Chapter XXVI
The Force sent to co-operate with Sir Donald Stewart—Strength of General Ross’s Division—A Force moved out to Charasia—Hasan Khan in Logar—Abdur Rahman and the Kohistanis—General Ross’s Advance on the Ghazni Road—Communication opened with Sir Donald Stewart—News of the Action at Ahmed Khel—Action at Charasia—Colonel Jenkins attacked by Hasan Khan—The Charasia Force strengthened—Description of the Action—General Macpherson’s Disposition of the Reinforcements—Defeat and Dispersion of the Logaris under Hasan Khan—Heavy Losses of the Afghans—The Leaders of the Attack.
The following extracts from letters will explain General Ross’s movement towards Ghazni to co-operate with Sir Donald Stewart:—
17th April, 1880.
Sufficient time having been given to the chiefs who attended the late Durbar to return to their homes, the force told off to co-operate with Sir Donald Stewart’s column advancing from Candahar, has started for Sheikhabad on the Ghazni Road. It left yesterday morning under command of Major-General John Ross, and took the road to Argandeh, halting for the night at Kila Kazi, seven or eight miles from the Cabul gorge. Its numerical strength was nearly 4,000 fighting men of all arms, made up as follows:—
────────────────────────────────────┬──────────┬─────────────── │Officers. │Rank and File. ────────────────────────────────────┼──────────┼─────────────── 6-8, Royal Artillery (4 screw-guns) │ 4│ 131 Hazara Mountain Battery (6 guns) │ 5│ 200 9th Lancers (1 squadron) │ 4│ 100 3rd Punjab Cavalry (2 squadrons) │ 6│ 200 3rd Bengal Cavalry │ 8│ 350 9th Foot ⎛ General C. ⎞ │ 21│ 700 4th Ghoorkas ⎜ Gough’s ⎟ │ 7│ 660 24th Punjab Native ⎝ Brigade ⎠ │ 8│ 660 Infantry │ │ 23rd Pioneers │ 8│ 680 3rd Company Sappers and Miners │ 2│ 96 Field Park (Captain Brackenbury) │ 1│ 60 ────────────────────────────────────┼──────────┼─────────────── Total │ 74│ 3,837 ────────────────────────────────────┴──────────┴───────────────
The officers of the Staff are—General Ross, commanding; Major Boyes, A.A.G.; Captain Dutton, A.Q.M.G.; and Dr. Macnalty, Staff Surgeon; Brigadier-General Charles Gough, C.B., V.C.; Major Gerard, Brigade Major; Major Kinloch and Major Combe, D.A.Q.M.Gs. Captain Ridgeway is the Political Officer with the Division.
This force is of sufficient strength to hold its own against any force that can possibly be gathered together on the Ghazni Road, but it seems unlikely that it will meet with any serious opposition in that quarter. Mahomed Jan’s faction has been so split up, that he will have difficulty in raising large bodies of men in future, particularly as the eyes of the Kohistanis, Cabulis, Logaris, and Safis are all turned northwards, Abdur Rahman’s movements beyond the Hindu Kush being far more discussed than any tribal warfare towards Ghazni. To-day heliograms from Argandeh are to the effect that Mahomed Jan has fled to Narkh, the valley wherein are Bahadur Khan’s villages visited by us in November last. Two thousand men under Abdul Gaffur, a local moollah of some importance, are said to have assembled there; but unless this force is increased tenfold, no opposition worthy of the name can be shown to General Ross. Mahomed Jan’s parting shot was a summons to all the Kohistani maliks to raise their followers and march to Ghazni to resist the Candahar force—a summons, it is needless to say, which will not be obeyed, as the Kohistanis are not foolish enough to place themselves in a position where they would be cut off from their homes. Mahomed Hasan Khan and General Karim Khan have gone to Logar to get men together. The Ghazni faction is on the horns of a dilemma, and the next few weeks will probably see our troops promenading through Wardak and Logar, collecting revenue and supplies, without any show of resistance to our orders. Of course, if Abdur Rahman makes a demonstration at Charikar, there may be another outburst of fanaticism; but, so far as we can judge, that adventurer is not too anxious to cross the Hindu Kush until matters are a little more advanced. If he can see his way to secure the Amirship easily without fighting, he will certainly make overtures to Sir F. Roberts. The rumour that he is running short of funds is very significant in itself; he cannot keep an army together unless he has the means wherewith to pay his sepoys, and he is too shrewd to risk a failure by pushing his force too far south when our army is within five marches of Charikar. We are more on the alert now than we have been since the events of December, and the Kohistanis know this perfectly well, though, perhaps, they do not know that General Macpherson’s Brigade is to be held in readiness to move out at an hour’s notice should local disaffection require such a step.
22nd April.
General Ross has reached Kila Durani, one march from Sheikhabad, without serious opposition. For the benefit of all humanitarian critics, I may state that strict orders have been given under which hostile villages are only to be punished by the destruction of their towers and fortified places: the houses of the tribesmen will in all cases be spared. Such grain and stores as we require will be taken—a very mild way, indeed, of “living upon the country.” We pay such exorbitant prices for everything we buy, that the few maunds of corn taken in this way cannot prove any serious loss to the tribesmen.
In addition to the column co-operating with Sir Donald Stewart, it has been found advisable to send a small force to Charasia. This is made up of two guns F-A, Royal Horse Artillery, a wing of the 92nd Highlanders, and the whole of the Guides, cavalry and infantry. The reason for this step was that Mahomed Hasan Khan was threatening all villagers who were sending in supplies to Sherpur from Logar, and the roads had become very unsafe for all kafilas. The case of the Khan of Kushi will show very clearly the state of Logar at the present moment, and the awkward position in which maliks friendly to the British are placed. This old man did all he could to aid our advance when we crossed the Shutargardan in September, and he has since remained faithful to his promises made to us. A few days ago he came in to Sherpur, and asked for advice, his case being that Hasan Khan had ordered him to send all his fighting men to Baraki Rajan and to furnish supplies for the levies being raised in Logar. The Khan would not obey the order, and Hasan Khan then threatened to destroy his villages and seize all his goods. The threat may have been an idle one, but still it was enough to intimidate the malik. He was told to return to his home and to keep Hasan Khan in play for a few days, when the advance of General Ross upon Sheikhabad, and General Stewart’s arrival at Ghazni, would probably cause the dispersion of any bands under Hasan Khan. In the meantime, to hasten this dispersion, and to keep the roads from Logar to Cabul open, Colonel Jenkins was ordered to Charasia, and there he is now encamped waiting for orders. The effect upon the disorderly spirits in Logar has been most healthy. They dread an incursion into their valley on both sides, and they are now anxious to renounce Hasan Khan and all his works. There are always men to be found in every tribe ripe for adventure and guerilla warfare, and it seems probable that Hasan Khan still has several hundred of these about, and intends harassing picquets and rear-guards whenever opportunity offers. He has always a road of escape open towards Zurmut or the Shutargardan; and unless the maliks turn him out of their villages, he will continue to foment discontent in Logar until the Ghazni and Sheikhabad Forces have united and swept through the valley to Kushi. The people are willing and, indeed, anxious to send supplies to Cabul, as the prices paid by us are abnormally high; but until the presence of our troops frees the headmen from all fear of reprisals by Hasan Khan, the flow of grain and cattle to Cabul will be sluggish and uncertain.
From the north the news of Abdur Rahman’s movements is still meagre in the extreme; but the explanation most probably of this is, that he is waiting for events to be a little more distinctly shaped in Cabul before he plays his trump card and formally demands the Amirship. He has sent circulars to all the leading chiefs in Kohistan and the Cabul province, upon whose goodwill he thinks he can count; and having thus put his claims forward, he is content to rest upon his arms and make his position in Turkistan and about Kunduz secure before venturing over the Hindu Kush. His intentions towards the British may be looked upon as unformed so far: they will depend upon the spirit in which his claims are received. If we decline to have anything to say to him—which is extremely unlikely, as it is rumoured that a Mission is to be sent to Kunduz from Sherpur—he will either raise a new jehad, or will wait until we have left Cabul, and then quietly swoop down upon any nominee we have placed on the throne, and try his fortune once more for the Amirship. If, on the contrary, we make our usual philanthropic offers of friendship, and invite him to come forward and state his case, leaving it to the decision of the chiefs and people, he will unquestionably meet us half-way, and trust to his old popularity gaining him an easy triumph. His mainstay is Kohistan, whence he looks to receive arms, money, and men; and, so far as can be judged, the Kohistanis favour his claims unreservedly. Knowing this, it has been all the more imperative that we should induce the Kohistani chiefs to come in and make their wishes known: as, once Abdur Rahman is secured in the interests of the British, and his claims allowed by the majority of the tribesmen, our political difficulties would begin to clear away. An agent, Ressalder Mahomed Afzul of the 11th Bengal Lancers, was sent by us into Kohistan to confer with the maliks, and he has been successful in bringing between seventy and eighty of these men to Cabul. The chief among these are Jabbar Khan, Gholam Hyder Khan, and Khwaja Abdul Kadir, and it is no secret that they are friends of Abdur Rahman. Mr. Lepel Griffin received them in Durbar yesterday, and took from Gholam Hyder a paper signed not only by the maliks present, but by Surwar Khan Parwani, Mir Butcha, and the remainder of the Kohistani chiefs. Under the seals of all these men Gholam Hyder was appointed their mouthpiece to confer with the British, against whom all idea of enmity was disavowed. Surwar Khan and the other absentees promised also that if the maliks reported favourably upon their reception at Sherpur, they also would come in. The Durbar was not of the formal kind at which the Wardak and Logar chiefs were received, it being understood that the Kohistanis should hereafter formulate their requests, and make them known at a later period. The behaviour of the maliks was all that could be wished; and Gholam Hyder in a temperate and respectful speech, thanked Mr. Griffin for the consideration with which he and his friends had been treated, and earnestly hoped that a satisfactory arrangement would be come to, and that perfect friendliness would be established. The chief certainly seemed sincere enough, and his words were received with marked approval by his brother maliks, who nodded an affirmative as he quietly stated their desire to aid the British in creating a stable Government in Cabul. The maliks will remain in Cabul for several days, and it is probable that in a few days the other chiefs will come in, and then an answer can be given to their representations, which are shaped in the form of a request, that Abdur Rahman’s claims to the Amirship be favourably entertained by the British.
26th April.
The foraging parties sent out by General Ross were fired at in the Narkh Valley and on the Bamian Road leading from Maidan, and in consequence of this the Umur Khel Ghilzais were punished by a force being sent into the Darra Narkh. They met with no opposition, and having destroyed one of Bahadur Khan’s towers, they rejoined the main body.
After the punishment of the Umur Khel, General Ross marched from Maidan and encamped, on 21st April, at Kila Sher Mahomed, more commonly called Kila Durani, about two miles to the south of the Cabul river, which was found to be easily fordable. There were the remains of what must once have been a handsome bridge, but time and neglect had made it a complete ruin. News were brought in of a combination of all the neighbouring tribes, and of an intended attack to be made upon three sides. Mahomed Jan, with a large force of Wardaks, was to appear from the south; Mahomed Hasan Khan, with the Logaris, was to try a flank attack from the east; while Bahadur Khan and Abdul Gaffur were to direct the movements of the Maidanis and the Umur Khel from the hills to the west. The combination seemed to be one so likely to take place, that every precaution was taken by General Ross: the camp was made as compact as possible, entrenchments were thrown up, and the troops were ready to turn out at the first alarm. A night attack on the 21st was fully expected, but no alarm was given, and on the following morning the force marched onwards to Sar-i-Tope, ten miles. This left the Maidan villages seventeen miles in rear; and it became daily more apparent that the tribesmen meditated some kind of attack along the road. Parties of men crowned the hills on the west, and fired at long ranges upon the column; but such bullets as fell near our men were all spent, and but little notice was taken of so harmless a demonstration. The road ran through a valley two or three miles broad, with a gradual ascent the whole way. Once only a party of men ventured down the hill sides, probably to get within range of the column, but a shell from the Hazara Mountain Battery dispersed them, and their comrades were not bold enough to repeat the manœuvre. At 9 A.M. Sar-i-Tope was reached, the camping ground being at an elevation of about 8,000 feet, and the Sher-i-Dahan Pass, north of Ghazni, could be seen. Before noon a heliograph flash was noticed on the Sher-i-Dahan Kotal, and Lieutenant Whistler Smith’s signallers were soon in communication with the advanced party of the Candahar column. The first message which linked the two forces together was sent in the name of Sir Donald Stewart, and was as follows:—
“On the 19th the division under my command, while marching from Mushaki, encountered an armed gathering of Andaris, Tarakis, Suleiman Kheyls and other tribesmen, who numbered some 15,000 men, horse and foot. Preparation was made to attack the strong position held by the enemy at Ahmed Khel, twenty-three miles south of Ghazni, when a body of some 3,000 fanatic swordsmen poured down on our troops, spreading out beyond either flanks of our line. The fighting lasted one hour, after which the entire body of the enemy spread broadcast over the country. The protection of the baggage prevented pursuit by the cavalry. The division, however, marched forward nine miles to Naui after the engagement, and the day before yesterday, the 20th, the advanced cavalry entered Ghazni. Over 1,000 of the enemy’s dead were counted on the ground, and their loss in killed and wounded is stated to be 2,000. Casualties on our side: 17 killed and 115 wounded. The following are the wounded:—Lieutenant Young, 19th Bengal Lancers, dangerously; Captain Corbet, R.H.A., severely; Lieutenant-Colonel Lawson, 59th Foot, Colonel Yorke, 19th Bengal Lancers, Lieutenant Watson, 59th Foot, Lieutenant Stewart, 2nd Punjab Cavalry, all slightly. No officers killed. All wounded are doing well.”
This good news had scarcely reached Sherpur when the cantonment was thrown into a state of excitement by a sharp fight at Charasia. The discontented tribesmen in Logar, foreseeing that in a very short time they would have in their midst a force which they could not hope to contend against, made a desperate effort to cut up Colonel Jenkins’s party at Charasia. Since the anxious days of December, no such excitement has been felt at Sherpur as that of yesterday morning, when it became known that the Highlanders and Guides were hotly engaged beyond the Sang-i-Nawishta defile, and that General Macpherson was ordered to march to their assistance. The cantonment was all astir, and the secret orders which had been issued when General Ross moved out were at once put into execution. The 2nd Brigade, under General Baker, knew that in the event of General Macpherson’s brigade leaving Sherpur, they had to take charge of all the posts held by the 92nd Highlanders, 45th Sikhs, and 28th Punjabees; and between eight and nine o’clock the 72nd Highlanders, 3rd Sikhs, 5th Ghoorkas, and 5th Punjab Infantry, were all falling in and being told off to their respective stations. Of the Europeans 100 went to Fort Siah Sung, 120 to Fort Onslow (the fort on the eastern end of Bemaru Heights), 100 to the fort on Asmai Heights, and 250 to the Bemaru Gorge as the reserve, where also two guns of G-3 were placed, commanding the maidan between the gorge and the Wazirabad Lake. The native regiments also furnished parties for Asmai, Siah Sung, and the detached forts about it, and manned the block-houses and defences at the eastern and western ends of the cantonment. The gate guards were strengthened by small parties held in reserve, and one might have imagined that Sherpur was on the eve of a second siege. These precautions were necessary, as our spies had brought in news of 6,000 or 8,000 Kohistanis being in the neighbourhood of Baba Kuch Kar, and Shahbaz Khan, our Governor of Koh-Daman, had sent in alarming reports of Mir Butcha’s and Surwar Khan’s intentions. They were said to intend a sudden attack upon Sherpur; and although Mir Butcha had written in to say that his intentions were not hostile, and that he would shortly visit General Roberts to pay his respects, it was deemed wise to take every precaution, and to be ready to check the Kohistanis if they crossed the Paen Minar or other kotals to the north of the cantonment. The picquet of 100 men of the 28th Punjab Infantry were withdrawn from Paen Minar, and a troop of cavalry sent out to watch the road from Koh-Dahman. Parties of signallers were stationed on all the commanding points in our chain of defences, and a sharp look-out was kept in every direction. From Butkhak and Luttabund all was reported quiet; while towards Pughman and Argandeh not a sign of any tribesmen being on the move could be detected. The interest, therefore, was concentrated upon Charasia, with which we were in heliographic communication, Colonel Jenkins signalling up to the fort on the Sherderwaza, and the message being flashed down to the signallers on the General’s gateway. The news first sent in was that 2,000 to 8,000 tribesmen had opened fire upon the camp at daybreak, and that their attack had since been developed in force. At 9.50 Colonel Jenkins heliographed that his loss up to that time had been three killed and seven wounded, that he was holding his own well, but that the enemy were being reinforced from the Zahidabad direction. By this time General Macpherson was on the move, and General Hugh Gough was also getting together a force to act in support.
General Macpherson took with him the wing of the 92nd Highlanders (278 rifles), still remaining in Sherpur, the whole of the 45th Sikhs (555 rifles), and four guns of Swinley’s mountain battery. A troop of the 3rd Punjab Cavalry escorting two guns of the screw battery were also ordered out to join him. The road to Beni Hissar was the route followed by the Brigadier, and in passing the Bala Hissar he was joined by 104 men of his old regiment, the 2nd Ghoorkas. Highlanders, Sikhs, and Ghoorkas, marched along in splendid style, and, making only one halt, they debouched upon the open ground beyond the Sang-i-Nawishta defile just after the midday gun had been fired. Two companies of Sikhs were left to hold the defile. General Hugh Gough followed with four guns of F-A, Royal Horse Artillery, escorted by a troop of the 9th Lancers, two squadrons of the 17th Bengal Cavalry, and a wing of the 28th Punjabees. These were halted at Beni Hissar, ready to move on in support if the resistance made by the Logaris necessitated such a step. Of the other troops of the garrison it will be enough to say that the 67th Foot and the remainder of the 2nd Ghoorkas were holding the Bala Hissar and Sherderwaza Fort. The heavy battery of 40-pounders was in position in the Siah Sung Fort.
The force under Colonel Jenkins comprised two guns F-A, a wing of the 92nd Highlanders (266 bayonets), and the Corps of Guides (260 sowars and 614 sepoys). As I mentioned in a previous letter, this party had been detached from Sherpur to watch the Logar Valley and keep open the road, as Mahomed Hasan Khan had stopped supplies coming in to Cabul. The object had been fully gained, and it was intended to move back the troops to cantonments yesterday. In fact, on Saturday Colonel Jenkins received instructions from Sir F. Roberts to hold himself in readiness to move at a minute’s notice, the rumours circulating about the Kohistanis having given rise to these orders. It was well known that bands of men had gathered in Logar from the villages about Hisarak, and on Saturday horsemen were seen some miles away in the direction of our old camping-ground near Zahidabad. It was not expected, however, that any attack in force would be made, but Colonel Jenkins was on the alert, and before daybreak yesterday morning he had his troops under arms, a few shots fired about five o’clock warning him that the Logaris were lurking about. His camp was pitched to the east of the Charasia villages, and was from 1,000 to 1,300 yards distant from the hills which shut off the Logar river from the Kushi-Cabul Road. In his rear was a low hill overlooking a jheel on the east, while still further to the north was “White’s Hill,” which Major White and a company of the 92nd Highlanders stormed on October 6th. These hills command the road leading to the Sang-i-Nawishta defile, and might serve as rallying points for a force hard pressed by an enemy advancing by the south. On Colonel Jenkins’s right flank were two walled enclosures and the Charasia orchards; while on his left was a precipitous range of hills, with three high peaks, distant 1,300 yards from his camp. To the south was open country, through which the Kushi Road runs, the said road being flanked by two deep ditches or nullahs, affording excellent cover for an enemy.
The first shots fired into the camp were from the range of hills on Colonel Jenkins’s left flank, and as the enemy had breech-loading rifles, the bullets reached their mark without difficulty. Upon the first alarm the tents were struck, and the baggage-animals loaded up ready for a move. With daylight it was seen that the three-peaked-range was lined with men, who had their standards planted, and were plainly determined to make an attack. Their fire increased from dropping shots to a brisk fusillade, and the baggage-animals were ordered to retire, with tents, &c., to the foot of the hill I have mentioned as lying in advance of White’s Hill. As escort, half a company of the 92nd Highlanders under Captain Napier, and a company of the Guides, were told off. Captain Napier occupied the hill, building a sungar for the protection of his men, and the baggage remained in safety below with a guard. In front of the camping-ground was a karez (a line of walls connected by an underground tunnel), and the earth excavated from this furnished the only cover possible for the infantry, who were extended by Colonel Jenkins in the shape of a semicircle, so as to hold the enemy on the hills in check, and also block an advance along the road. Major White was in command of the Highlanders, and the disposition of the men, it is almost needless to say, was admirably made. They held the front of the position. To guard his left flank, Colonel Jenkins extended three companies of the Guides’ Infantry, and on his right he placed a troop of cavalry outside the walls of a fort (held by twenty sepoys), ready to repel any rush that might be made from Charasia direction. When these dispositions had been completed, his strength of infantry was practically exhausted; the main body of Highlanders and Guides were lying along the line of the karez, and he had only half a company of Guides as his reserve. The two guns of F-A took up a position about 400 yards in the rear of the infantry, and the cavalry, again, formed up in rear of the guns. The troops were debarred from anything but acting on the defensive, as their baggage would have had to be sacrificed if an attempt had been made to storm the hills. Besides, as news of the impending action had been heliographed to the Sherderwaza Fort and reinforcements been asked for, the main object was to hold the tribesmen in check until sufficient troops should arrive to sweep them from their positions.
The enemy were bold enough at first, and gradually worked down the slopes of the range to within 800 or 900 yards’ range, while at the same time the more determined of their number, led by ghazis, worked along the ditches flanking the Kushi Road, and planted their standards within 200 yards of our line of skirmishers. Their numbers were estimated at first at about 2,000, but some reinforcements began to arrive, and they pushed their skirmishers into the Charasia orchards, whence a sharp fire was directed upon the camping ground. The infantry were well protected by the karez mounds, but the cavalry and guns were exposed to a heavy cross-fire from the orchards, the hillside, and the ditches in front. One of the artillery horses having been shot, and several sowars hit, it was thought well to remove the guns 400 yards nearer the hill occupied by Captain Napier. This was accordingly done, and the gunners under Lieutenant Wodehouse found shelter in a ditch, whence they could train their guns upon the enemy, while quite out of range themselves. The cavalry could not seek the same protection, as Colonel Jenkins relied upon them to check any rush by the ghazis attacking him in front. The sowars and their officers had therefore to remain under a heavy fire for several hours, 200 or 300 yards in rear of the line of skirmishers, and their losses were proportionally heavy, both in men and horses. No more trying position for cavalry can be imagined than waiting helplessly in the open until their time shall come, and it speaks well for the sowars that they never flinched, but kept quietly on the move backwards and forwards until their numbers were sadly thinned. The severity of the fire can be understood from the fact that three mounted officers, Major White, Lieutenant Dick Cunyngham (of the 92nd Highlanders), and Lieutenant Robertson (of the Commissariat Department), who were between the infantry and cavalry, had all little casualties to report. Major White’s horse was shot through the cheek, a bullet struck Lieutenant Dick Cunyngham’s saddle, and Lieutenant Robertson had his coat-sleeve torn and his field-glasses smashed by a bullet. Colonel Jenkins’s horse was also shot, and the Guides’ cavalry lost eight horses killed and twenty-four wounded—one-tenth of their sowars were really put out of action. I have dwelt thus particularly upon this class of casualties simply to prove the resolute way in which the tribesmen attacked, and the mischief they can do with good rifles in their hands. Our skirmishers they could scarcely touch, and the men were well under shelter, and exposed themselves as little as possible. The steady courage of the 92nd Highlanders made light of 2,000 or 3,000 men being in front, and their picked shots accounted for many of the ghazis, who tried to advance beyond the shelter of the friendly ditches on their side of the road. Once or twice it seemed as if a rush were meditated; the tom-toms were beaten, bugles sounded the advance, and standards were waved; but this only brought upon the enemy a more rapid fire from our men, and a few additional shells from our horse-artillery guns. The movements of the attacking force were directed with some skill, 200 or 300 horsemen keeping up communication with the party on the hill and the skirmishers in the orchards; and it was believed that, when larger reinforcements arrived from Logar, an attempt would be made to close round in the rear of Colonel Jenkins, and cut off his retreat. By noon this movement was beginning to be very apparent, as the orchards about Charasia were swarming with men; but the opportunity never really arrived, for General Macpherson with his reinforcements soon put an end to the whole affair.
