magicians how they cause melancholy; how they cure it Mahometans their symptoms Maids', nuns', and widows' melancholy Man's excellency, misery Man the greatest enemy to man Many means to divert lovers; to cure them Marriage if unfortunate cause of melancholy; best cure of love-melancholy; marriage helps; miseries; benefits and commendation Mathematical studies commended Medicines select for melancholy; against wind and costiveness; for love-melancholy Melancholy in disposition, melancholy equivocations; definition, name, difference; part and parties affected in melancholy, it's affection; matter; species or kinds of melancholy; melancholy an hereditary disease; meats causing it, &c.; antecedent causes; particular parts; symptoms of it; they are passionate above measure; humorous; melancholy, adust symptoms; mixed symptoms of melancholy with other diseases; melancholy, a cause of jealousy; of despair; melancholy men why witty; why so apt to laugh, weep, sweat, blush; why they see visions, hear strange noises; why they speak untaught languages, prophesy, &c. Memory his seat Menstruus concubitus causa melanc. Men seduced by spirits in the night Metempsychosis Metals, minerals for melancholy Meteors strange, how caused Metoposcopy foreshowing melancholy Milk a melancholy meat Mind how it works on the body Minerals good against melancholy Ministers how they cause despair Mirach, mesentery, matrix, mesaraic veins, causes of melancholy Mirabolanes purgers of melancholy Mirth and mercy company excellent against melancholy; their abuses Miseries of man; how they cause melancholy; common miseries; miseries of both sorts; no man free, miseries' effects in us; sent for our good; miseries of students and scholars Mitigations of melancholy Money's prerogatives; allurement Moon inhabited; moon in love Mother how cause of melancholy Moving faculty described Music a present remedy for melancholy; its effects; a symptom of lovers; causes of love-melancholy N. Nakedness of parts a cause of love-melancholy; cure of love-melancholy Narrow streets where in use Natural melancholy signs Natural signs of love-melancholy Necessity to what it enforceth Neglect and contempt, best cures of jealousy Nemesis or punishment comes after Nerves what News most welcome Nobility censured Non-necessary causes of melancholy Nuns' melancholy Nurse, how cause of melancholy O. Objects causing melancholy to be removed Obstacles and hindrances of lovers Occasions to be avoided in love-melancholy Odoraments to smell to for melancholy Ointments, for melancholy Ointments riotously used Old folks apt to be jealous Old folks' incontinency taxed Old age a cause of melancholy; old men's sons often melancholy One love drives out another Opinions of or concerning the soul Oppression's effects Opportunity and importunity causes of love-melancholy Organical parts Overmuch joy, pride, praise, how causes of melancholy P. Palaces Paleness and leanness, symptoms of love-melancholy Papists' religious symptoms Paracelsus' defence of minerals Parents, how they wrong their children; how they cause melancholy by propagation; how by remissness and indulgence Paraenetical discourse to such as are troubled in mind Particular parts distempered, how they cause melancholy Parties affected in religious melancholy Passions and perturbations causes of melancholy; how they work on the body; their divisions; how rectified and eased Passions of lovers Patience a cure of misery Patient, his conditions that would be cured; patience, confidence, liberality, not to practise on himself; what he must do himself; reveal his grief to a friend Pennyroyal good against melancholy Perjury of lovers Persuasion a means to cure love-melancholy; other melancholy Phantasy, what Philippus Bonus, how he used a country fellow Q. Quantity of diet cause; cure of melancholy R. Rational soul Reading Scriptures good against melancholy Recreations good against melancholy Redness of the face helped Regions of the belly Relation or hearing a cause of love-melancholy Religious melancholy a distinct species its object; causes of it; symptoms; prognostics; cure; religious policy, by whom Repentance, its effects Retention and evacuation causes of melancholy; rectified to the cure Rich men's discontents and miseries; their prerogatives Riot in apparel, excess of it, a great cause of love-melancholy Rivers in love Rivals and co-rivals Roots censured Rose cross-men's or Rosicrucian's promises Philosophers censured; their errors Philters cause of love-melancholy; how they cure melancholy Phlebotomy cause of melancholy; how to be used, when, in melancholy; in head melancholy Phlegmatic melancholy signs Phrenzy's description Physician's miseries; his qualities if he be good Physic censured; commended; when to be used Physiognomical signs of melancholy Pictures good against melancholy; cause of love-melancholy Plague's effects Planets inhabited Plays more famous Pleasant palaces and gardens Pleasant objects of love Pleasing tone and voice a cause of love-melancholy Poetical cures of love-melancholy Poets why poor Poetry a symptom of lovers Politician's pranks Poor men's miseries; their happiness; they are dear to God Pope Leo Decimus, his scoffing Pork a melancholy meat Possession of devils Poverty and want causes of melancholy, their effects; no such misery to be poor Power of spirits Predestination misconstrued, a cause of despair Preparatives and purgers for melancholy Precedency, what stirs it causeth Precious stones, metals, altering melancholy Preventions to the cure of jealousy Pride and praise causes of melancholy Priests, how they cause religious melancholy Princes' discontents Prodigals, their miseries; bankrupts and spendthrifts, how punished Profitable objects of love Progress of love-melancholy exemplified Prognostics or events of love-melancholy; of despair; of jealousy; of melancholy Prospect good against melancholy Prosperity a cause of misery Protestations and deceitful promises of lovers Pseudoprophets, their pranks; their symptoms Pulse, peas, beans, cause of melancholy Pulse of melancholy men, how it is affected Pulse a sign of love-melancholy Purgers and preparatives to head melancholy Purging simples upward; downward Purging, how cause of melancholy S. Saints' aid rejected in melancholy Salads censured Sanguine melancholy signs Scholars' miseries Scilla or sea-onion, a purger of melancholy Scipio's continency Scoffs, calumnies, bitter jests, how they cause melancholy; their antidote Scorzonera, good against melancholy Scripture misconstrued, cause of religious melancholy; cure of melancholy Seasick, good physic for melancholy Self-love cause of melancholy, his effects Sensible soul and its parts Senses, why and how deluded in melancholy Sentences selected out of humane authors Servitude cause of melancholy; and imprisonment eased Several men's delights and recreations Severe tutors and guardians causes of melancholy Shame and disgrace how causes of melancholy, their effects Sickness for our good Sighs and tears symptoms of love-melancholy Sight a principal cause of love-melancholy Signs of honest love Similar parts of the body Simples censured proper to melancholy: fit to be known; purging melancholy upward; downward, purging simples Singing a symptom of lovers; cause of love-melancholy Sin the impulsive cause of man's misery Single life and virginity commended; their prerogatives Slavery of lovers Sleep and waking causes of melancholy; by what means procured, helped Small bodies have greatest wits Smelling what Smiling a cause of love-melancholy Sodomy Soldiers most part lascivious Solitariness cause of melancholy; coact, voluntary, how good; sign of melancholy Sorrow its effect; a cause of melancholy; a symptom of melancholy; eased by counsel Soul defined, its faculties; ex traduceations, as some hold Spices how causes of melancholy Spirits and devils, their nature; orders; kinds; power, &c. Spleen its site; how misaffected cause of melancholy Sports Spots in the sun Spruceness a symptom of lovers Stars, how causes or signs of melancholy; of love-melancholy; of jealousy Stepmother, her mischiefs Stews, why allowed Stomach distempered a cause of melancholy Stones like birds, beasts, fishes, &c. Strange nurses, when best Streets narrow Study overmuch cause of melancholy; why and how; study good against melancholy Subterranean devils Supernatural causes of melancholy Superstitious effects, symptoms; how it domineers Surfeiting and drunkenness taxed Suspicion and jealousy symptoms of melancholy; how caused Swallows, cuckoos, &c., where are they in winter Sweet tunes and singing causes of love-melancholy Symptoms or signs of melancholy in the body; mind; from stars, members; from education, custom, continuance of time, mixed with other diseases; symptoms of head melancholy; of hypochondriacal melancholy; of the whole body; symptoms of nuns', maids', widows' melancholy; immediate causes of melancholy symptoms; symptoms of love-melancholy; symptoms of a lover pleased; dejected; Symptoms of jealousy; of religious melancholy; of despair Synteresis Syrups T. Tale of a prebend Tarantula's stinging effects Taste what Temperament a cause of love-melancholy Tempestuous air, dark and fuliginous, how cause of melancholy Terrestrial devils Terrors and affrights cause melancholy Theologasters censured The best cure of love-melancholy is to let them, have their desire Tobacco approved, censured Toleration, religious Torments of love Transmigration of souls Travelling commended, good against melancholy; for love-melancholy especially Tutors cause melancholy U. Uncharitable men described Understanding defined, divided Unfortunate marriages' effects Unkind friends cause melancholy Unlawful cures of melancholy rejected Upstarts censured, their symptoms Urine of melancholy persons Uxorii V. Vainglory described a cause of melancholy Valour and courage caused by love Variation of the compass, where Variety of meats and dishes cause melancholy Variety of mistresses and objects a cure of melancholy Variety of weather, air, manners, countries, whence, &c. Variety of places, change of air, good against melancholy Vegetal soul and its faculties Vegetal creatures in love Veins described Venus rectified Venery a cause of melancholy Venison a melancholy meat Vices of women Violent misery continues not Violent death, event of love-melancholy; prognostic of despair; by some defended; how to be censured Virginity, by what signs to be known; commended Virtue and vice, principal habits of the will Vitex or agnus castus good against love-melancholy W. Waking cause of melancholy; a symptom; cured Walking, shooting, swimming, &c. good against melancholy

Notes

1. His elder brother was William Burton, the Leicestershire antiquary, born 24th August, 1575, educated at Sutton Coldfield, admitted commoner, or gentleman commoner, of Brazen Nose College, 1591; at the Inner Temple, 20th May, 1593; B. A. 22d June, 1594; and afterwards a barrister and reporter in the Court of Common Pleas. But his natural genius, says Wood, leading him to the studies of heraldry, genealogies, and antiquities, he became excellent in those obscure and intricate matters; and look upon him as a gentleman, was accounted, by all that knew him, to be the best of his time for those studies, as may appear by his 'Description of Leicestershire.' His weak constitution not permitting him to follow business, he retired into the country, and his greatest work, The Description of Leicestershire, was published in folio, 1623. He died at Falde, after suffering much in the civil war, 6th April, 1645, and was buried in the parish church belonging thereto, called Hanbury.

2. This is Wood's account. His will says, Nuneaton; but a passage in this work [see fol. 304,] mentions Sutton Coldfield; probably he may have been at both schools.

3. So in the Register.

4. So in the Register.

5. Originating, perhaps, in a note, p. 448, 6th edit. (p. 455 of the present), in which a book is quoted as having been printed at Paris 1624, seven years after Burton's first edition. As, however, the editions after that of 1621, are regularly marked in succession to the eighth, printed in 1676, there seems very little reason to doubt that, in the note above alluded to, either 1624 has been a misprint for 1628, or seven years for three years. The numerous typographical errata in other parts of the work strongly aid this latter supposition.

6. Haec comice dicta cave ne male capias.

7. Seneca in ludo in mortem Claudii Caesaris.

8. Lib. de Curiositate.

9. Modo haec tibi usui sint, quemvis auctorem fingito. Wecker.

10. Lib. 10, c. 12. Multa a male feriatis in Democriti nomine commenta data, nobilitatis, auctoritatisque ejus perfugio utentibus.

11. Martialis. lib. 10, epigr. 14.

12. Juv. sat. 1.

13. Auth. Pet. Besseo edit. Coloniae, 1616.

14. Hip. Epist. Dameget.

15. Laert. lib 9.

16. Hortulo sibi cellulam seligens, ibique seipsum includens, vixit solitarius.

17. Floruit Olympiade 80; 700 annis post Troiam.

18. Diacos. quod cunctis operibus facile excellit. Laert.

19. Col. lib. 1. c. 1.

20. Const. lib. de agric. passim.

21. Volucrum voces et linguas intelligere se dicit Abderitans Ep. Hip.

22. Sabellicus exempl., lib. 10. Oculis se privavit, ut melius contemplationi operam daret, sublimi vir ingenio, profundae cogitationis, &c.

23. Naturalia, moralia, mathematica, liberales disciplinas, artiumque omnium peritiam callebat.

24. Nothing in nature's power to contrive of which he has not written.

25. Veni Athenas, et nemo me novit.

26. Idem contemptui et admirationi habitus.

27. Solebat ad portam ambulare, et inde, &c. Hip. Ep. Dameg.

28. Perpetuorisu pulmonem agitare solebat Democritus. Juv. Sat. 7.

29. Non sum dignus praestare matella. Mart.

30. Christ Church in Oxford.

31. Praefat. Hist.

32. Keeper of our college library, lately revived by Otho Nicolson, Esquire.

33. Scaliger.

34. Somebody in everything, nobody in each thing.

35. In Theat.

36. Phil. Stoic. li. diff. 8. Dogma cupidis et curiosis ingeniis imprimendum, ut sit talis qui nulli rei serviat, aut exacte unum aliquid elaboret, alia negligens, ut artifices, &c.

37. Delibare gratum de quocunque cibo, et pittisare de quocunque dolio jucundum.

38. Essays, lib. 3.

39. He that is everywhere is nowhere.

40. Praefat. bibliothec.

41. Ambo fortes et fortunati, Mars idem magisterii dominus juxta primam Leovitii regulam.

42. Hensius.

43. Calide ambientes, solicite litigantes, aut misere excidentes, voces, strepitum contentiones, &c.

44. Cyp. ad Donat. Unice securus, ne excidam in foro, aut in mari Indico bonis eluam, de dote filiae, patrimonio filii non sum solicitus.

45. Not so sagacious an observer as simple a narrator.

46. Hor. Ep. lib. 1. xix., 20.

47. Per. A laughter with a petulant spleen.

48. Hor. lib. 1, sat. 9.

49. Secundum moenia locus erat frondosis populis opacus, vitibusque sponte natis, tenuis prope aqua defluebat, placide murmurans, ubi sedile et domus Democriti conspiciebatur.

50. Ipse composite considebat, super genua volumen habens, et utrinque alia patentia parata, dissectaque animalia cumulatim strata, quorum viscera rimabatur.

51. Cum mundus extra se sit, et mente captus sit, et nesciat se languere, ut medelam adhibeat.

52. Scaliger, Ep. ad Patisonem. Nihil magis lectorem invitat quam in opinatum argilinentum, neque vendibilior merx est quam petulans liber.

53. Lib. xx. c. 11. Miras sequuntur inscriptionum festivitates.

54. Praefat. Nat. Hist. Patri obstetricem parturienti filiae accersenti moram injicere possunt.

55. Anatomy of Popery, Anatomy of immortality, Angelus salas, Anatomy of Antimony, &c.

56. Cont. l. 4, c. 9. Non est cura melior quam labor.

57. Hor. De Arte Poet.

58. Non quod de novo quid addere, aut a veteribus praetermissum, sed propriae exercitationis causa.

59. Qui novit, neque id quod sentit exprimit, perinde est ac si nesciret.

60. Jovius Praef. Hist.

61. Erasmus.

62. Otium otio dolorem dolore sum solatus.

63. Observat. l. 1.

64. M. Joh. Rous, our Protobib. Oxon. M. Hopper, M. Guthridge, &c.

65. Quae illi audire et legere solent, eorum partim vidi egomet, alia gessi, quae illi literis, ego militando didici, nunc vos existimate facta an dicta pluris sint.

66. Dido Virg. Taught by that Power that pities me, I learn to pity them.

67. Camden, Ipsa elephantiasi correpta elephantiasis hospicium construxit.

68. Iliada post Homerum.

69. Nihil praetermissum quod a quovis dici possit.

70. Martialis.

71. Magis impium mortuorum lucubrationes, quam vestes furari.

72. Eccl. ult.

73. Libros Eunuchi gignunt, steriles pariunt.

74. D. King praefat. lect. Jonas, the late right reverend Lord B. of London.

75. Homines famelici gloriae ad ostentationem eruditionis undique congerunt. Buchananus.

76. Effacinati etiam laudis amore, &c. Justus Baronius.

77. Ex ruinis alienae existimationis sibi gradum ad famam struunt.

78. Exercit. 288.

79. Omnes sibi famam quaerunt et quovis modo in orbem spargi contendunt, ut novae alicujus rei habeantur auctores. Praef. biblioth.

80. Praefat. hist.

81. Plautus.

82. E Democriti puteo.

83. Non tam refertae bibliothecae quam cloacae.

84. Et quicquid cartis amicitur ineptis.

85. Epist. ad Petas. in regno Franciae omnibus scribendi datur libertas, paucis facultas.

86. Olim literae ob homines in precio, nunc sordent ob homines.

87. Ans. pac.

88. Inter tot mille volumina vix unus a cujus lectione quis melior evadat, immo potius non pejor.

89. Palingenius. What does any one, who reads such works, learn or know but dreams and trifling things.

90. Lib. 5. de Sap.

91. Sterile oportet esse ingenium quod in hoc scripturientum pruritus, &c.

92. Cardan, praef. ad Consol.

93. Hor. lib. 1, sat. 4.

94. Epist. lib. 1. Magnum poetarum proventum annus hic attulit, mense Aprili nullus fere dies quo non aliquis recitavit.

95. Idem.

96. Principibus et doctoribus deliberandum relinquo, ut arguantur auctorum furta et milies repetita tollantur, et temere scribendi libido coerceatur, aliter in infinitum progressura.

97. Onerabuntur ingenia, nemo legendis sufficit.

98. Libris obraimur, oculi legendo, manus volitando dolent. Fam. Strada Momo. Lucretius.

99. Quicquid ubique bene dictum facio meum, et illud nunc meis ad compendium, nunc ad fidem et auctoritatem alienis exprimo verbis, omnes auctores meos clientes esse arbitror, &c. Sarisburiensis ad Polycrat. prol.

100. In Epitaph. Nep. illud Cyp. hoc Lact. illud Hilar. est, ita Victorinus, in hunc modum loquutus est Arnobius, &c.

101. Praef. ad Syntax. med.

102. Until a later age and a happier lot produce something more truly grand.

103. In Luc. 10. tom. 2. Pigmei Gigantum humeris impositi plusquam ipsi Gigantes vident.

104. Nec aranearum textus ideo melior quia ex se fila gignuntur, nec noster ideo vilior, quia ex alienis libamus ut apes. Lipsius adversus dialogist.

105. Uno absurdo dato mille sequuntur.

106. Non dubito multos lectores hic fore stultos.

107. Martial, 13, 2.

108. Ut venatores feram e vestigio impresso, virum scriptiuncula. Lips.

109. Hor.

110. Hor.

111. Antwerp. fol. 1607.

112. Muretus.

113. Lipsius.

114. Hor.

115. Fieri non potest, ut quod quisque cogitat, dicat unus. Muretus.

116. Lib. 1. de ord., cap. 11.

117. Erasmus.

118. Annal. Tom. 3. ad annum 360. Est porcus ille qui sacerdotem ex amplitudine redituum sordide demeritur.

119. Erasm. dial.

120. Epist. lib. 6. Cujusque ingenium non statim emergit, nisi materiae fautor, occasio, commendatorque contingat.

121. Praef. hist.

122. Laudari a laudato laus est.

123. Vit. Persii.

124. Minuit praesentia famam.

125. Lipsius Judic. de Seneca.

126. Lib. 10. Plurirmum studii, multam rerum cognitionem, omnem studiorum materiam, &c. multa in eo probanda, multa admiranda.

127. Suet. Arena sine calce.

128. Introduct. ad Sen.

129. Judic. de Sen. Vix aliquis tam absolutus, ut alteri per omnia satisfaciat, nisi longa temporis praescripto, semota judicandi libertate, religione quidam animos occuparis.

130. Hor. Ep. 1, lib. 19.

131. Aeque turpe frigide laudari ac insectanter vituperari. Phavorinus A. Gel. lib. 19, cap. 2.

132. Ovid, trist. 11. eleg 6.

133. Juven. sat. 5.

134. Aut artis inscii aut quaestui magis quam literis student. hab. Cantab. et Lond. Excus. 1976.

135. Ovid. de pont. Eleg. l. 6.

136. Hor.

137. Tom. 3. Philopseud. accepto pessulo, quum carmen quoddam dixisset, effecit ut ambularet, aquam hauriret, urnam pararet, &c.