General Macpherson, and with him about 1,000 men (of whom 555 were of the 45th Sikhs), and four guns now came up; and his first movement was to clear the orchards. The two companies of the 2nd Ghoorkas under Captain Hill turned off the road to the right, over the irrigated land, and made for the Charasia orchards, wherein they were soon hotly engaged. The wing of the 92nd under Colonel Parker marched on a few hundred yards further along the road and then also turned off to the right, so as to prolong the Ghoorka line of skirmishers and enfilade the enemy’s first line. The Sikhs kept straight on, and, as they advanced, the 92nd under Major White and the Guides’ infantry rose from the shelter of the karez, and all three regiments went up at the hills from which the enemy had annoyed Colonel Jenkins for nearly seven hours. The whole movement was carried out to perfection; our force swept onward in the shape of a fan, and cleared orchards, hills, and open country of every armed man. A plucky charge was made by the Ghoorkas: General Macpherson sent word that he wished a hill cleared of the enemy without further firing, and Captain Hill telling his men what was expected of them, the brave little fellows fixed bayonets, gave a cheer and carried the hill.
The Guides’ Cavalry were sent out into the open over the low Childukhteran Kotal on the Kushi Road, and succeeded in killing some thirty stragglers. The main body kept to the near ranges of hills, or sought refuge in nullahs and ravines intersecting them. The mountain guns got into action, and made good practice wherever any small groups of fugitives collected, and by two o’clock the tribesmen were scattered and were making their way as best they could along the hills out of reach of our cavalry and artillery. Their loss must have been very heavy, as over 100 bodies were counted on the ground, and they had carried off many others during the morning. In the ditches where the ghazis had planted their standards, within 200 yards of our men, more than twenty bodies were found, lying just as they had fallen. These were nearly all men shot through the head, showing the good practice made by our advanced skirmishers. Our expenditure of Martini and Snider ammunition was over 70,000 rounds, while the two guns of F-A battery each fired forty-eight rounds. Our loss in men was severe for such a skirmish; 92nd Highlanders, one killed, seven wounded (one mortally); F-A, Royal Horse Artillery, one wounded; Corps of Guides, four killed, twenty-one wounded; 45th Sikhs, two wounded; total, five killed, thirty-one wounded. Of the Guides nearly all the casualties were among the cavalry. When the enemy had been thoroughly cleared off the ground—the cavalry pursued them four miles—orders were given for the whole force to return to Sherpur, and the march back was accomplished without incident, except that the Ghoorkas made prisoners of twelve or fifteen villagers who had fired upon our troops. General Roberts met General Macpherson at Beni Hissar and rode back with him to cantonments. The Kohistanis had remained quiet and undemonstrative during the day; but it was not thought fit to allow the force to remain out at Charasia for the night, though our retirement after a successful action is sure to be misconstrued by the Afghans.
To-day it has been ascertained that the enemy’s losses were 400 or 500, of whom at least half were killed. The Chardeh villages alone are said to contain 200 dead. The leaders were Sirdar Mahomed Hasan Khan, ex-Governor of Jellalabad; General Mahomed Karim Khan; Padshah Khan, Ghilzai; Mahomed Shah Khan, of Kalunga; and minor maliks of Baraki Rajan and Charkh. The body of men they commanded was 5,000 strong, and included Logaris, men of Chardeh, Safis from Tagao, Kohistanis, and Ghilzais from Padshah Khan’s villages. It seems a pity that a faithless scoundrel like Padshah Khan cannot meet with his deserts. He was forgiven for fighting against us in December, and now he coolly breaks his word with us again, and collects his men and attacks our troops as if he had never received any subsidy from us. Hasan Khan’s followers were well armed, many with Sniders and Enfields, and a few with Martini rifles, bullets from the latter being picked up by some of our officers.
To-day (Monday) all is quiet again, but our picquets are still stationed on Asmai and the Bemaru Heights.
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Chapter XXVII
General Ross at Sydabad—Skirmishes with the Enemy—Junction of the Cabul and Candahar Forces—Sir Donald Stewart assumes Command in Northern Afghanistan—Mr. Lepel Griffin and the Kohistani Chiefs—A British Mission sent to Abdur Rahman Khan at Kunduz—Sir Donald Stewart’s March from Candahar to Ghazni—Attitude of the Tribes en route—The Hazara Contingent—Scarcity of Supplies—The Battle of Ahmed Khel—General Stewart’s Formation of Attack—Strength of the Afghan Force—Attack by Ghazis—Defeat and Dispersion of the Enemy—The Afghan Loss—The March to Nani—Capture of Ghazni—Action of Urzoo—A Second Victory—Mushk-i-Alam’s Plans.
May 2nd, 1880.
General Ross had to clear the hills about his camp at Sydabad on two occasions prior to General Sir Donald Stewart’s force arriving from Ghazni, but there were scarcely any casualties on our side. It would seem that 1,500 or 2,000 men gathered on the hills to the west of the camp at Sydabad on the 25th, and built sungars on several ridges, as if with the intention of holding their position to the last. To clear these hills a strong body of our troops, made up from the 9th Foot, 2nd Ghoorkas, and 24th Punjabees, with some of the mountain guns, were sent out, and they soon drove the enemy from the ridges. The sungars were first shelled, and then a rush made up the hills. The Afghans had a few ghazis among their number, as is usually the case, and these stood to their post and were shot down; but the main body fled in confusion. The Ghoorkas killed sixteen men in a nullah, and altogether forty bodies were counted on the ridges. Our loss was one Ghoorka killed and two wounded. On the following day, Monday the 26th, the enemy again showed on the hills, and again our men had to chase them away, two companies of the 23rd Pioneers sharing this time in the climbing. Again the enemy fled in confusion from ridge to ridge, losing ten or twelve killed. Much to the disgust of our men, the Afghans would not wait to come under the fire of our Martinis and Sniders at 200 or 300 yards; the shells from the mountain guns being effective in scattering any groups which for a few moments held together. After this the overt resistance on the part of the moollah, Abdul Gaffur, was at an end, and Mahomed Jan and Hasan Khan were no longer heard of. A force visited Lungar, and destroyed the moollah’s forts, obtaining some small amount of loot in the shape of books and china. Sir Donald Stewart’s force left Ghazni on April 25th, having had a second action with the enemy at Urzoo, seven miles from Ghazni. On the 29th of April General Ross started for Maidan with his force, which had been joined by the heavy battery of 40-pounders belonging to the Candahar column. Sir Donald Stewart, with Colonel Chapman, Chief of his Staff, accompanied General Ross. Yesterday (May 1st) the force marched to Kila Gholam Hyder, on the Cabul side of Argandeh. The Candahar column turned off from Sheikhabad into Logar, where it will probably stay, collecting revenue and supplies for the next few weeks. As it is over 6,000 strong, it is not likely to meet with much opposition; and, indeed, it is stated that the chief Logari maliks have already made their submission. To-day General Ross marched to Sherpur; the elephant battery is located in Sherpur, while General Gough’s Brigade is again encamped on Siah Sung. General Sir Donald Stewart arrived at about ten o’clock. Sir F. Roberts and Staff and Mr. Lepel Griffin rode out a few miles to meet him, and he was received at the head-quarters gate by a guard of honour of the 92nd Highlanders. A salute of fifteen guns is to be fired in his honour to-morrow morning. To-day he has taken over the command from Sir F. Roberts, a divisional order announcing that he commands the whole of the troops in Northern Afghanistan.
In regard to political matters here, we seem to have come to the end of our negotiations with tribesmen pure and simple, for the hundred Kohistani maliks who have been staying in Cabul were dismissed to their homes on Saturday by Mr. Lepel Griffin. The text of his speech in Durbar was as follows:—
“Your paper of requests has been carefully considered, and until some decision is given by the Government it is your duty, and it will be to your advantage, to remain quiet in your villages. Do not vainly imagine you will obtain anything by clamour and opposition. You have seen that the people of Ghazni, Logar, Maidan and Wardak have not been able to withstand for a moment the British arms, and have been punished for their hostility. The only fruit of their opposition is that they have to pay every penny; their revenue would otherwise have been remitted. You will tell those of your leaders who are not now present that the British Government will not tolerate disturbances, and collections of armed men in the neighbourhood of Cabul. All now assembled must disperse at once home. If they do not attend to this advice any misfortune they suffer will be their own fault. Two Sirdars of position are now being sent by the Government through Kohistan, and you will ensure their safety. The hostages sent by Mir Butcha as a guarantee of their security I do not require; the British army is itself to be sufficient guarantee for the observance of promises made by you. Your professions of friendship are accredited, and you may rest assured that while the Government will at once punish any hostile action, its chief desire is to be and remain friends with you.”
Two maliks, Mir Agha Sahibzada and Mir Gholam Hyder, were especially mentioned as having done good service during their stay, and three other minor chiefs were singled out as deserving credit for aiding the British Government in the current negotiations. The most important feature in the Durbar was the announcement that the chiefs had guaranteed the safe-conduct of two Sirdars on Mr. Griffin’s staff through Kohistan. These are Ibrahim Khan, Khan Bahadur, of the Punjab Police, and Wazirzada Afzul Khan, Ressaldar of the Bengal Cavalry: and their mission is to visit Abdur Rahman at Kunduz. What their instructions are I cannot say; but if the Kohistani chiefs, Surwar Khan and Mir Butcha, have promised to ensure their personal safety, it seems probable that we are at last on the eve of direct negotiation with Abdur Rahman, who has unquestionably won the goodwill of the Kohistanis. We can punish any breach of faith easily with the force now in Cabul; and this being known to the chiefs at Baba Kuch Kar, the dispersion of bands of men such as are now scattered about Koh-Daman is probably only a question of a few days.
5th May.
There is, of course, great difficulty in describing an action from hearsay, and in making at all vivid an account of severe fighting one has not seen; but it is the privilege of even the humblest historians to deal with important events almost as confidently as the coolest eye-witness, and I meekly claim that privilege in regard to the late action south of Ghazni. There will, almost of necessity, be errors in the story of the fight, but they are only such as will arise from causes beyond my own control. I can only write upon the lines laid down for me by my informants, and defects of omission are more likely to occur than would have been the case if I had been a spectator of the engagement. This half-apology, if accepted in the spirit in which it is offered, should absolve me in the eyes of those critics who are most able to estimate the fairness and accuracy of the story, namely, the men who fought in the action. They did their work right nobly and well, and if appreciation of their efforts is lacking, it will be rather because they are too modest to do justice to themselves than to any unwillingness on the part of others to concede to them the honour they so well deserve.
Sir Donald Stewart’s march upon Ghazni was uneventful as far as Shahjui, the limit of the Candahar province, but from that point a change took place; it began to be understood that opposition was likely to occur before Ghazni was reached. At Shahjui the Taraki country begins, and the moollahs had been so active in preaching & jehad that several thousand men had collected on the hills to the east. These were at first Tarakis, ghazis from Candahar, and contingents from Zamindawar and other neighbouring districts. They kept well away from the British force, but marched day by day, parallel to it, along the foot of the high hills on the right of the valley along which our troops were making their way. They gathered strength daily, but it was deemed unwise to attack them, as they would probably have retired up the hillsides out of reach, and our men would have been unable to scatter them. Besides, the baggage train of the column was over six miles in length (the elephant battery with its bullock-teams yoked to the ammunition waggons stretched away for a mile or more), and to have detached a brigade to make an attack upon the enemy would have left the baggage open to molestation from the right flank. The tribesmen, therefore, were allowed to march quietly along, our spies keeping Sir Donald Stewart well informed of all that was happening in their camp. Their numbers, the names of their chiefs, and their probable intentions were made known to Major Euan Smith, Political Officer, and from the first it was certain that they would try issues with the British before Ghazni was reached. The aspect of the country, too, showed that war was meant; the valley was fertile and well cultivated, but every village had been deserted, all supplies buried, and the women and children carried away to the hills for safety. It was as if the people had fled from pestilence; the moollahs had done their work well, and had so wrought upon the fears and fanaticism of the ignorant peasants that they had left their homes to the tender mercies of our soldiery. Perhaps, also, it was believed that by cutting off supplies the march northwards might be retarded or checked altogether; but this belief can never exist again, as our foraging parties unearthed the hidden stores, and the troops were never really short of food. The leaders of the tribesmen were Shir Jan (Taraki), and Mahomed Aslam Khan (Tokhi), and so overawed were the villagers by their threats that even those who would willingly have traded with our purchasing agents had to throw in their lot with the more fanatical spirits.
With the British force were several thousand Hazaras, who, as is usually the case with native allies, were rather a source of anxiety than any real aid. They marched in wild irregularity on the flanks of the column, and every deserted village was plundered by them without compunction. They thus appropriated large quantities of supplies which would have been welcome to our army, and it was at times annoying to find they had cleared a village of grain before our own men could arrive. Their inveterate hatred of the Afghans had full swing, and they hailed our march upon Ghazni with savage satisfaction as giving them an opportunity of wiping off old scores. Now that they find we do not intend staying in the country their spirits are somewhat damped, as their future presents nothing more pleasing than a war of revenge by the southern tribesmen as soon as our armies have returned to India. The excesses likely to be committed when that return takes place can only be thought of with pain and humiliation by us. We may exact what promises we choose from the new Amir, but he will be helpless to check his unruly subjects, and we cannot march again to Cabul to save the Hazaras from their fate. There will be nothing for them but to retire into the fastnesses of their high table-land between Bamian and Herat, there to hold their own until the bitterness of the vendetta shall have died away.
With such allies and with his force well on the alert, Sir Donald Stewart encamped at Mushaki, two long marches south of Ghazni, on the 18th of April, the enemy’s camp being a few miles away. Our spies visited the camp, and returned with the news that on the morrow the tribesmen would attempt to drive back the column, and would probably take up their position on a low spur running eastwards from the Gul Koh Mountains and dominating the road. With this warning to guide him, Sir Donald Stewart formed his order of march, so as to place his infantry on his left flank, upon which the brunt of the attack would be likely to fall. It should be remembered that the column was marching in a valley running almost due north and south, and that the road from Mushaki was much nearer the hills on the west (or left flank) than the Shilghur ranges on the east. The order of march from Mushaki was as follows:—
19th Bengal Lancers, 300 sabres. ⎞ A-B, Royal Horse Artillery, six 9-pr. guns. ⎟ 19th Punjab Native Infantry, 470 Rifles. ⎟ Leading brigade ⎛ 1 company 2-60th Rifles, ⎟ under the command Field Force ⎜ 63 Rifles. ⎟ of Brigadier-General Headquarters ⎜ 1 company 25th Punjab Native ⎟ C. H. Palliser, ⎜ Infantry, 85 rifles ⎟ C.B. ⎜ 1 troop 19th Bengal Lancers, ⎟ ⎝ 50 sabres. ⎟ Nos. 4 and 10 Companies Bengal Sappers and ⎟ Miners, 80 rifles. ⎠
59th Foot, 436 rifles. ⎞ 3rd Ghoorka Regiment, 289 Rifles. ⎟ Under the command G-4th, Royal Artillery, six 9-pr. guns. ⎟ of Brigadier-General 6-11th, Royal Artillery, ⎛ Two 40-prs. ⎟ R. J. Hughes. ⎝ Two 6-3-in. howitzers. ⎟ 2nd Punjab Cavalry, 349 sabres. ⎠
Field Hospitals. Ordnance and Engineer Field Parks. Treasure. Commissariat. Baggage.
2-60th Rifles, 443 Rifles. ⎞ 15th Sikhs, 570 rifles. ⎟ Under the command 25th Punjab Native Infantry, 380 rifles. ⎟ of Brigadier-General 11-11th, Royal Artillery (Mountain Battery) ⎟ R. Barter. six 7-pr. guns. ⎟ 1st Punjab Cavalry, 316 sabres. ⎠
The length of the column was about six miles, so that the 19th Bengal Lancers were close upon Ahmed Khel when the rear-guard was leaving Mushaki. Upon nearing the spur of the Gul Koh hills the enemy were seen drawn up in the shape of a huge parallelogram at right angles to the road and completely barring the way. The road passes over a low kotal just where the spur loses itself in the valley, and it was clear that Shir Jan and Mahomed Aslam Khan meant to contest the advance at this point. The village of Ahmed Khel was marked in the maps as lying in a hollow below the spur, but really no village exists, though the halting-place at a karez is called Ahmed Khel. The enemy were three miles away when first sighted, and Sir Donald Stewart made his disposition to attack by deflecting General Hughes’s brigade to the left so as to face the Gul-Koh spur. A squadron of the 19th Bengal Lancers was sent out on the extreme left to reconnoitre the enemy’s position in that direction, while A-B and G-4 batteries were placed on the right, under escort of the 2nd Punjab Cavalry and the second squadron of the 19th Bengal Lancers. The heavy battery was halted about a mile in rear on a low hill. The Lieutenant-General and Staff with the reserve (composed of the 19th Punjabees, the Sappers, and the General’s escort) were on a hill in rear commanding a good view of the country. Soon after seven o’clock orders were sent to General Barter to double forward half his infantry, and to send on two squadrons of the 1st Punjab cavalry without delay. At eight o’clock the troops moved forward in order of battle. The two batteries of artillery with their cavalry escort were on the extreme right; the 59th Foot were in the centre of the line, with the 2nd Sikhs on their left flank, while the 3rd Ghoorkas were in the extreme left with their ranks deflected a little to the rear. There was a gap of 400 or 500 yards between the artillery and the 59th, and to fill this up Sir Donald Stewart’s escort of a troop of the 19th Bengal Lancers, a company of the 60th Rifles, and one company of the 25th Punjab Native Infantry were told off; but even then the gap could not altogether be filled. A company of the 19th Punjabees were moved to the left of A-B battery, thus protecting both batteries at the same time. Such was the first formation, but it was afterwards modified, the guns of G-4 being moved to various points between the infantry regiments, and directing their fire wherever the numbers of the enemy seemed to threaten persistent attack. The two squadrons of the 19th Bengal Lancers were also extended upon the left flank to check any turning movement from that quarter, and also a guard to two of the guns of G-4, which came into action in that quarter. The infantry were thus flanked on either hand by a battery of artillery, while the cavalry formed the wings, as it were, of the column ready to strike to right or left, or to charge on converging lines upon a common enemy in front. The baggage stretched away in the rear for several miles, and it was all-important to prevent the head of the column being out-flanked, as in such a case the line would have been broken, and a stampede of men and animals have taken place upon General Barter’s brigade. The enemy, seeing the preparations for attack, moved down bodily from the crest of the ridge to the lower slopes with standards waving and tom-toms beating; and a fair amount of order was preserved among the horsemen and foot soldiers, who numbered 12,000 or 15,000—the Tarakis, Andaris, Suleiman Kheyls, and Tokhis having mustered their fighting men in obedience to the summons of the moollahs sent by Mushk-i-Alam. Our artillery (A-B and G-4) got into action and began shelling the slopes preparatory to the infantry attack; but suddenly a commotion was observed in the most advanced lines of the opposing army, the moollahs could be seen haranguing the irregular host with frantic energy, the beating of the tom-toms was redoubled, and then, as if by magic, a wave of men—ghazis of the most desperate type—poured down upon the plain and rushed upon General Stewart’s force. The main body of the Afghan army remained upon the hill to watch the ghazis in their reckless onslaught, and to take advantage of any success they might gain. The fanaticism of the 3,000 or 4,000 men who made this desperate charge has perhaps never been equalled; they had 500 or 600 yards to cover before they could come to close quarters with our infantry, and yet they made nothing of the distance. They advanced, or rather rushed forward, in three lines; many of the men were on horseback, and nearly all well armed with tulwars, knives, and pistols. Some carried rifles and matchlocks, while a few—and these must, indeed, have been resolute fanatics—had simply pikes made of bayonets, or pieces of sharpened iron fastened upon long sticks. The ground right and left of our troops was more open and level than that immediately in front, and consequently the ghazis’ attack broke with greatest violence upon our flanks. On our left flank the two squadrons of the 19th Bengal Lancers were still at the trot moving into position when the ghazis rushed among them. Lancers are always at a disadvantage when infantry have broken their ranks, and the 19th were no exception to the rule. In an instant they were lost to sight in the cloud of dust and smoke caused by the fight; and in the confusion, owing, perhaps, to some misunderstood order, or to the men losing their heads, a troop charged to the right in rear of the infantry line and came smashing into the 19th Punjab Native Infantry, in rear of the Lieutenant-General and his Staff. All was confusion for a moment; the ammunition mules were stampeded, and with the riderless horses of the Lancers killed or wounded in the mêlée, dashed into the head-quarters’ Staff. The ghazis had continued their onward rush and were engaged in hand-to-hand fighting with our infantry. Some penetrated to within twenty yards of the spot upon which the Staff were watching the action, and so critical was the moment, that Sir Donald Stewart and every man of his Staff drew their swords and prepared for self-defence. The impetuosity of the ghazis on the left carried them right in rear of our infantry, and but for the cool promptitude of Colonel Lyster, V.C., commanding the 3rd Ghoorkas, this rush might have had terrible results. Colonel Lyster formed his men into company squares, and poured volley after volley into the fanatics as they surged onwards. In the meantime the attack had also burst all along the line, and in the hurry and confusion some of our men did not fix bayonets.
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Footnote 42:
1 Co. 2-60th and 1 Co. 25th P.N.I. were on left of G-4, I Co. 19th P.N.I. between G-4 and A. H., R.H.A.
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The General’s escort, filling the gap between the Horse Artillery Battery and the 59th, were driven back, and the 59th were ordered to throw back their right to check the rush. The order was so delivered that it was understood to imply the retirement of the whole regiment, and the movement was carried out. The ghazis were so close that there was a tendency to collect in groups for mutual protection—a fatal course when a general rush has to be checked; but General Hughes, by his example and energy, checked this in time, and after a few minutes’ excitement,—an excitement quite pardonable under the circumstances,—our men settled down and began a steady and continuous fire from their breech-loaders, which swept away the ghazis and covered the plain with dead. But there had been persistent hand-to-hand fighting before this fire began to take effect, for the ghazis fought with a bravery never excelled, and sold their lives as dearly as fanatics can sell them. Yet the three regiments—British, Sikh, and Ghoorka—to whom they were exposed, held their own, the 2nd Sikhs, in particular, attracting the General’s notice for their splendid steadiness in rolling back the attack, and the main body of Afghans holding aloof, the ghazis could not hope to break our line. But with what grand disregard for their lives they must have fought is shown by their charging to within thirty yards of the muzzles of Major Warter’s guns, and facing case and reversed shrapnel, which at close quarters mowed them down in scores. The gunners never flinched, but stood to their pieces manfully, trusting to the 2nd Punjab Cavalry to clear the enemy away until the infantry fire should begin to tell. The charges made by the 2nd Punjab Cavalry were repeated again and again, and were as brilliant as any made by cavalry during the whole war. This is the deliberate opinion of the men who witnessed them, and who owed much to the sowars who kept the right flank safe. The Horse Artillery guns were retired 150 yards when the first shock had passed, and at a range of a few hundred yards they continued to fire shell into the enemy with admirable precision. The guns of G-4 were in a comparatively safer position among the infantry, and their fire also was well directed and very effective. In the gap I have mentioned between A-B battery and the 59th Foot the General’s escort had a tough hand-to-hand fight with a body of ghazis who closed with them. Breech-loader and bayonet told against pistol and tulwar, while the few sowars of the 19th Bengal Lancers also gave their aid in the mêlée. How desperate the fighting must have been is shown by the casualties among the escort alone, which was merely used to give cohesion to the line. The company of the 60th lost its Colour-Sergeant (Chesham) and two privates killed and a bugler wounded; the company of the 25th had two sepoys killed, and the detachment of the 19th Bengal Lancers had seven sowars wounded. The heavy battery contributed its quota to the engagement as it got into action on a convenient piece of rising ground in rear of the infantry, and shelled a hill south of Ahmed Khel spur, on which large masses of the enemy had congregated, as if meditating a flank attack upon the baggage line. In the early part of the day Sir Donald Stewart, as I have said, had sent back word to General Barter to hurry up with reinforcements. General Barter started the 1st Punjab Cavalry at a trot, and followed with the 60th Rifles. The 1st Cavalry arrived in time to share in the pursuit of the fugitives, who had been unsuccessful in their attack upon our right flank, and many were killed before they could reach the protecting slopes of the Shilghur Hills on the east. The 60th formed up on the right of the 59th Foot, and the “cease fire” sounded just as they arrived, the enemy by that time being in full retreat. The cavalry pursuit had to be checked, as the six miles of baggage had to be looked after; and with so many regiments in advance, it was feared that detached bodies of ghazis might run amuck in the rear. The action had begun at nine o’clock, and “cease fire” sounded at ten, just an hour’s fighting; but the casualties were unusually heavy for Afghan warfare. Of the enemy 1,000 dead were counted on the field, and many bodies had been carried off: while their wounded must, at the smallest estimate, have numbered 1,000 or 1,500. The ghazis killed were all fine, handsome men, well nourished and of splendid physique, and their fanaticism had given them courage which veteran soldiers might envy. Among the dead was one woman, while twelve others were taken prisoners with arms in their hands. The casualties among our troops were seventeen killed, and 126 wounded; among the latter being six officers whose names have already been published. Lieutenant Young, of the 19th Bengal Lancers, had the misfortune to lose control over his horse, and the animal carried him into the thick of the ghazis, by whom he was cut down and fearfully wounded. From head to heel he was slashed until almost past recognition, and when picked up he was believed to be in a dying state. The surgeons have since given better reports of him, and his recovery seems assured. Of the wounded men, four have since died of their wounds, which in nearly every case were tulwar or knife-cuts received in hand-to-hand encounters. The 19th Bengal Lancers had fifty-three casualties, and twenty-four amongst the horses; the total loss of the whole cavalry brigade was more than 100, and from seventy to eighty horses.