138. Eusebius, eccles. hist. lib. 6.

139. Stans pede in uno, as he made verses.

140. Virg.

141. Non eadem a summo expectes, minimoque poeta.

142. Stylus hic nullus, praeter parrhesiam.

143. Qui rebus se exercet, verba negligit, et qui callet artem dicendi, nullam disciplinam habet recognitam.

144. Palingenius. Words may be resplendent with ornament, but they contain no marrow within.

145. Cujuscunque orationem vides politam et sollicitam, scito animum in pusilis occupatum, in scriptis nil solidum. Epist. lib. 1. 21.

146. Philostratus, lib. 8. vit. Apol. Negligebat oratoriam facultatem, et penitus aspernabatur ejus professores, quod linguam duntaxat, non autem mentem redderent eruditiorem.

147. Hic enim, quod Seneca de Ponto, bos herbam, ciconia larisam, canis leporem, virgo florem legat.

148. Pet. Nannius not. in Hor.

149. Non hic colonus domicilium habeo, sed topiarii in morem, hinc inde florem vellico, ut canis Nilum lambens.

150. Supra bis mille notabiles errores Laurentii demonstravi, &c.

151. Philo de Con.

152. Virg.

153. Frambesarius, Sennertus, Ferandus, &c.

154. Ter. Adelph.

155. Heaut. Act 1. scen. 1.

156. Gellius. lib. 18, cap. 3.

157. Et inde catena quaedam fit, quae haeredes etiam ligat. Cardan. Hensius.

158. Malle se bellum cum magno principe gerere, quam cum uno ex fratrum mendicantium ordine.

159. Hor. epod. lib. od. 7.

160. Epist. 86, ad Casulam presb.

161. Lib. 12, cap. 1. Mutos nasci, et omni scientia egere satius fuisset, quam sic in propriam perniciem insanire.

162. But it would be better not to write, for silence is the safer course.

163. Infelix mortalitas inutilibus quaestionibus ac disceptationibus vitam traducimus, naturae principes thesauros, in quibus gravissimae morborum medicinae collocatae sunt, interim intactos relinquimus. Nec ipsi solum relinquimus, sed et allos prohibemus, impedimus, condemnamus, ludibriisque afficimus.

164. Quod in praxi minime fortunatus esset, medicinam reliquit, et ordinibus initiatus in Theologia postmodum scripsit. Gesner Bibliotheca.

165. P. Jovius.

166. M. W. Burton, preface to his description of Leicestershire, printed at London by W. Jaggard, for J. White, 1622.

167. In Hygiasticon, neque enim haec tractatio aliena videri debet a theologo, &c. agitur de morbo animae.

168. D. Clayton in comitiis, anno 1621.

169. Hor.

170. Lib. de pestil.

171. In Newark in Nottinghamshire. Cum duo edificasset castella, ad tollendam structionis invidiam, et expiandam maculam, duo instituit caenobia, et collegis relgiosis implevit.

172. Ferdinando de Quir. anno 1612. Amsterdami impress.

173. Praefat. ad Characteres: Spero enim (O Policles) libros nostros meliores inde futuros, quod istiusmodi memoriae mandata reliquerimus, ex preceptis et exemplis nostris ad vitam accommodatis, ut se inde corrigant.

174. Part 1. sect. 3.

175. praef. lectori.

176. Ep. 2. 1. 2. ad Donatum. Paulisper te crede subduci in ardui montis verticem celsiorem, speculare inde rerum jacentium facies, et oculis in diversa porrectis, fluctuantis mundi turbines intuere, jam simul aut ridebis aut misereberis, &c.

177. Controv. l. 2. cont. 7. et l. 6. cont.

178. Horatius.

179. Idem, Hor. l. 2. Satyra 3. Damasipus Stoicus probat omnes stultos insanire.

180. Tom. 2. sympos. lib. 5. c. 6. Animi affectiones, si diutius inhaereant, pravos generant habitus.

181. Lib. 28, cap. 1. Synt. art. mir. Morbus nihil est aliud quam dissolutio quaedam ac perturbatio foederis in corpore existentis, sicut et sanitas est consentientis bene corporis consummatio quaedam.

182. Lib. 9. Geogr. Plures olim gentes navigabant illuc sanitatis causa.

183. Eccles. i. 24.

184. Jure haereditario sapere jubentur. Euphormio Satyr.

185. Apud quos virtus, insania et furor esse dicitur.

186. Calcagninus Apol. omnes mirabantur, putantes illisam iri stultitiam. Sed praeter expectationem res evenit, Audax stultitia in eam irruit, &c. illa cedit irrisa, et plures hinc habet sectatores stultitia.

187. Non est respondendum stulto secundum stultitiam.

188. 2 Reg. 7.

189. Lib. 10. ep. 97.

190. Aug. ep. 178.

191. Quis nisi mentis inops, &c.

192. Quid insanius quam pro momentanea felicitate aeternis te mancipare suppliciis?

193. In fine Phaedonis. Hic finis fuit amici nostri o Eucrates, nostro quidem judicio omnium quos experti sumus optimi et apprime sapientissimi, et justissimi.

194. Xenop. l. 4. de dictis Socratis ad finem, talis fuit Socrates quem omnium optimum et felicissimum statuam.

195. Lib. 25. Platonis Convivio.

196. Lucretius.

197. Anaxagoras olim mens dictus ab antiquis.

198. Regula naturae, naturae miraculum, ipsa eruditio daemonium hominis, sol scientiarum, mare, sophia, antistes literarum et sapientiae, ut Scioppius olim de Scal, et Heinsius. Aquila In nubibus Imperator literatorum, columen literarum, abyssus eruditionis, ocellus Europae, Scaliger.

199. Lib. 3. de sap c. 17. et 20. omnes Philosophi, aut stulti, aut insani; nulla anus nullus aeger ineptius deliravit.

200. Democritus a Leucippo doctus, haeridatem stultitiae reliquit Epic.

201. Hor. car. lib. 1. od. 34. 1. epicur.

202. Nihil interest inter hos et bestias nisi quod loquantur. de sa. l. 26. c. 8.

203. Cap. de virt.

204. Neb. et Ranis.

205. Omnium disciplinarum ignarus.

206. Omnium disciplinarum ignarus.

207. Pulchrorum adolescentum causa frequentur gymnasium, obibat, &c.

208. Seneca. Seis rotunda metiri, sed non tuum animum.

209. Ab uberibus sapientia lactati caecutire non possunt.

210. Cor Xenodoti et jecur Cratetis.

211. Lib. de nat. boni.

212. Hic profundissimae Sophiae fodinae.

213. Panegyr. Trajano omnes actiones exprobrare stultitiam videntur.

214. Ser. 4. in domi Pal. Mundus qui ob antiquitatem deberet esse sapiens, semper stultizat, et nullis flagellis alteratur, sed ut puer vult rosis et floribus coronari.

215. Insanum te omnes pueri, clamantque puellae. Hor.

216. Plautus Aubular.

217. Adelph. act. 5. scen. 8.

218. Tully Tusc. 5. fortune, not wisdom, governs our lives.

219. Plato Apologia Socratis.

220. Ant. Dial.

221. Lib. 3. de sap. pauci ut video sanae mentis sunt.

222. Stulte et incaute omnia agi video.

223. Insania non omnibus eadem, Erasm. chil. 3. cent. 10. nemo mortalium qui non aliqua in re desipit, licet alius alio morbo laboret, hic libidinis, ille avaritiae, ambitionis, invidiae.

224. Hor. l. 2. sat. 3.

225. Lib. 1. de aulico. Est in unoquoque nostrum seminarium aliquod stultitiae, quod si quando excitetur, in infinitum facile excrescit.

226. Primaque lux vitae prima juroris erat.

227. Tibullus, stulti praetereunt dies, their wits are a wool-gathering. So fools commonly dote.

228. Dial. contemplantes, Tom: 2.

229. Catullus.

230. Sub ramosa platano sedentem, solum, discalceatum, super lapidem, valde pallidum ac macilentum, promissa barba, librum super genibus habentem.

231. De furore, mania melancholia scribo, ut sciam quo pacto in hominibus gignatur, fiat, crescat, cumuletur, minuatur; haec inquit animalia quae vides propterea seco, non Dei opera perosus, sed fellis bilisque naturam disquirens.

232. Aust. l. 1. in Gen. Jumenti & servi tui obsequium rigide postulas, et tu nullum praestas aliis, nec ipsi Deo.

233. Uxores ducunt, mox foras ejiciunt.

234. Pueros amant, mox fastidiunt.

235. Quid hoc ab insania deest?

236. Reges eligunt, deponunt.

237. Contra parentes, fratres, cives, perpetuo rixantur, et inimicitias agunt.

238. Idola inanimata amant, animata odio habent, sic pontificii.

239. Credo equidem vivos ducent e marmore vultus.

240. Suam stultitiam perspicit nemo, sed alter alterum deridet.

241. Denique sit finis querendi, cumque habeas plus, pauperiem metuas minis, et finire laborem incipias, partis quod avebas, utere Hor.

242. Astutam vapido servat sub pectore vulpem. Et cum vulpo positus pariter vulpinarier. Cretizan dum cum Crete.

243. Qui fit Mecaenas ut nemo quam sibi sortem. Seu ratio dederit, seu sors objecerit, illa contentus vivat, &c. Hor.

244. Diruit, aedificat, mutat quadrata rotundis. Trajanus pontem struxit super Danubium, quem successor ejus Adrianus statim demolitus.

245. Qua quid in re ab infantibus differunt, quibus mens et sensus sine ratione inest, quicquid sese his offert volupe est.

246. Idem Plut.

247. Ut insaniae causam disquiram bruta macto et seco, cum hoc potius in hominibus investigandum esset.

248. Totus a nativitate morbus est.

249. In vigore furibundus, quum decrescit insanabilis.

250. Cyprian. ad Donatum. Qui sedet crimina judicaturus, &c.

251. Tu pessimus omnium latro es, as a thief told Alexander in Curtius. Damnat foras judex, quod intus operatur, Cyprian.

252. Vultus magna cura, magna animi incuria. Am. Marcel.

253. Horrenda res est, vix duo verba sine mendacio proferuntur: et quamvis solenniter homines ad veritatem dicendum invitentur, pejerare tamen non dubitant, ut ex decem testibus vix unus verum dicat. Calv. in 8 John, Serm 1.

254. Sapientiam insaniam esse dicunt.

255. Siquidem sapientiae suae admiratione me complevit, offendi sapientissimum virum, qui salvos potest omnes homines reddere.

256. E. Graec. epig.

257. Plures Democriti nunc non sufficiunt, opus Democrito qui Democritum rideat. Eras Moria.

258. Polycrat. lib. 3. cap. 8. e Petron.

259. Ubi omnes delirabant, omnes insani, &c. hodie nauta, cras philosophus; hodie faber, cras pharmacopola; hic modo regem agebat multo sattellitio, tiara, et sceptro ornatus, nunc vili amictus centiculo, asinum elitellarium impellit.

260. Calcagninus Apol. Crysalus e caeteris auro dives, manicato pepio et tiara conspicuus, levis alioquin et nullius consilii, &c. magno fastu ingredienti assurgunt dii, &c.

261. Sed hominis levitatem Jupiter perspiciens, at tu (iniquit) esto bombilio, &c. protinusque vestis illa manicata in alas versa est, et mortales inde Chrysalides vocant hujusmodi homines.

262. You will meet covetous fools and prodigal sycophants everywhere.

263. Juven.

264. Juven.

265. De bello Jud. l. 8. c. 11. Iniquitates vestrae neminem latent, inque dies singulos certamen habetis quis pejor sit.

266. Hor.

267. Lib. 5. Epist. 8.

268. Hor.

269. Superstitio est insanus error.

270. Lib. 8. hist. Belg.

271. Lucan.

272. Father Angelo, the Duke of Joyeux, going barefoot over the Alps to Rome, &c.

273. Si cui intueri vacet quae patiuntur superstitiosi, invenies tam indecora honestis, tam indigna liberis, tam dissimilia sanis, ut nemo fuerit dubitaturus furere eos, si cum paucioribus fuerent. Senec.

274. Quid dicam de eorum indulgentiis, oblationibus, votis, solutionibus, jejuniis, coenobiis, somniis, horis, organis, cantilenis, campanis, simulachris, missis, purgatoriis, mitris, breviariis, bullis, lustralibus, aquis, rasuris, unctionibus, candelis, calicibus, crucibus, mappis, cereis, thuribulis, incantationibus, exorcismis, sputis, legendis, &c. Baleus de actis Rom. Pont.

275. Pleasing spectacles to the ignorant poor.

276. Th. Neageor.

277. Dum simulant spernere, acquisiverunt sibi 30 annorum spatio bis centena millia librarum annua. Arnold.

278. Et quum interdiu de virtute loquuti sunt, sero in latibulis clunes agitant labore nocturno, Agryppa.

279. 1 Tim. iii. 13. But they shall prevail no longer, their madness shall be known to all men.

280. Benignitatis sinus solebat esse, nunc litium officina curia Romana Budaeus.

281. Quid tibi videtur facturus Democritus, si horum spectator contigisset?

282. Ob inanes ditionum titulos, ob prereptum locum, ob interceptam mulierculam, vel quod e stultitia natum, vel e malitia, quod cupido dominandi, libido nocendi, &c.

283. Bellum rem plane bellui nam vocat Morus. Utop. lib. 2.

284. Munster. Cosmog. l. 5, c. 3. E. Dict. Cretens.

285. Jovius vit. ejus.

286. Comineus.

287. Lib. 3.

288. Hist. of the siege of Ostend, fol. 23.

289. Erasmus de bello. Ut placidum illud animal benevoletiae natum tam ferina vecordia in mutuam rueret perniciem.

290. Rich. Dinoth. praefat. Belli civilis Gal.

291. Jovius.

292. Dolus, asperitas, in justitia propria bellorum negotia. Tertul.

293. Trully.

294. Lucan.

295. Pater in filium, affinis in affinem, amicus in amicum, &c. Regio cum regione, regnum regno colliditur. Populus populo in mutuam perniciem, belluarum instar sanguinolente ruentium.

296. Libanii declam.

297. Ira enim et furor Bellonae consultores, &c. dementes sacerdotes sunt.

298. Bellum quasi bellua et ad omnia scelera furor immissus.

299. Gallorum decies centum millia ceciderunt. Ecclesiaris 20 millia fundamentis excisa.

300. Belli civilis Gal. l. 1. hoc ferali bello et caedibus omnia repleverunt, et regnum amplissimum a fundamentis pene everterunt, plebis tot myriades gladio, bello, fame miserabiliter perierunt.

301. Pont. Huterus.

302. Comineus. Ut nullus non execretur et admiretur crudelitatem, et barbaram insaniam, quae inter homines eodem sub caelo natos, ejusdem linguae, sanguinis, religionis, exercebator.

303. Lucan.

304. Virg.

305. Bishop of Cuseo, an eyewitness.

306. Read Meteran of his stupend cruelties.

307. Hensius Austriaco.

308. Virg. Georg. impious war rages throughout the whole world

309. Jansenius Gallobelgicus 1596. Mundus furiosus, inscriptio libri.

310. Exercitat. 250. serm. 4.

311. Fleat Heraclitus an rideat Democritus.

312. Curae leves loquuntur, ingentes stupent.

313. Arma amens capio, nec sat rationis in armis.

314. Erasmus.

315. Pro Murena. Omnes urbanae res, omnia studia, omnis forensis laus et industria latet in tutela et praecidio bellicae virtutis, et simul atque increpuit suspicio tumultus, artes illico nostrae conticescunt.

316. Ser. 13.

317. Crudelissimos saevissimosque latrones, fortissimos haberi propugnatores, fidissimos duces habent, bruta persuasione donati.

318. Eobanus Hessus. Quibus omnis in armis vita placet, non ulla juvat nisi morte, nec ullam esse putant vitam, quae non assueverit armis.

319. Lib. 10. vit. Scanperbeg.

320. Nulli beatiores habiti, quam qui in praelus cecidissent. Brisonius de rep. Persarum. l. 3. fol. 3. 44. Idem Lactantius de Romanis et Graecis. Idem Ammianus, lib. 23. de Parthis. Judicatur is solus beatus apud eos, qui in praelio fuderit animam. De Benef. lib. 2. c. 1.

321. Nat. quaest. lib. 3.

322. Boterus Amphitridion. Busbequius Turc. hist. Per caedes et sanguinem parare hominibus ascensum in coelum putant, Lactan. de falsa relig. l. 1. cap. 8.

323. Quoniam bella acerbissima dei flagella sunt quibus hominum pertinaciam punit, ea perpetua oblivione sepelienda potius quam memoriae mandanda plerique judicant. Rich. Dinoth. praef. hist. Gall.

324. Cruentam humani generis pestem, et perniciem divinitatis nota insigniunt.

325. Et quod dolendum, applausum habent et occursum viri tales.

326. Herculi eadem porta ad coelum patuit, qui magnam generis humani partem perdidit.

327. Virg. Aeneid. 7.

328. Hominicidium quum committunt singuli, crimen est, quum publice geritur, virtus vocatur. Cyprianus.

329. Seneca. Successful vice is called virtue.

330. Juven.

331. De vanit. scient. de princip. nobilitatis.

332. Juven. Sat. 4.

333. Pausa rapit, quod Natta reliquit. Tu pessimus omnium latro es, as Demetrius the Pirate told Alexander in Curtius.

334. Non ausi mutire, &c. Aesop.

335. Improbum et stultum, si divitem multos bonos viros in servitutem habentem, ob id duntaxat quod ei contingat aureorum numismatum cumulus, ut appendices, et additamenta numismatum. Morus Utopia.

336. Eorumque detestantur Utopienses insaniam, qui divinos honores iis impendunt, quos sordidos et avaros agnoscunt; non alio respectu honorantes, quam quod dites sint. Idem. lib. 2.

337. Cyp. 2 ad Donat. ep. Ut reus innocens pereat, sit nocens. Judex damnat foras, quod intus operatur.

338. Sidonius Apo.

339. Salvianus l. 3. de providen.

340. Ergo judicium nihil est nisi publica merces. Petronius. Quid faciant leges ubi sola pecunia regnat? Idem.

341. Hic arcentur haerediatatibus liberi, hic donatur bonis alienis, falsum consulit, alter testamentum corrumpit, &c. Idem.

342. Vexat censura columbas.

343. Plaut. mostel.

344. Idem.

345. Juven. Sat. 4.

346. Quod tot sint fures et mendici, magistratuum culpa fit, qui malos imitantur praeceptores, qui discipulos libentius verberant quam docunt. Morus, Utop. lib. 1.

347. Decernuntur furi gravia et horrenda supplicia, quum potius providendum multo foret ne fures sint, ne cuiquam tam dira furandi aut pereundi sit necessitas. Idem.

348. Boterus de augment. urb lib. 3. cap. 3.

349. E fraterno corde sanguinem eliciunt.

350. Milvus rapit ac deglubit.

351. Petronius de Crotone civit.

352. Quid forum? locus quo alius alium circumvenit.

353. Vastum chaos, larvarum emporium, theatrum hypocrisios, &c.

354. Nemo coelum, nemo jusjurandum, nemo Jovem pluris facit, sed omnes apertis oculis bona sua computant. Petron.

355. Plutarch, vit. ejus. Indecorum animatis ut calceis uti aut vitris, quae ubi fracta abjicimus, nam ut de meipso dicam, nec bovem senem vendideram, nedum hominem natu grandem laboris socium.

356. Jovius. Cum innumera illius beneficia rependere non posset aliter, interfici jussit.

357. Beneficia eo usque lata sunt dum videntur solvi posse, ubi multum, antevenere pro gratia odium redditur. Tac.

358. Paucis charior est fides quam pecunia. Salust.

359. Prima fere vota et cunctis, &c.

360. Et genus et formam regina pecunia donat. Quantum quisque sua nummorum servat in arca, tantum habet et fidei.

361. Non a peritia sed ab ornatu et vulgi vocibus habemur excellentes. Cardan. l. 2. de cons.

362. Perjurata suo postponit numina lucro, Mercator. Ut necessarium sit vel Deo displicere, vel ab hominibus contemni, vexari, negligi.

363. Qui Curios simulant et Bacchanalia vivunt.

364. Tragelapho similes vel centauris, sursum homines, deorsum equi.

365. Praeceptis suis coelum promittunt, ipsi interim pulveris terreni vilia mancipia.

366. Aeneas Silv.

367. Arridere homines ut saeviant, blandiri ut fallant. Cyp. ad Donatum.

368. Love and hate are like the two ends of a perspective glass, the one multiplies, the other makes less.

369. Ministri locupletiores iis quibus ministratur, servus majores opes habens quam patronus.

370. Qui terram colunt equi paleis pascuntur, qui otiantur caballi avena saginantur, discalceatus discurrit qui calces aliis facit.