The Hazaras, seeing the Afghans in full flight, pursued them with ardour, and their knowledge of the country gave them an advantage European troops could not hope to possess. How they harassed the fugitives only their own kinsmen will ever know, as pursuers and pursued disappeared into the hills very shortly after the action came to an end. The prisoners taken after the fight were dealt with by Major Euan Smith, Political Officer, all the wounded being treated by our surgeons and taken onwards towards Ghazni. Two ghazis only had to be shot; they were fanatics of too exalted minds to accept mercy, and when promised liberty in return for an undertaking to go quietly to their homes, they simply cursed all Kafirs, and swore to kill a Feringhi the instant they should be released. In justice to our men, their lives had to be taken, as Candahar experience has shown that such fanatics always keep their word. Our dead were buried on the field by Mr. Warnford, the Chaplain, as Sir Donald Stewart had resolved to march on to Nani without delay; and early in the afternoon the column was again moving northward. As our men passed along, ghazis who had feigned death rose and fired at them, and men severely wounded slashed at the legs of the soldiers; these dying spasms of fanaticism proving that the ghazis were consistent to the end.
On the evening of the 19th the force encamped at Nani, within fifteen miles of Ghazni, and on the following day the cavalry reached the fortress itself without further opposition. The tribesmen had made their grand effort to save the place, and had failed; there was nothing for it but to allow the Kafirs to do as they willed with the city and citadel, since it had fallen into their hands. The infantry and artillery encamped for the night at Chel Butcha Gaum (the Village of the Forty Children), a few miles south of Ghazni. It was noticed at the time that a low hill, some miles away on the right, was occupied by a large force of Afghans, who had their standards flying, but did not seem otherwise bent on hostilities. They were not interfered with then, as it was deemed advisable to push on to Ghazni, under the walls of which the Candahar column encamped on the 21st without further incident. Sir Donald Stewart had orders to make no long stay in Ghazni, and he intended moving out on the 23rd; but it was reported that the gathering of men seen on the 20th and 21st had largely increased, and that they were the advance-guard of an army of 15,000 or 20,000 which Mushk-i-Alam had raised in Shilghur and Zurmut. The effect upon the native mind, if such a force had been left unmolested when our troops evacuated Ghazni, would have been very damaging to our prestige, and Sir Donald Stewart resolved to disperse the tribesmen before moving northward. The peaceful state of Ghazni itself was an encouragement to this course of action, as he could freely use the regiments at his disposal without fear of an émeute in the city.
As a preparatory measure a wing of the 19th Punjab Infantry occupied the citadel, and early on the morning of the 23rd a force under command of Brigadier-General Palliser marched towards Shalez, six miles south-east of Ghazni, said to be occupied by the enemy. The troops detailed for the work were:—
A-B, Royal Horse Artillery. ⎞ ⎞ 11-11th, Royal Artillery. ⎟ ⎟ 2-60th Rifles, 525 rifles. ⎟ Brigadier-General ⎟ Under the command 15th Sikhs, 578 rifles ⎟ R. Barter ⎟ of Brigadier- 25th Punjab Native ⎟ commanding. ⎟ General C. H. Infantry, 458 rifles. ⎟ ⎟ Palliser, C.B. 2nd Sikhs, 424 rifles. ⎠ ⎟ 1st Punjab Cavalry, 322 sabres. ⎟ 2nd Punjab Cavalry, 325 sabres. ⎠
On the previous day a cavalry reconnaissance had been made, and 2,000 or 3,000 men had been seen about the Urzoo villages near Shalez. General Palliser, on arriving near the villages, found them occupied in force by 3,000 or 4,000 men. He immediately got his guns into action, and shelled the villages, but without any apparent effect. The enemy remained quietly within the walls, except their videttes, which were pushed forward more into the open, while some of their sharp-shooters lined a narrow ditch in the fields, and began firing at long ranges upon our infantry. The villages consisted of three walled enclosures, two in close proximity to each other facing our right, and a third somewhat in rear of, and removed from, the others. This third village would have borne the brunt of any attack from our left flank, and it had as a sort of screen a small garden outside the walls. General Palliser believed the ground between his troops and the villages to be irrigated, and thought that much loss of life would occur if he sent his infantry to make a direct attack. He silenced such of the enemy’s sharp-shooters as grew troublesome by telling off marksmen to keep their fire under, and continued shelling the villages very vigorously. Still the enemy made no sign either of attacking or retiring, and a message was at last heliographed to Sir Donald Stewart, saying the place was too strong to be taken by the troops then in front of it without sacrificing many lives. Upon news being received, General Hughes’s Brigade was ordered under arms, and a half battalion of the 59th foot (253 rifles), and six companies of the 3rd Ghoorkas (191 rifles), were sent out as a reinforcement. Still General Palliser did not consider it advisable to attack, and he withdrew to a ridge 2,500 yards from the villages, whence he continued to shell the enemy. Upon this Sir Donald Stewart moved forward with G-4, R.A., 254 rifles of the 59th, a half battalion of the 19th Punjabees, and the 19th Bengal Lancers. The heavy battery was left in camp with two companies of the 59th, two companies of Sappers, and a complement of guards furnished from each regiment. Sir Donald Stewart reached Shalez at nine o’clock, and found that General Palliser had withdrawn his artillery and infantry to a low hill some distance from the villages, with a view to entice the enemy into the open. The tribesmen were too cautious to be deceived by this manœuvre, and preferred bearing bombardment to coming under infantry fire in the plain. The two batteries had fired the unusual number of thirty rounds of shell per gun, a total of 360 rounds, but 7-pr. and 9-pr. shells can do but little damage against walled enclosures and stout mud walls. When our reinforcements arrived, a sudden burst of fanatical enthusiasm seized the defenders of the villages, and it seemed as if the ghazis’ rush at Ahmed Khel was about to be repeated. At first only their videttes were seen watching our troops, while an occasional puff of smoke from the ditch showed the presence of a sharp-shooter; but soon a number of mounted men were seen galloping about, and then out poured a mob from the shelter of the walls. They formed themselves rudely into line, and to the din of their tom-toms began to advance. This unexpected boldness on their part was met by our batteries of artillery opening fire at 800 or 900 yards’ range, and the first few shells caused many of the more timid to break and retire. Sir Donald Stewart ordered the infantry to clear the villages without delay, and General Barter’s Brigade advanced in line upon the right; while General Hughes, whose brigade had been joined by the 2nd Sikhs, made a direct attack in front, his left swinging round so as to take the detached village of Urzoo in rear. Our troops steadily advanced until within 200 yards of the enemy, when file-firing commenced. The fusillade was terrible, and so stunned were the wretched and ill-armed tribesmen, that they fled in confusion. Some preferred staying crouched in the ditch to running the gauntlet of the bullets. One can imagine the incessant “ping” when six regiments armed with breech-loaders are advancing in one long line, firing as rapidly as men can load. It was natural that an undisciplined mob should melt away before such an attack. The men who lay hidden fought hand to hand with our soldiers as the latter reached them; but there was really no stubborn resistance, and the cavalry and horse artillery were let loose to pursue the fugitives as soon as the villages were surrounded. The total loss on the part of the enemy was 300 or 400; while our casualties were almost nil—one private of the 60th and one sowar of the 1st Punjab Cavalry shot dead. Such of the enemy as came to close quarters with our men fought bravely enough, one ghazi making a desperate rush at Lieutenant Legh, of the 60th, who killed him with his sword.
The Tajik villagers of Urzoo stated that there were originally 4,000 footmen and 200 cavalry in the villages when General Palliser first arrived; but that, when our troops did not attack, word was sent to all neighbouring villages to turn out their fighting men, and many Pathans joined their friends just before Sir Donald Stewart’s arrival. There can be no doubt that Mushk-i-Alam had worked upon the fanaticism of the local tribesmen, in the hope of retrieving the defeat of Ahmed Khel. His hopes have been completely shattered, but as he has young Musa Khan still with him he may yet give us trouble. General Stewart left Sirdar Alum Khan in charge of Ghazni when the Candahar force moved towards Cabul. The defences of Ghazni were not touched, as they were considered too contemptible to give trouble if a force should ever find itself beneath the walls of the city.
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Chapter XXVIII
“The Divine Figure from the North”—Sherpur during May—Turkish Fugitives from Russian Territory—Cabul in Prosperity—The People enriched at the Expense of the British Government—The Coining of Cabuli Rupees—The Effect upon the People—Street Sketches—Life in the Bazaars—The Hindu and Kizilbash Quarters—Rapacity of the Traders—The Abundance of Fruit—Ice-cream Stalls—An Instance of Fanaticism—History of the Kizilbashes—Their Turki Descent—Elphinstone’s Estimate of their Character—Their Strength in Cabul estimated at 6,000 Fighting Men—Their Treatment by the Amirs.
16th May, 1880.
There is such a holy calm in Sherpur that we begin to question whether all the excitement of the last six months has not been a nightmare. No bustle or excitement, no sudden alarms, no gathering of armed men to pour out upon Asmai, Siah Sung, or Charasia; our cavalry rest quietly in their lines without any expectation of “boot-and-saddle” sounding; and every sentry in the cantonment whiles away his time, not in wondering whether the enemy are near, but in sweet speculation as to when orders will be issued for the march to India. The majority of us believe that, as regards severe fighting, we have satisfied the Afghans, although a last flash in the pan may occur before the final settlement; and there being no amusement in calculating the chances of the next action, we fall back upon discussion of possible arrangements with the various claimants to the Amirship. Abdur Rahman’s name is in every man’s mouth, and the news of his departure from Kunduz for Cabul is awaited with almost as much anxiety as the result of the Derby. The Sirdar is our “divine figure from the north,” at least just now. But we have to live as comfortably as we can in the meantime; and though our life in cantonments is necessarily a colourless one, it has more points than a hot-house existence in India. First, in the order of comparison, we have an almost perfect climate; next, we have some little amusements; and lastly, by reason of our separation from civilization, we have a less artificial and less blameful life than is possible in the irritating and bilious furnace “down below.” It does not say much for civilization that this should be so; but we have fewer temptations, and, consequently, fewer faults to atone for. The “grass-widowers” of Cabul, I undertake to say with most serious earnestness, are on a far higher level of moral purity than that easy-living, freely-flirting, and most charming section of Indian society which migrates yearly to the hills when punkahs are in full swing. We talk less scandal; we are less covetous of other persons’ property, animate or inanimate; we do not turn night into day to the music of the trois temps or “Pinafore;” and we do our duty quietly, albeit with a little wholesome grumbling. But as news drifts up from the Khyber line, and we learn how the poor fellows between Gundamak and Lundi Kotal are grilling in their single-fly tents with manifold troubles on every hand, we grow placidly thankful that we are in Cabul, with good thick walls about us, and a foot of mud between us and the sun. Not everyone could be in hill stations if all the troops were back in India; and we are less discontented now at our lot—a wifeless, loverless one though it be—than we were three months ago. Cabul “grass-widowers” will no doubt be in great demand when once more they are transplanted into Simla, Mussoorie, or Naini Tal society, for a war beaten-warrior is far more esteemed than a carpet knight. Fair ears will tingle with pleasure when whispered explanations are given of the days spent in unwonted innocence in Afghanistan—
“Days when we laughed for joy of summer heat, Nor laughed less loud when snow made white the ground.”
We have pined for “loot, love, and liberty:” the first we may never get; but every day brings us nearer to the others, and we well know what our reward will be. Will it not be counted in our favour that no band will play “The girl I left behind me” when once more our faces are turned eastwards? It surely should be, or our grass-widowhood will have been precious time uselessly squandered. But, frivolity apart, we take our change at Time’s counter with composure, and are not too anxious concerning our immediate fate. There are the current duties of a large camp to be gone through daily: they can never be shirked, but must always be done systematically and thoroughly. Regiments have their guards to mount day and night, spring drill and parades to attend, recruits to be shaped into good soldiers, embryo signallers to be trained, transport to be kept in good order. Colonel Low has worked a wonderful change in our transport, and we shall soon be able to “march anywhere and do anything.” General Roberts is away with a division of 5,000 men visiting Logar, Wardak and Maidan; his troops are in excellent health and are enjoying the trip amazingly.
We have visitors occasionally, other than officers who have taken a short leave from a station down the line to pay a visit to Cabul. A few days ago three Turkish soldiers applied at the Bala Hissar for food and assistance on their journey to India. They were sent to Major Hastings, Political Officer, and told a story full of adventure. They were an old man, his son, and a wild-looking Turk of the Bashi-Bazouk order. The youngest of the party was very intelligent, and a handsome specimen of the Turkish peasantry, while his father was still unbroken in strength in spite of his misfortunes. The “Bashi-Bazouk,” as we imagined him to be, though he denied the impeachment, was the embodiment of rude strength: he still wore the long blue coat he had donned when called upon to fight the Russians, and across the breast were a dozen little pockets, each large enough to hold a cartridge, and showing signs of great wear. A Turcoman fur cap, with the tanned skin outside and a fringe of fur showing all round, covered his long, matted hair, and added to the wildness of his appearance. All the men were travel-stained, and looked forlorn enough; but their satisfaction at being among the “Inglis” was without bounds, and they were as cheerful and contented as if the 10,000 miles between Cabul and Istamboul were only a league. Their story was that they were natives of the village of Soghral, ten days’ march from Kars, and that when the Russian war broke out they joined Haji Ali’s regiment, their captain being Haji Shuman. The latter was killed in action, and the Russians took the whole of the Soghral villagers prisoners. Men, women, and children were marched for eleven days until the railway was reached in the district of the Caucasus, when the whole party were transferred to the rail. After four days’ travelling they gained Moscow, whence their families were sent to St. Petersburg, while the men were sent eastwards to Dobiska. Here they were kept prisoners for two years, being lightly ironed, but having no work to do. They received about two and a half annas in Russian money daily, with which they bought food, and upon which they managed to live. At the end of two years their irons were removed, and they were told to settle down about Dobiska and cultivate the land. At the earliest opportunity a number of them absconded, of whom these three men kept together. For fifteen days they travelled secretly, doing long distances at night, until they reached Kazakia, on the outer border of Bokhara. Here they were safe, as their fellow-Mussulmans willingly gave them food; but they did not dare to go before the Amir of Bokhara, as they believed he was on friendly terms with the Russians. They stayed during the winter at Guzar, as they were told the Passes towards Cabul were closed; but in the spring they left Bokhara and made for Mazar-i-Sharif. Here they found Ishak Khan as Governor: the place was quiet enough, and but few troops were holding it. Thence they marched to Bamian, their poverty no doubt saving them from molestation, and at last they reached Cabul. Their desire was to be sent to Bombay, whence their Consul could forward them to Constantinople. Major Hastings gave them Rs. 50 to get a new outfit in the city, and make themselves clean and comfortable. On Monday they were presented to Sir Donald Stewart, and were afterwards fêted and photographed: the native officers of the Guides giving them a great dinner, while Mr. Burke immortalized them with his camera. The poor wretches were immensely pleased, and will no doubt carry back to Turkey good impressions of our kindness to them in distant Cabul.
It has chanced that since December last I have visited the city of Cabul but twice: once when the snow was still lying on the ground, and our engineers were busy raising new fortifications on the Sherderwaza Heights. On this occasion I merely passed from the Bala Hissar along the skirts of the lowest quarters of the city, as the Heights had to be scaled; so that, in wandering through the bazaars a few days ago, the impression uppermost in my mind was the state of Cabul immediately after Mahomed Jan’s flight. Then the city was gloomy and terror-stricken: it had gone hand and heart with the ghazi-log during the triumphant days of the siege of Sherpur, and it dreaded the retribution which hung over it. The alien Kizilbashes and Hindus were joyful enough at the re-establishment of order: but their wrecked shops and pillaged houses were sad relics of the fanatical storm which had passed over Cabul. No man of the Mussulman population could foretell what the punishment of the city would be, and the half-deserted bazaars and the still by-streets were eloquent of the fear which cowed the unruly populace. But instead of bloody reprisals and harsh repression, it seemed good in the eyes of our leaders that gentleness and free forgiveness should be the means used to win over the city; and now Cabul is more prosperous and peaceful than it has been for many generations. The rumours of new wars and insidious intrigues of Abdur Rahman’s approach from the north, and the gathering of the tribes at Ghazni, pass over the heads of the people like a fitful wind over a lake, stirring the placid surface, but leaving no lasting impression. There have been, since the beginning of the year, long, long days in which the traders and holders of contracts from the British saw their coffers filling with the rupees which are now looked upon in India as having “mysteriously disappeared” from the Punjab treasuries; longer weeks wherein everyone, from Sirdar Wali Mahomed to the commonest Hazara coolie, found how good a paymaster the Sircar is when his necessity is urgent; and still longer months during which lakhs of Indian rupees were melted down in the city mint to be reissued in the form of Cabul rupees and spread broadcast over the land. Cabul has prospered, and waxed proud: its merchants have never been so rich; the common people have never seen such a steady flow of money through the bazaars. Even the Hindus, who know something of our wealth, are astonished; they cannot appreciate the self-denial and honesty of purpose which guide us in our transactions with a conquered race. “Your money is without limit,” a Hindu banker said to me; “but why do you give it all to this faithless people (be-iman log)? They are your enemies, they hate and revile you; why not take what you want?” Any other nation making war would probably requisition the country and forcibly seize supplies; but with the philanthropy which guides our actions, we pay ten times the normal value of the things needed for our army, and plume ourselves proudly as men walking upright before the Lord. To enrich dishonest men; to give to our enemies that which they most need—sterling money; to encourage chicanery and wanton deceit—this is a poor rôle to play when we come to Cabul as an avenging army; but, perhaps there are “exigencies” which plead for all this weakness, and will in the future give a rose-coloured tinge to our balance-sheets. Can Cabul fail to be prosperous under such conditions? can its citizens not afford to wear an insolent air of triumph, and treat such customers as appear among them with an easy assumption of independence, sorely aggravating to officer and soldier alike?
I have called this article “Cabul in Prosperity,” and I think the title is justifiable. We have worked our will in the Bala Hissar, and have made it a citadel worthy of the name: but in the city proper we have neither made nor meddled, and the narrow streets, if cleaner, still retain their distinctive features. Buying and selling, money-changing and broking, flourish with an energy that makes no count of changing fortunes or shifting careers. Sirdar Wali Mahomed’s governorship can only last so long as British bayonets are at his back; but in the sunshine of our favour he sets the example of amassing wealth, and all his followers tread in his footsteps. Sirdar Hashim Khan is on the eve of departure for Candahar, where Shere Ali Khan has offered him asylum. His departure troubles the minds of the citizens but little, as the stream of Indian silver will not be diverted by his absence. While not understanding our simplicity in dealing, and while looking upon us as madmen in the matter of finance—for are we not taunted with “changing our Rani’s head” by ordering Indian rupees to be melted down and turned into Cabuli coin?—the Cabulis, with their keen rapacity, seize every opportunity of enriching themselves. Take the conversion of Indian rupees into local coin; through our benevolent mode of action we have never been able to say that our coin shall have a fixed value, and a “ring” of scoundrels in Cabul have so rigged the market that in the bazaars at the present time the two rupees are constantly of equal value. So some clever financier at once jumps to the conclusion that we may as well pay in Cabuli rupees as in Indian. Now the quantity of silver in 100 Indian rupees permits of 127 Cabulis being made therewith, and so we pour our brand new coins into the mint (wherein there is no European supervision of any kind), and for every 100 sent in Sirdar Wali Mahomed returns us 120! Only a few days ago three lakhs of the treasure with General Hills’ force was sent to Cabul to be converted into local rupees. Is the reason for this that the Logar villagers refuse our rupees? If so, it would surely be the mildest form of coercion to force them to take payment in whatever silver coin we chose. The profits on the coining (say five per cent.) go presumably into Wali Mahomed’s pocket, as Government is too strait-laced to make profit itself; and yet that Sirdar had the cool effrontery to refuse to coin Cabuli rupees, when a lakh was wanted for the Logar force, until he first received Indian rupees from Sherpur. He was not punished for his insolence; but as we have still to levy the fine inflicted upon the city for the murder of our Envoy, he may yet be mulcted, say, in a lakh. Some of us are curious to know when and how the said fine will be levied; but, perhaps, we may be looked upon as inquisitive.[43] One thing is clear: we shall never get our money back in the shape of Indian rupees, and our only consolation is that if Afghanistan continues to absorb a few hundred thousand pounds worth of silver monthly, the rate of exchange between India and England must improve.
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Footnote 43:
The fine was never levied.
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Having explained the irritating causes of the present prosperity of Cabul, I may now with a clear conscience describe a little more in detail the appearance of the city itself. In the First Book of Kings we are told many valuable anecdotes of King Solomon, not the least interesting of which is the account of the payment made to Hiram, King of Tyre, who furnished “cedar trees, and fir trees, and gold” to assist the King of Israel in the adornment and fortification of Jerusalem. This payment consisted of the gift of twenty cities in the land of Galilee, cities so worthless that, when Hiram saw them, he said:—“What cities are these which thou hast given me, my brother?” And the narrative further states that “he called them the land of Cabul unto this day.” The word “Cabul” our annotators explain as signifying “displeasing or dirty;” and, strangely enough, the latter epithet is extremely applicable to the modern capital of Afghanistan. The side-streets and purlieus, even the walls of many of the houses, are filthy in the extreme, though our strict sanitary system has made the bazaars almost as clean as those of an Indian city. Cabul is not so “displeasing” to the eye when viewed from the neighbouring heights, for the orchards of Deh-i-Afghan and scattered clumps of trees in Chandaul make the place look quite picturesque. But once in the heart of the city, beyond the busy stream of life which pours along the bazaars and renews itself every hour in some mysterious way, there is nothing but dulness and gloom in the dead mud walls of the houses, with their frowning doorways or dark noisome passages leading to unknown dens behind. In the bazaars all is life and hustle. Entering the city by a side-road from Sherpur, one sees the bed of the Cabul river lying waterless on the left, save for a few stagnant pools, where the dhobies are at work, or a vendor of atchcha salad is washing a donkey-load of lettuce preparatory to the day’s business. Over a bridge, on one side of which are a score of shoemakers’ stalls—there seems to be one shoemaker to every twenty inhabitants in Cabul—and then into the narrow Shore Bazaar, I find more shoemakers and leather-sellers, whose stalls are oddly mixed up with those of fruiterers, bakers, retailers of ices, and workers in iron and copper. Men on horseback, swaggering sowars of Wali Mahomed or other sirdars; Hazara coolies with heavy loads on their broad backs; idle Cabulis; peasants from the district with blue turbans; stalwart mountaineers who look upon the street as their own; a sprinkling of red-coated British soldiers, and sepoys and sowars in all stages of negligent undress (but with rifles or swords always ready)—all these elements are mingled in noisy but good-tempered confusion; while at every ten yards one’s horse has to be pulled on his haunches, because some young Cabul chief is playing at hide-and-seek under his legs. Suddenly a string of camels, with loads of firewood or heavy merchandise, has to be passed—rather a ticklish business occasionally, as the dead weight of the beasts and their loads cleave a way for itself, regardless of obstacles. A few white-clad women glide unobtrusively along, their yashmaks hiding whatever charms they may possess; blind beggars and shrill voiced fakirs obtrude their wants upon the stranger; bhistees clank their metal drinking vessels, or pour out a cool draught from the ever-ready mussuk; salad vendors pilot their sedate donkeys, laden with crisp green food, through the crowd; boys, with their trays of chupaties, cry out the goodness of their rotee; a marriage procession, with tom-toms beating and lusty lungs pouring forth jubilant songs, comes gaily along, a closely covered structure, somewhat in the shape of a beehive, containing the bride, whose weight is not felt by the shoulders of her bearers,—this is the living mosaic which paves the bazaars. There is a vividness in all the types of life, which is very striking, from the matted-haired fakir, who does not hesitate to seize a passer-by in his repulsive grip, so resolute is his demand for alms, to the careless youngster who leans over his donkey, idly chewing a young onion, which answers to the straw of Western street-life. An unveiled woman, wretchedly clad, dirty, and with the features of a Seven Dials’ hag, takes a handful of the youngster’s salad from his donkey’s back; he strikes her on the back with his stick, whereupon she turns round, flings the pilferred stalks in his face, and abuses him in choicest Cabuli. This unexpected “knocking of his leek about his pate” so cows the boy that he moves off hastily, leaving the harridan in possession of the field.