371. Juven. Do you laugh? he is shaken by still greater laughter; he weeps also when he has beheld the tears of his friend.

372. Bodin, lib. 4. de repub. cap. 6.

373. Plinius l. 37. cap. 3. capillos habuit succineos, exinde factum ut omnes puellae Romanae colorem illum affectarent.

374. Odit damnatos. Juv.

375. Agrippa ep. 38. l. 7. Quorum cerebrum est in ventre, ingenium in patinis.

376. Psal. They eat up my people as bread.

377. Absumit haeres caecuba lignior servata centum clavibus, et mero distinguet pavimentis superbo, pontificum potiore coenis. Hor.

378. Qui Thaidem pingere, inflare tibiam, crispare crines.

379. Doctus spectare lacunar.

380. Tullius. Est enim proprium stultitiae aliorum cernere vitia, oblivisci suorum. Idem Aristippus Charidemo apud Lucianum Omnino stultitiae cujusdam esse puto, &c.

381. Execrari publice quod occulte agat. Salvianus lib. de pro. acres ulciscendis vitiis quibus ipsi vehementer indulgent.

382. Adamus eccl. hist. cap. 212. Siquis damnatus fuerit, laetus esse gloria est; nam lachrymas et planctum caeteraque compunctionum genera quae nos salubria censemus, ita abominantur Dani, ut nec pro peccatis nec pro defunctis amicis ulli fiere liceat.

383. Orbi dat leges foras, vix famulum regit sine strepitu domi.

384. Quicquid ego volo hoc vult mater mea, et quod mater vult, facit pater.

385. Oves, olim mite pecus, nunc tam indomitum et edax ut homines devorent, &c. Morus. Utop. lib. 1.

386. Diversos variis tribuit natura furores.

387. Democrit. ep. praed. Hos. dejerantes et potantes deprehendet, hos vomentes, illos litigantes, insidias molientes, suffragantes, venena miscentes, in amicorum accusationem subscribentes, hos gloria, illos ambitione, cupiditate, mente captos, &c.

388. Ad Donat. ep. 2. l. 1. O si posses in specula sublimi constitutus, &c.

389. Lib. 1. de nup. Philol. in qua quid singuli nationum populi quotidianis motibus agitarent, relucebat.

390. O Jupiter contingat mihi aurum haereditas, &c. Multos da Jupiter annos, Dementia quanta est hominum, turpissima vota diis insusurrant, si quis admoverit aurem, conticescunt; et quod scire homines nolunt, Deo narrant. Senec. ep. 10. l. 1.

391. Plautus Menech. non potest haec res Hellebori jugere obtinerier.

392. Eoque gravior morbus quo ignotior periclitanti.

393. Quae laedunt oculos, festinas demere; si quid est animum, differs curandi tempus in annum. Hor.

394. Si caput, crus dolet, brachium, &c. Medicum accersimus, recte et honeste, si par etiam industria in animi morbis poneretur. Joh. Pelenus Jesuita. lib. 2. de hum. affec. morborumque cura.

395. Et quotusquisque tamen est qui contra tot pestes medicum requirat vel aegrotare se agnoscat? ebullit ira, &c. Et nos tamen aegros esse negamus. Incolumes medicum recusant. Praesens aetas stultitiam priscis exprobrat. Bud. de affec. lib. 5.

396. Senes pro stultis habent juvenes. Balth. Cast.

397. Clodius accusat maechos.

398. Omnium stultissimi qui auriculas studiose tegunt. Sat. Menip.

399. Hor. Epist. 2.

400. Prosper.

401. Statim sapiunt, statim sciunt, neminem reverentur, neminem imitantur, ipsi sibi exemplo. Plin. Epist. lib. 8.

402. Nulli alteri sapere concedit ne desipere videatur. Agrip.

403. Omnis orbis persechio a persis ad Lusitaniam.

404. 2 Florid.

405. August. Qualis in oculis hominum qui inversis pedibus ambulat, talis in oculis sapientum et angelorum qui sibi placet, aut cui passiones dominantur.

406. Plautus Menechmi.

407. Governor of Asnich by Caesar's appointment.

408. Nunc sanitatis patrocinium est insanientium turba. Sen.

409. Pro Roseio Amerino, et quod inter omnes constat insanissimus, nisi inter eos, qui ipsi quoque insaniunt.

410. Necesse est cum insanientibus furere, nisi solus relinqueris. Petronius.

411. Quoniam non est genus unum stultitiae qua me insanire putas.

412. Stultum me fateor, liceat concedere verum, Atque etiam insanum. Hor.

413. Odi nec possum cupiens nec esse quod odi. Ovid. Errore grato libenter omnes insanimus.

414. Amator scortum vitae praeponit, iracundus vindictam; fur praedam, parasitus gulam, ambitiosus honores, avarus opes, &c. odimus haec et accercimus. Cardan. l. 2. de conso.

415. Prov. xxvi. 11.

416. Although you call out, and confound the sea and sky, you still address a deaf man.

417. Plutarch. Gryllo. suilli homines sic Clem. Alex. vo.

418. Non persuadebis, etiamsi persuaseris.

419. Tully.

420. Malo cum illis insanire, quam cum aliis bene sentire.

421. Qui inter hos enutriuntur, non magis sapere possunt, quam qui in culina bene olere. Patron.

422. Persius.

423. Hor. 2. ser. which of these is the more mad.

424. Vesanum exagitant pueri, innuptaeque puellae.

425. Plautus.

426. Hor. l. 2. sat. 2. Superbam stultitiam Plinus vocat. 7. epist. 21. quod semel dixi, fixum ratumque sit.

427. 19 Multi sapientes proculdubio fuissent, si se non putassent ad sapientiae summum pervenisse.

428. Idem.

429. Plutarchus Solone. Detur sapientiori.

430. Tam praesentibus plena est numinibus, ut facilius possis Deum quam hominem invenire.

431. Pulchrum bis dicere non nocet.

432. Malefactors.

433. Who can find a faithful man? Prov. xx. 6.

434. In Psal. xlix. Qui momentanea sempiternis, qui delapidat heri absentis bona, mox in jus vocandus et damnandus.

435. Perquam ridiculum est homines ex animi sententia vivere, et quae Diis ingrata sunt exequi, et tamen a solis Diis vella solvos fieri, quum propriae salutis curam abjecerint. Theod. c. 6. de provid. lib. de curat. graec. affect.

436. Sapiens sibi qui imperiosus, &c. Hor. 2. ser. 7.

437. Conclus. lib. de vie. offer, certum est animi morbis laborantes pro mortuis consendos.

438. Lib. de sap. Ubi timor adest, sapientia adesse nequit.

439. He who is desirous is also fearful, and he who lives in fear never can be free.

440. Quid insanius Xerxe Hellespontum verberante, &c.

441. Eccl. xxi. 12. Where is bitterness, there is no understanding. Prov. xii. 16. An angry man is a fool.

442. B Tusc. Injuria in sapientem non cadit.

443. Hom. 6. in 2 Epist. ad Cor. Hominem te agnoscere nequeo, cum tanquam asinus recalcitres, lascivias ut taurus, hinnias ut equus post mulieres, ut ursus ventri indulgeas, quum rapias ut lupus, &c. at inquis formam hominis habeo, Id magis terret, quum feram humana specie videre me putem.

444. Epist. lib. 2. 13. Stultus semper incipit vivere, foeda hominum levitas, nova quotidie fundamenta vitae ponere, novas spes, &c.

445. De curial. miser. Stultus, qui quaerit quod nequit invenire, stultus qui quaerit quod nocet inventum, stultus qui cum plures habet calles, deteriorem deligit. Mihi videntur omnes deliri, amentes, &c.

446. Ep. Demagete.

447. Amicis nostris Rhodi dicito, ne nimium rideant, aut nimium tristes sint.

448. Per multum risum poteris cognoscere stultum. Offic. 3. c. 9.

449. Sapientes liberi, stulti servi, libertas est potestas, &c.

450. Hor. 2. ser. 7.

451. Juven. Good people are scarce.

452. Hypocrit.

453. Ut mulier aulica nullius pudens.

454. Epist. 33. Quando fatuo delectari volo, non est longe quaerendus, me video.

455. Primo contradicentium.

456. Lib. de causis corrupt. artium.

457. Actione ad subtil. in Scal. fol. 1226.

458. Lib. 1. de sap.

459. Vide miser homo, quia totum est vanitas, totum stultitia, totum dementia, quicquid facis in hoc mundo, praeter hoc solum quod propter Deum facis. Ser. de miser, hom.

460. In 2 Platonis dial. 1. de justo.

461. Dum iram et odium in Deo revera ponit.

462. Virg. 1. Eccl. 3.

463. Ps. inebriabuntur ab ubertate domus.

464. In Psal. civ. Austin.

465. In Platonis Tim. sacerdos Aegyptius.

466. Hor. vulgis insanum.

467. Patet ea diviso probabilis, &c. ex. Arist. Top. ib. l. c. 8. Rog. Bac. Epist. de secret. art. et nat. c. 8. non est judicium in vulgo.

468. De occult. Philosop. l. 1. c. 25 et 19. ejusd. l. Lib. 10. cap. 4.

469. See Lipsius epist.

470. De politai illustrium lib. 1. cap. 4. ut in humanis corporibus variae accidunt mutationes corporis, animique, sic in republica, &c.

471. Ubi reges philosophantur, Plato.

472. Lib. de re rust.

473. Vel publicam utilitatem: salus publica suprema lex esto. Beata civitas non ubi pauci beati, sed tota civitas beata. Plato quarto de republica.

474. Mantua vae miserae nimium vicina Cremonae.

475. Interdum a feris, ut olim Mauritania, &c.

476. Deliciis Hispaniae anno 1604. Nemo malus, nemo pauper, optimus quisque aetque ditissimus. Pie, sancteque vivebant summaque cum veneratione, et timore divino cultui, sacrisque rebus incumbebant.

477. Polit. l. 5. c. 3.

478. Boterus Polit. lib. 1. c. 1. Cum nempe princeps rerum gerendarum imperitus, segnis, oscitans, suique muneris immemor, aut fatuus est.

479. Non viget respublica cujus caput infirmatur. Salisburiensis, c. 22.

480. See Dr. Fletcher's relation, and Alexander Gaeninus' history.

481. Abundans omni divitiarum affluentia incolarum multitudine splendore ac potentia.

482. Not above 200 miles in length, 60 in breadth, according to Adricomius.

483. Romulus Amascus.

484. Sabellicus. Si quis incola vetus, non agnosceret, si quis peregrinus ingemisceret.

485. Polit. l. 5. c. 6. Crudelitas principum, impunitas scelerum, violatio legum, peculatus pecuniae publicae, etc.

486. Epist.

487. De increm. urb. cap. 20. subditi miseri, rebelles, desperati, &c.

488. R. Darlington. 1596. conclusio libri.

489. Boterus l. 9. c. 4. Polit. Quo fit ut aut rebus desperatis exulent, aut conjuratione subditorum crudelissime tandem trucidentur.

490. Mutuis odiis et caedibus exhausti, &c.

491. Lucra ex malis, scelerastisque causis.

492. Salust.

493. For most part we mistake the name of Politicians, accounting such as read Machiavel and Tacitus, great statesmen, that can dispute of political precepts, supplant and overthrow their adversaries, enrich themselves, get honours, dissemble; but what is this to the bene esse, or preservation of a Commonwealth?

494. Imperium suapte sponte corruit.

495. Apul. Prim. Flor. Ex innumerabilibus, pauci Senatores genere nobiles, e consularibus pauci boni, e bonis adhuc pauci eruditi.

496. Non solum vitia concipiunt ipsi principes, sed etiam infundunt in civitatem, plusque exemplo quam peccato nocent. Cic. l. de legibus.

497. Epist. ad Zen. Juven. Sat. 4. Paupertas seditionem gignit et maleficium, Arist. Pol. 2. c. 7.

498. Vicious domestic examples operate more quickly upon us when suggested to our minds by high authorities.

499. Salust. Semper in civitate quibus opes nullae sunt bonis invident, vetera odere, nova exoptant, odio suarum rerum mutari omnia petunt.

500. De legibus. profligatae in repub. disciplinae est indicium jurisperitorum numerus, et medicorum copia.

501. In praef. stud. juris. Multiplicantur nunc in terris ut locustae non patriae parentes, sed pestes, pessimi homines, majore ex parta superciliosi, contentiosi, &c. licitum latrocinium exercent.

502. Dousa epid. loquieleia turba, vultures togati.

503. Barc. Argen.

504. Juris consulti domus oraculum civitatis. Tully.

505. Lib. 3.

506. Lib. 3.

507. Lib. 1. de rep. Gallorum, incredibilem reipub. perniciem afferunt.

508. Polycrat. lib.

509. Is stipe contentus, et hi asses integros sibi multiplicari jubent.

510. Plus accipiunt tacere, quam nos loqui.

511. Totius injustitiae nulla capitalior, quam eorum qui cum maxime decipiunt, id agunt, ut boni viri esse videantur.

512. Nam quocunque modo causa procedat, hoc semper agitur, ut loculi impleantur, etsi avaritia nequit satiari.

513. Camden in Norfolk: qui si nihil sit litium e juris apicibus lites tamen serere callent.

514. Plutarch, vit. Cat. causas apud inferos quas in suam fidem receperunt, patrocinio suo tuebuntur.

515. Lib. 2. de Helvet. repub. non explicandis, sed moliendis controversiis operam dant, ita ut lites in multos annos extrabantur summa cum molestia utrisque; partis et dum interea patrimonia exhauriantur.

516. Lupum auribus tenent.

517. Hor.

518. Lib. de Helvet. repub. Judices quocunque pago constituunt qui amica aliqua transactione si fieri possit, lites tollant. Ego majorum nostrorum simplicitatem admiror, qui sic causas gravissimas composuerint, &c.

519. Clenard. l. 1. ep. Si quae controversiae utraque para judicem adit, is semel et simul rem transigit, audit: nec quid sit appellatio, lachrymosaeque morae noscunt.

520. Camden.

521. Lib. 10. epist. ad Atticum, epist. II.

522. Biblioth. l. 3.

523. Lib. de Anim.

524. Lib. major morb. corp. an animi. Hi non conveniunt ut diis more majorum sacra faciant, non ut Jovi primitias offerant, aut Baccho commessationes, sed anniversarius morbus exasperans Asiam huc eos coegit, ut contentiones hic peragant.

525. I Cor. vi. 5, 6.

526. Stulti quando demum sapietis? Ps. xlix. 8.

527. So intituled, and preached by our Regius Professor, D. Prideaux; printed at London by Felix Kingston, 1621.

528. Of which Text read two learned Sermons.

529. Saepius bona materia cessat sine artifice. Sabellicus de Germania. Si quis videret Germaniam urbibus hodie excultam, non diceret ut olim tristem cultu, asperam coelo, terram informem.

530. By his Majesty's Attorney General there.

531. As Zeipland, Bemster in Holland, &c.

532. From Gaunt to Sluce, from Bruges to the Sea, &c.

533. Ortelius, Boterus, Mercator, Meteranus, &c.

534. The citadel par excellance.

535. Jam inde non belli gloria quam humanitatis cultu inter florentissimas orbis Christiani gentes imprimis floruit. Camden Brit. de Normannis.

536. Georg. Kecker.

537. Tam hieme quam aestate intrepide sulcant Oceanum, et duo illorum duces non minore audacia quam fortuna totius orbem terrae circumnavigarunt. Amphitheatro Boterus.

538. A fertile soil, good air, &c. Tin, Lead, Wool, Saffron, &c.

539. Tota Britannia unica velut arx Boter.

540. Lib. 1. hist.

541. Increment, urb. l. 1. c. 9.

542. Angliae, excepto Londino, nulla est civitas memorabilia, licet ea natio rerum omnium copia abundet.

543. Cosmog. Lib. 3. cop. 119. Villarum non est numerus, nullus locus otiosus aut incultus.

544. Chytreus orat. edit. Francof. 1583.

545. Maginus Geog.

546. Ortelius e Vaseo et Pet. de Medina.

547. An hundred families in each.

548. Populi multitudo diligente cultura foecundat solum. Boter. l. 8. c. 3.

549. Orat. 35. Terra ubi oves stabulantur optima agricolis ob stercus.

550. De re rust. l. 2. cap. 1. The soil is not tired or exhausted, but has become barren through our sloth.

551. Hodie urbibus desolatur, et magna ex parte incolis destituitur. Gerbelius desc. Graeciae, lib. 6.

552. Videbit eas fere omnes aut eversas, aut solo aequatas, aut in rudera foedissime dejectas Gerbelius.

553. Not even the hardest of our foes could hear, Nor stern Ulysses tell without a tear.

554. Lib. 7. Septuaginta olim legiones scriptae dicuntur; quas vires hodie, &c.

555. Polit. l. 3. c. 8.

556. For dyeing of cloths, and dressing, &c.

557. Valer. l. 2. c. 1.

558. Hist. Scot. Lib. 10. Magnis propositis praemiis, ut Scoti ab iis edocerentur.

559. Munst. cosm. l. 5. c. 74. Agro omnium rerum infoecundissimo aqua indigente inter saxeta, urbs tamen elegantissima, ob Orientis negotiationes et Occidentis.

560. Lib. 8. Georgr: ob asperum situm.

561. Lib. Edit. a Nic. Tregant. Belg. A. 1616. expedit. in Sinas.

562. Ubi nobiles probi loco habent artem aliquam profiteri. Cleonard. ep. l. 1.

563. Lib. 13. Belg. Hist. non tam laboriosi ut Belgae, sed ut Hispani otiatores vitam ut plurimum otiosam agentes: artes manuariae quae plurimum habent in se laboris et difficultatis, majoremque requirunt industriam, a peregrinis et exteris exercentur; habitant in piscosissimo mari, interea tantum non piscantur quantum insulae suffecerit sed a vicinis emere coguntur.

564. Grotii Liber.

565. Urbs animis numeroque potens, et robore gentis. Scaliger.

566. Camden.

567. York, Bristow, Norwich, Worcester, &c.

568. M. Gainsford's Argument: Because gentlemen dwell with us in the country villages, our cities are less, is nothing to the purpose: put three hundred or four hundred villages in a shire, and every village yield a gentleman, what is four hundred families to increase one of our cities, or to contend with theirs, which stand thicker? And whereas ours usually consist of seven thousand, theirs consist of forty thousand inhabitants.

569. Maxima pars victus in carne consistit. Polyd. Lib. 1. Hist.

570. Refraenate monopolii licentiam, pauciores alantur otio, redintegretur agricolatio, lanificium instauretur, ut sit honestum negotium quo se exerceat otiosa illa turba. Nisi his malis medentur, frustra exercent justitiam. Mor. Utop. Lib. 1.

571. Mancipiis locuples eget aeris Cappadocum rex. Hor.

572. Regis dignitatis non est exercere imperium in mendicos sed in opulentos. Non est regni decus, sed carceris esse custos. Idem.

573. Colluvies hominum mirabiles excocti solo, immundi vestes foedi visu, furti imprimis acres, &c.

574. Cosmog. lib. 3. cap. 5.

575. Let no one in our city be a beggar.

576. Seneca. Haud minus turpia principi multa supplicia, quam medico multa funera.

577. Ac pituitam et bilem a corpore (11. de leg.) omnes vult exterminari.

578. See Lipsius Admiranda.

579. De quo Suet. in Claudio, et Plinius, c. 36.

580. Ut egestati simul et ignaviae occurratur, opificia condiscantur, tenues subleventur. Bodin. l. 6. c. 2. num. 6,7.

581. Amasis Aegypti rex legem promulgavit, ut omnes subditi quotannis rationem redderent unde viverent.

582. Buscoldus discursu polit. cap. 2. whereby they are supported, and do not become vagrants by being less accustomed to labour.

583. Lib. 1. de increm. Urb. cap. 6.

584. Cap. 5. de increm. urb. Quas flumen, lacus, aut mare alluit.

585. Incredibilem commoditatem, vectura mercium tres fluvii navigabiles, &c. Boterus de Gallia.

586. Herodotus.

587. Ind. Orient. cap. 2. Rotam in medio flumine constituunt, cui ex pellibus animalium consutos uteres appendunt, hi dum rota movetur, aquam per canales, &c.

588. Centum pedes lata fossa 30. alta.

589. Contrary to that of Archimedes, who holds the superficies of all waters even.

590. Lib. 1. cap. 3.

591. Dion. Pausanias, et Nic. Gerbelius. Munster. Cosm. Lib. 4. cap. 36. Ut brevior foret navigatio et minus periculosa.

592. Charles the great went about to make a channel from the Rhine to the Danube. Bil. Pirkimerus descript. Ger. the ruins are yet seen about Wessenburg from Rednich to Altimul. Ut navigabilia inter se Occidentis et Septentrionis littora fierent.