I have by this time wandered into the Char Chowk, or principal bazaar of the city, and here the crowd is denser, the stalls more pretentious, the trade brisker. The bazaar is in four lengths, each roofed over and solidly built of masonry, and the stalls are nearly all rented by jewellers and dealers in silks and cottons. On either hand, above the stalls, richly coloured silks, gaudy chintzes, carpets, and caps of brilliant hues are hung out, making a brave show; while the traders, seated cross-legged below, are surrounded by their stock, upon which they seem to keep a careless eye. I have before spoken of their keenness in trade, and I can only add that, since the early days of our occupation they have grown keener and more rapacious, until to buy goods direct from them is to court being cheated in every way. Still, this does not prevent officers and men from purchasing Bokhara silks and various knick-knacks, for all of which absurdly high prices are given. A good Pathan Sepoy is the best companion to have when buying any articles at the stalls, and he will bully the shopkeeper and finally induce him to take about one-fourth of the price first asked. As the day wears on trade slackens a little, and here and there a shopkeeper pores over a Persian book, while his son keeps watch upon the stock-in-trade. In that silk merchant’s stall, though it be in the heart of the bazaar, are three grey-bearded men listening with supreme pleasure to the excited reader, whom, in my own mind, I believe to be reading the songs of Hafiz; in the next stall a burly Mussulman lies sleeping on a pile of Manchester cottons; while near at hand is a pious old villain taking advantage of a lull to submit his hoary head to the hands of a barber. A shrill cry as of a child in pain draws one further on; it is nothing serious: another pious old gentleman is watching his son’s scalp being treated in the same way by another barber. The boy, some three or four years old, has never felt the razor’s edge before, and shrieks at every stroke, while his father threatens him with a huge stick: the operation is at last over, and the child, still quietly sobbing, passes his hands carefully over his head as if doubtful of it still remaining upon his shoulders. Once convinced that his hair only has gone by the board, he plucks up courage and smiles apologetically upon his father, who gravely strokes his beard in approval. The little incident is only one of many which draw attention, and one might easily elaborate such scenes; but then the charm of simplicity would be destroyed. From the Char Chowk Bazaar to Chandaul is but a few yards, and one passes on the way more fruit-stalls, in which tiers upon tiers of lettuce flank the luscious heaps of apricots, cherries, peaches, and apples which are now pouring into Cabul from Koh-Daman and Chardeh. So much has been written about the Cabul fruit-stalls that it is necessary to say the abundance of fruit has not at all been exaggerated; the stone fruits seem just as abundant as the delicious grapes which we indulged in so freely in the autumn. The vendors of ices are nearly always side by side with the fruit-sellers; the huge blocks of snow which adorn their stalls tempting all sun-dried souls to cool their palates with a little saucer of icy-cold cream flavoured with a sprinkling of mashed fruit. The trade is brisk in these ices, although the dust coats the open trays of cream until it turns a delicate brown. It is not pleasant for any of us to pause at the stall, as the fanaticism of these dealers is proverbial. There is a story afloat, that after an officer had eaten an “ice,” the dealer took the saucer and dashed it to the ground as having been defiled by a Kafir. These people do not love us, however well we treat them. Chandaul Bazaar is only a repetition of the Char-Chowk on a smaller scale, with more fruit shops and a few foul-smelling butcher’s stalls, but the traders are nearly all Hindus and Kizilbashes, who, I must in justice say, are just as rapacious as the Mahomedans. And so one wanders back into the main bazaar, where bhistees are sprinkling the roadway liberally with water, and the afternoon trade is reviving; past the kotwali, where a few sepoys of the 5th Punjabees are on duty; and thence out by the Peshawur Gate, near the Bala Hissar. We have seen Cabul in prosperity, its people insolent enough to check all desire to enter the walls again, and on the ride back to cantonments we are lost in a dream of what the future will be of the city which we have twice occupied, and which has always cost us so dear.
The question of retirement is a serious one to many people in Cabul and the district. The Hindu traders of the city will, it is believed, migrate almost to a man, but the Kizilbashes will trust to their traditional influence in Cabul to pull them through any difficulty in the future. These two trading classes have amassed large sums of money during our occupation; and the Hindu, weak and defenceless, knows too well that a needy Amir would “borrow” most of his gains in a very high-handed way. The Kizilbash is more independent; and as, at a pinch, the Shiahs can turn out 6,000 fighting men, all well-equipped, any Amir would hesitate to make the “red-heads” his enemies. Major Hastings has prepared a short account of these aliens, which is of some interest at the present time, but little having been previously known of this important section of the Cabul populace. Elphinstone, it is true, states that they are members of that colony of Turks which predominates in Persia, and traces its descent from Kijan. To them was given the place of honour in Nadir Shah’s conquering army, and when a military colony was formed in Cabul, their quarter was called “Chandaul,” which, by interpretation, is “vanguard.” Elphinstone’s opinion of them was thus expressed:—“The Kizilbashes in Afghanistan partake of the character of their countrymen in Persia. They are lively, ingenious, and even elegant and refined; but false, designing, and cruel; rapacious, but profuse, voluptuous, and fond of show; at once insolent and servile, destitute of all moderation in prosperity and of all pride in adversity; brave at one time and cowardly at another, but always fond of glory; full of prejudice, but affecting to be liberal and enlightened; admirable for a mere acquaintance (if one can bear with their vanity), but dangerous for a close connection.” They are, according to Major Hastings, still distinct in many respects from those around them; and being of the Shiah section of Mahomedans, there is great religious animosity between them and the Afghans, who are Sunis. They all speak Persian, but the Kizilbashes of Aoshahr, in the Chardeh Valley and some of the older men among the Jawansher of Chandaul, still talk Turki in the privacy of their own families. The portions of Cabul city occupied by the “red-heads”—so called because of their distinctive turbans of crimson cloth—are Chandaul, immediately at the foot of the Sherderwaza Hill and Moradkhani, looking towards Sherpur. In Chardeh their chief villages are Nanuchi and Taiba. The total number of families in and about Cabul is 3,220, but these can furnish only 6,000 fighting men—a small proportion compared with Afghan families, every male in which is a fighting unit. In Candahar and Herat there are a large number of families descended from Nadir Shah’s vanguard, and a few Kizilbashes are also located in Turkistan. The Jawansher section, occupying the greater part of Chandaul, is the most important clan in Cabul, and has at the present moment several of its members holding commands in the Turkistan army. Appointments under Government, such as those of secretaries, accountants, and similar grades, are always largely held by Kizilbashes; while in years gone by there were several Kizilbash regiments in the regular army. Hussein Ali Khan, of the Jawansher section, was once Commander-in-Chief of the Afghan army, and many others of the clan rose to important commands. The red-capped regiments were so powerful in Ahmed Shah’s reign that to prevent civil war in Cabul that monarch sent them to Turkistan, with orders to conquer Balkh. This they did with very little trouble, and Ahmed Shah was then possessed with a fear that they would become independent, and finally prove dangerous enemies. At the suggestion of Morad Khan, Populzai, he recalled them, and assigned to them permanently the portion of Cabul and Chardeh which they now occupy. Moradkhani was called after Ahmed Shah’s adviser. In Shah Suja’s and Shah Zuman’s reigns they were harshly treated, and with their usual independence they joined Haji Jumal and Paenda Khan, the father of the Dost Mahomed. When the Dost was in power, he singled his allies out for many distinctions, the fact of his mother being a Kizilbash lady having, no doubt, great weight with him. The clan refer to their treatment by the Amir Shere Ali Khan and his son, Yakub, in anything but grateful terms. Both Amirs, it would seem, were rather inclined to tyrannize over the Shiahs. Major Hastings gives some carefully-prepared genealogical tables, showing the status and place of residence of the chief families, and concludes his report by stating that, though the Kizilbashes still represent a certain amount of strength in Afghanistan, their power is by no means so great as in former years.
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Chapter XXIX
Deportation of the Mustaufi to India—His Sympathy with the Family of Shere Ali—Progress of Negotiations with Abdur Rahman—Arrival of the British Mission at Khanabad—Probable Popularity of the Sirdar’s Cause—Reception of the Mission—The Amirship formally offered to Abdur Rahman—Return of Ibrahim Khan to Sherpur—His Report—A Russian Agent in the Khanabad Camp—Treatment of our Envoys as Prisoners—Photograph of the Sirdar sent to Cabul—His Vacillation and Intrigues with the Tribes—Flight of Sirdars Hashim Khan and Abdulla Khan—Arrival of Afzul Khan—His favourable Estimate of Abdur Rahman—Hasan Khan’s Movements in Logar—Cavalry Action at Padkhao Shana on July 1st—General Palliser’s Success—Two Hundred Tribesmen Killed—Dispersion of Hasan Khan’s Force.
The following letters, written in May, June, and July, will explain the progress of our negotiations with Sirdar Abdur Rahman which eventually led to his assumption of the Amirship:—
26th May, 1880.
Yet another minister of Yakub Khan’s has been deported to India. The Mustaufi, Habibulla Khan, has broken down in his professions of faithfulness to the British, and on the morning of May 20th he left Cabul in a dhoolie, under an escort furnished by the 9th Lancers, which accompanied him as far as Butkhak. Here two companies of the 67th Foot were in readiness to escort him to Luttabund. They had been sent out on the previous afternoon, their sudden march giving rise to rumours of an impending attack upon our communications, a rumour strengthened by the 9th Lancers standing to their horses the whole afternoon, as if ready for a gallop out. What may have been the Mustaufi’s crime I can only conjecture: officially we are told that “he was summoned to Sherpur, and after a long investigation was found guilty of conspiring against the British, and was at once put under arrest.” Camp gossip runs that letters were intercepted, bearing his sign manual, inciting the chiefs to rise again, and that these were produced before Wali Mahomed and other sirdars, who swore to the genuineness of the signature. The old man when found out took the matter quite calmly, and when told that he would be sent at once to India rather welcomed the idea, saying he would go on a pilgrimage to Mecca and afterwards visit England. The Mustaufi seems to have recognized the simple fact that we are bent upon making Abdur Rahman Amir, and this he regards as a breach of faith, as nothing was said of our intention when he was striving so hard to bring the Ghazni malcontents to Sherpur. He knew that he could not hope for power under Abdur Rahman—his partisanship for Shere Ali’s family was too notorious—and hence in his extremity he resorted to fresh intrigues to delay or put altogether out of the question Abdur Rahman’s visit to the British camp. He has been detected, and as Abdur Rahman’s path must be cleared of every obstacle, Habibulla Khan has been summarily sent to India.
Contrary opinions as to the final result of our mission to Abdur Rahman are still afloat both in our camp and in the Cabul bazaars; but so far everything that the most sanguine could have hoped for in the direction of an entente cordiale being established between the Pretender and the British Government has happily come to pass. Our Mission has reached its destination in safety, has been honourably and even effusively received, and we are on the eve of receiving an answer from the Sirdar himself regarding the proposals we have made to him. And yet there is a large party in the city who still persist in prophesying that Abdur Rahman will never visit Cabul so long as the British force occupies the city. Their reasons are disjointed and somewhat irrational, but they are repeated with such persistent head-shaking and beard-wagging that, in spite of one’s own better belief, it is difficult at times to avoid thinking as these birds of ill-omen think. Not that they deny either the Sirdar’s anxiety or determination to be Amir (this they admit most unequivocally), but they argue that he is too wise to ruin himself in the eye of the nation by accepting the Amirship from the hands of a British General. When they are reminded that the British are just as determined that the new Amir shall be simply and solely their nominee, as their work would be incomplete if they left the throne to be filled by any candidate who might get a party together, they cry back on their lines of argument, and insist that Abdur Rahman will be Amir, but by virtue of his own popularity and prowess, and not as a man accepting a boon from a conquering army. When it comes to the finer details of ways and means, the prophets can only take refuge in vague hints and inane mumblings which would have shamed even the vilest impostor in the old days, when prophecy had some points to recommend it to the credulous. Perhaps the explanation is that Abdur Rahman has not in Cabul itself a faction worthy of the name. His prestige lies not so much in the sympathy of the citizens as in the support the hardier tribesmen are willing to give him as a soldier and a ruler. There is something in his success in Eastern Turkistan which has drawn the independent and reckless spirits of Kohistan, Koh-Daman, and Logar to him: it may be the boldness with which he has declared himself claimant to the throne, or that his old fame as a successful general still lives in the hearts of the people. Every man born in Afghanistan is born to a soldier’s life, not the life of camps and campaigns so much as the constant struggle of intertribal warfare, or time-honoured family feuds. Every man’s hand is familiar with the use of jhezail or rifle, tulwar or knife, and a successful leader is far more honoured and more faithfully followed than a chief who lives by intrigue and begs his way to power by lavish bribery. Abdur Rahman ruled in Cabul, after Dost Mahomed’s death and Shere Ali’s usurpation, by mere force of success in arms. He placed his father upon the throne in defiance of Shere Ali, who was never a match for him in the field, even though backed by the support of the Indian Government. Shere Ali won Cabul finally in the absence of his young rival in Turkistan. In an instant his success was magnified, he became the successful warrior, and his power was assured. Abdur Rahman sank out of sight. Later, Yakub Khan blazed into power, a bold leader of armies, full of vigorous life. How success bred success in his case until Herat and Turkistan were practically lost to his father, contemporary history shows; and only when he sank the soldier in the son, and trusted in his father’s rotten honour, did his career come to an end. Yakub, free and holding his own proudly in Herat, was a figure to draw men’s admiration and support: Yakub, a prisoner in the Bala Hissar, was a fallen star which could no longer dazzle men’s eyes. So it has been with Abdur Rahman Khan. In January 1869 he crossed the Oxus a fugitive, and since that eventful year he has been nothing but a lay figure in Afghan politics. Now he is once more clearly outlined before the people, who have been bitterly humiliated by our armies since the murder of our Envoy in the Bala Hissar.
They may at first have looked to the grandson of the Dost to avenge their humiliations by force of arms; but the fall of Ghazni and the appearance of another 7,000 men to swell our numbers in Cabul and the Logar Valley have dashed their hopes once and for all. Now they turn their eyes northward, mayhap their feet also, and await the sign that will free them from the presence of the Kafir armies. So it is that Abdur Rahman seems to them a hero, a deliverer; they are lifted beyond the petty intrigues of the Barakzai sirdars in Cabul, the deep plotting of the Mustaufi, or the empty bombast of Mahomed Jan. Even Mushk-i-Alam, the arch-priest of discontent, is silent for a while: there are no new appeals to their fanaticism, and not 1,000 men are under arms in districts which have been seething with revolt for months. Logar, Kohistan, Wardak, are no longer names to conjure with. Mahomed Jan even has drifted into Kharwar and Zurmut, whose widely-armed tribes are held in contempt by the better trained forces of the provinces about Cabul, the male population of which has been leavened with sepoys carrying firearms equal in part to our own. The Northern Ghilzais are for a moment sobered by the reflection that Afghanistan is likely to be rid of a foreign army sooner by the advent of the Sirdar now in Khanabad than by listening to suggestions of renewed outbreaks and ceaseless harrying of our posts in the Passes. True, factious moolahs, like Khalil and Fakir, are stirring up disaffection about Jellalabad; but that district is somewhat removed from the direct effect of the influences at work about Cabul, and we can afford to disregard such petty outbreaks, which only give us a better chance of showing our power to strike in all directions. The little actions which have lately been fought in Beshud and the Shinwari country will bear their own fruit; every additional tower destroyed is another mark of our current supremacy, another warning that our forbearance has limits—wide though they be. Even the towers of Padshah Khan—ally, enemy, friend, traitor, alternately—are at last in ruins, and his crops may yet be reaped by our soldiers. On the one hand, we proffer honest negotiation leading to a stable settlement; on the other, we are firm to punish the restless animosity which seeks to force us out of the country by incessant annoyance and harassing intrigue.
Perhaps the reasoning which I have mentioned as being in vogue in Cabul as to the probable failure of any negotiations with Sirdar Abdur Rahman may be due to the efforts of the Cabul sirdars, who dread the coming of our nominee more than they loathe our own domination over the city. Ambition is not a passion easily foregone, and both Wali Mahomed and Hashim Khan know that the dreams once indulged in of power and pre-eminence in Afghanistan are now at an end. The offer of the Amirship has been formally made to their rival: his claims have thus been declared pre-eminent, and minor pretenders are cast out into the utter darkness of neglect and contempt. The sirdars know they have nothing to expect at the hands of Mahomed Afzul’s son except contumely or even worse; his years of exile have hung heavily upon him; and Shere Ali’s family and partisans are in his black list. Petrovsky, the Russian writer, who saw so much of the Sirdar and professed to know him very intimately, wrote, “To get square some day with the English and Shere Ali was Abdur Rahman’s most cherished thought, his dominant, never-failing passion.” No doubt Petrovsky believed the hatred towards the English was equal to that against Shere Ali; but time and events have modified the former, particularly as the English are masters of the situation, while it is probable the feeling of revenge against Shere Ali’s family is still as lively as ever. It therefore behoves Hashim Khan, who, by his marriage with Abdulla Jan’s sister, became one of the family, to exert himself to prevent the Sirdar becoming Amir; and this he is doing by intrigues which have, luckily, as yet borne but little fruit. Knowing his own chance has disappeared, he thinks to make Ayub Khan a powerful claimant through the latter’s position in Herat. Hashim, it is believed, has also made attempts to seduce the Kohistanis from Abdur Rahman’s cause, and how much further his intrigues may go we cannot at all estimate. Probably he has sown distrust, by means of agents, in the mind of Abdur Rahman himself, warning him that the British only wish to get possession of his person with a view to sending him a prisoner to India.
From whatever cause it may be, the fact is clear that Abdur Rahman is somewhat distrustful of our overtures, though welcoming them warmly as becomes a pretender who suddenly finds himself first in the running for a throne. The news which has reached Cabul of the progress of our Mission is highly important; and although official reticence is great, the messengers and others who have arrived from Khanabad a few days ago have spread pretty trustworthy reports of what has really occurred. The little party which left Sherpur on May 3rd passed through Kohistan unmolested, and after trying a journey through the Sir-i-Lang Pass, in parts of which the snow was still lying, they found themselves beyond the Hindu Kush and well on their way to Kunduz. For a day they were delayed by stress of weather, but afterwards their journey was unbroken, Ghori being reached, and finally Kunduz, about the 14th or 15th of May. They had been joined by numbers of men from Kohistan anxious to pay their respects to the Sirdar, and they seem never to have been in any danger from marauding bands which are known to infest the country. Abdur Rahman sent a troop of cavalry to escort them to Khanabad, and on their arrival every honour due to the Ambassadors of the British Government was paid to them. A tent near the Sirdar’s own was placed at their service, and they were treated throughout with great courtesy, though always strictly guarded. Then began their real work, the usual public and private interviews, so much in vogue in the East, taking place daily. Finally, in a great Durbar, the letter from the British was presented to the Sirdar, and the contents were read out. My information goes so far in regard to the letter that I am justified in stating its purport to have been an unfettered offer of the Amirship to Abdur Rahman Khan. Whether Herat and Candahar were specified as being detached from the Durani kingdom, I cannot say; but most probably they were, perhaps with the after-idea of gracefully yielding Herat to the Amir, and so giving the appearance of concession on our part. But for official secrecy, this point could be at once cleared up; but the Government of India are the best judges of what should be made known on their part, and until they contradict the belief here that Herat is to be independent, we must go on believing that the proposal to the Sirdar is that he may become Amir of Eastern and Northern Afghanistan, Turkistan and Badakshan, leaving Candahar in our possession, while Herat is to be “independent,”—though in whose charge is not very clear. The effect upon Abdur Rahman of Mr. Lepel Griffin’s letter is described as one of great satisfaction and even joy; he caused alms to be distributed among the poor, and generally rejoiced at the new prospect opened out to him. But he is a cautious and sagacious man, and after eleven years’ waiting is not foolish enough to mar his chance by unseemly haste. For himself he declares that the offer is most tempting and highly pleasing; but, that his power as Amir may be unquestioned, he desires to have the opinion of all the chiefs of the country who shall share with him the responsibility of forming a new Government. Thus he does not hasten to leave Khanabad, to rush to Sherpur, assume power, and trust to his own personal energy to retain it; he methodically takes the best course to secure popular election; and until he has gained the ear of the people, he will not leave the Kattagan country, where his camp is now pitched. That distrust, which is so essentially a part of the Afghan character, is also at work in his mind, as his good fortune seems almost too sudden and too unqualified not to have hidden beneath it some sinister meaning; and until he is convinced of the contrary, and thoroughly reassured, he is not likely to cross the Hindu Kush. He is sending his formal answer by one of the members of the Mission; and upon its arrival we shall, of course, have to take steps to sweep all distrust from the Sirdar’s mind and convince him of the honesty of our intentions. This will not be difficult, and then the negotiations will crystallize into tangible shape, and we may, at last, see our way to unravel the Afghan tangle which has so long irritated and perplexed us. The first signs of the new order of things is that a loan of a lakh of rupees has been advanced to the Sirdar by the Hindus and ryots of Kohistan, who are astute enough to see that the British are the real sureties for repayment, as Abdur Rahman must receive their support if he is to hold his own, in the future, in Cabul.
4th June.
Sirdar Ibrahim Khan, one of the members of our Mission to Abdur Rahman Khan, has returned to Cabul, and has proved the possibility of communicating direct with the Pretender. But still we seem no nearer a settlement than before the Mission started; for the Sirdar, acting, perhaps, at the instigation of the native Russian agent, said to be in his camp, is serenely independent in his attitude, and has given no promise whatever on any specific points connected with the Amirship. He seems to be fully aware of our awkward position in the country, and is not at all anxious to aid us in extricating ourselves. Our military supremacy he does not doubt, but the political dead-lock, he knows, has nonplussed us; and secure in his retreat beyond the Hindu Kush, he is working rather to make the British, and not himself, the grateful party in the current negotiations. What the status of the native representing Russia at Khanabad may be, I have but limited means of knowing; but if native report is to be trusted,—and it is all I have to rely upon,—Abdur Rahman is being guided entirely by this man’s advice. The result is that any speedy settlement is out of the question, for the crooked ways of Russian diplomacy are difficult to follow; and what the Sirdar may be egged on yet to demand, even the greatest diplomat in Sherpur or Simla cannot conjecture. Ibrahim Khan, it is true, brought with him a letter from Abdur Rahman, which was couched in cordial terms. But beyond cordiality, which costs nothing among Eastern nations, the letter contains little of value. The Sirdar, like a precocious child, “wants to know too much.” There is no spontaneous outburst of gratitude, no eager acceptance of our offer of the Amirship: but, on the contrary, a cool, self-possessed tone of inquiry, as if the writer felt himself master of the situation, and meant to dictate his own terms. This is the more unfortunate, because there is no longer a strong power to back our efforts to settle the question with the high hand of conquerors. The change of front in English politics has reacted upon us here with tremendous effect, and we are appearing in the eyes of the people rather as suppliants than dictators to Abdur Rahman. Perhaps the Sirdar himself is of much the same opinion, but he may find himself wofully mistaken in a few weeks. We shall not yield on every point he raises; simply because we have other cards to play. This he will soon be made to understand; and he must then choose once for all. He is trying our patience a good deal now; but there are limits to our forbearance, and these limits are not far distant.
Cabul has, indeed, proved a white elephant which we cannot afford to feed. We are so anxious to get rid of the beast at any price, that we are thrusting it as a gift upon a man who looks upon it as his lawful property, which we have seriously injured while holding it tethered in our midst. The independent spirit shown by the Sirdar, whether real or affected, cannot but have a bad effect upon the tribal chiefs; and if we allow the negotiations to “drag” much longer, serious mischief may follow. The natural restlessness of the Afghans will not permit them to watch and wait for months; and already there are signs of a turbulent spirit manifesting itself. A large body of fanatical Safis have passed from Tagao into Kohistan, and our only means of counteracting the jehad they are said to be raising has been to dismiss the Ghilzai and Kohistani deputations hitherto waiting in Cabul. The maliks have accordingly been sent to their homes, and it is hoped their efforts to maintain peace will be successful. To send a division now into Kohistan would be to cause greater distrust in Turkistan than already exists, and if our negotiations are to come to any satisfactory point, this distrust must not be excited. I have learnt from Sirdar Ibrahim Khan, that while our Mission was honourably received at Khanabad, Sirdar Abdur Rahman was so mistrustful, either of his own power, or of his followers’ fanaticism, that he had practically to treat our representatives as prisoners. Sirdar Wazirzada Afzul Khan, Ibrahim Khan, and Sher Mahomed Khan were lodged in a large tent adjoining the Sirdar’s, as I mentioned in a previous letter, and a strong guard surrounded both. The members of the Mission were unable to move about of their own free-will, and they had but little, if any, opportunity of consulting together. Abdur Rahman can scarcely be blamed for these precautions, as, in case of insult or violence being offered to the Sirdars, he would have been held personally responsible for the breach of hospitality. He does not seem to have had any very large body of troops with him, the want of money, of course, hindering him in his efforts to collect the army of Turkistan, about him. Sirdar Ibrahim Khan describes him as by far the most civilized, intelligent, and able Afghan he has ever met; and though the knowledge has been gained in a short intercourse, it is valuable as bearing out the opinions of Schuyler, Petrovsky, and other writers, who saw the man under the unfavourable conditions of exile and despondency. During his residence in Tashkend Abdur Rahman has kept himself well informed on general Asiatic politics; and this knowledge he is now applying, to the best of his ability, in his negotiations with the British.
Ibrahim Khan saw a number of photographs of the Sirdar on his tent, and one of these was presented to him on his expressing a desire to carry back a copy with him. The portrait is by a photographer of Tashkend, and shows a man of about forty years of age, broad-shouldered and stoutly built, with a face expressing rather stolid self-possession than striking intelligence. A huge black beard covers the lower half of the face, but cannot hide the thick sensual lips, which contrast greatly with the broad forehead and stubborn eyes. The Sirdar is in uniform of Western cut, and wears a curved sword of the kind affected by Afghan nobles. The face shows no marks of trouble or anxiety, and has not that harassed look which was so characteristic of Shere Ali and Yakub Khan. Abdur Rahman is a “well-preserved” man, and, if report speaks truly, has still left to him the energy and ambition which made him so dangerous an enemy of Shere Ali twelve years ago.
Sirdar Ibrahim Khan will return to Khanabad in a few days, carrying back with him full explanations of our policy; and these once given, Abdur Rahman will be practically in the position of having received an ultimatum. The local sirdars persist in saying that he will never come in; but the last news from the North is that the Sirdar is establishing posts between Khanabad and Charikar, thus securing rapid and safe communication with Kohistan and Cabul. As he has no army worthy of the name, this step can be scarcely a preparation for a hostile advance, but looks more as if he were making his own passage to Sherpur secure when the time comes for his journey to our camp.
2nd July.
One might well apply the words of the Jewish proverb-monger to Sirdar Abdur Rahman Khan: “The prince that wanteth understanding is a great oppressor.” The people of Afghanistan are now oppressed with the burden of a Kafir occupation, because the prince to whom we have appealed to take the government of the country off our hands lacks understanding. He is cunning and cautious to a fault, but he is in close danger of over-reaching himself. We have so far lowered our pride as to treat with Abdur Rahman in order to secure peace for Afghanistan, and now we are in the awkward position of finding our words twisted, their meaning perverted, and the Pretender posing before the nation as a patriot of the first water. During the past three months Mr. Lepel Griffin, acting under the orders of the Government of India, has been striving to place himself thoroughly en rapport with the Sirdar, who seemed at last to be quite earnest in his expressed wish to become and remain on friendly terms with us. There was, however, such hesitation in all his actions, and so strong a current of vacillation in his replies, that in sheer self-defence we had to pin him down to certain definite conditions, which he could either accept or reject as his inclination dictated. An ultimatum, really, was sent to him, though we have avoided using the term under the peculiar circumstances in which we were placed—viz., that of being in possession of a kingdom which our armies could easily retain, but which we were most anxious to leave at the earliest moment. In this state document the Indian Government stated clearly and distinctly that the Sirdar would be welcomed as Amir of Afghanistan, and could rely upon our future countenance and support so long as he remained faithful to his engagements with us, but that Candahar and the Kurram Valley could not be surrendered to him, as their fate had once for all been settled. So distinctly was the latter part of the proposed settlement laid down, that it was added “No discussion is possible on this subject.” Nothing could have been more simple than this: Abdur Rahman could by a word become Amir of Afghanistan less Candahar and Kurram; he had but to say “I accept,” and the matter was at an end. But his perversity is so great, that he has chosen to construe our terms into an offer of a united Afghanistan, such as his grandfather the Dost ruled over, and with calm assurance to say that he accepts such offer. This dishonesty of purpose has been pushed to such extremes that he has sent circulars to all the tribes, proclaiming with more or less insolent triumph that the British have given him the Amirship of the whole country, and that he will shortly arrive among them to take up the reins of power. What sinister motive may have prompted such a course we cannot imagine, unless it be that the Sirdar wishes to assume the rôle of a great patriotic leader, to accuse us of treachery in our negotiations, and thus to unite all parties in a supreme effort to force us out of the country. It may be urged with equal consistency that he wishes the people to believe he is no friend of the British, and that he only accepted our real terms after holding out for the restitution of territory acquired by us during the campaign. The effect of his extraordinary action upon the people has been a very unhealthy one: they cannot believe, in the face of our protestations, that we have included Candahar and Kurram in the terms of the settlement, and, on the other hand, they are in a feverish state of expectancy as to whether the Pretender will insist upon such districts being surrendered to him—which would mean a revival of the war—or whether he will, under protest, take Afghanistan shorn of two of its provinces. Take Hashim Khan’s case: he was about to leave for Candahar, which place, under our protection, would have proved a safe asylum for him, even if his sworn enemy, Abdur Rahman, were ruler of Cabul. But no sooner did he see the Pretender’s circular stating that Candahar was to revert to the new Amir, than he hastened to prepare for flight, suspecting us of having treacherously deceived him regarding the southern province. The circular was received in Cabul fifteen hours before Abdur Rahman’s answer reached Mr. Lepel Griffin, and Hashim Khan made an effort to see the Chief Political Officer to gain knowledge, once for all, of the truth of the Pretender’s assertions. Unluckily, Hashim Khan could not see Mr. Griffin at once, and refusing to wait, he rode off to Cabul, and in company with Abdulla Khan fled in the night to Chakri, in the Ghilzai country beyond Khurd Cabul. The two Sirdars gave out that they were ghazis, probably to blind the tribesmen, and we have since heard that Hashim Khan is trying to gather about him the disbanded sepoys of Yakub Khan’s army. He has two lakhs and a half of treasure with him, and by offering regular payment, both to armed and unarmed men, he has already a little army under his control. As he has so far taken no action against us, a friendly letter was sent by order of General Stewart, inviting him to return, and assuring him that the statement about Candahar was a falsehood. His answer was that he was no enemy of the British, but that under existing circumstances he had been “advised” to leave Cabul and watch events from a safe distance. Abdulla Khan, it is believed, is the “adviser” referred to; that over-fed Sirdar having, like Jeshurun, waxed fat and kicked out savagely. He was apparently tired of playing the part of a nobody in Cabul, and has now incited Hashim Khan to commit himself to a very foolish course of action.
Since penning the above strictures upon Sirdar Abdur Rahman, our envoy, Sirdar Afzul Khan, ressaldar 10th Bengal Lancers, has arrived after a trying journey from Khanabad. Strangely enough, he brings letters of most friendly import from Abdur Rahman, whom he reports to be already on his way southwards. The Pretender marched with 2,000 men and twelve guns from Khanabad on the 28th of June, the day on which he had promised to leave, and on the 29th he was encamped at Chasma, on the Ishkamish Road. By this time he is probably at Khinjan, where no doubt he will wait the arrival of our messenger, who left Sherpur three days ago. This time, it is hoped, the negotiations will really end, as Abdur Rahman will learn that his fast-and-loose mode of dealing has exasperated the British Government, which will not give him another chance. The arrival of Afzul Khan is most opportune, as he can explain fully, and without the caution he had to use in his letters, what the Sirdar’s intentions are, and why it is that he has dishonestly perverted the meaning of the terms so generously offered to him. I believe I am right in stating that both General Stewart and Mr. Lepel Griffin incline to the opinion that the Sirdar will shortly cross the Hindu Kush into Kohistan, and will accept the Amirship at our hands. Of course, his circular came upon us as a great surprise, and it was impossible to reconcile it with his previous avowals of friendship and a desire to come to terms, but Afzul Khan has cleared away some of the mistiness hanging about the affair, and what is facetiously called in camp “the political horizon” is once more looking clearer. There are still, however, many conflicting interests to be reconciled, and the news from Logar shows that the supports of Yakub’s Khan’s family—whom, to adopt Cavagnari’s term, I will call “Jacobins”—are actively engaged in stirring up the tribesmen against the British.
Yesterday (July 1st) the tribesmen grew so bold that they advanced to within a few miles of General Hills’ force, and gave our cavalry an opportunity of punishing them, which was not neglected. The Ghazni Field Force had been ordered to march to Charasia, and Mahomed Hasan Khan, the stanchest supporter of Yakub Khan (whose imprisonment in the time of Shere Ali he shared), took advantage of General Hills’ march to Charasia to occupy the Logar Valley with a mixed force of men from Zurmut, Kharwar, Maidan, and Wardak; but the gatherings dispersed upon the Ghazni Field Force again marching southwards. Finding General Hills did not move beyond Zerghun Shahr, Hasan Khan took heart again, and induced 1,000 or 2,000 men to occupy the large village of Padkhao Shana, on the Kushi side of the Logar, only twelve miles from the British camp. Here they remained till yesterday morning, when Palliser’s cavalry brigade, 550 strong, came down upon them and scattered them in all directions.
The particulars of the action are as follows:—General Hills heard on June 30th that the village had been occupied in force, and he ordered the cavalry brigade to move out at 3.30 A.M. yesterday. Brigadier-General Palliser’s instructions were to reconnoitre their position, and if an opportunity occurred, to attack them in the open. His force was made up of 231 sabres of the 1st Punjab Cavalry, 158 of the 2nd Punjab Cavalry, and 188 lances of the 19th Bengal Lancers. Upon nearing the spur which runs down from Kushi towards the Logar River, small parties of the enemy were seen, and the advanced cavalry scouts, on gaining some rising ground from which Padkhao Shana could be seen, reported the main body to be in full retreat in the direction of the Altimour Hills, which separate the Logar district from Zurmut. Their strength appeared to be about 1,500 footmen and a few cavalry. General Palliser detached a troop of the 2nd Punjab Cavalry to watch the village, and with 502 sabres and lance went in pursuit of the enemy. The latter, seeing the cavalry bearing down upon them, broke into detached knots, and took advantage of the difficult ground to make good their flight. The cavalry, however, followed them up very quickly, in spite of the stony nature of the ground and the difficulties presented by nullahs and ravines, and the two squadrons of the 1st Punjab Cavalry and the 19th Lancers in the front line were soon hotly engaged. The enemy fought with desperation, and tried to reform their line, but without success. They sheered off to right and left, and were cut down by the supporting squadrons of the 1st and 2nd Punjab Cavalry. The pursuit continued for two hours, until the mouth of the Altimour Pass had been reached. Here the cavalry were halted. They were then about eight miles from Padkhao Shana, whither they quickly returned. Two hundred bodies are said to have been counted on the ground. Our casualties are now reported as four sowars killed, twenty-three wounded, and one British officer, Captain Barrow, wounded. The ground was such as to give many opportunities for severe hand-to-hand fighting, in which Major Atkinson, 1st Punjab Cavalry, and Captain Leslie Bishop, 2nd Punjab Cavalry, are specially mentioned by those present as having displayed determined bravery. There were many hairbreadth escapes among the officers and men, notably in the case of Colonel Yorke, 19th Bengal Lancers, who received a bullet through his helmet, a second ball grazing his forehead. His orderly was shot dead at his side. This man, Jewand Sing, had distinguished himself earlier in the day, when Captain Barrow was wounded. Captain Barrow, who was acting as orderly officer to General Palliser, engaged single-handed with an Afghan malik, who fought with great coolness and bravery. He was armed with rifle, shield, tulwar, and the usual long knife. As Captain Barrow rode at him he fired his rifle, wounding the officer’s horse in the neck. He then betook himself to his sword, and warded off all blows with his shield. Captain Barrow received two severe cuts, the first disabling his bridle-hand, and the second cutting deep into his right fore-arm. Just at this moment Jewand Sing and Sowar Gholam Khan, of the 1st Punjab Cavalry, rode up, and the Afghan, who had already been badly wounded, was killed out of hand. In the ranks of the enemy was one of the deserters from the Sappers and Miners, who would not fight, but begged for mercy. He was shot in the mêlée, and his Snider rifle recovered. Hasan Khan deserted the tribesmen at the commencement of the action, riding away to a place of safety as soon as our cavalry appeared. The cavalry did not reach camp at Zerghun Shahr until half-past six at night, having been fifteen hours uninterruptedly in the saddle, and having ridden over forty miles since morning. As they rode into camp, all the regiments turned out and cheered them heartily. The results of this brilliant little action cannot fail to be most beneficial for a time at least, as Logar is once more cleared of malcontent tribesmen.
It is said that Hashim Khan intended sending a contingent from Chakri over the Ghilzai Hills, but the prompt action taken by General Hills stopped this, and Hashim Khan has again written in to say he is “no enemy of the British.” He may well be afraid of putting himself at the head of men in the field when he sees how easily our troops scatter the forces opposed to them. Our cavalry have never done so well as at Padkhao Shana during the present campaign; no English cavalry regiment was present, the honours of the fight resting with the 1st and 2nd Punjab Cavalry and the 19th Bengal Lancers.
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Chapter XXX
Arrival of Abdur Rahman at Tutandarra in Kohistan—Preparations for the Evacuation of Cabul—A Deputation sent from Cabul to the Sirdar—The Friends and Enemies of the future Amir—Attitude of the Kohistanis, Ghilzais, and Wardaks—Mahomed Jan and Mushk-i-Alam’s Acceptance of Abdur Rahman—Durbar at Sherpur on July 22nd—Formal Acknowledgment of Abdur Rahman as Amir by the British Government—Mr. Lepel Griffin’s Address to the Chiefs—Sir Donald Stewart’s Appeal to their Patriotism—Abdur Rahman’s Departure from Charikar—Resignation of Wali Mahomed, Governor of Cabul—News of the Maiwand Disaster—Probable Movement of 10,000 Troops to Candahar—Interview between Mr. Lepel Griffin and the Amir—Discussion of Terms—The Amir’s Demeanour—Second Interview—A Satisfactory Settlement arrived at.
Early in July Sir Donald Stewart sent a final message to Sirdar Abdur Rahman Khan, requesting him to come to Cabul to discuss the terms of a settlement, and on the 15th of July the Sirdar reached Tutandarra, near Charikar, in Kohistan. His passage over the Hindu Kush had been a very trying one. On the 9th of July we had sent a deputation of Cabul gentlemen to Kohistan to pay their respects to the future Amir. Among these men were Abdul Kadir, the head Kazi of the city, who was the bearer of a letter to Abdur from the chief Political Officer; the Ghilzai Chief of Tezin, and Sirdar Yusuf Khan, Barakzai. The negotiations seemed to be progressing so well that all preparations were made for evacuating Cabul by the 16th of August, and large convoys started daily from the Bala Hissar with stores and surplus ammunition for India.[44] The following letters describe the close of the negotiations:—
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Footnote 44:
It will be seen from this that the evacuation of Cabul was decided upon long before the Maiwand disaster was made known.
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19th July, 1880.
There now seems every prospect of a satisfactory settlement being made with Abdur Rahman, who will shortly leave Tutandarra for Charikar, thence coming to any place which the British representatives at Cabul may name. He raises no objection to this; expresses his strong wish to make a firm and friendly arrangement with the British, and is more anxious for personal interviews than even we could be. Since his arrival in Kohistan the tone of his messages, and his reception of the deputation of Cabul gentlemen sent to him at Tutandarra, have been more than cordial; and there can be no reasonable doubt that he has finally determined to unreservedly accept the English conditions, and find his strength in an English alliance. This being the case, it is of some importance to know what the strength and party of Abdur Rahman in Northern Afghanistan are; and on this subject we have a good deal to guide us. It may be presumed that the Government did not blindly pin its faith to Abdur Rahman before it had ascertained that there was a sufficiently large party in Afghanistan to ensure some promise of stability if the Sirdar himself was capable and considerate to his political opponents. It is understood that Mr. Lepel Griffin came to Cabul with instructions from the late viceroy (Lord Lytton) to enter into communication with Abdur Rahman, and ascertain if he were a chief suited to the Government purposes, and that communications were accordingly opened with the Sirdar within a few days of the arrival of the Chief Political Officer in Cabul. These have been continued without interruption since, until Abdur Rahman has now felt himself strong enough to respond to the Government invitation; and unless unforeseen accidents occur within the next month, it would seem certain that he will be Amir of Cabul.
Some critics have assumed that, as in the first Durbar held after Mr. Griffin’s arrival at Cabul the only candidates for the Amirship actually named were Wali Mahomed Khan, Hashim, Musa Jan, and Ayub Khan, the question of the possibility of Abdur Rahman had then not been considered by the Government. But a comparison of dates shows that this must be incorrect, and it is consequently probable that, looking at the formidable character of the armed opposition at that time, and the ignorance of the Sirdar’s character and intentions, his name was expressly excluded, not because negotiations with him had not commenced, but that Yakub Khan’s faction—who were then assembling in immense numbers, and would have become far more formidable but for their defeat at Ahmed Khel and Charasia—might not be rendered desperate and be strengthened by the knowledge that the person to whom they were most opposed had been selected by Government, while it was uncertain whether he would, after all, prove suitable. The delay which had taken place in coming to an understanding with Abdur Rahman is indeed small when the magnitude of the interests at stake is considered, and the distance at which the Sirdar was residing on the other side of the Hindu Kush. It will have been no more than four months from the arrival of Mr. Griffin at Cabul, and the opening of negotiations with Abdur Rahman, before these are virtually completed, and the army can then be withdrawn as quickly as military exigencies or regard for the life and health of the troops will permit.
It is very difficult to say what strength Abdur Rahman possesses in Afghanistan, as it was difficult to know what really constituted the party of Yakub Khan or Musa Jan. One thing certain is that a very large number of undecided persons of all tribes will accept any Amir who may be chosen by the Government, and formally notified according to the Mahomedan religion. Constant efforts have been directed by the Political Department at Cabul to break up all the strong opposition parties; to enlist on the side of the Government nominee the religious feeling of the country, and especially the assistance of the great religious leaders (which has been successfully done); and to break up those great tribes which are under the control of chiefs of more or less importance, so that no formidable organized resistance might be offered to the new Amir. The most important tribe in Afghanistan is undoubtedly the Ghilzais. The Andaris, one of the most important of the southern sections of the tribe, are entirely in favour of Abdur Rahman, as are a great majority of the Tarakis. The northern Ghilzais are very much under the control of their chiefs, the most important of whom is Asmatullah Khan, of Hisarak and Lughman. He, it has just been announced, has addressed Mr. Griffin, and expressed his entire willingness to accept the Amir chosen by the English, even if this should be Abdur Rahman. Another important Ghilzai chief, Khan Mahomed Khan, of Tezin, is with the deputation sent to Charikar to welcome Abdur Rahman. Padshah Khan will be opposed to the Sirdar; Maizullah Khan will probably join him; Faiz Mahomed Khan has openly declared that he will be in opposition. On the whole, it may be said that about half of the important Ghilzai tribe will be in favour of the new Amir. Others, should his conduct be conciliatory, would be doubtless won over later. The Kohistanis, who are almost entirely Tajiks, and between whom and the Afghans there is not much love lost, can also be counted upon.
There is, however, a strong party in favour of Shere Ali’s family; but, roughly speaking, two-thirds of Kohistan and Koh-Daman may be estimated on the side of the Sirdar. It is worth noting, in spite of the reports to the contrary, that General Mir Said Khan, of Istalif, and Mir Butcha Khan have not yet visited Abdur Rahman. They are doubtful of their reception, and with excellent reason, as they have been illegitimately collecting Government revenue, which they know any organized Government at Cabul would compel them to disgorge. The Wardaks, between Logar and Ghazni, are unfriendly, but may be won over by good treatment. They will very much follow the example of Mahomed Jan and Mushk-i-Alam. The latter has for some time past been working honestly in the interests of peace, and has written that he, together with all the important chiefs assembled in Maidan, are ready to accept the choice of the British Government. The Sirdars of the ruling house are naturally unfriendly, as the adherents of the party of Azim Khan and Afzul Khan have long been banished or reduced by Shere Ali to impotence. A good many of the smaller sirdars belong to this party, and are on Abdur Rahman’s side; but the men who have money—like Hashim Khan, Wali Mahomed, Ibrahim Khan, Karim Khan—are, as a matter of course, in opposition.
The future depends very much on the Sirdar’s own conduct. If he chooses to take a conciliatory course, he may help his own against the strong opposition against him. If he becomes as unpopular in Cabul as he is in Turkistan, by oppressing the people and exacting money from the traders, he will not last very long. Already the news of his exactions has caused the wholesale flight from the city of the Indian merchants of Cabul—two kafilas of whom have already marched to India with their families; while trade is almost entirely stopped between Cabul, Turkistan, and Bokhara. The necessities of the Sirdar’s position, and his almost absolute want of funds, are, to a certain extent, an excuse for this; but unless he desires to alienate the trading classes, which will be a very great blow to the prosperity of his kingdom, he will have to entirely change his policy with them.
22nd July.
To-day the first step in the settlement of Afghanistan has been taken, and a new page turned in the history of our relations with Cabul. We have formally acknowledged the Sirdar Abdur Rahman Khan, son of Mir Afzul Khan, eldest son of Dost Mahomed, as Amir of Cabul, and have promised him our support so long as he remains friendly to the British Government. Events have marched so rapidly within the last few days that many of us can scarcely realize the importance of to-day’s proceedings. Mahomed Jan and the chiefs assembled in Maidan, sent in a friendly deputation, and this was a piece of good fortune which we scarcely anticipated. The old moollah, Mushk-i-Alam, had, it is true, written to say he would accept the ruler whom we favoured, but it was not expected that secessions from the Jacobin party would follow so rapidly. The deputation sent by Mahomed Jan to Sherpur offered to make unconditional submission to the British authorities, but this was a proceeding deemed impolitic by Sir Donald Stewart and Mr. Lepel Griffin. Our object is to strengthen Abdur Rahman’s hands as much as possible, not to gather a party about ourselves, and the proffered submission was diverted to the Sirdar. This gives the latter the appearance of being chosen of the people rather than forced upon them by our dictation, and our anxiety is to ally ourselves openly with no party, though we are quite willing to acknowledge the strongest man. Two sons of Mushk-i-Alam and seven Wardak chiefs are now at Charikar, where they will be far more useful than in Sherpur, and the effect upon the popular mind is proportionately great. If the champion of Yakub and Musa Khan’s claims considers the chances of a restoration to power of Shere Ali’s family at an end, it is not likely the lesser lights will continue in factious opposition. My last letter explained at length the then strength of Abdur Rahman’s party, and it will be seen that he is now quite powerful enough, with his new allies from Maidan, to hold his own in Cabul. His promise to the traders not to raise forced loans and to repay at once the money he has extorted from merchants in Turkistan has soothed the feelings of the Cabul people, who have hitherto looked with dismay upon the prospect of his coming to rule over them. It would have been a fatal piece of folly if, as Amir, he renewed his tyranny, and there are already signs on the part of the rich citizens here of readiness to advance him money on the security of future revenue. Once he has funds wherewith to raise and equip an army, the Amir elect may reasonably hope to scatter the remnants of the Jacobin faction and to disperse Ayub Khan’s army if it turns away from Candahar and reaches Ghazni. Abdur Rahman will inevitably have to fight some of the malcontents remaining after our armies have withdrawn over the Shutargardan and beyond Jugdulluck, and our belief is that he will be strong enough to crush all other pretenders, though he himself may exhaust his means in the struggle. He must then turn to the British for countenance and support, as there is a strong feeling against Russian interference with the country, and we shall probably revert to the old policy of a liberal annual subsidy. What conditions will be imposed if the subsidy is granted only the Home Government perhaps at present knows; but unless the war is to be fruitless, they must be somewhat on the lines laid down in the Gundamak Treaty—the presence of a British Envoy in Cabul being waived for the present.