593. Maginus Georgr. Simlerus de rep. Helvet. lib. 1. describit.

594. Camden in Lincolnshire, Fossedike.

595. Near St. Albans, which must not now be whispered in the ear.

596. Lilius Girald. Nat. comes.

597. Apuleius, lib. 4. Flor. Lar. familiaris inter homines aetatis suae cultus est, litium omnium et jurgiorum inter propinquos arbitrer et disceptator. Adversus iracundiam, invidiam, avaritiam, libidinem, ceteraque animi humani vitia et monstra philosophus iste Hercules fuit. Pestes eas mentibus exegit omnes, &c.

598. Votia navig.

599. Raggnalios, part 2, cap. 2, et part 3, c. 17.

600. Velent. Andreae Apolog. manip. 604.

601. Qui sordidus est, sordescat adhuc.

602. Hor.

603. Ferdinando Quir. 1612.

604. Vide Acosta et Laiet.

605. Vide patritium, lib. 8. tit. 10. de Instit. Reipub.

606. Sic Olim Hippodamus Milesius Aris. polit. cap. 11. et Vitruvius l. 1. c. ult.

607. With walls of earth, &c.

608. De his Plin. epist. 42. lib. 2. et Tacit. Annal. 13. lib.

609. Vide Brisonium de regno Perse lib. 3. de his et Vegetium, lib. 2. cap. 3. de Annona.

610. Not to make gold, but for matters of physic.

611. Bresonius Josephus, lib. 21. antiquit. Jud. cap. 6. Herod. lib. 3.

612. So Lod. Vives thinks best, Comineus, and others.

613. Plato 3. de leg. Aediles creari vult, qui fora, fontes, vias, portus, plateas, et id genus alia procurent. Vide Isaacum Pontanum de civ. Amstel. haec omnia, &c. Gotardum et alios.

614. De Increm. urb. cap. 13. Ingenue fateor me non intelligere cur ignobilius sit urbes bene munitas colere nunc quam olim, aut casae rusticae praesse quam urbi. Idem Urbertus Foliot, de Neapoli.

615. Ne tantillum quidem soli incultum relinquitur, ut verum sit ne pollicem quidem agri in his regionibus sterilem aut infoecundum reperiri. Marcus Hemingias Augustanus de regno Chinae, l. 1. c. 3.

616. M. Carew, in his survey of Cornwall, saith that before that country was enclosed, the husbandmen drank water, did eat little or no bread, fol. 66, lib. 1. their apparel was coarse, they went bare legged, their dwelling was correspondent; but since inclosure, they live decently, and have money to spend (fol. 23); when their fields were common, their wool was coarse, Cornish hair; but since inclosure, it is almost as good as Cotswol, and their soil much mended. Tusser. cap. 52 of his husbandry, is of his opinion, one acre enclosed, is worth three common. The country enclosed I praise; the other delighteth not me, for nothing of wealth it doth raise, &c.

617. Incredibilis navigiorum copia, nihilo pauciores in aquis, quam in continenti commorantur. M. Ricceus expedit. in Sinas, l. 1. c. 3.

618. To this purpose, Arist. polit. 2. c. 6. allows a third part of their revenues, Hippodamus half.

619. Ita lex Agraria olim Romae.

620. Hic segetes, illic veniunt felicius uvae, Arborei faetus alibi, atque injussa virescunt Graminia. Virg. 1. Georg.

621. Lucanus, l. 6.

622. Virg.

623. Joh. Valent. Andreas, Lord Verulam.

624. So is it in the kingdom of Naples and France.

625. See Contarenus and Osorius de rebus gestis Emanuelis.

626. Claudian l. 7. Liberty never is more gratifying than under a pious king.

627. Herodotus Erato lib. 6. Cum Aegyptiis Lacedemonii in hoc congruunt, quod eorum praecones, tibicines, coqui, et reliqui artifices, in paterno artificio succedunt, et coquus a coquo gignitur, et paterno opere perseverat. Idem Marcus polus de Quinzay. Idem Osorius de Emanuele rege Lusitano. Riccius de Sinia.

628. Hippol. a collibus de increm. urb. c. 20. Plato idem 7. de legibus, quae ad vitam necessaria, et quibus carere non possumus, nullum dependi vectigal, &c.

629. Plato 12. de legibus, 40. annos natos vult, ut si quid memorabile viderent apud exteros, hoc ipsum in rempub. recipiatur.

630. Simlerus in Helvetia.

631. Utopienses causidicos excludant, qui causas callide et vafre tractent et disputent. Iniquissimum censens hominem ullis obligari legibus, quae aut numerosioret sunt, quam ut perlegi queant, aut obscuriores quam ut a quovis possint intelligi. Volunt ut suam quisque causam agat, eamque referat Judici quam narraturus fuerat patrono, sic minus erit ambagum, et veritas facilius elicietur. Mor. Utop. l. 2.

632. Medici ex publico victum sumunt. Boter. l. 1. c. 5. de Aegyptiis.

633. De his lege Patrit. l. 3. tit. 8. de reip. Instit.

634. Nihil a clientibus patroni accipiant, priusquam lis finita est. Barel. Argen. lib. 3.

635. It is so in most free cities in Germany.

636. Mat. Riccius exped. in Sinas, l. 1. c. 5. de examinatione electionum copiose agit, &c.

637. Contar. de repub. Venet. l. 1.

638. Osor. l. 11. de reb. gest. Eman. Qui in literis maximos progressus fecerint maximis honoribus afficiuntur, secundus honoris gradus militibus assignatur, postremi ordinis mechanicis, doctorum hominum judiciis in altiorem locum quisque praesertur, et qui a plurimis approbatur, ampliores in rep. dignitates consequitur. Qui in hoc examine primas habet, insigni per totam vitam dignitate insignitur, marchioni similis, aut duci apud nos.

639. Cedant arma togae.

640. As in Berne, Lucerne, Friburge in Switzerland, a vicious liver is uncapable of any office; if a Senator, instantly deposed. Simlerus.

641. Not above three years, Arist. polit. 5. c. 8.

642. Nam quis custodiet ipsos custodes?

643. Cytreus in Greisgeia. Qui non ex sublimi despiciant inferiores, nec ut bestias conculcent sibi subditos auctoritatis nomini, confisi, &c.

644. Sesellius de rep. Gallorum, lib. 1 & 2.

645. For who would cultivate virtue itself, if you were to take away the reward?

646. Si quis egregium aut bello aut pace perfecerit. Sesel. l. 1.

647. Ad regendam rempub. soli literati admittuntur, nec ad eam rem gratia magistratuum aut regis indigent, omnia explorata cujusque scientia et virtute pendent. Riccius lib. 1. cap. 5.

648. In defuncti locum eum jussit subrogari, qui inter majores virtute reliquis praeiret; non fuit apud mortales ullum excellentius certamen, aut cujus victoria magis esset expetenda, non enim inter celeres, celerrimo, non inter robustos robustissimo, &c.

649. Nullum videres vel in hac vel in vicinis regionibus pauperem, nullum obaeratum, &c.

650. Nullus mendicus apud Sinas, nemini sano quamvis oculis turbatus sit mendicare permittitur, omnes pro viribus laborare, coguntur, caeci molis trusatilibus versandis addicuntur, soli hospitiis gaudent, qui ad labores sunt inepti. Osor. l. 11. de reb. gest. Eman. Heming. de reg. Chin. l. 1. c. 3. Gotard. Arth. Orient. Ind. descr.

651. Alex. ab Alex. 3. c. 12.

652. Sic olim Romae Isaac. Pontan. de his optime. Aristot. l. 2. c. 9.

653. Idem Aristot. pol. 5. c. 8. Vitiosum quum soli pauperum liberi educantur ad labores, nobilium et divitum in voluptatibus et deliciis.

654. Quae haec injustitia ut nobilis quispiam, aut faenerator qui nihil agat, lautam et splendidam vitam agat, otio et deliciis, quum interim auriga, faber, agricola, quo respub. carere non potest, vitam adeo miseram ducat, ut pejor quam jumentorum sit ejus conditio? Iniqua resp. quae dat parasitis, adulatoribus, inanium voluptatum artificibus generosis et otiosis tanta munera prodigit, at contra agricolis, carbonariis, aurigis, fabris, &c. nihil prospicit, sed eorum abusa labore florentia aetatis fame penset et aerumnis, Mor. Utop. l. 2.

655. In Segovia nemo otiosus, nemo mendicus nisi per aetatem aut morbum opus facere non potest: nulli deest unde victum quaerat, aut quo se exerceat. Cypr. Echovius Delit. Hispan. Nullus Genevae otiosus, ne septennis puer. Paulus Heuzner Itiner.

656. Athenaeus, l. 12.

657. Simlerus de repub. Helvet.

658. Spartian. olim Romae sic.

659. He that provides not for his family, is worse than a thief. Paul.

660. Alfredi lex. utraque manus et lingua praecidatur, nisi eam capite redemerit.

661. Si quis nuptam stuprarit, virga virilis ei praeciditur; si mulier, nasus et auricula praecidatur. Alfredi lex. En leges ipsi Veneri Martique timendas.

662. 54 Pauperes non peccant, quum extrema necessitate coacti rem alienam capiunt. Maldonat. summula quaest. 8. art. 3. Ego cum illis sentio qui licere putant a divite clam accipere, qui tenetur pauperi subvenire. Emmanuel Sa. Aphor. confess.

663. 55 Lib. 2. de Reg. Persarum.

664. Lib. 24.

665. Aliter Aristoteles, a man at 25, a woman at 20. polit.

666. Lex olim Licurgi, hodie Chinensium; vide Plutarchum, Riccium, Hemmingium, Arniseum, Nevisanum, et alios de hac quaestione.

667. Alfredus.

668. Apud Lacones olim virgines fine dote nubebant. Boter. l. 3. c. 3.

669. 61 Lege cautum non ita pridem apud Venetos, ne quis Patritius dotem excederet 1500 coron.

670. 62 Bux. Synag. Jud. Sic. Judaei. Leo Afer Africae descript. ne sint aliter incontinentes ob reipub. bonum. Ut August. Caesar. orat. ad caelibes Romanos olim edocuit.

671. Morbo laborans, qui in prolem facile diffunditur, ne genus humanum foeda contagione laedatur, juventute castratur, mulieres tales procul a consortio virorum ablegantur, &c. Hector Boethius hist. lib. 1. de vet. Scotorum moribus.

672. Speciosissimi juvenes liberis dabunt operam. Plato 5. de legibus.

673. The Saxons exclude dumb, blind, leprous, and such like persons from all inheritance, as we do fools.

674. Ut olim Romani, Hispani hodie, &c.

675. Riccius lib. 11. cap. 5. de Sinarum. expedit. sic Hispani cogunt Mauros arma deponere. So it is in most Italian cities.

676. Idem Plato 12. de legibus, it hath ever been immoderate, vide Guil. Stuckium antiq. convival. lib. 1. cap. 26.

677. Plato 9. de legibus.

678. As those Lombards beyond Seas, though with some reformation, mons pietatis, or bank of charity, as Malines terms it, cap. 33. Lex mercat. part 2. that lend money upon easy pawns, or take money upon adventure for men's lives.

679. That proportion will make merchandise increase, land dearer, and better improved, as he hath judicially proved in his tract of usury, exhibited to the Parliament anno 1621.

680. Hoc fere Zanchius com. in 4 cap. ad Ephes. aequissimam vocat usuram, et charitati Christianae consentaneam, modo non exigant, &c. nec omnes dent ad foenus, sed ii qui in pecuniis bona habent, et ob aetatem, sexum, artis alicujus ignorantiam, non possunt uti. Nec omnibus, sed mercatoribus et iis qui honeste impendent, &c.

681. Idem apud Persas olim, lege Brisonium.

682. We hate the hawk, because he always lives in battle.

683. Idem Plato de legibus.

684. 30. Optimum quidem fuerat eam patribus nostris mentem a diis datam esse, ut vos Italiae, nos Africae imperio contenti essemus. Neque enim Sicilia aut Sardinia satis digna precio sunt pro tot classibus, &c.

685. Claudian.

686. Thucydides.

687. A depopulatione, agrorum incendiis, et ejusmodi factis immanibus. Plato.

688. Hungar. dec. 1. lib. 9.

689. Sesellius, lib. 2. de repub. Gal. valde enim est indecorum, ubi quod praeter opinionem accidit dicere, Non putaram, presertim si res praecaveri potuerit. Livius, lib. 1. Dion. lib. 2. Diodorus Siculus, lib. 2.

690. Peragit tranquilla potestas. Quod violenta nequit.—Claudian.

691. Bellum nec timendum nec provocandum. Plin. Panegyr. Trajano.

692. Lib. 3. poet. cap. 19.

693. Lib. 4. de repub. cap. 2.

694. Peucer. lib. 1. de divinat.

695. Camden in Cheshire.

696. Iliad. 6. lib.

697. Vide Puteani Comun, Goclenium de portentosis coenis nostrorum temporum.

698. Mirabile dictu est, quantum opsoniorum una domus singulis diebus absumat, sternuntur mensae in omnes pene horas calentibus semper eduliis. Descrip. Britan.

699. Lib. 1. de rep. Gallorum; quod tot lites et causae forenses, aliae ferantur ex aliis, in immensum producantur, et magnos sumptus requirant unde fit ut juris administri plerumque nobilium possessiones adquirant, tum quod sumptuose vivant, et a mercatoribus absorbentur et splendissime vestiantur, &c.

700. Ter.

701. Amphit. Plant.

702. Paling. Filius ut fur.

703. Catus cum mure, duo galli simul in aede, Et glotes binae nunquam vivunt sine lite.

704. Res angusta domi.

705. When pride and beggary meet in a family, they roar and howl, and cause as many flashes of discontents, as fire and water, when they concur, make thunder-claps in the skies.

706. Plautus Aulular.

707. Lib. 7. cap. 6.

708. Pellitur in bellis sapientia, vigeritur res. Vetus proverbium, aut regem aut fatuum nasci oportere.

709. Lib. 1. hist. Rom. similes a. bacculorum calculis, secundum computantis arbitrium, modo aerei sunt, modo aurei; ad nutum regis nunc beati sunt nunc miseri.

710. Aerumnosique Solones in Sa. 3. De miser. curialium.

711. F. Dousae Epid. lib. 1. c. 13.

712. Hoc cognomento cohonestati Romae, qui caeteros mortales sapientia praestarent, testis Plin. lib. 7. cap. 34.

713. Insanire parant certa ratione modoque, mad by the book they, & c.

714. Juvenal. O Physicians! open the middle vein.

715. Solomon.

716. Communis irrisor stultitiae.

717. Wit whither wilt?

718. Scaliger exercitat. 324.

719. Vit. ejus.

720. Ennius.

721. Lucian. Ter mille drachmis olim empta; studens inde sapientiam adipiscetur.

722. Epist. 21. 1. lib. Non oportet orationem sapientis esse politam aut solicitam.

723. Lib. 3. cap. 13. multo anhelitu jactatione furentes pectus, frontem caedentes, &c.

724. Lipsius, voces sunt, praeterea nihil.

725. Lib. 30. plus mail facere videtur qui oratione quam qui praetio quemvis corrumpit: nam, &c.

726. In Gorg. Platonis.

727. In naugerio.

728. Si furor sit Lyaeus, &c. quoties furit, furit, furit, amans, bibens, et Poeta, &c.

729. They are borne in the bark of folly, and dwell in the grove of madness.

730. Morus Utop. lib. 11.

731. Macrob. Satur. 7. 16.

732. Epist. 16.

733. Lib. de causis corrup. artium.

734. Lib. 2. in Ausonium, cap. 19 et 32.

735. Edit. 7. volum. Jano Gutero.

736. Aristophanis Ranis.

737. Lib. de beneficiis.

738. Delirus et amens dicatur merit. Hor. Seneca.

739. Ovid. Met. Majesty and Love do not agree well, nor dwell together.

740. Plutarch. Amatorio est amor insanus.

741. Epist. 39.

742. Sylvae nuptialis, l. 1. num. 11. Omnes mulieres ut plurimum stultae.

743. Aristotle.

744. Dolere se dixit quod tum vita egrederetur.

745. Lib. 1. num. 11. sapientia et divitiae vix simul possideri possunt.

746. They get their wisdom by eating piecrust some.

747. χρήματα τοῖς θνητοῖς γίνετω αφροσυνη. Opes quidem mortalibus sunt amentia. Theognis.

748. Fortuna nimium quem fovet, stultum facit.

749. Joh. 28.

750. Mag. moral. lib. 2 et lib. 1. sat. 4.

751. Hor. lib. 1. sat. 4.

752. Insana gula, insanae obstructiones, insanum venandi studium discordia demens. Virg. Aen.

753. Heliodorus Carthaginensis ad extremum orbis sarcophago testamento me hic jussi condier, et ut viderem an quis insanior ad me visendum usque ad haec loca penetraret. Ortelius in Gad.

754. If it be his work, which Gasper Veretus suspects.

755. Livy, Ingentes virtutes ingentia vitia.

756. Hor. Quisquis ambitione mala aut argenti pallet amore, Quisquis luxuria, tristique superstitione. Per.

757. Cronica Slavonica ad annum 1257. de cujus pecunia jam incredibilia dixerunt.

758. A fool and his money are soon parted.

759. Orat. de imag. ambitiosus et audax naviget Anticyras.

760. Navis stulta, quae continuo movetur nautae stulti qui se periculis exponunt, aqua insana quae sic fremit, &c. aer jactatur, &c. qui mari se committit stolidum unum terra fugiens, 40. mari invenit. Gaspar Ens. Moros.

761. Cap. de alien. mentis.

762. Dipnosophist. lib. 8.

763. Tibicines mente Capti. Erasm. Chi. 14. cer. 7.

764. Prov. 30. Insana libido, Hic rogo non furor est, non est haec mentula demens. Mart. ep. 74. l. 3.

765. Mille puellarum et puerorum mille jurores.

766. Uter est insanior horum. Hor. Ovid. Virg. Plin.

767. Plin. lib. 36.

768. Tacitus 3. Annal.

769. Ovid. 7. met. E. fungis nati homines ut olim Corinthi primaevi illius loci accolae, quia stolidi et fatui fungis nati dicebantur, idem et alibi dicas.

770. Famian. Strade de bajulis, de marmore semisculpti.

771. Arianus periplo maris Euxini portus ejus meminit, et Gillius, l. 3. de Bospher. Thracio et laurus insana quae allata in convivium convivas omnes insania affecit. Guliel. Stucchius comment, &c.

772. Lepidum poema sic inscriptum.

773. No one is wise at all hours,—no one born without faults,—no one free from crime,—no one content with his lot,—no one in love wise,—no good, or wise man perfectly happy.

774. Stultitiam simulare non potes nisi taciturnitate.

775. Extortus non cruciatur, ambustus non laeditur, prostratus in lucta, non vincitur; non fit captivus ab hoste venundatus. Et si rugosus, senex edentulus, luscus, deformis, formosus tamen, et deo similis, felix, dives, rex nullius egens, et si denario non sit dignus.

776. Illum contendunt non injuria affici, non insania, non inebriari, quia virtus non eripitur ob constantes comprehensiones. Lips. phys. Stoic, lib. 3. diffi. 18.

777. Tarreus Hebus epig. 102. l. 8.

778. Hor.

779. Fratres sanct. Roseae crucis.

780. An sint, quales sint, unde nomen illud asciverint.

781. Turri Babel.

782. Omnium artium et scientiarum instaurator.

783. Divinus ille vir auctor notarum. in epist. Rog. Bacon. ed. Hambur. 1608.

784. Sapientiae desponsati.

785. From the Rising Sun to the Maeotid Lake, there was not one that could fairly be put in comparison with them.

786. Solus hic est sapiens alii volitant velut umbrae.

787. In ep. ad Balthas. Moretum.

788. Rejectiunculae ad Patavum. Felinus cum reliquis.

789. Magnum virum sequi est sapere, some think; others desipere. Catul.

790. Plant. Menec.

791. In Sat. 14.

792. Or to send for a cook to the Anticyrae to make Hellebore pottage, settle-brain pottage.

793. Aliquantulum tamen inde me solabor, quod una cum multis et sapientibus et celeberrimis viris ipse insipiens sim, quod se Menippus Luciani in Necyomantia.