The Durbar was held at five o’clock this evening, three large tents having been pitched in the Cantonment, about 150 yards from the Head-quarters’ Gate. All the afternoon, sirdars and persons of lesser note came streaming through the 72nd Gateway, with their wild-looking retainers on horseback and on foot. The order against the carrying of arms, so wisely enacted by Sir Frederick Roberts in October, is still in force; but privileged persons, such as Sirdar Wali Mahomed Khan and the three representatives sent by Abdur Rahman from Charikar, were to-day allowed small escorts of armed men. With carbines, or Enfield rifles, slung at their back, a sword dangling from their waist-belt, pistols and knives stuck in their kummerbunds, these horsemen trotted about full of their own importance, evidently looking upon the Durbar as held for the special honour of their masters. The said masters were, as usual, gorgeous in crimson, purple, and gold; but I have so often described the greasy Cabul Sirdar in all his glory that I am loth to trot him out again, even on such an historic occasion as the present. We missed the handsome Arab Hashim Khan used to ride, and that mountain of flesh, Abdulla Khan, awed us no more; the two Sirdars are brooding over their wrongs in Kharwar or Zurmut, and their hearts will be full of bitterness when they learn of the success Abdur Rahman has scored. Wali Mahomed, as Governor of Cabul, was a person of some importance in his own eyes, though his tenure of power is now a very weak one, for he will be scarcely rash enough to court death by remaining at his post when our army files out of Sherpur. Sirdars and servants were the chief living features in cantonments, between the Club and the Head-quarters, all the afternoon, for in his anxiety to secure a “good place” each petty member of the Barakzai family took time by the forelock, and hastened to the Durbar tents an hour or two before the hour fixed for the solemn proceedings. The guard of honour of 100 men, furnished by the 72nd Highlanders, under the command of Captain Garnett, fell in about half-past four o’clock, and to the cheery quick-step of “Scotland yet,” marched off to where the gathering crowd of British officers and Afghan notabilities had begun to arrange itself. We have not the means wherewith to arrange a grand spectacle, and nothing could have been more commonplace than the three tents in which the Durbar was to be held. Facing Bemaru Heights was the largest of all, towering above its near neighbour, which again dwarfed the Durbar tent proper, an old weather-beaten canvas affair, dull red in colour, once the property of the Amir. The guard of honour formed up at the entrance to the northernmost tent, the lines of bayonets shining out in the sunshine, and duly impressing certain weak-kneed sirdars, who shuffled along to their places in very undignified fashion. There had been an effort made to give some picturesque colouring to the interior of the small tent wherein sirdars knelt on one side while British officers sat comfortably on their own particular chairs and camp-stools on the other. Persian carpets covered the dusty floor, shawls were thrown over the chairs of state reserved for the representatives of the British Government, while the very shabby tent-poles were swathed in kinkob work. The dusky faces of the sirdars showed no more sensibility, after once the crowd had settled or wriggled itself into something like order, than would so many masks on lay figures: our policy is so inscrutable to men like Wali Mahomed that any new declaration is placidly awaited with almost benevolent indifference. The rows of turbans, many-coloured and full of strange peculiarities in shape and folding, covered the shaven scalps of men whose thoughts turned, doubtless, upon what new phase the affairs of Afghanistan were about to take. Sirdar Wali Mahomed looked anxious and dispirited, as must a man whose power is slipping rapidly away; the stuttering Shahbaz Khan, our whilom Governor of Kohistan; Ibrahim Khan, who has worked all along heartily in our cause; Sher Mahomed Khan, a man who has studied Western politics and knows which of our Generals hails from Ireland, which from Scotland, and which from England; Yusuf Khan, who has unreservedly thrown in his lot with Abdur Rahman Khan; Sarwar Khan, who fought against us in December; all these princes of the Barakzai dynasty were hiding whatever curiosity they felt with a kind of listless dignity which deceived no one but themselves. Three strangers were in the first row of the sirdars: these were General Katol Khan, Mahomed Amin Khan, and “the Saiad Sahib,” sent by Abdur Rahman to represent him at the Durbar. They were rather sorrily arrayed for such an occasion, their long residence in Tashkend having perhaps made them indifferent to the beauties of oriental attire, but as the representatives of the future Amir they had to be treated with every consideration. Contrasting with the flowing white robes or richly-coloured coats of the Afghan portion of the assembly were the quieter uniforms of the officers of the garrison, lighted up here and there by the gold and glitter of the Staff, always the “show-men” on occasions of this kind, A few of our friends from Logar and “down the line” had come in on leave, so that the force in Northern Afghanistan was well represented. With military punctuality, Sir Donald Stewart, accompanied by Sir Frederick Roberts, Mr. Lepel Griffin, and the members of the Head-quarters’ Staff in Sherpur, reached the Durbar tents; the usual formalities of presenting arms, &c., were gone through, and then the three men with whose names the present settlement will henceforth be most closely associated took their seats in solemn Durbar. The representatives of Abdur Rahman were presented, hand-shakings exchanged in Western fashion, and the proceedings began.
Sir Donald Stewart, with a soldier’s brevity, said he wished to explain to the Sirdars, Chiefs, and people assembled, the reason for holding the Durbar and requesting their presence and that of the English officers stationed in Cabul. It was that the public recognition by the Government of England of Sirdar Abdur Rahman Khan as Amir of Cabul should be made known with as much honour as possible. Mr. Lepel Griffin would explain more in detail the views and wishes of the Government on this important subject. Major Euan Smith, Political Officer with General Hills’ Division, translated this short preamble into Persian, after which Mr. Griffin read the following speech in the same language:—
“SIRDARS, CHIEFS, AND GENTLEMEN,
“It is little more than three months ago that, by command of His Excellency the Viceroy of India, I explained to you in Durbar the intentions of the British Government with regard to the future of Afghanistan. I then told you it was not intended to annex the country; but that the armies of Her Majesty the Queen-Empress would be withdrawn so soon as the prospect of a settled administration had been assured, and a chief acknowledged as Amir who should not only be animated by friendly sentiments towards the English Government, but have the cordial support of his own countrymen. Since that time General Sir Donald Stewart, General Sir Frederick Roberts, and myself, have endeavoured to carry into effect the wishes of the Government, and you are summoned here to-day to hear that our efforts have been successful. The course of events having placed Sirdar Abdur Rahman Khan in a position which fulfils the wishes and expectations of the Government, the Viceroy of India and the Government of Her Most Gracious Majesty the Queen-Empress are pleased to announce that they publicly recognize Sirdar Abdur Rahman Khan, grandson of the illustrious Amir Dost Mahomed Khan, as Amir of Cabul.
“It is to the Government a source of satisfaction that the tribes and chiefs have preferred a distinguished member of the Barakzai family, who is a renowned soldier, wise, and experienced. His sentiments towards the British Government are most friendly; and so long as his rule shows that he is animated by these sentiments, he cannot fail to receive the support of the British Government. He will best show his friendship for the Government by treating those of his subjects who have done us service as his friends.
“CHIEFS AND GENTLEMEN,—In accordance with assurances already conveyed to you, the armies of the Queen-Empress will shortly withdraw within those frontiers which were decided by treaty with the ex-Amir, Mahomed Yakub Khan. We trust and firmly believe that your remembrance of the English will not be unkindly. We have fought you in the field whenever you opposed us; but your religion has in no way been interfered with; the honour of your women has been respected, and every one has been secure in possession of his property. Whatever has been necessary for the support of the army has been liberally paid for. Since I came to Cabul, I have been in daily intercourse with you; but I have never heard an Afghan make a complaint of the conduct of any soldier, English or Native, belonging to Her Majesty’s army.
“The British Government has always been well-disposed towards Afghanistan. You all know how it supported and assisted the former rulers of the country. It has no other wish than your happiness and prosperity; and it is with this object alone that to-day it recognizes Sirdar Abdur Rahman Khan as Amir of Cabul.”
Mr. Griffin then read the speech in English for the benefit of the officers of the garrison, and a Pushtu translation was read by Mr. Cunningham, Mr. Griffin’s Secretary. Not a sign of intelligence, nor an expression of approbation or dissent, was made in the assembly. From the Sikh and Ghoorka sentries standing in rear of the tent to the fringe of tatterdemalion retainers peering in over the sirdars’ heads, all were quiet as if cogitating upon the new policy enunciated. Our late envoys to the Sirdar, Afzul Khan and Ibrahim Khan, standing behind Sir Donald Stewart, stroked their beards silently and proudly; this was the outcome of their dangerous journey to Khanabad. Those of us who had marched with Sir Frederick Roberts over the Shutargardan, and borne the heat and burden of the day when the cry of “retribution” was raised after Cavagnari’s death, were delighted that our General’s name had been linked with those of Sir Donald Stewart and Mr. Griffin in regard to that work of settlement which the Government view with such satisfaction. There is a tendency to forget, in the present political turmoil, the work done last autumn—work for which no reward has been given; and this is more ungenerous in the case of a soldier, such as General Roberts proved himself, than it would be with a diplomat who can always look with confidence to future chances of distinction.
The Durbar was brought to an end by an earnest appeal on Sir Donald Stewart’s part to all the Sirdars and Chiefs, who were asked to sink their private quarrels and unite in supporting the new Amir. Major Euan Smith rendered this appeal in Persian so earnestly and with such emphasis that its effect was to stir a little ripple of animation in the dead sea of faces that had made no sign hitherto. Sirdar Yusuf Khan promised on his own part so to act for the good of his country; and with his spontaneous little outburst the Durbar closed. In a few minutes Generals and subalterns jostled each other, Sirdars and servants mingled in familiar groups, the tents were clear, the guard marching off, and thus our acknowledgment of Sirdar Abdur Rahman Khan as Amir was publicly made. To-day is the 22nd of July; it was on the 24th of July last year that Cavagnari made his entry into Cabul under the auspices of Yakub Khan. Then all seemed plain-sailing; now the outlook is nearly as placid; but all who have soldiered over the Indus since November 1878 pray that the present “satisfactory settlement” may not prove as deceptive and rotten as that consummated at Gundamak.
The Sirdars present in Durbar were as follow:—
Wali Mahomed Khan. │Mahomed Asaf Khan. Yusuf Khan. │Gholam Khan. Sher Mahomed Khan. │Mahomed Karim Khan. Nur Mahomed Khan. │Shahd Mahomed Khan. Mahomed Sarwar Khan, │Mahomed Ali Jan. Shahbaz Khan. │Abdul Kaium Khan. Amin-ud-dowla Khan. │Mahomed Samir Khan.
27th July.
There has been a lull since the sudden outburst of political activity shown in the Durbar on the 22nd of July, but there is nothing to indicate that the wheels of the Indo-Afghan mill which is grinding out a new Government for Cabul are at all clogged. The new Amir has just left Charikar, but he has little if any armed gathering about him, and if he is to take over Sherpur and the Bala Hissar when we leave he ought to have at least 5,000 men at his back. Our acknowledgment of his claims has of course given him new prestige in the eyes of many of the chiefs; and as, at our advice, he is wisely adopting a conciliatory tone both towards the Cabul citizens and people hitherto devoted to Shere Ali’s family, there is great hope that his power will steadily expand. Being a man suspicious and reticent in the extreme, he does not take us much into his confidence; but his anxiety to have personal interviews with Sir Donald Stewart and Mr. Lepel Griffin is not all concealed. It is well known here that there are many points of detail to be discussed and settled before we leave, and such settlement can be far more easily brought about by personal interviews than by continuous letter-writing. Mr. Lepel Griffin is about to go out to General Gough’s camp at Kila Dushman,[45] and it is understood that the Amir will pitch his camp at Ak Serai, five or six miles further north on the Istalif Road. It would be unwise for our representative to go out before the Amir has actually left Charikar, as a loss of dignity would surely result from any appearance of “waiting upon His Majesty’s pleasure.” On Friday Mr. Griffin leaves for Kila Dushman, and upon his report Sir Donald Stewart will time his own visit to Koh-Daman. Then we shall be able, at last, to take an exact estimate of the new Amir’s strength, and form some judgment of his feelings towards the British Government. An exile for so many years from Afghanistan, he may push his inquisitiveness as to our intentions to an awkward extent. We are not prepared to promise too much either in the way of subsidy or moral support, and before any conditions are made we may have to probe his relations with his friends at Tashkend pretty deeply. The fate of Shere Ali should serve as a warning to Abdur Rahman; but prompted by Kaufmann and others, he may look upon England under a Liberal Government as a friend and ally of Russia. But, if I mistake not, he will be given clearly to understand that while the Courts of St. James’s and St. Petersburg may be on the best terms with each other, it is not part of the British policy at least that minor kingdoms such as Afghanistan should conduct their foreign relations independently. There are too many interests involved for us to tolerate intrigues by any foreign power in a country bordering on India; and if in our generosity we sink our claim to station an English officer at Cabul, we shall demand that no other European State shall be represented there. “Perish India!” is not yet the cry of the Radical party in England, and until that watchword has been accepted by the English people, our best efforts will be directed to warding off danger from our Indian possessions. In our late acknowledgment, while advising the Amir to remain friendly with us, we made no mention of the conditions under which that friendship could be best maintained. That task still remains. Whatever the Indian Government may have decided, there must be some line laid down to guide the Amir in his course of action when he has made his power supreme over all rivals. If he be left to his own devices he may invite all his friends from Russian Turkistan to visit him in the Bala Hissar, and India may again be startled by news of the honour done in Cabul to the representatives of the Czar. The stories told of two Russian agents being in the camp at Khanabad have never really been discredited, but it is unlikely the Amir will allow them publicly to accompany him when he leaves Ak Serai for Zimma on Saturday. The next few days will see the final details of the settlement of Cabul discussed and formulated, and when we turn our backs upon the city next month we shall be content in our knowledge that we have left the most powerful prince to succeed us, and that the difficulties he will have to face are sufficiently great to prevent him meddling with foreign politics for some time to come.
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Footnote 45:
General Gough’s brigade had moved into Koh-Daman in consequence of the turbulence of the Safis.
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We have withdrawn our guard of sepoys from the Kotwali in the city, and Sirdar Wali Mahomed has so little confidence in any but British bayonets that he has promptly resigned his Governorship of Cabul. Sirdar Yusuf Khan, who has done much to aid us in re-establishing a settled Government, has been made Governor, and holds the city now as the representative of the Amir. As a consequence of this, the citizens have begun to swagger again in all their turbulent boastfulness, and our soldiers are warned against entering the bazaars. Armed men are now constantly seen, and many of us think it is perhaps a little premature to repeal the law forbidding the carrying of arms. It is not an uncommon sight now, even in Sherpur, to meet men on horseback or on foot with Enfield rifles at their backs, and knives in their girdles. To-day I saw one of the military police “showing the door” to three Afghan sepoys. These men had cross-belts, pouches, and bayonets, but carried their rifles slung over their shoulders in a very unsoldier-like way. How they had crept into cantonments no one could find out, but they were quite self-possessed, and were very observant of all that was going on. They are probably sepoys, who being sent from Charikar to recruit men for the Amir’s army, had taken advantage of some Pathan being on sentry at one of the gates to walk into Sherpur and criticize our arrangements.
2nd August.
Interest has been divided, during the past week, between the startling news from Candahar[46] and the near approach of the new Amir to Cabul. The Candahar news is serious enough, but we are still in the dark as to the exact extent of our defeat on the Girishk Road, and consequently can only speculate vaguely upon the results of the action. Already a strong division has been told off to march southwards, if the Government of India should consider the necessity sufficiently urgent. Sir Frederick Roberts will have command, and his old troops will be quite equal to dealing with Ayub Khan, if the latter tries to follow up his first success. It may be disappointing to regiments just on the eve of returning to the civilization of the plains to find themselves marching away to Candahar; but the work has to be done, and our soldiers sink their feelings, or calculate that “after all it is only reaching the railway at Sibi instead of Rawal Pindi.” The plan is to take a division made up of British, Ghoorka, and Sikh infantry, with a fair allowance of cavalry and two or three mountain batteries (including the screw-guns), and march steadily upon Candahar, doing our fighting on the way, but never halting or going off the route to meet the enemy. Of course the flower of the force about Cabul having been taken away (say 10,000 men), it would be imperative that the army left in Sherpur should retire upon the Khyber line, letting in the new Amir to assume power in Cabul without further delay. To remain in occupation of Cabul would be false policy, as not only would the people be irritated at our presence and tempted to harass our weakened force, but the Amir would grow unpopular, as he would seem to be allying himself too intimately with the Kafir intruders. The diversion of troops to Candahar must not be looked upon as settled, for there are many considerations yet to be thought of before such a step could be taken. The defeat of the brigade at Khusk-i-Nakhud may have been exaggerated, or Ayub’s success not pushed to its full extent, in which case the force under General Phayre at Peshin might suffice to re-establish our power in Southern Afghanistan. Again, Ayub may not choose to waste his strength against Candahar itself, but may turn northwards and march leisurely to Ghazni, gathering strength day by day. In this case, we certainly should not send a force from Candahar to follow him, and if we did not occupy Ghazni in strength, the tenure of Abdur Rahman’s power in Cabul would be very short indeed. All the Jacobin faction would be united at Ghazni, and the prestige attaching to Ayub Khan would make him a leader whom the new Amir might well dread.
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Footnote 46:
The news of the Maiwand disaster reached Sir Donald Stewart on July 29th, the first telegram speaking of the “annihilation” of General Burrows’ brigade. Later telegrams showed that the defeat, while serious enough, was not so terrible as at first reported. The news was kept as secret as possible, as it was feared that the negotiations with Abdur Rahman might be delayed if the new complications in Southern Afghanistan were made known.
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But, as in a few days our course of action will probably be made clear, the Candahar matter can be left where it stands, while local politics are dealt with. Our representatives have at last met Abdur Rahman Khan face to face, and although part of their programme—a public Durbar—has not been carried out, still it is believed such satisfactory arrangements have been made that Cabul can be evacuated during the current month. On Friday, Mr. Lepel Griffin, Chief Political Officer, and his Staff went out to Brigadier-General Charles Gough’s Camp at Kila Hajee, about nine miles due north of Sherpur, on the Charikar Road. Mr. Griffin was to meet the Amir, who had come down from Charikar to Ak-Serai, and was to smooth away such difficulties as might crop up prior to the holding of the Durbar on Monday. Sirdar Yusuf Khan, Governor of Cabul, and Captain Ridgeway, Assistant Political Officer, made arrangements for the interview, which was supposed to take place about midway between Kila Hajee and Ak-Serai. A vineyard near Zimma was first proposed by Yusuf Khan, but this was objected to, possibly because the temper of the Amir’s followers was known to be very uncertain, and it is always well to be on guard against Afghan fanaticism. Finally, a hill was chosen a little off the road, and on this a large tent, sent out from Sherpur, was pitched. The hill was five miles from Kila Hajee, and only two from the Amir’s camp at Ak-Serai, but of this little account was made. At half-past seven, on Saturday morning, a squadron of the 9th Lancers, the 3rd Bengal Cavalry, and the 3rd Punjab Cavalry,—the whole under the command of Colonel Mackenzie, of the 3rd Bengal Cavalry,—formed up at Kila Hajee as escort to Mr. Griffin, who was accompanied by Major Hastings and his political staff, and a few officers whom curiosity prompted to turn out. A few Ghoorkas held the Kotal a mile from camp, but beyond this no display of infantry was made. The Lancers and the 3rd Bengal Cavalry trotted on ahead, and the road to Zimma was followed, up hill and down ravine, until the Durbar tent was sighted on the crest. The country about was very fertile, vineyards and orchards abounding, while northwards towards Istalif a mass of vegetation was seen. On arrival at the Durbar tent a halt was called, the 9th Lancers forming up near the entrance, while the native cavalry drew off to some distance below. About 200 yards to the north the Amir’s private tent had been pitched, and about this some 100 of his retainers were seen to be gathered. Mr. Griffin sent Captain Ridgeway, Mr. Cunningham, Rajah Jehandad Khan, and Afzul Khan to escort the Amir up the hill, and with the remainder of the British officers, about twenty in number, waited near the Durbar tent. The Amir met the party of four, as it appeared, at the entrance of his tent, and after the usual formal salutation, a move was made up the slope. One of the Amir’s attendants unfurled a large red umbrella, his white charger with gorgeous trappings was led in rear; and with a small mob of armed retainers following, his Highness walked slowly along. Mr. Griffin, as in courtesy bound, met him halfway, hands were cordially shaken, and then everyone made for the large square tent which offered grateful shelter from the sun.
The troopers of the 9th Lancers formed a striking contrast to the 100 men of the Amir’s body-guard, none of whom were clad alike, and whose “uniform” deserved its name on one ground—it was of uniform irregularity. The arms of these men of motley were equally curious: Martinis, Sniders, Chassepots, Miniés, such were some of the rifles; while double-barrelled shot-guns, match-locks, and jhezails were also conspicuous. The guard had been chosen probably from among men whom the Amir could thoroughly trust, as he could from his Turkistan regiments easily have taken two companies armed with rifles of the same pattern. Within the tent a semicircle of chairs had been placed at the head of three long narrow tables, on which were some English sweetmeats and Cabuli confectionery. The Amir, with whom was Sirdar Afzul Khan, the Khan of Kulab, and half a dozen personal attendants, including a favourite slave-boy, went through the ordeal of receiving all the officers introduced to him with quiet self-possession and good-humour. Behind him, in the verandah of the tent, were clustered his wild-looking body-guard, with their weapons carried in every picturesque style of carelessness; each man looking upon the ceremonious introductions with more of contempt than curiosity. The Amir’s demeanour was a surprise to every one, from Mr. Griffin downwards. From the photograph brought by Afzul Khan from Khanabad, one was led to expect a gross, sensual-looking man on the usual stereotyped pattern of Barakzai Sirdars. The reality was quite different: a man of middle-age, broadly-built but not obese, with features marked and worn by care and anxiety, but lighted up by a smile which gave character and pleasantness to the whole face. His dress was quiet and unostentatious; a blue coat, half uniform, with gold epaulettes; a pair of cloth breeches, short riding boots, a handsome sword and belt, and a cap of Astrakan fur, with the ribbon of an order (perhaps Turkish) let in deeply in front. So winning a manner had the Amir that men who came quite prepared to revile him, went away most favourably impressed. He is not the “brute” an Afghan Sirdar usually is, and his after-conversation with our political officers showed him to be familiar with Western ideas, and to have made good use of the time he has spent in Tashkend.
After the introductions had been got through, the tent was cleared of all but those who were to take part in the “discussion.” I am not sure if the word should be used; but as there is a great objection to the use of the term “negotiations,” I will let it stand. With Mr. Griffin remained Major Hastings, Mr. Cunningham, C.S. (Secretary), and Mr. Christie (the officer in charge of the Political Intelligence Department); with the Amir, Yusuf Khan, and a Moonshee, who took notes of what was said. Out of ear-shot in the tent sat, also, the Khan of Kulab, who dozed during the interview in happy unconsciousness of what was going on. Outside, in the verandahs, the sweetmeats were served round to all who chose to partake of them, and the Amir’s servants also handed round cups of tea, which Afghan and Britisher alike sipped while the three hours of the interview slipped away. The tents of the Afghan army could be seen amid the vineyards, a couple of miles away; but no sign of the 5,000 or 6,000 armed men known to be in rear of the near hill could be detected. Our cavalry were the chief figures in the landscape, which was as peaceful as could be wished. The interview with the Amir lasted from 9 o’clock till noon, and no doubt many state secrets were aired, and much mutual cross-questioning gone through. The following may be taken as the purport of the conversation:—The Amir expressed himself most anxious to do everything to secure the throne for himself, and to remain on friendly terms with us; but he confessed his present weakness, and asked what we were prepared to do for him. Quoting our generous conduct towards Shere Ali, and the gifts of guns, ammunition, and money we had made to that monarch, he let it be inferred that he also should expect the same kind of treatment. What answer he got I am not prepared to say; but if it were that he would receive money but no arms, I should not be surprised. He was told that necessity might arise for marching troops from Cabul to Candahar, as Ayub Khan had shown unexpected strength in the south; and in answer to the question whether there would be objections raised to such a march, he said he should like to consult the people with him. No doubt the three hours were profitably filled, and our representative at least learned that the 2,000 Turkistan troops with the Amir were exceedingly suspicious of all his dealings with the British, and particularly objected to his visiting General Gough’s camp. They had an idea that treachery was contemplated, and that Abdur Rahman might be spirited off to India to keep Yakub Khan company. At noon the Amir appeared with Mr. Griffin at the door of the tent, the Lancers saluted, farewells were exchanged, and in a few minutes our representative and escort were cantering back to Kila Hajee, while the Amir was thoughtfully returning to his excited followers at Ak-Serai.
It was still believed on Saturday that a Durbar at Kila Hajee could be arranged, and Sir Donald Stewart, Sir Frederick Roberts and their Staffs rode out to General Gough’s camp. The Guides’ cavalry and four guns of G-3, R.A., with blank cartridges for saluting purposes, also moved out to Kila Hajee. On Saturday night the Amir’s troops occupied the Kotal, a mile from our camp, evidently fearing a surprise, and only withdrew at daylight on Sunday. General Gough equally mistrusted them, and a company of each regiment slept fully accoutred in their respective quarter-guards. A second interview between Mr. Griffin and the Amir took place yesterday (Sunday) morning, but in view of the uneasiness among the Turkistani troops, the precaution was taken of sending four companies of our Infantry to within a mile of the Durbar tents, and the Kotal in rear was also held in force. The conversation of the previous day was renewed, and I understand the Amir said the tribes might object to a force marching to Candahar, but that if no long halts were made on the way, there could be no objection on his part. Finally, the Amir asked that all English and native officials might withdraw, and for an hour he remained in conversation with Mr. Griffin. As we have since heard that everything has been satisfactorily settled, it is to be supposed that the “bargain”—if a rude mercantile term may be imported into high politics—was closed, and that the Amir Abdur Rahman Khan has declared his readiness to occupy Cabul, as we march out in a week or more, and will thereafter abide in his friendly sentiments towards the British. No Durbar, therefore, was held this morning, and now our Generals and Politicals are once more safe within the walls of Sherpur, and we are all discussing the chances of 10,000 men having to return to India by way of Candahar and Quetta.
A little incident occurred at Zimma on Sunday, which shows that the pestilent moollah is always taking occasion to arouse the people’s passions against us. While the Amir and Mr. Griffin were closeted together, a ragged-looking man (a fakir) approached the tent and began shrieking out, whereupon old Nakshband Khan, an ex-Ressaldar of Native Cavalry, called out to the Amir’s sentries to drive him off. There was a sentry at each corner of the tent, and one of these men promptly stoned the moollah, Nakshband explaining, with much energetic abuse, that such beasts did all the mischief in the country. The moollahs have been very quiet of late, but with Ayub’s success as a text, they may again begin preaching war to the knife against all Kafirs.
Chapter XXXI
Further Details of the Maiwand Disaster—A Force ordered to march from Cabul to Candahar—Aid given by the Amir—Farewell Dinner to Sir F. Roberts—Details of the Force destined for Peshawar—Closing Scenes of the Occupation of Cabul—Interview between the Amir and Sir Donald Stewart—A Friendly Leave-Taking—The Evacuation of Sherpur on August 11th—Peaceful March to India—The Arrangements made with the Amir—Grant of £190,500 and Thirty Guns—The Forts left intact about Cabul—Weakness of such a Policy.
6th August, 1880.
On the 4th of August orders were received from the Government of India for a force 10,000 strong under Lieutenant-General Sir F. Roberts to march from Cabul to the relief of Candahar; but it was not until last evening that the full meaning of the sinister news from Candahar was generally recognized in camp. So much secrecy had been kept regarding the earlier despatches, no doubt in the hope that later news would show the disaster to have been exaggerated, that until Colonel St. John’s long telegram giving details of the losses was issued in the Club, we could not accept the defeat at Khusk-i-Nakhud as a reality. In a large camp like this wild rumours obtain ready circulation; they are believed for a day, or a week, until some new theory is broached and a new turn given to the current of men’s thoughts. First we believed that General Burrows’ Brigade had indeed been annihilated; then the affair sank into a reconnaissance in which two companies of the 66th had been cut up to a man, and two guns lost; and at last, when it became known that General Roberts was to form a division to march southward, the belief became general that our army in Candahar had been roughly handled, and that Ayub Khan’s success was growing with alarming strides. When Colonel St. John’s telegram was read outside the Club-house to an audience of twenty or thirty officers, we could scarcely realize that 1,200 of our men had been killed in open fight, and that the remainder of the ill-fated brigade had made the best of their way back to Candahar over an almost waterless country. But there was no mistaking the hard facts set forth; the list of officers killed and wounded; and the ominous closing paragraph that the British garrison was preparing for a siege. Our past experience in December had taught us one salutary lesson; the Afghans respond to the call of a successful leader with a readiness which defies all ordinary calculations; and we saw that there might indeed be good cause for marching even such war-worn regiments as those about Cabul right down to distant Candahar. Our hearts were light a fortnight ago at the prospect of an early return to India, for the campaign has been a trying one, and officers and men have grown very weary of the endless see-saw in the political world wherein Mr. Griffin and Abdur Rahman are the chief figures. All hopes were dashed when the order went forth for a new and arduous march, with the prospect of guerilla fighting half the way; and it must be confessed that at first there were hearty curses bestowed upon the heads of those responsible for the change in the programme. But when the details of the disaster were made known, the duty of relieving Candahar was accepted quietly and with a certain pride, all sense of personal discomfort and danger being sunk in the feeling that the credit of our army must be vindicated without useless delay. To form one of a picked force such as General Roberts has now under his orders is no common fortune, for certainly not in the whole of India could be a better lot of fighting men be got together than that now waiting the final order to march. We are self-conscious of our own strength, and are just a little impatient that it cannot be put forth at once, while our enemies are still in the flush of success. To meet 10,000 British, Sikh, and Ghoorka soldiers—for Sir Frederick Roberts’s force is made up almost entirely of these races—would try the mettle of a better armed and disciplined army than the Afghans can ever hope to put in the field; and if this force cannot do the work marked out for it, then our military supremacy in the East must indeed be coming to an end. I do not care to play the part of a trumpeter to the Cabul army, but the merits of the regiments now brigaded are too great to be lightly passed by. The trust which is placed in the infantry and their breech-loaders appears at once from the fact that no field artillery is to be taken. General Roberts will have only three mule batteries (7-pounders), although one of these is of course the screw-gun battery, which has a reputation for accuracy and range that cannot be equalled by our 9-pounders. With these three batteries (in all eighteen guns), we have to meet Ayub Khan’s thirty or forty guns, and we are going out upon our errand without any fear of results: our screw-guns can silence one or two of the batteries which were turned upon our little force at Khusk-i-Nakhud, and our infantry can deal with the rest. We shall meet Ayub Khan, presumably, either within sight of Candahar, or on the Ghazni Road, and then his army of regulars and ghazis will have a fair opportunity of measuring itself against a British force worthy of the name. We shall not make the fatal mistake of scattering our brigades over the country side, each liable at any moment to be taken in detail and broken up by overwhelming numbers. Our march has not yet begun, and there are soothsayers in our midst who foretell a journey to Ghazni only, and then a backward movement towards the Shutargardan—Candahar having been relieved in the meantime by General Phayre; but if it should be our lot to cut ourselves off for three weeks from the outer world, there need be no anxiety as to our fate; we are well able to take care of ourselves.
The behaviour of the Amir, since he has learnt that a strong force will march to Candahar, has been all that could be wished. He is sage enough to see that Ayub Khan is the only dangerous rival he now has in Afghanistan, and if we break up the Herat army, Cabul will be made quite safe. The Amir has also sent several men of importance to travel a day’s march ahead of our army, and arrange with the maliks for the provision of supplies. If these officials of Abdur Rahman really do their work properly, our Commissariat officers will find their task of feeding 15,000 fighting men and followers greatly lightened. South of Ghazni we shall have to trust mostly to our own foraging parties, and we shall doubtless be on half-rations before Khelat-i-Ghilzai is reached. Sir Donald Stewart on the march to Cabul had at times difficulty in collecting supplies, as the villages on the road were deserted, and if the peasants have not since returned to look after their crops the country will not furnish much food. However, our own resources will carry us over half the distance at least, and a few double marches will make Khelat-i-Ghilzai seem not so far off after all. Mushk-i-Alam has accepted the new order of things in such a thorough-going spirit that he now talks of coming in with Mahomed Jan and accompanying Sir Donald Stewart’s army to India. Both our late foes are anxious to make a pilgrimage to Mecca.
Last night the Political Officers gave a farewell dinner in honour of General Roberts, at which Sir Donald Stewart and the chief officers of the force were present. In responding to the toast of his health Sir Frederick Roberts made the following characteristic speech:—
“MR. GRIFFIN, SIR DONALD STEWART, AND GENTLEMEN,
“I scarcely know how to thank you all for the kind way in which you have drunk my health, and that of the Column under orders for Candahar. To the very flattering terms in which Mr. Griffin has spoken of me I should have considerable difficulty in replying, were it not that I can honestly say that any successes which I may have attained hitherto have been due entirely to the experienced commanders I have had with me, the most capable Staff that ever accompanied a General Officer in the field, and the gallantry and discipline of the troops under me. I do not think there ever have been, and I doubt if there ever will be, more efficient troops sent from India than those which General Stewart and I have had the honour to command for the last two years. With such troops success is a certainty. Without wishing to underrate the dangers and difficulties of the task before us, I feel quite confident that the efficient force which Sir Donald Stewart has placed at my disposal will succeed in reaching Candahar as quickly as possible, and in effectually disposing of any Afghan army that may be brought against us. As Mr. Griffin has said, we must all deplore the cause which requires Cabul troops to be now sent to Candahar. A few days ago we were all congratulating ourselves upon the prospect of a speedy return to India. Some of us had laid in a store of Nipal pepper for use at home; others, I have heard, had actually named an early date for leaving Bombay for England. Well, Sir Donald Stewart is willing to guarantee—and were it not an indecorous thing for an officer so high in rank—would even bet—that we shall reach India again, viâ Candahar, in November next. Gentlemen, this is a country of great uncertainties. We have been living in a state of uncertainty for many months; but, thanks to the political skill of our kind host, affairs have during the last few weeks, progressed so rapidly and favourably that we have reason to hope the country may now have comparative rest and quiet, and that some settled form of government will be established. However, we must not be too sanguine: and I trust that our fellow-countrymen, who have not had the same opportunity that we have had of knowing Afghanistan and the Afghans, will not be disappointed if matters do not go altogether smoothly after the British troops leave Cabul. No Amir has ever yet occupied the throne for any time until he has proved himself capable of governing the country, and it is not likely that Amir Abdur Rahman will be an exception. We all know what difficulties Mr. Griffin has had to contend with, and we all rejoice at the great success which has attended his efforts—efforts so ably assisted by the Political Officers now with him. It now remains for Abdur Rahman to show that he is capable of filling the great position in which he has been placed. From the commencement of this campaign, the Political Officers have borne as important, if not as active, work as the soldier. First and foremost the gallant Cavagnari, known to and mourned by us all, and more than liked by many of us: with him many brave men fell, and it was to avenge their base and treacherous murder that this force came to Cabul. It is a great satisfaction to me to think that at present, at any rate, no officers will be required to remain at Cabul, and that all the Political Officers I see around me will return to India with the troops. But I feel quite sure if the decision had been otherwise, officers would have been found to accept the dangerous post, either officers of the civil service, or amongst those military politicals who have gained for themselves a reputation on the frontier and other parts of India.”
The foregoing was the last of my letters from Sherpur, as on the 8th of August I joined the force destined for Candahar. Accordingly, I will here briefly summarize the events which occurred at Cabul after the march upon Candahar had been begun. The force left in Sherpur and in the fortifications about Cabul were the 2nd Division under the Command of Major-General Hills. They were brigaded as follows:—
1st Brigade.—General C. Gough—9th Foot, 28th Punjab Native Infantry, 45th Sikhs.
2nd Brigade.—General Hughes—59th Foot, 3rd Ghoorkas, 19th Punjab Native Infantry.
3rd Brigade.—General Daunt—67th Foot, 5th Punjab Infantry, 27th Punjab Native Infantry.
Cavalry Brigade.—General Palliser—1st Punjab Cavalry, 2nd Punjab Cavalry.
Artillery.—11-11 R.A., and G-4 R.A.
With camp-followers and servants there were about 20,000 men in the Division. Sir Donald Stewart waited until Sir Frederick Roberts had entered the Upper Logar Valley and heliographic communication had ceased before giving the order to evacuate Sherpur. The troops were all under canvas ready to file out at a moment’s notice. The following extract from a letter written by a trustworthy correspondent will give an exact idea of the actual evacuation:—
“BUTKHAK, 11th August.
“Late in the evening of the 10th instant arrangements were finally concluded for an interview between His Highness the Amir Abdur Rahman Khan and the British representatives in Cabul. Whether a meeting could be arranged was doubtful, I understand, up to nearly nine o’clock; and if it had not taken place, Sir Donald Stewart would have had to forego the pleasure of seeing the Amir whom his efforts have done so much towards placing on the throne of Cabul. But good fortune favoured Sir Donald. The camp of the Amir had been moved during the morning of the 10th to Deh Gopak, a small secluded village about three miles from, and within easy sight of, the Sherpur cantonments. Prior to this, the camp had been at Kila Murad Beg, six miles from Cabul, and on the other side of the first low range of hills beyond the lake. His Highness did not, however, arrive at Deh Gopak till eight o’clock in the evening; and here he was agreeably surprised to find Sirdar Mahomed Afzul Khan waiting for him. This distinguished gentleman, who, it will be remembered, was the leading member of the Mission to Turkistan at the beginning of negotiations with Abdur Rahman, had been fitly selected as the bearer of the Government presents to the Amir. They consisted of a handsome grey English horse, a rifle, a pair of pistols and a gold watch. The Sirdar arrived at Deh Gopak about six o’clock, and had to wait two hours before the Amir arrived. He was greatly pleased with the presents; insisted on the Sirdar’s dining with him; presented him with a Kashmir shawl and a few other articles of dress; and on dismissing him sent a message to the effect that he would be glad to meet the British officers at seven o’clock the following morning. It will thus be seen that the Amir has got the better of the absurd suspicions which not only made him backward in dealing with us, but actually led him to throw away the food near which a stranger had merely passed, from fear of being poisoned.
“Before the return of Mahomed Afzul Khan, a tent had been pitched within a couple of hundred yards of the cantonment walls, in anticipation of the Amir’s consent to come in; so that though the interview was not decided upon till so late, there was no bustle or confusion. Sir Donald Stewart and the Chief Political Officer had moved under canvas in the centre of the cantonments, and as all tents and baggage had to be ready to start by 5 A.M.;, there was a weary period of waiting in the open air, under a sun sufficiently warm even at six o’clock. At a few minutes before seven the escort of Guides’ Cavalry rode up; the General mounted, and followed by a string of some thirty or forty officers approached the tent, which was in a field about twenty paces from the roadside. As soon as the British party got outside the Head-quarters’ Gate, the Amir and his followers were seen coming from the opposite direction. Half a mile in his rear on the side of a hill were a large number of his troops, both cavalry and infantry; but the number of followers with His Highness was hardly more than sixty; and only two of his sepoys were on sentry at the tent itself. The two parties met exactly in front of the path leading to the tent. Abdur Rahman had with him Sirdar Yusuf Khan. Sir Donald Stewart was accompanied by Mr. Lepel Griffin, all the rest standing at some few yards’ distance. The Chief Political Officer introduced the Amir to the Lieutenant-General as they met; and then walked towards the tent, followed by all the British officers present. There were not more than five chairs. His Highness occupied the centre seat: on his right were Sir Donald Stewart and General Hills; on his left Mr. Griffin. The conversation was conducted in Persian by Mr. Griffin on behalf of the Lieutenant-General, His Highness having little or no command of Hindustani. After the usual formalities were concluded several officers were introduced to the Amir; amongst others were the three Brigadiers under Major-General Hills; Colonel Lockart (Chief of the Staff), Dr. Smith (Chief Medical Officer), Colonel Fryer, Major Morgan, Major Lance, and others. His Highness was dressed in a drab suit of striped cloth, with his ‘continuations’ tucked into long black boots; a black Astrakan cap, in which a diamond star glittered, covered his head; his arms consisted of a revolver only, which he carried in an ordinary waist-belt. Though still nervous, I thought he was less so than on the former occasions when I saw him; and all who observed him were greatly pleased at his appearance. In the course of conversation he said that his whole heart was full of gratitude to the British, and he begged that his best thanks might be conveyed to His Excellency the Viceroy. The interview was public throughout; no business was entered into (indeed it is said that all matters of business were concluded at Mr. Griffin’s last meeting with the Amir); and we took our leave in less than a quarter of an hour, His Highness shaking hands with all who cared to wish him good-bye and good-luck.
“The Amir deputed his right-hand man, Sirdar Yusuf Khan, to accompany the General out of Cabul, himself returning almost at once to Deh Gopak. The British officials did not return to the cantonment, but went by the road along the outer wall, out by Siah Sung, and thence by the main road to Butkhak. As we rode along we could see the forts on Bemaru already occupied by small parties of the Amir’s infantry. The Asmai fort had been occupied the night before as soon as our own picquets left it; the big fort on Siah Sung was occupied during the day, as were the Sherderwaza and other forts. The Bala Hissar was taken over by General Gholam Hyder Khan, with one regiment of infantry and about a hundred cavalry. Sherpur itself was garrisoned by the Haz Danari, a celebrated Turkistan cavalry regiment, and 500 khasidars, a force scarcely strong enough to defend any single corner of the huge cantonment. The Amir on his way back to his camp at Deh Gopak was preceded by a band of music, and on his arrival there received a salute of thirty-one guns. Considerable enthusiasm was evinced among his followers; for, incredible as it may appear, there were many of them who believed that the Amir would be made a prisoner by us, even up to the last moment of the interview. Had anything happened to him, they knew well what would be their fate with any new-comer who might be chosen, and they feared any mishap to the man with whom they had thrown in their lot.
“Up to the present the Amir has not made his entry into Cabul. His nine years’ residence in Russian territory has in no way removed or lessened his Oriental superstition; and he left the choice of an auspicious hour and day to the astrologers, of whom he has several attached to his court. The chief of these has named eleven o’clock on Sunday next for the public entry, and has decreed that no luck can attend the occasion unless His Highness wears an emerald ring. One is accordingly being prepared, and the words ‘Amir Abdur Rahman, 1297,’ are to be engraved on it. Meantime Sirdar Yusuf Khan is still carrying on his duties as the Governor of Cabul. He has established picquets on all the approaches to the city, and the passport system is again in full swing. All went perfectly well the first day of our absence, and if His Highness prove wise and conciliatory, his reign at Cabul may, with the support already given him, possibly be longer than that of either of the last two Amirs. This letter, however, purports to be an account of our evacuation of Cabul, and I must keep to my subject, and not concern myself with either the present, past, or future politics of Afghanistan.
“The three brigades arrived at Butkhak to-day, after a dusty march, before noon. The first march has been got over without a single accident of any description, and too great praise cannot be bestowed on Sir Donald Stewart, on the Chief Political Officer, and on the officers and troops themselves for the excellent result of their exertions. The country is perfectly quiet, though there are plenty of marauders ready to drop on any unfortunate straggler. Accompanying us to India are a few of the Cabul Sirdars, including Wali Mahomed Khan and Tahir Khan. Several Hindu merchants from the city have also grasped the opportunity of our march to proceed unmolested to India, as well as two Khokandi pilgrims travelling to Mecca.”
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The march thus begun was carried out without the slightest opposition on the part of the tribesmen between Cabul and Peshawur; and it may be said that not a shot was fired after Cabul had been left. The heat was very trying in the Jellalabad Valley and the Khyber, but the men bore up bravely, and they had not this time to fight against cholera. It was believed that Gundamak or Jellalabad would be held until General Roberts reported that Candahar had been relieved, but the Indian Government were anxious to get the troops over the frontier, as the garrisons of Northern India were very weak. Lundi Kotal, therefore, once more became our outpost in North-Eastern Afghanistan, and the regiments composing General Hills’ division were sent to various stations in India, except such as were required to hold the Khyber posts.
Regarding the arrangements with the Amir: he received thirty guns (chiefly of small calibre), which we left behind us in Sherpur, and 19½ lakhs of rupees (£190,500). Of this sum ten lakhs (£100,000) were given as an earnest of British friendship, and 9½ were “restored” as merely belonging to the State. This was the sum seized in Yahiya Khan’s house in October 1879, upon our first arrival at Cabul. It was spent in purchasing supplies for the army, as our treasury was nearly empty at that time. The Prize Committee had regarded it as prize-money, but this view was not countenanced by the Government.
A concession was made which I strongly condemned in one of my former letters; the fortifications we had built about Cabul were not destroyed. The rather sophistical reason given for this course of action was that the Amir made many requests to us, all of which were at first refused with the exception of one respecting money. One request which he urged with singular pertinacity was that the forts, &c., we had built might not be destroyed. Again and again he was told his wish could not be granted, but he returned to the charge, pleading that his prestige would be lowered in the eyes of the people if we showed such open distrust of him at the commencement. The Government at last yielded to his insistance, and we left the chain of forts about the city intact: they will give our soldiers, perhaps, some amusement when we return in three or four years to annex the country. We refused to make any treaty with Abdur Rahman, and also to promise him gifts of arms and ammunition in the future, but with our rupees he should be able to equip an army pretty rapidly, and to consolidate his power.
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Part II
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THE MARCH UPON CANDAHAR AND DEFEAT OF SIRDAR AYUB KHAN.
Introduction
The following is a bare summary of the facts connected with General Burrows’ advance upon Girishk, and the defeat of his brigade at Maiwand. I have gone more into the details of the defeat in letters written after my arrival at Candahar, my informants being officers engaged in the action.
At the end of June 1880, reports, which were thought trustworthy, reached Candahar that Ayub Khan had left Herat early in the month with all his troops, amounting to eleven regiments of infantry, thirty-six guns, and a very large number of cavalry, regular and irregular. He was said to have told the troops that the English had spent millions of rupees in Candahar, which, with all other property and the women of the people would be at their disposal after they had driven out the English. A strong body of cavalry under the Luinab, formerly Governor of Turkistan, was supposed to form Ayub’s advance-guard. On July 11th it was officially reported by the Government that Ayub Khan’s army had actually reached Farrah, half-way to Candahar, on June 30th. In the meantime the following force under Brigadier-General Burrows had moved out westwards on the Herat Road:—
Three hundred sabres, 3rd Bombay Light Cavalry, under Major Currie, 200 sabres, 3rd Scind Horse, under Colonel Malcolmson, six guns E-B, Royal Horse Artillery, under Major Blackwood, two companies of the 1st Bombay Grenadiers, and forty Sappers; the whole under the command of Brigadier-General Nuttal, with Major Hogg as Brigade Major. The infantry were:—six companies of the 66th Regiment under Colonel Galbraith, remainder of the 1st Grenadiers under Colonel Anderson, Jacob’s Rifles under Colonel Mainwaring; the whole under Brigadier-General Burrows, with Captain McMath as Brigade Major and Captain T. Harris, Deputy Assistant Quartermaster-General. Surgeon-Major Edge and Surgeon Earle were in charge of the Field Hospital; Captain Dobbs had charge of the Commissariat; and Lieutenants G. S. Jones and E. E. M. Lawford of the Transport. Major Leach, R.E., V.C., had charge of a Survey party. The force was accompanied by Colonel St. John, Chief Political Officer, and the Nawab Hasan Ali Khan. The Wali Shere Ali Khan, Governor of Candahar, with a battery of six-pounders and a force of cavalry and infantry, was at Girishk, on the Helmund, collecting supplies and watching the road to Farrah. General Burrows reached Khusk-i-Nakhud on July 7th, and Girishk on July 11th. We found the Helmund River fordable everywhere. On July 15th Shere Ali’s infantry mutinied. His cavalry had reported Ayub’s scouts to be within 20 miles, and this fact caused great excitement among his men. They were encamped at Kadanak, on the bank of the Helmund, General Burrows’ camp being on the eastern side. On Shere Ali ordering his force to retire from Camp Kadanak towards Girishk, the infantry deserted in a body, taking guns, arms, and ammunition, and went off towards Zamindawar. A British force crossed the river in pursuit, overtook them at Shoraki, and completely dispersed them, killing 200, and recovering guns and baggage. Shere Ali’s cavalry did not share in the mutiny. On July 16th, General Burrows made a night march to Khusk-i-Nakhud, some 25 miles nearer Candahar, where he awaited Ayub’s advance. By the 23rd, the main body of the Herat army had crossed the Helmund, and encamped at Hyderabad, above Girishk, and Afghan cavalry were seen pretty frequently by our reconnoitring parties. On the 27th, General Burrows marched to Maiwand, to intercept Ayub’s army, and the same day the disastrous action which resulted in the siege of Candahar, was fought. The British loss was upwards of 1,000 fighting men killed, alone. The published despatches have already given full details of our losses on this occasion, therefore I will not enumerate. It was to relieve Candahar and scatter Ayub Khan’s army that General Roberts was ordered to march southwards from Cabul.
Chapter I
Composition of the Cabul-Candahar Force—The Scale of Equipment—Food Supplies—Reasons for choosing the Logar Route to Ghazni—The March from Beni Hissar to Zahidabad—Arrival at Zerghun Shahr—Communication cut off with Sir Donald Stewart—The Transport of the Force—The Success of the March dependent upon our Baggage Animals—The March through Logar and the Shiniz Valley—Plentiful Supplies—Arrived at Shashgao—Reconnaissance over the Sher-i-Dahan Kotal—The State of Ghazni and the District—An Obituary Notice.
CAMP NEAR ZAHIDABAD, 9th August, 1880.