794. Petronius in Catalect.

795. That I mean of Andr. Vale. Apolog. Manip. l. 1 et 26. Apol.

796. Haec affectio nostris temporibus frequentissima.

797. Cap. 15. de Mel.

798. De anima. Nostro hoc saeculo morbus frequentissimus.

799. Consult. 98. adeo nostris temporibus frequenter ingruit ut nullus fere ab ejus labe immunis reperiatur et omnium fere morborum occasio existat.

800. Mor. Encom si quis calumnietur levius esse quam decet Theologum, aut mordacius quam deceat Christianum.

801. Hor. Sat. 4. l. 1.

802. Epi. ad Dorpium de Moria. si quispiam offendatur et sibi vindicet, non habet quod expostulet cum eo scripsit, ipse si volet, secum agat injuriam, utpote sui proditor, qui declaravit hoc ad se proprie pertinere.

803. Si quis se laesum clamabit, aut conscientiam prodit suam, aut certe metum, Phaedr. lib. 3. Aesop. Fab.

804. If any one shall err through his own suspicion, and shall apply to himself what is common to all, he will foolishly betray a consciousness of guilt.

805. Hor.

806. Mart. l. 7. 22.

807. Ut lubet feriat, abstergant hos ictus Democriti pharmacos.

808. Rusticorum dea preesse vacantibus et otiosis putabatur, cui post labores agricola sacrificabat. Plin. l. 3. c. 12. Ovid. l. 6. Fast. Jam quoque cum fiunt antiquae sacra Vacunae, ante Vacunales stantque sedentque focos. Rosinus.

809. Ter. prol. Eunuch.

810. Ariost. l. 39. Staf. 58.

811. Ut enim ex studiis gaudium sic studia ex hilaritate proveniunt. Plinius Maximo suo, ep. lib. 8.

812. Annal. 15.

813. Sir Francis Bacon in his Essays, now Viscount St. Albans.

814. Quod Probus Persii βιογραφος virginali verecundia Persium fuisse dicit, ego, &c.

815. Quas aut incuria fudit, aut humana parum cavit natura. Hor.

816. Prol. quer. Plaut. Let not any one take these things to himself, they are all but fictions.

817. Si me commorit, melius non tangere clamo. Hor.

818. Hippoc. epist. Damageto, accercitus sum ut Democritum tanquam insanum curarem, sed postquam conveni, non per Jovem desipientiae negotium, sed rerum omnium receptaculum deprehendi, ejusque ingenium demiratus sum. Abderitanos vero tanquam non sanos accusavi, veratri potione ipsos potius eguisse dicens.

819. Mart.

820. Magnum miraculum.

821. Mundi epitome, naturae deliciae.

822. Finis rerum omnium, cui sublunaria serviunt. Scalig. exercit. 365. sec. 3. Vales. de sacr. Phil. c. 5.

823. Ut in numismate Caesaris imago, sic in homine Dei.

824. Gen. 1.

825. Imago mundi in corpore, Dei in anima. Exemplumque dei quisque est in imagine parva.

826. Eph. iv. 24.

827. Palan terius.

828. Psal. xlix. 20.

829. Lascivia superat equum, impudentia canem, astu vulpem, furore leonem. Chrys. 23. Gen.

830. Gen. iii. 13.

831. Ecclus. iv. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 8.

832. Gen. iii. 17.

833. Illa cadens tegmen manibus decussit, et una perniciem immisit miseris mortalibus atram. Hesiod. 1. oper.

834. Hom. 5. ad pop. Antioch.

835. Psal. cvii. 17.

836. Pro. i. 27.

837. Quod autem crebrius bella concutiant, quod sterilitas et fames solicitudinem cumulent, quod saevientibus morbis valitudo frangitur, quod humanum genus luis populatione vastatur; ob peccatum omnia. Cypr.

838. Si raro desuper pluvia descendat, si terra situ pulveris squalleat, si vix jejunas et pallidas heibas sterilis gleba producat, si turbo vineam debilitet, &c. Cypr.

839. Mat. xiv. 3.

840. Philostratus, lib. 8. vit. Apollonii. Injustitiam ejus, et sceleratas nuptias, et caeteta quae praeter rationem fecerat, morborum causas dixit.

841. 16.

842. 18.

843. 20.

844. Verse 17.

845. 28. Deos quos diligit, castigat.

846. Isa. v. 13. Verse 15.

847. Nostrae salutis avidus continenter aures vellicat, ac calamitate subinde nos exercet. Levinus Lemn. l. 2. c. 29. de occult, nat. mir.

848. Vexatio dat Intellectum. Isa. xiviii. 19.

849. In sickness the mind recollects itself.

850. Lib. 7. Cum judicio, mores et facta recognoscit et se intuetur. Dum fero languorem, fero religionis amorem. Expers languoris non sum memor hujus amoris.

851. Summum esse totius philosophiae, ut tales esse perseveremus, quales nos futures esse infirmi profitemur.

852. Petrarch.

853. Prov. iii. 12.

854. Hor. Epis. lib. 1. 4.

855. Deut. viii. 11. Qui stat videat ne cadat.

856. Quanto majoribus beneficiis a Deo cumulatur, tanto obligatiorem se debitorem fateri.

857. Boterus de Inst. urbium.

858. Lege hist, relationem Lod. Frois de rebus Japonicis ad annum 1596.

859. Guicciard. descript. Belg. anno 1421.

860. Giraldus Cambrens.

861. Janus Dousa, ep. lib. 1. car. 10. And we perceive nothing, except the dead bodies of cities in the open sea.

862. Munster l. 3. Cos. cap. 462.

863. Buchanan. Baptist.

864. Homo homini lupus, homo homini daemon.

865. Ovid. de Trist. l. 5. Eleg.

866. Miscent aconita novercae.

867. Lib. 2 Epist. 2. ad Donatum.

868. Eze. xviii. 2.

869. Hor. l. 3. Od. 6.

870. 2 Tim. iii. 2.

871. Eze. xviii. 31. Thy destruction is from thyself.

872. 21 Macc. iii. 12.

873. Part. 1. Sec. 2. Memb. 2.

874. Nequitia est quae te non sinet esse senem.

875. Homer. Iliad.

876. Intemperantia, luxus, ingluvies, et infinita hujusmodi flagitia, quae divinas poenas merentur. Crato.

877. Fern. Path. l. 1. c. 1. Morbus est affectus contra, naturam corpori insides.

878. Fusch. Instit. l. 3. sect. 1. c. 3. a quo primum vitiatur actio.

879. Dissolutio foederis in corpore, ut sanitas est consummatio.

880. Lib. 4. cap. 2. Morbus est habitus contra naturam, qui usum ejus, &c.

881. Cap. 11. lib. 7.

882. Horat. lib. 1. ode 3. Emaciation, and a new cohort of fevers broods over the earth.

883. Cap. 50. lib. 7. Centum et quinque vixit annos sine ullo incommodo.

884. Intus mulso, foras oleo.

885. Exemplis genitur. praefixis Ephemer. cap. de infirmitat.

886. Qui, quoad pueritae ultimam memoriam recordari potest non meminit se aegrotum decubuisse.

887. Lib. de vita longa.

888. Oper. et. dies.

889. See Fernelius Path. lib. 1. cap. 9, 10, 11, 12. Fuschius Instit. l. 3. sect. 1. c. 7. Wecker. Synt.

890. Praefat. de morbis capitis. In capite ut variae habitant partes, ita variae querelae ibi eveniunt.

891. Of which read Heurnius, Montaltus, Hildesheim, Quercetan, Jason Pratensis, &c.

892. Cap. 2. de melanchol.

893. Cap. 2. de Phisiologia sagarum: Quod alii minus recte fortasse dixerint, nos examinare, melius dijudicare, corrigere studeamus.

894. Cap. 4. de mol.

895. Art. Med. 7.

896. Plerique medici uno complexu perstringunt hos duos morbos, quod ex eadem causa oriantur, quodque magnitudine et modo solum distent, et alter gradus ad alterum existat. Jason Pratens.

897. Lib. Med.

898. Pars maniae mihi videtur.

899. Insanus est, qui aetate debita, et tempore debito per se, non momentaneam et fugacem, ut vini, solani, Hyoscyami, sed confirmatam habet impotentiam bene operandi circa intellectum. lib. 2. de intellectione.

900. Of which read Felix Plater, cap. 3. de mentis alienatione.

901. Lib. 6. cap. 11.

902. Lib. 3. cap. 16.

903. Cap. 9. Art. med.

904. De praestig. Daemonum, l. 3. cap. 21.

905. Observat. lib. 10. de morbis cerebri, cap. 15.

906. Hippocrates lib. de insania.

907. Lib. 8. cap. 22. Homines interdum lupos feri; et contra.

908. Met. lib. 1.

909. Cap. de Man.

910. Ulcerata crura, sitis ipsis adest immodica, pallidi, lingua sicca.

911. Cap. 9. art. Hydrophobia.

912. Lib. 3. cap. 9.

913. Lib. 7. de Venenis.

914. Lib. 3. cap. 13. de morbis acutis.

915. Spicel. 2.

916. Sckenkius, 7 lib. de Venenis.

917. Lib. de Hydrophobia.

918. Observat. lib. 10. 25.

919. Lascivam Choream. To. 4. de morbis amentium. Tract. 1.

920. Eventu ut plurimum rem ipsam comprobante.

921. Lib. 1. cap. de Mania.

922. Cap. 3. de mentis alienat.

923. Cap. 4. de mel.

924. PART. 3.

925. De quo homine securitas, de quo certum gaudium? quocunque se convertit, in terrenis rebus amaritudinem animi inveniet. Aug. in Psal. viii. 5.

926. Job. i. 14.

927. Omni tempore Socratem eodem vultu videri, sive domum rediret, sive domo egrederetur.

928. Lib. 7. cap. 1. Natus in florentissima totius orbis civitate, nobilissimis parentibus, corpores vires habuit et rarissimas animi dotes, uxorem conapicuam, pudicam, felices liberos, consulare decus, sequentes triumphos, &c.

929. Aelian.

930. Homer. Iliad.

931. Lipsius, cent. 3. ep. 45, ut coelum, sic nos homines sumus: illud ex intervallo nubibus obducitur et obscuratur. In rosario flores spinis intermixti. Vita similis aeri, udum modo, sudum, tempestas, serenitas: ita vices rerum sunt, praemia gaudiis, et sequaces curae.

932. Lucretius, l. 4. 1124.

933. Prov. xiv. 13. Extremum gaudii luctas occupat.

934. Natalitia inquit celebrantur, nuptiae hic sunt; at ibi quid celebratur quod non dolet, quod non transit?

935. Apuleius 4. florid. Nihil quicquid homini tam prosperum divinitus datum, quin ei admixtum sit aliquid difficultatis ut etiam amplissima quaqua laetitia, subsit quaepiam vel parva querimonia conjugatione quadam mellis, et fellis.

936. Caduca nimirum et fragilia, et puerilibus consentanea crepundiis sunt ista quae vires et opes humanae vocantur, affluunt subito, repente delabuntur, nullo in loco, nulla in persona, stabilibus nixa radicibus consistunt, sed incertissimo flatu fortunae quos in sublime extulerunt improviso recursu destitutos in profundo miseriarum valle miserabiliter immergunt. Valerius, lib. 6. cap. 11.

937. Huic seculo parum aptus es, aut potius omnium nostrorum conditionem ignoras, quibus reciproco quodam nexu, &c. Lorchanus Gollobelgicus, lib. 3. ad annum 1598.

938. Horsum omnia studia dirigi debent, ut humana fortiter feramus.

939. 2 Tim. ii. 3.

940. Epist. 96. lib. 10. Affectus frequentes contemptique morbum faciunt. Distillatio una nec adhuc in morem adaucta, tussim facit, assidua et violenta pthisim.

941. Calidum ad octo: frigidum ad octo. Una hirundo non facit aestatem.

942. Lib. 1. c. 6.

943. Fuschius, l. 3. sec. 1. cap. 7. Hildesheim, fol. 130.

944. Psal. xxxix. 13.

945. De Anima. Turpe enim est homini ignorare sui corporis (ut ita dicam) aedificium, praesertim cum ad valetudinem et mores haec cognitio plurimum conducat.

946. De usu part.

947. History of man.

948. D. Crooke.

949. In Syntaxi.

950. De Anima.

951. Istit. lib. 1.

952. Physiol. l. 1, 2.

953. Anat. l. 1. c. 18.

954. In Micro. succos, sine quibus animal sustentari non potest.

955. Morbosos humores.

956. Spiritalis anima.

957. Laurentius, cap. 20, lib. 1. Anat.

958. In these they observe the beating of the pulse.

959. Cujus est pars simularis a vi cutifica ut interiora muniat. Capivac. Anat. pag. 252.

960. Anat. lib. 1. c. 19. Celebris est pervulgata partium divisio principes et ignobiles partes.

961. D. Crooke out of Galen and others.

962. Vos vero veluti in templum ac sacrarium quoddam vos duci putetis, &c. Suavis et utilis cognitio.

963. Lib. 1. cap. 12. sect. 5.

964. Haec res est praecipue digna admiratione, quod tanta affectuum varietate cietur cor, quod omnes retristes et laetae statim corda feriunt et movent.

965. Physio. l. 1. c. 8.

966. Ut orator regi: sic pulmo vocis instrumentum annectitur cordi, &c. Melancth.

967. De anim. c. 1.

968. Scalig. exerc. 307. Tolet. in lib. de anima. cap. 1. &c.

969. l. De anima. cap. 1.

970. Tuscul. quaest.

971. Lib. 6. Doct. Va. Gentil. c. 13. pag. 1216.

972. Aristot.

973. Anima quaeque intelligimus, et tamen quae sit ipsa intelligere non valemus.

974. Spiritualem animam a reliquis distinctam tuetur, etiam in cadavere inhaerentem post mortem per aliquot menses.

975. Lib. 3. cap. 31.

976. Coelius, lib. 2. c. 31. Plutarch, in Grillo Lips. Cen. 1. ep. 50. Jossius de Risu et Fletu, Averroes, Campanella, &c.

977. Phillip. de Anima. ca. 1. Coelius, 20. antiq. cap. 3. Plutarch. de placit. philos.

978. De vit. et mort. part. 2. c. 3, prop. l. de vit. et mort. 2. c. 22.

979. Nutritio est alimenti transmutatio, viro naturalis. Scal. exerc. 101, sec. 17.

980. See more of Attraction in Scal. exer. 343.

981. Vita consistit in calido et humido.

982. Too bright an object destroys the organ.

983. Lumen est actus perspicui. Lumen a luce provenit, lux est in corpore lucido.

984. In Phaedon. (Notes 984-997 appear in the order 986, 984, 987, 985 in the original—KTH.)

985. De pract. Philos. 4.

986. Satur. 7. c. 14.

987. Lac. cap. 8. de opif. Dei, I.

988. Lib. 19. cap. 2.

989. Phis. l. 5. c. 8.

990. Exercit. 280.

991. T. W. Jesuite, in his Passions of the Minde.

992. Velcurio.

993. Nervi a spiritu moventur, spritus ab anima. Melanct.

994. Velcurio. Jucundum et anceps subjectum.

995. Goclenius in Ψυχολ. pag. 302. Bright in Phys. Scrib. l. 1. David Crusius, Melancthon, Hippius Hernius, Levinus Lemnius, &c.

996. Lib. an mores sequantur, &c.

997. Caesar. 6. com.

998. Read Aeneas Gazeus dial. of the immortality of the Soul.

999. Ovid. Met. 15. We, who may take up our abode in wild beasts, or be lodged in the breasts of cattle.

1000. In Gallo. Idem.

1001. Nicephorus, hist. lib. 10. c. 35.

1002. Phaedo.

1003. Claudian, lib. 1. de rap. Proserp.

1004. Besides, we observe that the mind is born with the body, grows with it, and decays with it.

1005. Haec quaestio multos per annos varie, ac mirabiliter impugnata, &c.

1006. Colerus, ibid.

1007. De eccles. dog. cap. 16.

1008. Ovid. 4. Met. The bloodless shades without either body or bones wanter.

1009. Bonorum lares, malorum vero larvas et lemures.

1010. Some say at three days, some six weeks, others otherwise.

1011. Melancthon.

1012. Nihil in intellectu, quod non prius fuerat in sensu. Velcurio.

1013. The pure part of the conscience.

1014. Quod tibi fieri non vis, alteri ne feceris.

1015. Res ab intellectu monstratas recipit, vel rejicit; approbat, vel improbat, Philip. Ignoti nulla cupido.

1016. Melancthon. Operationes plerumque ferae, etsi libera sit illa in essentia sua.

1017. In civilibus libera, sed non in spiritualibus Osiander.

1018. Tota voluntas aversa a Deo. Omnis homo mendax.

1019. Virg. We are neither able to contend against them, nor only to make way.

1020. Vel propter ignorantium, quod bonis studiis non sit instructa mens ut debuit, aut divinis praeceptis exculta.

1021. Med. Ovid.

1022. Ovid.

1023. Seneca, Hipp.

1024. Melancholicos vocamus, quos exuperantia vel pravitas Melancholiae ita male habet, ut inde insaniant vel in omnibus, vel in pluribus iisque manifestis sive ad rectam rationem, voluntate pertinent, vel electionem, vel intellectus operationes.

1025. Pessimum et pertinacissimum morbum qui homines in bruta degenerare cogit.

1026. Panth. Med.

1027. Angor animi in una contentione defixus, absque febre.

1028. Cap. 16. l. 1.

1029. Eorum definitio morbus quid non sit potius quam quid sit, explicat.

1030. Animae functiones imminuuntur in fatuitate, tolluntur in mania, depravantur solum in melancholia. Herc. de Sax. cap. 1. tract. de Melanch.

1031. Cap. 4. de mel.

1032. Per consensum sive per essentiam.

1033. Cap. 4. de mel.

1034. Sec. 7. de mor. vulgar. lib. 6.

1035. Spicel. de melancholia.

1036. Cap. 3. de mel. Pars affecta cerebrum sive per consensum, sive per cerebrum contingat, et procerum auctoritate et ratione stabilitur.

1037. Lib. de mel. Cor vero vicinitatis ratione una afficitur, acceptum transversum ac stomachus cum dorsali spina, &c.

1038. Lib. 1. cap. 10. Subjectum est cerebrum interius.

1039. Raro quisquam tumorem effugit lienis, qui hoc morbo afficitur, Piso. Quis affectus.

1040. See Donat. ab Altomar.

1041. Facultas imaginandi, non cogitandi, nec memorandi laesa hic.

1042. Lib. 3. Fen. 1. Tract. 4. cap. 8.

1043. Lib. 3. cap. 5.

1044. Lib. Med. cap. 19. part. 2. Tract. 15. cap. 2.

1045. Hildesheim, spicel. 2 de Melanc. fol. 207, et fol. 127. Quandoque etiam rationalis si affectus inveteratus sit.

1046. Lib. posthumo de Melanc. edit. 1620. Deprivatur fides, discursus, opinio, &c. per vitium Imaginationes, ex Accidenti.

1047. Qui parvum caput habent, insensati plerique sunt. Arist. in physiognomia.

1048. Areteus, lib. 3. cap. 5.

1049. Qui prope statum sunt. Aret. Mediis convenit aetatibus, Piso.

1050. De quartano.

1051. Lib. 1. part. 2. cap. 11.

1052. Primus ad Melancholiam non tam moestus sed et hilares, jocosi, cachinnantes, irrisores, et, qui plerumque praerubri sunt.

1053. Qui sunt subtilis ingenii, et multae perspicacitatis de facili incidunt in Melancholiam, lib. 1. cont. tract. 9.

1054. Nunquam sanitate mentis excidit aut dolore capitur. Erasm.

1055. In laud. calvit.

1056. Vacant conscientiae carnificina, nec pudefiunt, nec verentur, nec dilacerantur millibus curarum, quibus tota vita obnoxia est.

1057. Lib. 1. tract. 3. contradic. 18.

1058. Lib. 1. cont. 21.

1059. Bright, ca. 16.

1060. Lib. 1. cap. 6. de sanit. tuenda.

1061. Quisve aut qualis sit humor aut quae istius differentiae, et quomodo gignantur in corpore, scrutandum, hac enim re multi veterum laboraverunt, nec facile accipere ex Galeno sententiam ob loquendi varietatem. Leon. Jacch. com. in 9. Rhasis, cap. 15. cap. 16. in 9. Rhasis.

1062. Lib. postum. de Melan. edit. Venetiis, 1620. cap. 7 et 8. Ab intemperie calida, humida, &c.

1063. Secundum magis aut minus si in corpore fuerit, ad intemperiem plusquam corpus salubriter ferre poterit: inde corpus morbosum effitur.