Yesterday the force destined to march to Candahar, under the command of Sir Frederick Roberts, left Sherpur Cantonments, equipped for rapid marching and sharp fighting. Sir F. Roberts holds the supreme command; Major-General John Ross commands the whole of the infantry battalions; Brigadier-General Hugh Gough the cavalry; and Colonel C. A. Johnson the Artillery. Colonel Perkins is commanding the Royal Engineers; Colonel Chapman is Chief of the Staff; Deputy Surgeon-General Hanbury, Chief Medical Officer; Colonel Low, 13th Royal Bengal Lancers, Chief Director of Transport; and Major Badcock, Chief Commissariat Officer. Major Gorham, R.A., is Judge Advocate, and Captain Straton, 22nd Foot, Superintendent of Signalling. The Political Staff consists of Major Hastings, Chief Political Officer; Major Euan Smith, Political Secretary; Major Protheroe, and Captain Ridgeway. Of these, Major Euan Smith accompanied Sir Donald Stewart in his march from Candahar, and his knowledge of the route and the tribes about it will be invaluable. The following are the troops now brigaded:—
1st Brigade.—General Macpherson, V.C., C.B.—92nd Highlanders, 2nd Ghoorkas, 23rd Pioneers, 24th P.N.I., 6-8 R.A. (screw-guns).
2nd Brigade.—General Baker, C.B.—72nd Highlanders, 2nd Sikhs, 3rd Sikhs, 5th Ghoorkas, No. 2 Mountain Battery.
3rd Brigade.—General Macgregor, V.C., C.B., &c.—60th Rifles, 15th Sikhs, 4th Ghoorkas, 25th P.N.I., 11-9 R.A.
Cavalry Brigade.—General H. Gough, V.C.—9th Lancers, 3rd Bengal Cavalry, 3rd Punjab Cavalry, Central India Horse.
The detailed strength of the force is as follows:—
────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────── Europeans. Natives. ────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────── Officers. Men. ────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────── 6-8 Royal <spa 6 95 139 Artillery 11-9 Royal Artillery 6 95 139 No. 2 Mountain Battery 5 - 140 9th Lancers 19 318 - 3rd Bengal Cavalry 7 - 394 3rd Punjab Cavalry 9 - 408 Central India Horse 11 - 495
⎛ 92nd Highlanders 19 651 - 1st ⎜ 23rd Pioneers 8 - 701 Brigade. ⎜ 24th Punjab Infantry 7 - 575 ⎝ 2nd Ghoorkas 7 - 501
⎛ 72nd Highlanders 23 787 - 2nd ⎜ 2nd Sikhs 7 - 612 Brigade. ⎜ 3rd Sikhs 7 - 570 ⎝ 5th Ghoorkas 8 - 561
⎛ 2-60th Rifles 21 616 - 3rd ⎜ 15th Sikhs 10 - 650 Brigade. ⎜ 25th Punjab Infantry 7 - 637 ⎝ 4th Ghoorkas 8 - 629
Staff Officers 79 - - ────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────── Total 274 2,562 7,151 ──────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────
This gives a total of 9,987 fighting men, or for all practical purposes say 10,000. There are about 8,000 followers. We have thus to feed 18,000 men for three or four weeks, while 1,977 chargers, 750 artillery mules, and 7,235 transport animals have also to be provided for. The Amir sent in 700 baggage animals (yaboos),—a most acceptable gift,—and has despatched his agents into Logar to prepare the people for our coming. He has particularly asked that foraging parties may not be sent out between Cabul and Ghazni, as he believes that his power over the maliks is great enough to secure all supplies without trouble. Once well on the march, we shall be able to test the extent of his power by the willingness of such unruly clans as the Wardaks to bring in corn and sheep without coercion of any kind. The Commissariat Department are carrying for the British troops tea, sugar, and rum for thirty days, preserved meat for two days, bread stuffs for five days, 500 lbs. of army food, 200 gallons of lime-juice, and all available preserved vegetables are also being carried. Sheep for ten days are being driven with the force. The scale of baggage is very low, of necessity. Each British officer is allowed one mule, on which his tent and his kit have to be packed; but as arrangements have generally been made to “double up”—i.e. two officers to sleep in one tent—the allowance is quite enough. The allowance for each British soldier, as kit and equipage, is 30lbs., and for each native 20lbs.
Prior to our moving out all was hurry and confusion in Sherpur—not a confusion resulting from indecision and conflicting orders, but rather that exciting rush of work which follows sudden orders to reduce an army’s equipment. If Sir F. Roberts is to reach Candahar in time to be of any service to the garrison his division must really be a flying column, able to make forced marches, and so mobile that the fighting of an action in the morning shall not necessarily detain the whole line twenty-four hours. In order that the troops may be in the lightest marching order, their greatcoats are being carried for them, and the relief thus afforded is greater than at first sight appears. Six pounds is not in itself a heavy weight for a soldier to carry, but the rolled greatcoat presses upon a man’s chest, impedes his breathing, and makes him hot and uncomfortable on a long march. The 92nd Highlanders have sold all their greatcoats except a few for men on picquet duty; the Highlanders are of such physique that they do not dread the change of temperature which we are sure to experience when once Ghazni is reached. Our route, it will be seen, is viâ the Logar Valley, and not by way of Argandeh and Maidan (the shortest route). The reason of the Logar Road being chosen is that supplies are plentiful in the villages on the route. The late sojourn in Logar of General Hills’ force showed the great capabilities of the valley in the matter of corn and sheep, and the people are only too anxious to deal with us.
The order of march yesterday morning was:—Cavalry Brigade under General Hugh Gough to Charasia; 1st and 3rd Brigades under Generals Macpherson and Macgregor to Beni Hissar; and 2nd Brigade under General Baker to Indikee by way of the Dehmazung Gorge. Accordingly the cantonment was full of warlike pomp and circumstance—chiefly the latter—from 5 o’clock in the morning. All the troops told off for the Division were under canvas, with their kit ready at hand, and there remained nothing but to strike tents, load up baggage animals, and march away to a merry quick-step. Everything had been carefully prepared, all the men’s kits weighed and tested to a pound; and with little confusion, but much soldier-like energy, the line of march was formed in two columns, and the evacuation of Cabul began. Ten thousand men of the present garrison moved out, and their comrades, who filed in from Siah Sung to take their places, will probably start on the 11th for India. We are going so roundabout a road that civilization seems a long way off: our friends are within twenty days of Peshawur, where the untold luxuries of dak-bungalows and gharries begin. Sir Donald Stewart’s march will, it is expected, be a very peaceful one, for the chief Ghilzai leaders are with the Amir, who has been quietly warned to keep them with him and out of mischief until the troops have got to the east of Gundamak. What may happen to Sir Frederick Roberts between Cabul and Candahar no prophet, Kafir or Mahomedan, can venture to say. There may be a most resolute opposition at Shahjui or nearer Candahar, or the fanatical enthusiasm of the ghazis who beat back General Burrows at Khusk-i-Nakhud may have cooled somewhat, and our army may have only a few scattered bands to pursue. How far our pursuit will extend, also, cannot be foreseen. If Ayub shows the white feather, shall we tamely allow him to retain the 1,200 Snider and Martini rifles, and the two Horse Artillery guns he has captured? If so, his wisest course would be to retire upon Herat, raise and drill three or four regiments, whom he could arm with breech-loaders, and in a year try his fortune again, avoiding Candahar altogether, but striking for Cabul by way of Turkistan and Balkh. There are many questions involved in this march to Candahar, and whispers of “Herat!” are already being heard in camp. Every step we move threatens Abdur Rahman’s position in Cabul, so far; but unless we completely break Ayub’s power our nominal Amir will have a hard fight for his kingdom hereafter.
But I have wandered off from our march out. General Baker, with the 72nd Highlanders, 2nd and 3rd Sikhs, 4th Ghoorkas, and a Mountain Battery, reached Indikee during the morning, while the other two Brigades pitched camp in the fields beyond Beni Hissar. The tail-end of a thunderstorm laid the dust in the afternoon, and when Sir F. Roberts rode out in the evening to assume command of his division it was delightfully cool and fresh. Sir Donald Stewart, General Hills, and some of the Staff of the new 2nd Division, accompanied General Roberts, and much had to be said during the short ride. Some of our friends, who were bound for Peshawur, also came out to camp, and hand-shakings and cries of “good-bye and good-luck” were all the order of the evening. There were certain little signs of seriousness in some cases, which showed our errand was looked upon as spiced with danger; but in the majority of instances the farewells were as loud and merry as soldiers’ partings should be.
Sherpur looked the ghost of its former self when we left it in the evening. The barracks of the south-western end were nearly all empty; there were no figures visible beyond those of Cabuli chiffonniers, intent upon looting everything, from old tin cans to charpoys and newspapers; and, saddest of all, our well-beloved Club was no more. The walls were still standing in skeleton bareness, but the large tent which had seen many a genial rubber played, and heard many a quip and crank—“bar-made jokes” we call them—over good wholesome liquor, was a prey to the Afghan. It had been bought for a song, equally with the “fittings” and spare stores, and was being carried off to the city. How we have hated our sojourn in Afghanistan of late, when the hot weather found matters not yet settled, only the record of our curses, an’ it be kept, can never reveal. The bare, brown hills of Bemaru and the higher ranges about had grown so wearisome in our sight that we bore with philosophy the dust-storms which visited us daily: they hid the hated landscape for a time, and made us forget everything but the dust in our eyes and the dryness of our throats. Sherpur is not a “desirable place of residence,” although it has had its pleasures and fortunes, which I have faithfully chronicled; and can we be blamed for shaking its dust from our feet with unholy joy, even though we know that many a weary mile lies between Cabul and the Sibi Railway? Last night General Roberts issued an order to the troops which stirred our blood a little, for if Candahar and Khelat-i-Ghilzai have really to be relieved, there may be some pretty work cut out for us. The order was as follows:—
“It has been decided by the Government of India that a force shall proceed with all possible despatch from Cabul towards Khelat-i-Ghilzai and Candahar for the relief of the British garrison in those places, now threatened by a large Afghan army under the leadership of Sirdar Mahomed Ayub Khan. Sir Frederick Roberts feels sure that the troops placed under his command for this important duty will cheerfully respond to the call made upon them, notwithstanding the privations and hardships inseparable from a long march through a hostile country. The Lieutenant-General wishes to impress on both officers and men the necessity of preserving the same strict discipline which has been so successfully and uniformly maintained since the commencement of the war, and to treat all the people who may be well disposed towards the British with justice and forbearance. Sir Frederick Roberts looks confidently forward to the successful accomplishment of the object of the expedition, convinced as he is that all ranks are animated with the proud feeling that to them is entrusted the duty and privilege of relieving their fellow-soldiers and restoring the prestige of the British army.”
We are not letting the grass grow under our feet, for we have only mule and pony carriage, and our progress is not delayed by camels or bullocks persistently casting their loads. To-day we have marched (that is the 1st and 3rd Brigades, and Divisional Head-Quarters) about 14 miles, while General Baker, who is encamped higher up the Logar, must have done 16 or 17. To-morrow the whole force crosses the river, and then we shall push on for Ghazni, which we hope to reach in four or five days. This will, in all likelihood, be the last letter which I can hope to get through, though runners may try to reach Sir Donald Stewart as he retires upon Gundamak. The troops are all very fit, and march splendidly; the mornings are cold and bracing; while during the day a cool wind prevents the sun from making itself felt. We shall have a most enjoyable march for the next few days so far as climate is concerned, and we hope for the best in the matter of supplies. To-day they are coming in very fairly. The moollah, Ahdurrahim, the eldest son of Mushk-i-Alam, who is accompanying the force, has been created Khan-ul-Alam, or chief moollah, by the Amir. This appointment has had a good effect, and Mushk-i-Alam with his party is reported to be proceeding to join the Amir.[47]
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Footnote 47:
The old moollah kept his word and took a prominent part in the ceremonies attending Abdur Rahman’s coronation.
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ZERGHUN SHAHR, 10th August.
To-day we look upon as the last we shall be in communication with Cabul, and consequently with India; but we are not in the least depressed thereby, as we have our work before us and have made up our minds to do it thoroughly. The diary of our march should be of interest, as it is of a kind not often undertaken. We have cut ourselves off completely from any supports; we are self-supporting in every sense of the word; and we have as our objective point a town nominally held by our own troops, but which may, before our arrival, be surrounded by an army far surpassing our own in numbers and guns. The effect of the disastrous action at Khusk-i-Nakhud will have raised the whole country about Candahar against us, and Afghans never show so bold a front as when living on the fruits of a victory. If Candahar were held in force by an unbeaten army of British soldiers, we should have little to do beyond making the best of our way to the place and joining hands with the garrison; there would be little danger and less glory in such an undertaking; but as it is we are a body of 10,000 men, making forced marches and not knowing from day to day what may be before us. So long as we are north of Ghazni we shall have no anxiety regarding supplies, but once we have passed that fortress our very food will have to be sought for at every halting-place, and the prospect of deserted villages and crops secretly stored is not a very encouraging one. But it will be time enough to deal with our difficulties when they occur, and as we are now in the rich Logar Valley, where corn and forage are plentiful, I will not speculate further as to what the marches to Khelat-i-Ghilzai may bring forth. Our chief source of anxiety is that the Herat army and its ghazi allies may not give us a fair chance of what the soldiers call “getting at them.” That would indeed be a disappointment too grievous to be borne.
The march from Beni Hissar to Zahidabad was as trying as any we are likely to have between Cabul and Ghazni. The rear-guard of General Macpherson’s Brigade did not reach camp until after seven o’clock, having been under arms for fourteen hours, and the 92nd Highlanders and 23rd Pioneers were so tired and worn out that many threw themselves down in their tents without energy enough to take more than a mouthful of food. It was not the actual distance (16 miles) which told upon them so much as the long halts in the sun while the baggage was being pushed forward; while a dust-storm the whole afternoon added greatly to their discomfort. The sun is stronger than was expected, and the men, not being yet in thorough marching order, felt its effects rather severely. The camp was pitched in the open fields near where we encamped in October last, when our mission was to punish Cabul. Our force now is nearly as strong again as the old Cabul Field Force, “the avenging army” as it was termed; but the brigades are not yet united, the cavalry and General Baker’s Brigade being a few miles in advance. This is to enable us to march with greater rapidity. That rapidity naturally depends upon our transport, the marching power of our men not being a doubtful factor in our calculations. We are provided with mule and pony carriage, camels being unsuitable for forced marching, and I am glad to say we have an unusually strong staff of transport officers, with Colonel Low at their head, who are equal to all the demands made upon their knowledge and endurance. Upon the efforts of this staff much will depend, as if carelessness were once to creep into the management and care of the animals a dead-lock would follow. In the first campaign the stupid experiment of trying to work camels without food was tried, and the result, as Government found to its cost, was terrible failure. Now, Sir Frederick Roberts is determined to try what can be done when the animals are given grain and forage with a liberal hand, and when we have reached Candahar I will note the result in this case also. The Transport Staff, to which I, in common with the whole force, look with great confidence, is as follows:—
Lieutenant-Colonel Low, Chief Director. Lieutenant Booth, Staff Officer. Captain Wynter, 33rd Foot, General Transport Officer. Lieutenant Fisher, 10th Hussars, Cavalry Brigade. Lieutenant Wilson, 10th Hussars, 1st Brigade. Captain Elliot, 3rd Bengal Cavalry, 2nd Brigade. Captain Macgregor, 44th Native Infantry, 3rd Brigade. Lieutenant Robertson, 8th Foot, Ordnance Park. Lieutenant Elverson, 2nd Queen’s, also attached to 3rd Brigade.
But even this staff cannot ensure the service being kept up to its present state of efficiency unless regimental commanders and other responsible persons see that orders are strictly carried out. The Lieutenant-General issued an order at Zahidabad reminding commanding officers of the necessity for exercising the closest supervision over the transport animals. In this General Roberts says:—“The performance of long and continuous marches such as those which will be undertaken by the force can only be successfully accomplished if the animals are regularly fed and the adjustment of loads attended to. Recognizing that the success of the undertaking in hand must depend upon the rapidity with which Candahar is reached, the Lieutenant-General relies confidently on the exertions of all ranks to aid in maintaining the transport animals in efficient condition.”
To-day the cavalry under General Hugh Gough joined the 2nd Brigade (72nd Highlanders, 2nd and 3rd Sikhs, 5th Ghoorkas, and Swinley’s Mountain Battery) on their camping-ground over the Logar above Zahidabad, and skirted the right bank of the river past Deh-i-Nao to the ground near Paza and Wazir Kila, from which villages they drew their supplies. The 1st and 3rd Brigades, with General Roberts’s and General Ross’s head-quarters, struck camp at three o’clock, and General Macpherson’s Brigade moved off first. The only difficulty was at the bridge over the Logar; but as the stream was fordable, the baggage animals had no trouble in wading across. General Roberts watched the brigade cross, and it was pleasant to notice that the men seemed in the best of spirits, doubling up the bank and hurrying along as if Candahar were only 10 miles away. One company of the 23rd Pioneers recognized the General, and raised the Sikh war-cry of “Guru! Guru! Futteh Guru!” Once the river had been left behind open ground was reached, and after a march of 14 miles camp was pitched a short distance beyond Zerghun Shahr. Here supplies and forage were obtained in abundance, the villagers being quite willing to give all that was required. The agents of the Amir accompanying the force did good work in aiding the Political Officers in making all smooth for the Commissariat.
CAMP SHASHGAO, 14th August.
We are now within an easy march of Ghazni, and our cavalry have already reconnoitred over the Sher-i-Dahan Pass without meeting an enemy. Ayub Khan’s influence does not seem to extend so far north, while Hashim Khan and his followers have fled southwards, declaring they have no wish to fight the British, but will return when we have passed and make preparations for a struggle with Abdur Rahman. Since my last letter we have made four marches, the halting-places of General Roberts’s head-quarters having been Padkhao Barak in Logar, Amir Kila at the mouth of the Tang-i-Wardak, Takia in the Shiniz Valley, and Shashgao. There has not been a shot fired, and all our efforts have been concentrated in keeping our baggage animals up to their work, and in drawing supplies from the country passed through.
On August 11th, the 1st and 3rd Brigades with head-quarters turned out at 2.45 A.M., and moved off at four o’clock towards the Baraki group of villages which cluster about the Logar River, where it turns to the north. The brigades moved in parallel columns of route across an open stony plain, and the first 10 miles were made in grand style, there being nothing to impede the troops. Cultivation was then reached, and as the crops of Indian-corn, lucerne, &c., were still on the ground, much delay occurred in getting the baggage along. The water was cut off from two or three of the deepest canals, and the road improved; but there was a “nasty bit” just outside Baraki Rajan, where the bed of a tributary of the Logar had to be crossed. The camping-ground was on a ridge, with water close at hand, and fields of half-grown Indian-corn, which were bought up at Rs. 50 a bigah and used as forage. The 2nd Brigade and the cavalry were encamped 3 miles away at Baraki Barak, having crossed the river at Hisarak. The Logar Valley presented a picture of fertility perhaps unequalled in Afghanistan. It is well-wooded, and the irrigation from the river is admirably carried out. On either hand the cultivation extends for several miles, and the villages are surrounded by orchards and plantations of willow and other trees for firewood. The number of the people visible all along the line of march showed the valley to be thickly populated. To the south the valley is bounded by the barren Altimour Range, shutting out Zurmut, while to the north-east are the Shutargardan and the mass of mountains about it. Our faces were turned westwards towards the Tang-i-Wardak, the barrier of hills through which that Pass leads being overtopped by the more distant Pughman Range.
On the 12th the cavalry and General Baker’s Brigade had a long and trying march from Baraki Barak, past Amir Kila, over the Samburak Kotal to Sydabad in the Shiniz Valley. This placed them on the direct Cabul-Ghazni Road, the Shiniz Valley extending from the Sher-i-Dahan Kotal to Sheikhabad. The Lieutenant-General watched the Cavalry Brigade pass Amir Kila, and a gallant show it made. The horses looked in grand condition, the Central India Horse seeming none the worse for their hurried march from Jellalabad. The road was so narrow that the baggage animals had in many places to go in Indian file, and, although the advance-guard started at four o’clock, only part of the cavalry baggage reached Sydabad. The remainder was halted for the night, just above the Amir Kila, near the camp of the 1st and 3rd Brigades, which had marched only nine miles from Padkhao Barak. The Samburak Kotal is to the north of the Tang-i-Wardak, and is comparatively easy; but there was only one road over it—that made by the Candahar Force in April for the Horse Artillery and Field guns. A few hundred yards of this road near the crest were so steep that some of the cavalry ponies cast their loads; but on the transport officers going up early on the morning of the 13th, the baggage was found to have been left untouched by the villagers, and only one pony was lying exhausted on the road. General Macgregor moved off by way of the Tang-i-Wardak to Hyder Khel, which had been fixed as the halting-place of the 1st and 3rd Brigades; and then Colonel Low, Director of Transport, saw to the clearing away of the baggage of General Baker’s Brigade. Fatigue parties were told off to carry the loads lying on the road, to the top of the Kotal, and then the stream of mules and ponies was set in motion. Working parties also improved and widened the road, and two “diversions” were made which allowed of three lines of animals moving upwards at the same time. By three o’clock in the afternoon the whole of the baggage was clear of the Kotal; only three animals having had to be abandoned. This will show in what good condition our transport now is: not a load was left behind and the regiments with General Baker had once more the pleasure of seeing their tents and kit. The men had bivouacked at Sydabad, and the cold air of the early morning had been too keen to be comfortable. General Roberts with head-quarters joined the 2nd Brigade which encamped at Takia, two miles beyond Hyder Khel, the distance from Sydabad being about 12 miles.
To-day (August 14th) the whole force is concentrated about Shashgao, within three miles of the Sher-i-Dahan Kotal, the cavalry and General Baker’s brigade having marched fourteen miles from Takia, while the troops commanded by Generals Macpherson and Macgregor have covered between sixteen and seventeen. The Shiniz Valley is from six to ten miles across, and runs almost due north and south. High rolling hills rise gradually on either side, and there is a gentle rise from about 7,000 feet above sea level at Sydabad to 8,000 feet at Shashgao, where we are now encamped. There is only a narrow strip of cultivation about the river, and scarcely any trees after Takia is left. The villages are all strongly fortified, each consisting of a number of walled enclosures with flanking buttresses. These miniature forts are usually built in echelon, and against anything but artillery could make a stout resistance. The Shiniz is a very small stream at this season of the year, but there are numerous springs which give an excellent supply of water. Shashgao is almost surrounded by a barren stony plain, the cultivation extending but a mile or so from the village. On this plain the whole of our force is now encamped, this being the first time the Lieutenant-General has had the four brigades concentrated. It is a huge encampment, and if Sirdar Hashim Khan has caught a glimpse of it he may well be pardoned for hastening away to Zurmut. Supplies have not come in so abundantly as in Logar, the country being much poorer; but still good green forage has been got for the cavalry and transport, and enough food for the troops. It should be remembered that for the last three days we have been in the Wardak country, and that the Wardaks are no great friends of the new Amir, whose agents therefore we expected to do little for us. But the people have shown no hostility, and Major Hastings and the Political Officers have had no difficulty in dealing with the maliks. This is a good sign, and proves that Hashim Khan has really no party worthy of the name in this district. To have reached within one march of Ghazni without a sign of opposition of any kind must convince even the greatest alarmist that the effect upon the Afghan mind of Ayub’s victory has been purely local. The whole country about Candahar may be up in arms, but there is no corresponding movement among the warlike population between Cabul and Ghazni.
The troops are improving in health daily, and in spite of long and trying marching there is the best spirit among all ranks. Men falling out on the march are mounted on spare ponies, but their lot is not a cheerful one, as they are unmercifully “chaffed” by their comrades, who go swinging along with many a cheery allusion to what is to be done at Candahar. The greatest anxiety is for plenty of wholesome fighting to reward them for their weary tramp, and nothing would please them more than to see the Sher-i-Dahan Kotal covered with Afghans to-morrow morning.
In the midst of our new excitement relative to Candahar a little incident carries many of us back to the old days of December, when the Cabul Field Force was fighting against great odds about Sherpur. To-night in the Field Force orders appears the following in memoriam:—
“Lieutenant-General Sir F. Roberts is sure that all ranks of the late Cabul Field Force will share the regret he feels at the death of Lieutenant-Colonel Cleland, 9th (Queen’s Royal) Lancers. On the 11th December last, in the Chardeh Valley, this officer was dangerously wounded whilst gallantly leading his distinguished regiment against the enemy. From the effects of that wound Lieutenant-Colonel Cleland died at Murree on the 7th instant, after many months of severe suffering. By the death of Lieutenant-Colonel Cleland, Sir F. Roberts, in common with a large number of officers and soldiers, has lost a valued friend, whilst Her Majesty’s Army has been deprived of the services of a most promising and gallant officer. The Lieutenant-General desires to express the deep sympathy he feels with the officers and men of the 9th Lancers in the personal loss they have sustained.”
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