1064. Lib. 1. controvers. cap. 21.

1065. Lib. 1. sect. 4, cap. 4.

1066. Concil. 26.

1067. Lib. 2. contradic. cap. 11.

1068. De feb. tract. diff. 2. cap. 1. Non est negandum ex hac fieri Melancholicos.

1069. In Syntax.

1070. Varie aduritur, et miscetur, unde variae amentium species, Melanct.

1071. Humor frigidus delirii causa, furoris calidus, &c.

1072. Lib. 1. cap. 10. de affect. cap.

1073. Nigrescit hic humor, aliquando supercalefactus, aliquando super frigefactus, ca. 7.

1074. Humor hic niger aliquando praeter modum calefactus, et alias refrigeratus evadit: nam recentibus carbonibus ei quid simile accidit, qui durante flamma pellucidissime candent, ea extincta prorsus nigrescunt. Hippocrates.

1075. Guianerius, diff. 2. cap. 7.

1076. Non est mania, nisi extensa melancholia.

1077. Cap. 6. lib. 1.

1078. 2 Ser. 2. cap. 9. Morbus hic est omnifarius.

1079. Species indefinitae sunt.

1080. Si aduratur naturalis melancholia, alia fit species, si sanguis, alia, si flavibilis alia, diversa a primis: maxima est inter has differentia, et tot Doctorum sententiae, quot ipsi numero sunt.

1081. Tract. de mel. cap. 7.

1082. Quaedam incipiens quaedam consummata.

1083. Cap. de humor. lib. de anima. Varie aduritur et miscetur ipsa melancholia, unde variae amentium species.

1084. Cap. 16. in. 9. Rasis.

1085. Laurentius, cap. 4. de mel.

1086. Cap. 13.

1087. 480. et 116. consult. consil. 12.

1088. Hildesheim. spicil. 2. fol. 166.

1089. Trincavellius, tom. 2. consil. 15 et 16.

1090. Cap. 13, tract. posth. de melan.

1091. Guarion. cons. med. 2.

1092. Laboravit per essentiam et a toto corpore.

1093. Machiavel, &c. Smithus de rep. Angl. cap. 8. lib. 1. Buscoldus, discur. polit. discurs. 5. cap. 7. Arist. l. 3. polit. cap. ult. Keckerm. alii, &c.

1094. Lib. 6.

1095. Primo artis curitivae.

1096. Nostri primum sit propositi affectionum causas indagare; res ipsa hortari videtur, nam alioqui earum curatio, manca et inutilis esset.

1097. Path. lib. 1. cap. 11. Rerum cognoscere causas, medicis imprimis necessarium, sine qua nec morbum curare, nec praecavere licet.

1098. Tanta enim morbi varietas ac differentia ut non facile dignoscatur, unde initium morbus sumpserit. Melanelius e Galeno.

1099. Felix qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas.

1100. 1 Sam. xvi. 14.

1101. Dan. v. 21.

1102. Lactant. instit. lib. 2. cap. 8.

1103. Mente captus, et summo animi moerore consumptus.

1104. Munster cosmog. lib. 4. cap. 43. De coelo substernebantur, tanquam insani de saxis praecipitati, &c.

1105. Livius lib. 38.

1106. Gaguin. l. 3. c. 4. Quod Dionysii corpus discooperuerat, in insanam incidit.

1107. Idem lib. 9. sub. Carol. 6. Sacrorum contemptor, templi foribus effractis, dum D. Johannis argenteum simulacrum rapere contendit, simulacrum aversa facie dorsum ei versat, nec mora sacrilegus mentis inops, atque in semet insaniens in proprios artus desaevit.

1108. Giraldus Cambrensis, lib 1. c. 1. Itinerar. Cambriae.

1109. Delrio, tom. 3. lib. 6. sect. 3. quaest. 3.

1110. Psal. xlvi. 1.

1111. Lib. 8. cap. de Hierar.

1112. Claudian.

1113. De Babila Martyre.

1114. Lib. cap. 5. prog.

1115. Lib. 1. de Abditis rerum causis.

1116. Respons. med. 12. resp.

1117. 1 Pet. v. 6.

1118. Lib. 1. c. 7. de orbis concordia. In nulla re major fuit altercatio, major obscuritas, minor opinionum concordia, quam de daemonibus et substantiis separatis.

1119. Lib. 3. de Trinit. cap. 1.

1120. Pererius in Genesin. lib. 4. in cap. 3. v. 23.

1121. See Strozzius Cicogna omnifariae. Mag. lib. 2. c. 15. Jo. Aubanus, Bredenbachius.

1122. Angelus per superbiam separatus a Deo, qui in veritate non stetit. Austin.

1123. Nihil aliud sunt Daemones quam nudae animae quae corpore deposito priorem miserati vitam, cognatis succurrunt commoti misericordia, &c.

1124. De Deo Socratis. All those mortals are called Gods, who, the course of life being prudently guided and governed, are honoured by men with temples and sacrifices, as Osiris in Aegypt, &c.

1125. He lived 500 years since.

1126. Apuleius: spiritus animalia sunt animo passibilia, mente rationalia, corpore aeria, tempore sempiterna.

1127. Nutriuntur, et excrementa habent, quod pulsata doleant solido percussa corpore.

1128. Whatever occupies space is corporeal:—spirit occupies space, therefore, &c. &c.

1129. 4 lib. 4. Theol. nat. fol. 535.

1130. Which has no roughness, angles, fractures, prominences, but is the most perfect amongst perfect bodies.

1131. Cyprianus in Epist. montes etiam et animalia transferri possunt: as the devil did Christ to the top of the pinnacle; and witches are often translated. See more in Strozzius Cicogna, lib. 3. cap. 4. omnif. mag. Per aera subducere et in sublime corpora ferre possunt, Biarmanus. Percussi dolent et uruntur in conspicuos cineres. Agrippa, lib. 3. cap. de occul. Philos.

1132. Agrippa, de occult. Philos. lib. 3. cap. 18.

1133. Part. 3. Sect. 2. Mem. 1. Subs. 1. Love Melancholy.

1134. By gazing steadfastly on the sun illuminated with his brightest rays.

1135. Genial. dierum. Ita sibi visum et compertum quum prius an essent ambigeret Fidem suam liberet.

1136. Lib. 1. de verit. Fidei. Benzo, &c.

1137. Lib. de Divinatione et magia.

1138. Cap. 8. Transportavit in Livoniam cupiditate videndi, &c.

1139. Sic Hesiodus de Nymphis vivere dicit. 10. aetates phaenicum vel. 9. 7. 20.

1140. Custodes hominum et provinciarum, &c. tanto meliores hominibus, quanto hi brutis animantibus.

1141. Praesides Pastores, Gubernatores hominum, et illi animalium.

1142. Coveting nothing more than the admiration of mankind.

1143. Natura familiares ut canes hominibus multi aversantur et abhorrent.

1144. Ab nomine plus distant quam homo ab ignobilissimo verne, et tamen quidam ex his ab hominibus superantur ut homines a feris, &c.

1145. Cibo et potu uti et venere cum hominibus ac tandem mori, Cicogna. l. part. lib. 2. c. 3.

1146. Plutarch. de defect. oraculorum.

1147. Lib. de Zilphis et Pigmeis.

1148. Dii gentium a Constantio prostigati sunt, &c.

1149. Octovian. dial. Judaeorum deum fuisse Romanorum numinibus una cum gente captivum.

1150. Omnia spiritibus plena, et ex eorum concordia et discordia omnes boni et mali effectus promanant, omnia humana reguntur: paradoxa veterum de quo Cicogna. omnif. mag. l. 2. c. 3.

1151. Oves quas abacturus erat in quascunque formas vertebat Pausanias, Hyginus.

1152. Austin in l. 2. de Gen. ad literam cap. 17. Partim quia subtilioris sensus acumine, partim scientia calidiore vigent et experientia propter magnam longitudinem vitae, partim ab Angelis discunt, &c.

1153. Lib. 3. omnif. mag. cap. 3.

1154. L. 18. quest.

1155. Quum tanti sit et tam profunda spiritum scientia, mirum non est tot tantasque res visu admirabiles ab ipsis patrari, et quidem rerum naturalium ope quas multo melius intelligunt, multoque peritius suis locis et temporibus applicare norunt, quam homo, Cicogna.

1156. Aventinus, quicquid interdiu exhauriebatur, noctu explebatur. Inde pavefacti cura tores, &c.

1157. In lib. 2. de Anima text 29. Homerus discriminatim omnes spiritus daemones vocat.

1158. A Jove ad inferos pulsi, &c.

1159. De Deo Socratis adest mihi divina sorte Daemonium quoddam a prima pueritia me secutum, saepe dissuadet, impellit nonnunquam instar ovis, Plato.

1160. Agrippa lib. 3. de occul. ph. c. 18. Zancb. Pictorus, Pererius Cicogna. l. 3. cap. 1.

1161. Vasa irae. c. 13.

1162. Quibus datum est nocere terrae et mari, &c.

1163. Physiol. Stoicorum e Senec. lib. 1. cap. 28.

1164. Usque ad lunam animas esse aethereas vocarique heroas, lares, genios.

1165. Mart. Capella.

1166. Nihil vacuum ab his ubi vel capillum in aere vel aqua jaceas.

1167. Lib. de Zilp.

1168. Palingenius.

1169. Lib. 7. cap. 34 et 5. Syntax. art. mirab.

1170. Comment in dial. Plat. de amore, cap. 5. Ut sphaera quaelibet super nos, ita praestantiores habent habitatores suae sphaerae consortes, ut habet nostra.

1171. Lib. de Amica. et daemone med. inter deos et homines, dica ad nos et nostra aequaliter ad deos ferunt.

1172. Saturninas et Joviales accolas.

1173. In loca detrusi sunt infra caelestes orbes in aerem scilicet et infra ubi Judicio generali reservantur.

1174. q. 36. art. 9.

1175. Virg. 8. Eg.

1176. Aen. 4.

1177. Austin: hoc dixi, ne quis existimet habitare ibimala daemonia ubi Solem et Lunam et Stellas Deus ordinavit, et alibi nemo arbitraretur Daemonom coelis habitare cum Angelis suis unde lapsum credimus. Idem. Zanch. l. 4. c. 3. de Angel. mails. Pererius in Gen. cap. 6. lib. 8. in ver. 2.

1178. Perigram. Hierosol.

1179. Fire worship, or divination by fire.

1180. Domus Diruunt, muros dejiciunt, immiscent se turbinibus et procellis et pulverem instar columnae evehunt. Cicogna l. 5. c. 5.

1181. Quest. in Liv.

1182. De praestigiis daemonum. c. 16. Convelli culmina videmus, prosterni sata, &c.

1183. De bello Neapolitano, lib. 5.

1184. Suffitibus gaudent. Idem Just. Mart. Apol. pro Christianis.

1185. In Dei imitationem, saith Eusebius.

1186. Dii gentium Daemonia, &c. ego in eorum statuas pellexi.

1187. Et nunc sub divorum nomine coluntur a Pontificiis.

1188. Lib. 11. de rerum ver.

1189. Lib. 3. cap. 3. De magis et veneficis, &c. Nereides.

1190. Lib. de Zilphis.

1191. Lib. 3.

1192. Pro salute hominum excubare se simulant, sed in eorum perniciem omnia moliuntur. Aust.

1193. Dryades, Oriades, Hamadryades.

1194. Elvas Olaus voc. at lib. 3.

1195. Part 1. cap. 19.

1196. Lib. 3. cap. 11. Elvarum choreas Olaus lib. 3. vocat saltum adeo profunde in terras imprimunt, ut locus insigni deinceps virore orbicularis sit, et gramen non pereat.

1197. Sometimes they seduce too simple men into their mountain retreats, where they exhibit wonderful sights to their marvelling eyes, and astonish their ears by the sound of bells, &c.

1198. Lib. de Zilph. et Pigmaeus Olaus lib. 3.

1199. Lib. 7. cap. 14. Qui et in famulitio viris et feminis inserviunt, conclavia scopis purgant, patinas mundant, ligna portant, equos curant, &c.

1200. Ad ministeria utuntur.

1201. Where treasure is hid (as some think) or some murder, or such like villainy committed.

1202. Lib. 16. de rerum varietat.

1203. Vel spiritus sunt hujusmodi damnatorum, vel e purgatorio, vel ipsi daemones, c. 4.

1204. Quidam lemures domesticis instrumentis noctu ludunt: patinas, ollas, cantharas, et alia vasa dejiciunt, et quidam voces emittunt, ejulant, risum emittunt, &c. ut canes nigri, feles, variis formis, &c.

1205. Epist. lib. 7.

1206. Meridionales Daemones Cicogna calls them, or Alastores, l. 3. cap. 9.

1207. Sueton. c. 69. in Caligula.

1208. Strozzius Cicogna. lib. 3. mag. cap. 5.

1209. Idem. c. 18.

1210. M. Carew. Survey of Cornwall, lib. 2. folio 140.

1211. Horto Geniali, folio 137.

1212. Part 1. c. 19. Abducunt eos a recta via, et viam iter facientibus intercludunt.

1213. Lib. 1. cap. 44. Daemonum cernuntur et audiuntur ibi frequentes illusiones, unde viatoribus cavendum ne ce dissocient, aut a tergo maneant, voces enim fingunt sociorum, ut a recto itinere abducant, &c.

1214. Mons sterilis et nivosus, ubi intempesta nocte umbrae apparent.

1215. Lib. 2. cap. 21. Offendicula faciunt transeuntibus in via et petulanter ridet cum vel hominem vel jumentum ejus pedes atterere faciant, et maxime si homo maledictus et calcaribus saevint.

1216. In Cosmogr.

1217. Vestiti more metallicorum, gestus et opera eorum imitantur.

1218. Immisso in terrae carceres vento horribiles terrae motus efficiunt, quibus saepe non domus modo et turres, sed civitates integrae et insulae haustae sunt.

1219. Hierom. in 3. Ephes. Idem Michaelis. c. 4. de spiritibus. Idem Thyreus de locis infestis.

1220. Lactantius 2. de origins erroris cap. 15. hi maligni spiritus per omnem terram vagantur, et solatium perditionis suae perdendis hominibus operantur.

1221. Mortalium calamitates epulae sunt malorum daemonum, Synesius.

1222. Daminus mendacii a seipso deceptus, alios decipere cupit, adversarius humani generis, Inventor mortis, superbiae institutor, radix malitiae, scelerum caput, princeps omnium vitiorum, fuit inde in Dei contumeliam, hominum perniciem: de horum conatibus et operationibus lege Epiphanium. 2. Tom. lib. 2. Dionysium. c. 4. Ambros. Epistol. lib. 10. ep. et 84. August. de civ. Dei lib. 5. c. 9., lib. 8. cap. 22. lib. 9. 18. lib. 10. 21. Theophil. in 12. Mat. Pasil. ep. 141. Leonem Ser. Theodoret. in 11. Cor. ep. 22. Chrys. hom. 53. in 12. Gen. Greg. in 1. c. John. Barthol. de prop. l. 2. c. 20. Zanch. l. 4. de malis angelis. Perer. in Gen. l. 8. in c. 6. 2. Origen. saepe praeliis intersunt, itinera et negotia nostra quaecumque dirigunt, clandestinis subsidiis optatos saepe praebent successus, Pet. Mar. in Sam. &c. Ruscam de Inferno.

1223. Et velut mancipia circumfert Psellus.

1224. Lib. de trans. mut. Malac. ep.

1225. Custodes sunt hominum, et eorum, ut nos animalium: tum et provinciis praepositi regunt auguriis, somniis, oraculis, pramiis, &c.

1226. Lipsius, Physiol. Stoic, lib. 1. cap. 19.

1227. Leo Suavis. idem et Tritemius.

1228. They seek nothing more earnestly than the fear and admiration of men.

1229. It is scarcely possible to describe the impotent ardour with which these malignant spirits aspire to the honour of being divinely worshipped.

1230. Omnif. mag. lib. 2. cap. 23.

1231. Ludus deorum sumus.

1232. Lib. de anima et daemone.

1233. Quoties sit, ut Principes novitium aulicum divitiis et dignitatibus pene obruant, et multorum annorum ministrum, qui non semel pro hero periculum subiit, ne teruntio donent, &c. Idem. Quod Philosophi non remunerentur, cum scurra et ineptus ob insulsum jocum saepe praemium reportet, inde fit, &c.

1234. Lib de cruelt. Cadaver.

1235. Boissardus, c. 6 magia.

1236. Godelmanus, cap. 3. lib. 1 de Magis. idem Zanchius, lib. 4. cap. 10 et 11. de malis angelis.

1237. Nociva Melancholia furiosos efficit, et quandoque penitus interficit. G. Picolominens Idemque Zanch. cap. 10. lib. 4. si Deus permittat, corpora nostra movere possunt, alterare, quovis morborum et malorum genere afficere, imo et in ipsa penetrare et saevire.

1238. Inducere potest morbos et sanitates.

1239. Viscerum actiones potest inhibere latenter, et venenis nobis ignotis corpus inficere.

1240. Irrepentes corporibus occulto morbos fingunt, mentes terrent, membra distorquent. Lips. Phil. Stoic. l. 1. c. 19.

1241. De rerum ver. l. 16. c. 93.

1242. Quum mens immediate decipi nequit, premum movit phantasiam, et ita obfirmat vanis conceptibus aut ut ne quem facultati aestimativae rationi locum relinquat. Spiritus malus invadit animam, turbat sensus, in furorem conjicit. Austin. de vit. Beat.

1243. Lib. 3. Fen. 1. Tract. 4. c. 18.

1244. A Daemone maxime proficisci, et saepe solo.

1245. Lib. de incant.

1246. Caep. de mania lib. de morbis cerebri; Daemones, quum sint tenues et incomprehensibiles spiritus, se insinuare corporibus humanis possunt, et occulte in viscerribus operti, valetudinem vitiare, somniis animas terrere et mentes furoribus quatere. Insinuant se melancholicorum penetralibus, intus ibique considunt et deliciantur tanquam in regione clarissimorum siderum, coguntque animum furere.

1247. Lib. 1. cap. 6. occult. Philos. part 1. cap. 1. de spectris.

1248. Sine cruce et sanctificatione sic & daemone obsessa. dial.

1249. Greg. pag. c. 9.

1250. Penult. de opific. Dei.

1251. Lib. 28. cap. 26. tom. 9.

1252. De Lamiis.

1253. Et quomodo venefici fiant enarrat.

1254. De quo plura legas in Boissardo, lib. 1. de praestig.

1255. Rex Jacobus, Daemonol. l. 1. c. 3.

1256. An university in Spain in old Castile.

1257. The chief town in Poland.

1258. Oxford and Paris, see finem P. Lombardi.

1259. Praefat. de magis et veneficis.

1260. Rotatum Pileum habebat, quo ventos violentos cieret, aerem turbaret, et in quam partem, &c.

1261. Erastus.

1262. Ministerio hirci nocturni.

1263. Steriles nuptos et inhabiles, vide Petrum de Pallude, lib. 4. distinct. 34. Paulum Guiclandum.

1264. Infantes matribus suffurantur, aliis suppositivis in locum verorum conjectis.

1265. Milles.

1266. D. Luther, in primum praeceptum, et Leon. Varius, lib. 1. de Fascino.

1267. Lavat. Cicog.

1268. Boissardus de Magis.

1269. Daemon. lib. 3. cap. 3.

1270. Vide Philostratum, vita ejus; Boissardum de Magis.

1271. Nubrigenses lege lib. 1. c. 19. Vide Suidam de Paset. De Cruent. Cadaver.

1272. Erastus. Adolphus Scribanius.

1273. Virg. Aeneid. 4. Incantatricem describens: Haec se carminibus promittit solvere mentes. Quas velit, ast aliis duras immittere curas.

1274. Godelmanus, cap. 7. lib. 1. Nutricum mammas praesiccant, solo tactu podagram, Apoplexiam, Paralysin, et alios morbos, quos medicina curare non poterat.

1275. Factus inde Maniacus, spic. 2. fol. 147.

1276. Omnia philtra etsi inter se differant, hoc habent commune, quod hominem efficiant melancholicum. epist. 231. Scholtzii.

1277. De cruent. Cadaver.

1278. Astra regunt homines, et regit astra Deus.

1279. Chirom. lib. Quaeris a me quantum operantur astra? dico, in nos nihil astra urgere, sed animos praeclives trahere: qui sic tamen liberi sunt, ut si ducem sequantur rationem, nihil efficiant, sin vero naturam, id agere quod in brutis fere.

1280. Coelum vehiculum divinae virtutis, cujus mediante motu, lumine et influentia, Deus! elementaria corpora ordinat et disponit Th. de Vio. Cajetanus in Psa. 104.

1281. Mundus iste quasi lyra ab excellentissimo quodam artifice concinnata, quem qui norit mirabiles eliciet harmonias. J. Dee. Aphorismo 11.

1282. Medicus sine coeli peritia nihil est, &c. nisi genesim sciverit, ne tantillum poterit. lib. de podag.

1283. Constellatio in causa est; et influentia coeli morbum hunc movet, interdum omnibus aliis amotis. Et alibi. Origo ejus a Coelo petenda est. Tr. de morbis amentium.

1284. Lib. de anima, cap. de humorib. Ea varietas in Melancholia, habet caelestes causas ☌ ♄ et ♃ in □ ☌ ♂ et ☾ in ♏.

1285. Ex atra bile varii generantur morbi perinde ut ipse multum calidi aut frigidi in se habuerit, quum utrique suscipiendo quam aptissima sit, tametsi suapte natura frigida sit. Annon aqua sic afficitur a calore ut ardeat; et a frigore, ut in glaciem concrescat? et haec varietas distinctionum, alii flent, rident, &c.

1286. Hanc ad intemperantiam gignendam plurimum confert ♂ et ♄ positus, &c.

1287. ☿ Quoties alicujus genitura in ♏ et ♓ adverso signo positus, horoscopum partiliter tenueret atque etiam a ♂ vel ♄ □ radio percussus fuerit, natus ab insania vexabitur.

1288. Qui ♄ et ♂ habet, alterum in culmine, alterum imo coelo, cum in lucem venerit, melancholicus erit, a qua sanebitur, si ☿ illos irradiarit.

1289. Hac configuratione natus, Aut Lunaticus, aut mente captus.

1290. Ptolomaeus centiloquio, et quadripartito tribuit omnium melancholicorum symptoma siderum influentis.

1291. Arte Medica. accedunt ad has causas affectiones siderum. Plurimum incitant et provocant influentiae caelestes. Velcurio, lib. 4. cap. 15.

1292. Hildesheim, spicel. 2. de mel.

1293. Joh. de Indag. cap. 9. Montaltus, cap. 22.

1294. Caput parvum qui habent cerebrum et spiritus plerumque angustos, facile incident in Melancholiam rubicundi. Aetius. Idem Montaltus, c. 21. e Galeno.

1295. Saturnina a Rascetta per mediam manum decurrens, usque ad radicem montis Saturni, a parvis lineis intersecta, arguit melancholicos. Aphoris. 78.

1296. Agitantur miseriis, continuis inquietudinibus, neque unquam a solitudine liberi sunt, anxie affiguntur amarissimis intra cogitationibus, semper tristes, suspitiosi, meticulosi: cogitationes sunt, velle agrum colere, stagna amant et paludes, &c. Jo. de Indagine, lib. 1.

1297. Caelestis Physiognom. lib. 10.

1298. Cap. 14. lib. 5. Idem maculae in ungulis nigrae, lites, rixas, melancholiam significant, ab humore in corde tali.

1299. Lib. 1. Path. cap. 11.

1300. Venit enim properata malis inopina senectus: et dolor aetatem jussit inesse meam. Boethius, met. 1. de consol. Philos.

1301. Cap. de humoribus, lib. de Anima.

1302. Necessarium accidens decrepitis, et inseparabile.

1303. Psal. xc. 10.

1304. Meteran. Belg. hist. lib. 1.

1305. Sunt morosi anxii, et iracundi et difficiles senes, si quaerimus, etiam avari, Tull. de senectute.

1306. Lib. 2. de Aulico. Senes avari, morosi, jactabundi, philauti, deliri, superstitiosi, auspiciosi, &c. Lib. 3. de Lamiis, cap. 17. et 18.

1307. Solarium, opium lupiadeps, lacr. asini, &c. sanguis infantum, &c.

1308. Corrupta est iis ab humore Melancholico phantasia. Nymanus.

1309. Putant se laedere quando non laedunt.

1310. Qui haec in imaginationis vim referre conati sunt, atrae bilis, inanem prorsus laborem susceperunt.

1311. Lib. 3. cap. 4. omnif. mag.

1312. Lib. 1. cap. 11. path.

1313. Ut arthritici Epilep. &c.

1314. Ut filii non tam possessionum quam morborum baeredes sint.

1315. Epist. de secretis artis et naturae, c. 7. Nam in hoc quod patres corrupti sunt, generant filios corruptae complexionis, et compositionis, et filii eorum eadem de causa se corrumpunt, et sic derivatur corruptio a patribus ad filios.

1316. Non tam (inquit Hippocrates) gibbos et cicatrices oris et corporis habitum agnoscis ex iis, sed verum incessum gestus, mores, morbos, &c.

1317. Synagog. Jud.

1318. Affectus parentum in foetus transeunt, et puerorum malicia parentibus imputanda, lib. 4. cap. 3. de occult, nat. mirae.

1319. Ex pituitosis pituitosi, ex biliosis biliosi, ex lienosis et melancholicis melancholici.

1320. Epist. 174. in Scoltz. Nascitur nobiscum illa aliturque et una cum parentibus habemus malum hunc assem. Jo. Pelesius, lib. 2. de cura humanorum affectuum.

1321. Lib. 10. observat.

1322. Maginus Geog.

1323. Saepe non eundem, sed similem producit effectum, et illaeso parente transit. in nepotem.

1324. Dial. praefix. genituris Leovitii.

1325. Bodin. de rep. cap. de periodis reip.

1326. Claudius Abaville, Capuchion, in his voyage to Maragnan. 1614. cap. 45. Nemo fere aegrotus, sano omnes et robusto corpore, vivunt annos. 120, 140. sine Medicina. Idem Hector Boethius de insulis Orchad. et Damianus a Goes de Scandia.

1327. Lib. 4. c. 3. de occult. nat. mir. Tetricos plerumque filios senes progenerant et tristes, rarios exhilaratos.

1328. Coitus super repletionem pessimus, et filii qui tum gignuntur, aut morbosi sunt, aut stolidi.

1329. dial, praefix. Leovito.

1330. L. de ed. liberis.

1331. De occult. nat. mir. temulentae et stolidae mulieres liberos plerumque producunt sibi similes.

1332. Lib. 2, c. 8. de occult, nat. mir. Good Master Schoolmaster do not English this.

1333. De nat. mul. lib. 3. cap. 4.

1334. Buxdorphius, c. 31. Synag. Jud. Ezek. 18.

1335. Drusius obs. lib. 3. cap. 20.

1336. Beda. Eccl. hist. lib. 1. c. 27. respons. 10.

1337. Nam spiritus cerebri si tum male afficiantur, tales procreant, et quales fuerint affectus, tales filiorum: ex tristibus tristes, ex jucundis jucundi nascuntur, &c.

1338. Fol. 129. mer. Socrates' children were fools. Sabel.

1339. De occul. nat. mir. Pica morbus mulierum.

1340. Baptista Porta, loco praed. Ex leporum intuitu plerique infantes edunt bifido superiore labello.

1341. Quasi mox in terram collapsurus, per omne vitam incedebat cum mater gravia ebrium hominem sic incedentem viderat.

1342. Civem facie cadaverosa, qui dixit, &c.

1343. Optimum bene nasci, maxima para felicitatis nostrae bene nasci; quamobrem praeclere humano generi consultam videretur, si solis parentis bene habiti et sani, liberis operam darent.

1344. Infantes infirmi praecipitio necati. Bohemus, lib. 3. c. 3. Apud Lacones olim. Lipsius, epist. 85. cent. ad Belgas, Dionysio Villerio, si quos aliqua membrorum parte inutiles notaverint, necari jubent.

1345. Lib. 1. De veterum Scotorum moribus. Morbo comitiali, dementia, mania, lepra, &c. aut simila labe, quae facile in prolem transmittitur, laborantes inter eos, ingenti facta indagine, inventos, ne gens foeda contagione laederetur, ex iis nata, castraverunt, mulieres hujusmodi procul a virorum consortio abregarunt, quod si harum aliqua concepisse inveniebatur, simul cum foetu nondum edito, defodiebatur viva.

1346. Euphormio Satyr.

1347. Fecit omnia delicta quae fieri possunt circa res sex non naturales, et eae fuerunt causae extrinsecae, ex quibus postea ortae sunt obstructiones.

1348. Path. I. l. c. 2. Maximam in gignendis morbis vim obtinet, pabulum, materiamque morbi suggerens: nam nec ab aere, nec a perturbationibus, vel aliis evidentibus causis morbi sunt, nisi consentiat corporis praeparatio, et humorum constitutio. Ut semel dicam, una gula est omnium morborum mater, etiamsi alius est genitor. Ab hac morbi sponte saepe emanant, nulla alia cogente causa.

1349. Cogan, Eliot, Vauhan, Vener.

1350. Frietagius.

1351. Isaac.

1352. Non laudatur quia melancholicum praebet alimentum.

1353. Male alit cervina (inquit Frietagius) crassissimum et atribilarium suppeditat alimentum.

1354. Lib. de subtiliss. dieta. Equina caro et asinina equinis danda est hominibus et asininis.

1355. Parum obsunt a natura Leporum. Bruerinus, l. 13. cap. 25. pullorum tenera et optima.

1356. Illaudabilis succi nauseam provocant.

1357. Piso. Altomar.

1358. Curio. Frietagius, Magninus, part. 3. cap. 17. Mercurialis, de affect, lib. I. c. 10. excepts all milk meats in Hypochondriacal Melancholy.

1359. Wecker, Syntax. theor. p. 2. Isaac, Bruer. lib. 15. cap. 30. et 31.

1360. Cap. 18. part. 3.

1361. Omni loco et omni tempore medici detestantur anguillas praesertim circa solstitium. Damnanturtum sanis tum aegris.

1362. Cap. 6. in his Tract of Melancholy.

1363. Optime nutrit omnium judicio inter primae notae pisces gustu praestanti.

1364. Non est dubium, quin pro variorum situ, ac natura, magnas alimentorum sortiantur differentias, alibi suaviores, alibi lutulentiores.

1365. Observat. 16. lib. 10.

1366. Pseudolus act. 3. scen. 2.

1367. Plautus, ibid.

1368. Quare rectius valedutini suae quisque consulet, qui lapsus priorum parentum memor, eas plane vel omiserit vel parce degustarit. Kersleius, cap. 4, de vero usu med.

1369. In Mizaldo de Horto, P. Crescent. Herbastein, &c.

1370. Cap. 13. part. 3. Bright, in his Tract of Mel.

1371. Intellectum turbant, producunt insaniam.

1372. Audivi (inquit Magnin.) quod si quis ex iis per annum continue comedat, in insaniam caderet. cap. 13. Improbi succi sunt. cap. 12.

1373. De rerum varietat. In Fessa plerumque morbosi, quod fructus comedant ter in die.

1374. Cap. de Mel.

1375. Lib. 11. c. 3.

1376. Bright, c. 6. excepts honey.

1377. Hor. apud Scoltzium, consil. 186.

1378. Ne comedas crustam, choleram quia gignit adustam. Schol. Sal.

1379. Vinum turbidum.

1380. Ex vini patentis bibitione, duo Alemani in uno mense melancholici facti sunt.

1381. Hildesheim, spicel. fol. 273.

1382. Crassum generat sanguinem.

1383. About Danzig in Spruce, Hamburgh, Leipsig.

1384. Henricus Abrmcensis.

1385. Potus tum salubris tum jucundus, l. 1.

1386. Galen l. 1. de san. tuend. Cavendae sunt aquae quae ex stagnis hauriuntur, et quae turbidae and male olentes, &c.

1387. Innoxium reddit et bene olentum.

1388. Contendit haec vitia coctione non emendari.

1389. Lib. de bonitate aquae, hydropem auget, febres putridas, splenem, tusses, nocet oculis, malum habitum corporis et colorem.

1390. Mag. Nigritatem inducit si pecora biberint.

1391. Aquae nivibus coactae strumosos faciunt.

1392. Cosmog. l. 3. cap. 36.

1393. Method, hist. cap. 5. Balbutiunt Labdoni in Aquitania ob aquas, atque hi morbi ab acquis in corpora derivantur.

1394. Edulia ex sanguine et suffocato parta. Hildesheim.

1395. Cupedia vero, placentae, bellaria, commentaque alia curiosa pistorum et coquorum, gustui servientium conciliant morbos tum corpori tum animo insanibiles. Philo Judaeus, lib. de victimis. P. Jov. vita ejus.

1396. As lettuce steeped in wine, birds fed with fennel and sugar, as a Pope's concubine used in Avignon. Stephan.

1397. Animae negotium illa facessit, et de templo Dii immundum stabulum facit. Peletius, 10. c.

1398. Lib. 11. c. 52. Homini cibus utilissimus simplex, acervatio cirborum pestifera, et condimenta perniciosa, multos morbos multa fercula ferunt.

1399. 31. Dec. 2. c. Nihil deterius quam si tempus justo longius comedendo protrahatur, et varia ciborum genera conjungantur: inde morborum scaturigo, quae ex repugnantia humorum oritur.

1400. Path. l. 1. c. 14.

1401. Juv. Sat. 5.

1402. Nimia repletio ciborum facit melancholicum.

1403. Comestio superflua cibi, et potus quantitas nimia.

1404. Impura corpora quanto magis nutris, tanto magis laedis: putrefacit enim alimentum vitiosus humor.

1405. Vid. Goclen. de portentosis coenis, &c. puteani Com.

1406. Amb. lib. de Jeju. cap. 14. They who invite us to a supper, only conduct us to our tomb.

1407. Juvenal. The highest-priced dishes afford the greatest gratification.

1408. Guiccardin.

1409. Na. quaest. 4. ca. ult. fastidio est lumen gratuitum, dolet quod sole, quod spiritum emere non possimus, quod hic aer non emptus ex facili, &c. adeo nihil placet, nisi quod carum est.

1410. Ingeniosi ad Gulam.

1411. Olim vile mancipium, nunc in omni aestimatione, nunc ars haberi caepta, &c.

1412. Epist. 28. l. 7. Quorum in ventre ingenium, in patinis, &c.

1413. In lucem coenat. Sertorius.

1414. Seneca.

1415. Mancipia gulae, dapes non sapore sed sumptu aestimantes. Seneca, consol. ad Helvidium.

1416. Saevientia guttura satiare non possunt fluvii et maria, Aeneas Sylvius, de miser. curial.

1417. Plautus.

1418. Hor. lib. 1. Sat. 3.

1419. Diei brevitas conviviis, noctis longitudo stupris conterebratur.

1420. Et quo plus capiant, irritamenta excogitantur.

1421. Fores portantur ut ad convivium reportentur, repleri ut exhauriant, et exhauriri ut bibant. Ambros.

1422. Ingentia vasa velut ad ostentationem, &c.

1423. Plautus.

1424. Lib. 3. Anthol. c. 20.

1425. Gratiam conciliant potando.

1426. Notis ad Caesares.

1427. Lib. de educandis principum liberis.

1428. Virg. Ae. 1.

1429. Idem strenui potatoris Episcopi Sacellanus, cum ingentem pateram exhaurit princeps.

1430. Bohemus in Saxonia. Adeo immoderate et immodeste ab ipsis bibitur, ut in compotationibus suis non cyathis solum et cantharis sat infundere possint, sed impletum mulctrale apponant, et scutella injecta hortantur quemlibet ad libitum potare.

1431. Dictu incredible, quantum hujusce liquorice immodesta gens capiat, plus potantem amicissimum habent, et cert coronant, inimicissimum e contra qui non vult, et caede et fustibus expiant.

1432. Qui potare recusat, hostis habetur, et caede nonnunquam res expiatur.

1433. Qui melius bibit pro salute domini, melior habetur minister.

1434. Graec. Poeta apud Stobaeum, ser. 18.

1435. Qui de die jejunant, et nocte vigilant, facile cadunt in melancholiam; et qui naturae modum excedunt, c. 5. tract. 15. c. 2. Longa famis tolerantia, ut iis saepe accidit qui tanto cum fervore Deo servire cupiunt per jejunium, quod maniaci efficiantur, ipse vidi saepe.

1436. In tenui victu aegri delinquunt, ex quo fit ut majori afficiantur detrimento, majorque fit error tenui quam pleniore victu.

1437. Quae longo tempore consueta sunt, etiamsi deteriora, minus in assuetis molestare solent.

1438. Qui medice vivit, misere vivit.

1439. Consuetudo altera natura.

1440. Herefordshire, Gloucestershire, Worcestershire.

1441. Leo Afer. l. 1. solo camelorum lacte contenti, nil praeterea deliciarum ambiunt.

1442. Flandri vinum butyro dilutum bibunt (nauseo referens) ubique butyrum inter omnia fercula et bellaria locum obtinet. Steph. praefat. Herod.

1443. Delectantur Graeci piscibus magis quam carnibus.

1444. Lib. 1. hist. Ang.

1445. P. Jovius descript. Britonum. They sit, eat and drink all day at dinner in Iceland, Muscovy, and those northern parts.

1446. Suidas, vict. Herod, nihilo cum eo melius quam si quis Cicutam, Aconitum, &c.

1447. Expedit. in Sinas, lib. 1. c. 3. hortensium herbarum et olerum, apud Sinas quam apud nos longe frequentior usus, complures quippe de vulgo reperias nulla alia re vel tenuitatis, vel religionis causa vescentes. Equus, Mulus, Asellus, &c. aeque fere vescuntur ac pabula omnia, Mat. Riccius, lib. 5. cap. 12.

1448. Tartari mulis, equis vescuntur et crudis carnibus, et fruges contemnunt, dicentes, hoc jumentorum pabulum et bonum, non hominum.

1449. Islandiae descriptione victus corum butyro, lacte, caseo consistit: pisces loco panis habent, potus aqua, aut serum, sic vivunt sine medicina multa ad annos 200.

1450. Laet. occident. Ind. descrip. lib. 11. cap. 10. Aquam marinam bibere sueti absque noxa.

1451. Davies 2. voyage.

1452. Patagones.

1453. Benzo et Fer. Cortesius, lib. novus orbis inscrip.

1454. Linschoten, c. 56. Palmae instar totius orbis arboribus longe praestantior.

1455. Lips. epist.

1456. Teneris assuescere multum.

1457. Repentinae mutationes noxam pariunt. Hippocrat. Aphorism. 21. Epist. 6. sect. 3.

1458. Bruerinus, lib. 1. cap. 23.

1459. Simpl. med. c. 4. l. 1.

1460. Heurnius, l. 3. c. 19. prax. med.

1461. Aphoris. 17.

1462. In dubiis consuetudinem sequatur adolescens, et inceptis perseveret.

1463. Qui cum voluptate assumuntur cibi, ventriculus avidius complectitur, expeditiusque concoquit, et quae displicent aversatur.

1464. Nothing against a good stomach, as the saying is.

1465. Lib. 7. Hist. Scot.

1466. 30. artis.

1467. Quae excernuntur aut subsistunt.

1468. Ex ventre suppresso, inflammationes, capitis dolores, caligines crescunt.

1469. Excrementa retenta mentis agitationem parere solent.

1470. Cap. de Mel.

1471. Tam delirus, ut vix se hominem agnosceret.

1472. Alvus astrictus causa.

1473. Per octo dies alvum siccum habet, et nihil reddit.

1474. Sive per nares, sive haemorrhoides.

1475. Multi intempestive ab haemorrhoidibus curati, melancholia corrupti sunt. Incidit in Scyllam, &c.

1476. Lib. 1. de Mania.

1477. Breviar. l. 7. c. 18.

1478. Non sine magno incommodo ejus, cui sanguis a naribus promanat, noxii sanguinis vacuatio impediri potest.

1479. Novi quosdam prae pudore a coitu abstinentes, turpidos, pigrosque factos; nonnullos etiam melancholicos, praeter modum moestos, timidosque.

1480. Nonnulli nisi coeant assidue capitis gravitate infestantur. Dicit se novisse quosdam tristes et ita factos ex intermissione Veneris.

1481. Vapores venenatos mittit sperma ad cor et cerebrum. Sperma plus diu retentum, transit in venenum.

1482. Graves producit corporis et animi aegritudines.

1483. Ex spermate supra modum retento monachos et viduas melancholicos saepe fieri vidi.

1484. Melancholia orta a vasis seminariis in utero.

1485. Nobilis senex Alsatus juvenem uxorem duxit, at ille colico dolore, et multis morbis correptus, non potuit praestare officium mariti, vix inito matrimonio aegrotus. Illa in horrendum furorum incidit, ob Venerem cohibitam ut omnium eam invisentium congressum, voce, vultu, gestu expeteret, et quum non consentirent, molossos Anglicanos magno expetiit clamore.

1486. Vidi sacerdotem optimum et pium, qui quod nollet uti Venere, in melancholica symptomata incidit.

1487. Ob abstinentiam a concubitu incidit in melancholiam.

1488. Quae a coitu exacerbantur.

1489. Superstuum coitum causam ponunt.

1490. Exsiccat corpus, spiritus consumit, &c. caveant ab hoc sicci, velut inimico mortali.

1491. Ita exsiccatus ut e melancholico statim fuerit insanus, ab humectantibus curatus.

1492. Ex cauterio et ulcere exsiccato.

1493. Gord. c. 10. lib. 1. Discommends cold baths as noxious.

1494. Siccum reddunt corpus.

1495. Si quis longius moretur in iis, aut nimis frequenter, aut importune utatur, humores putrefacit.

1496. Ego anno superiore, quendam guttosum vidi adustum, qui ut liberaretur de gutta, ad balnea accessit, et de gutta liberatus, maniacus factus est.

1497. On Schola Salernitana.

1498. Calefactio et ebullitio per venae incisionem, magis saepe incitatur et augetur, majore impetu humores per corpus discurrunt.

1499. Lib. de flatulenta Melancholia. Frequens sanguinis missio corpus extenuat.

1500. In 9 Rhasis, atram bilem parit, et visum debilitat.

1501. Multo nigrior spectatur sanguis post dies quosdam, quam fuit ab initio.

1502. Non laudo eos qui in desipientia docent secandam esse venam frontis, quia spiritus debilitatur inde, et ego longa experientia observavi in proprio Xenodochio, quod desipientes ex phlebotomia magis laeduntur, et magis disipiunt, et melancholici saepe fiunt inde pejores.

1503. De mentis alienat. cap. 3. etsi multos hoc improbasse sciam, innumeros hac ratione sanatos longa observatione cognovi, qui vigesies, sexagies venas tundendo, &c.

1504. Vires debilitat.

1505. Impurus aer spiritus dejicit, infecto corde gignit morbos.

1506. Sanguinem densat, et humores, P. 1. c. 13.

1507. Lib. 3. cap. 3.

1508. Lib. de quartana. Ex aere ambiente contrahitur humor melancholicus.

1509. Qualis aer, talis spiritus: et cujusmodi spiritus, humores.

1510. Aelianus Montaltus, c. 11. calidus et siccus, frigidus et siccus, paludinosus, crassus.

1511. Multa hic in Xenodochiis fanaticorum millia quae strictissime catenata servantur.

1512. Lib. med. part. 2. c. 19. Intellige, quod in calidis regionibus, frequenter accidit mania, in frigidis autem tarde.

1513. Lib. 2.

1514. Hodopericon, cap. 7.

1515. Apulia aestivo calore maxime fervet, ita ut ante finem Maii pene exusta sit.

1516. They perish in clouds of sand. Maginus Pers.

1517. Pantheo seu Pract. Med. l. 1. cap. 16. Venetae mulieres quae diu sub sole vivunt, aliquando melancholicae evadunt.

1518. Navig. lib. 2 cap. 4. commercia nocte, hora secunda ob nimios, qui saeviunt interdiu aestus exercent.

1519. Morbo Gallico laborantes, exponunt ad solem ut morbus exsiccent.

1520. Sir Richard Hawkins in his Observations, sect. 13.

1521. Hippocrates, 3. Aphorismorum idem ait.

1522. Idem Maginus in Persia.

1523. Descrip. Ter. sanctae.

1524. Quum ad solis radios in leone longam moram traheret, ut capillos slavos redderet, in maniam incidit.

1525. Mundus alter et idem, seu Terra Australis incognita.

1526. Crassus et turpidus aer, tristem efficit animam.

1527. Commonly called Scandaroon in Asia Minor.

1528. Atlas geographicus memoria, valent Pisani, quod crassiore fruantur aere.

1529. Lib. 1. hist. lib. 2. cap. 41. Aura densa ac caliginosa tetrici homines existunt, et substristes, et cap. 3. stante subsolano et Zephyro, maxima in mentibus hominum alacritas existit, mentisque erectio ubi telum solis splendore nitescit. Maxima dejectio maerorque si quando aura caliginosa est.

1530. Geor.

1531. Hor.

1532. Mens quibus vacillat, ab aere cito offenduntur, et multi insani apud Belgas ante tempestates saeviunt, aliter quieti. Spiritus quoque aeris et mali genii aliquando se tempestatibus ingerunt, et menti humanae se latenter insinuant, eamque vexant, exagitant, et ut fluctus marini, humanum corpus ventis agitatur.

1533. Aer noctu densatur, et cogit moestitiam.

1534. Lib de Iside et Osyride.

1535. Multa defatigatio, spiritus, viriumque substantiam exhaurit, et corpus refrigerat. Humores corruptos qui aliter a natura concoqui et domari possint, et demum blande excludi, irritat, et quasi in furorem agit, qui postea mota camerina, tetro vapore corpus varie lacessunt, animumque.

1536. In Veni mecum: Libro sic inscripto.

1537. Instit. ad vit. Christ, cap. 44. cibos crudos in venas rapit, qui putrescentes illic spiritus animalis inficiunt.

1538. Crudi haec humoris copia per venas aggreditur, unde morbi multiplices.

1539. Immodicum exercitium.

1540. Hom. 31. in 1 Cor. vi. Nam qua mens hominis quiscere non possit, sed continuo circa varias cogitationes discurrat, nisi honesto aliquo negotio occupetur, ad melancholiam sponte delabitur.

1541. Crato, consil. 21. Ut immodica corporis exercitatio nocet corporibus, ita vita deses, et otiosa: otium, animal pituitosum reddit, viscerum obstructiones et crebras fluxiones, et morbos concitat.

1542. Et vide quod una de rebus quae magis generat melancholiam, est otiositas.

1543. Reponitur otium ab aliis causa, et hoc a nobis observatum eos huic malo magis obnoxios qui plane otiosi sunt, quam eos qui aliquo munere versantur exequendo.

1544. De Tranquil. animae. Sunt qua ipsum otium in animi conjicit aegritudinem.

1545. Nihil est quod aeque melancholiam alat ac augeat, ac otium et abstinentia a corporis et animi exercitationibus.

1546. Nihil magis excaecat intellectum, quam otium. Gordonius de observat. vit. hum. lib. 1.

1547. Path. lib. 1. cap. 17. exercitationis intermissio, inertem calorem, languidos spiritus, et ignavos, et ad omnes actiones segniores reddit, cruditates, obstructiones, et excrementorum proventus facit.

1548. Hor. Ser. 1. Sat. 3.

1549. Seneca.

1550. Moerorem animi, et maciem, Plutarch calls it.

1551. Sicut in stagno generantur vermes, sic et otioso malae cogitationes. Sen.

1552. Now this leg, now that arm, now their head, heart, &c.

1553. Exod. v.

1554. (For they cannot well tell what aileth them, or what they would have themselves) my heart, my head, my husband, my son, &c.

1555. Prov. xviii. Pigrum dejiciet timor. Heautontimorumenon.

1556. Lib. 19. c. 10.

1557. Plautus, Prol. Mostel.

1558. Piso, Montaltus, Mercurialis, &c.

1559. Aquibus malum, velut a primaria causa, nactum est.

1560. Jucunda rerum praesentium, praeteritarum, et futurarum meditatio.

1561. Facilis descensus Averni: Sed revocare gradum, superasque evadere ad auras, Hic labor, hoc opus est. Virg.

1562. Hieronimus, ep. 72. dixit oppida et urbes videri sibi tetros carceres, solitudinem Paradisum: solum scorpionibus infectum, sacco amictus, humi cubans, aqua et herbis victitans, Romanis praetulit deliciis.

1563. Offic. 3.

1564. Eccl 4.

1565. Natura de te videtur conqueri posse, quod cum ab ea temperatissimum corpus adeptus sis, tam praeclarum a Deo ac utile donum, non contempsisti modo, verum corrupisti, sedasti, prodidisti, optimam temperaturam otio, crapula, et aliis vitae erroribus, &c.

1566. Path. lib. cap. 17. Fernel. corpus infrigidat, omnes sensus, mentisque vires torpore debilitat.

1567. Lib. 2. sect. 2. cap. 4. Magnam excrementorum vim cerebro et aliis partibus conservat.

1568. Jo. Retzius, lib. de rebus 6 non naturalibus. Praeparat corpus talis somnus ad multas periculosas aegritudines.

1569. Instit. ad vitam optimam, cap. 26. cerebro siccitatem adfert, phrenesin et delirium, corpus aridum facit, squalidum, strigosum, humores adurit, temperamentum cerebri corrumpit, maciem inducit: exsiccat corpus, bilem accendit, profundos reddit oculos, calorem augit.

1570. Naturalem calorem dissipat, laesa concoctione cruditates facit. Attenuant juvenum vigilatae corpora noctes.

1571. Vita Alexan.

1572. Grad. 1. c. 14.

1573. Hor. The body oppressed by yesterday's vices weighs down the spirit also.

1574. Perturbationes clavi sunt, quibus corpori animus seu patibulo affigitur. Jamb. de mist.

1575. Lib. de sanitat. tuend.

1576. Prolog. de virtute Christi; Quae utitur corpore, ut faber malleo.

1577. Vita Apollonij, lib. 1.

1578. Lib. de anim. ab inconsiderantia, et ignorantia omnes animi motus.

1579. De Physiol. Stoic.

1580. Grad. 1. c. 32.

1581. Epist. 104.

1582. Aelianus.

1583. Lib. 1. cap. 6. si quis ense percusserit eos, tantum respiciunt.

1584. Terror in sapiente esse non debet.

1585. De occult nat. mir. l. 1. c. 16. Nemo mortalium qui affectibus non ducatur: qui non movetur, aut saxum, aut Deus est.

1586. Instit. l. 2. de humanorum affect. morborumque curat.

1587. Epist. 105.

1588. Granatensis.

1589. Virg.

1590. De civit. Dei. l. 14. c. 9. qualis in oculis hominum qui inversis pedibus ambulat, talis in oculis sapientum, cui passiones dominantur.

1591. Lib. de Decal. passiones maxime corpus offendunt et animam, et frequentissimae causae melancholiae, dimoventes ab ingenio et sanitate pristina, l. 3. de anima.

1592. Fraenaet stimuli animi, velut in mari quaedam aurae leves, quaedam placidae, quaedam turbulentae: sic in corpore quaedam affectiones excitant tantum, quaedam ita movent, ut de statu judicii depellant.

1593. Ut gutta lapidem, sic paulatim hae penetrant animum.

1594. Usu valentes recte morbi animi vocantur.

1595. Imaginatio movet corpus, ad cujus motum excitantur humores, et spiritus vitales, quibus alteratur.

1596. Eccles., xiii. 26. The heart alters the countenance to good or evil, and distraction of the mind causeth distemperature of the body.

1597. Spiritus et sanguis a laesa Imaginatione contaminantur, humores enim mutati actiones animi immutant, Piso.

1598. Montani, consil. 22. Hae vero quomodo causent melancholiam, clarum; et quod concoctionem impediant, et membra principalia debilitent.

1599. Breviar. l. 1. cap. 18.

1600. Solent hujusmodi egressiones favorabiliter oblectare, et lectorem lassum jucunde refovere, stomachumque nauseantem, quodam quasi condimento reficere, et ego libenter excurro.

1601. Ab imaginatione oriuntur affectiones, quibus anima componitur, aut turbata deturbatur, Jo. Sarisbur. Metolog. lib. 4. c. 10.

1602. Scalig. exercit.

1603. Qui quotis volebat, mortuo similis jacebat auferens se a sensibus, et quum pungeretur dolorem non sensit.

1604. Idem Nymannus orat. de Imaginat.

1605. Verbis et unctionibus se consecrant daemoni pessimae mulieres qui iis ad opus suum utitur, et earum phantasiam regit, ducitque ad loca ab ipsis desiderata, corpora vero earum sine sensu permanent, quae umbra cooperit diabolus, ut nulli sine conspicua, et post, umbra sublata, propriis corporibus eas restitut, l. 3. c. 11. Wier.

1606. Denario medico.

1607. Solet timor, prae omnibus affectibus, fortes imaginationes gignere, post amor, &c. l. 3. c. 8.

1608. Ex viso urso, talem peperit.

1609. Lib. 1. cap. 4. de occult. nat. mir. si inter amplexus et suavia cogitet de uno, aut alio absente, ejus effigies solet in faetu elucere.

1610. Quid non faetui adhuc matri unito, subita spirituum vibratione per nervos, quibus matrix cerebro conjuncta est, imprimit impregnatae imaginatio? ut si imaginetur matum granatum, illius notas secum proferet faetus: Si leporem, infans editur supremo labello bifido, et dissecto: Vehemens cogitatio movet rerum species. Wier. lib. 3. cap. 8.

1611. Ne dum uterum gestent, admittant absurdas cogitationes, sed et visu, audituque foeda et horrenda devitent.

1612. Occult. Philos. lib. 1. cap. 64.

1613. Lib. 3. de Lamiis, cap. 10.

1614. Agrippa, lib. 1. cap. 64.

1615. Sect. 3. memb. 1. subsect. 3.

1616. Malleus malefic. fol. 77. corpus mutari potest in diversas aegritudines, ex forti apprehensione.

1617. Fr. Vales. l. 5. cont. 6. nonnunquam etiam morbi diuturni consequuntur, quandoque curantur.

1618. Expedit. in Sinas, l. 1. c. 9. tantum porro multi praedictoribus hisce tribuunt ut ipse metus fidem faciat: nam si praedictum iis fuerit tali die eos morbo corripiendos, ii ubi dies advenerit, in morbum incidunt, et vi metus afflicti, cum aegritudine, aliquando etiam cum morte colluctantur.

1619. Subtil. 18.

1620. Lib. 3. de anima, cap. de mel.

1621. Lib. de Peste.

1622. Lib. 1. cap. 63. Ex alto despicientes aliqui prae timore contremiscunt, caligant, infirmantur; sic singultus, febres, morbi comitiales quandoque sequuntur, quandoque recedunt.

1623. Lib. de Incantatione, Imaginatio subitum humorum, et spirituum motum infert, undo vario affectu rapitur sanguis, ac una morbificas causas partibus affectis eripit.

1624. Lib. 3. c. 18. de praestig. Ut impia credulitate quis laeditur, sic et levari eundem credibile est, usuque observatum.

1625. Aegri persuasio et fiducia, omni arti et consilio et medicinae praeferenda. Avicen.

1626. Plures sanat in quem plures confidunt. lib. de sapientia.

1627. Marcelius Ficinus, l. 13. c. 18. de theolog. Platonica. Imaginatio est tanquam Proteus vel Chamaeleon, corpus proprium et alienum nonnunquam afficiens.

1628. Cur oscitantes oscitent, Wierus.

1629. T. W. Jesuit.

1630. 3. de Anima.

1631. Ser. 35. Hae quatuor passiones sunt tanquam rotae in curru, quibus vehimur hoc mundo.

1632. Harum quippe immoderatione, spiritus marcescunt. Fernel. l. 1. Path. c. 18.

1633. Mala consuetudine depravatur ingenium ne bene faciat. Prosper Calenus, l. de atra bile. Plura faciunt homines e consuetudine quam e ratione. A teneris assuescere multum est. Video meliora proboque deteriora sequor. Ovid.

1634. Nemo laeditur nisi a seipso.

1635. Multi se in inquietudinem praecipitant ambitione et cupiditatibus excaecati, non intelligunt se illud a diis petere, quod sibi ipsis si velint praestare possint, si curis et perturbationibus, quibus assidue se macerant, imperare vellent.

1636. Tanto studio miseriarum causas, et alimenta dolorum quaerimus, vitamque secus felicissimam, tristem et miserabilem efficimus. Petrarch. praefat. de Remediis, &c.

1637. Timor et moestitia, si diu perseverent, causa et soboles atri humoris sunt, et in circulum se procreant. Hip. Aphoris. 23. l. 6. Idem Montaltus, cap. 19. Victorius Faventinus, pract. imag.

1638. Multi ex maerore et metu huc delapsi sunt. Lemn., lib. 1. cap. 16.

1639. Multa cura et tristitia faciunt accedere melancholiam (cap. 3. de mentis alien.) si altas radices agat, in veram fixamque degenerat melancholiam et in desperationem desinit.

1640. Ille luctus, ejus vero soror desperatio simul ponitur.

1641. Animarum crudele tormentum, dolor inexplicabilis, tinea non solum ossa, sed corda pertingens, perpetuus carnifex, vires animae consumens, jugis nox, et tenebrae profundae, tempestas et turbo et febris non apparens, omni igne validius incendens; longior, et pugnae finem non habens—Crucem circumfert dolor, faciemque omni tyranno crudeliorem prae se fert.

1642. Nat. Comes Mythol. l. 4. c. 6.

1643. Tully 3. Tusc. omnis perturbatio miseria et carnificina est dolor.

1644. M. Drayton in his Her. ep.

1645. Crato consil. 21. lib. 2. moestitia universum infrigidat corpus, calorem innatum extinguit, appetitum destruit.

1646. Cor refrigerat tristitia, spiritus exsiccat, innatumque calorem obruit, vigilias inducit, concoctionem labefactat, sanguinem incrassat, exageratque melancholicum succum.

1647. Spiritus et sanguis hoc contaminatur. Piso.

1648. Marc. vi. 16. 11.

1649. Maerore maceror, marcesco et consenesco miser, ossa atque pellis sum misera macritudice. Plaut.

1650. Malum inceptum et actum a tristitia sola.

1651. Hildesheim, spicel. 2. de melancholia, maerore animi postea accedente, in priora symptomata incidit.

1652. Vives, 3. de anima, c. de maerore. Sabin. in Ovid.

1653. Herodian. l. 3. maerore magis quem morbo consumptus est.

1654. Bothwallius atribilarius obiit Brizarrus Genuensis hist. &c.

1655. So great is the fierceness and madness of melancholy.

1656. Moestitia cor quasi percussum constringitur, tremit et languescit cum acri sensu doloris. In tristitia cor fugiens attrahit ex Splene lentum humorem melancholicum, qui effusus sub costis in sinistro latere hypocondriacos flatus facit, quod saepe accidit iis qui diuturna cura et moestitia conflictantur. Melancthon.

1657. Lib. 3. Aen. 4.

1658. Et metum ideo deam sacrarunt ut bonam mentem concederet. Varro, Lactantius, Aug.

1659. Lilius Girald. Syntag. l. de diis miscellaniis.

1660. Calendis Jan. feriae sunt divae Angeronae, cui pontifices in sacello Volupiae sacra faciunt, quod angores et animi solicitudines propitiata propellat.

1661. Timor inducit frigus, cordis palpitationem, vocis defectum atque pallorem. Agrippa, lib. 1. cap. 63. Timidi semper spiritus habent frigidos. Mont.

1662. Effusas cernens fugientes agmine turmas; quis mea nunc inflat cornua Faunus ait? Alciat.

1663. Metus non solum memoriam consternat, sed et institutum animi omne et laudabilem conatum impedit. Thucidides.

1664. Lib. de fortitudine et virtute Alexandri, ubi prope res adfuit terribilis.

1665. Sect. 2. Mem. 3. Subs. 2.

1666. Sect. 2. Memb. 4. Subs. 3.

1667. Subtil. 18. lib. timor attrahit ad se Daemonas, timor et error multum in hominibus possunt.

1668. Lib. 2. Spectris ca. 3. fortes raro spectra vident, quia minus timent.

1669. Vita ejus.

1670. Sect. 2. Memb. 4. Subs. 7.

1671. De virt. et vitiis.

1672. Com. in Arist. de Anima.

1673. Qui mentem subjecit timoria dominationi, cupiditatis, doloris, ambitionis, pudoris, felix non est, sed omnino miser, assiduis laborius torquetur et miseria.

1674. Multi contemnunt mundi strepitum, reputant pro nihilo gloriam, sed timent infamiam, offensionem, repulsam. Voluptatem severissime contemnunt, in dolore sunt molliores, gloriam negligunt, franguntur infamia.

1675. Gravius contumeliam ferimus quam detrimentum, ni abjecto nimis animo sinius. Plut. in Timol.

1676. Quod piscatoris aenigma solvere non posset.