The Speech of William Wilberforce, Esq., Representative for the County of York, on Wednesday the 13th of May, 1789, on the Question of the Abolition of the Slave Trade

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SPEEC WILLIAM WILBERFORCE, Eq. COUNTY OF YOR WEDNESDAY THE 13TH OF MAY, 1789, ON THE QUESTION OF THE ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE. TO WHICH ARE ADDED, THE RESOLUTIONS THEN MOVED, SPEECHES OF THE OTHER MEMBERS.

PRINTED AT THE , AND SOLD BY J. Walter, No 169, Piccadilly; C. Stalker, Stationers-Court, Ludgate-street; and W. Richardson, under the Royal-Exchange.

SPEEC

I

THAT the number of slaves annually carried from the coast of Africa, in British vessels, is supposed to be about | 38,000

That the number annually carried to the British West India Islands, has (on an average of four years, to the year 1787 inclusive) amounted to about | 22,500

That the number annually retained in the said Islands, as far as appears by the Custom House accounts, has amounted, on the same average, to about, | 17,500

II

THAT much the greater number of the negroes, carried away by European vessels, are brought from the interior parts of the continent of Africa, and many of them from a very great distance.

That no precise information appears to have been obtained of the manner in which these persons have been made slaves.

But that from the accounts, as far as any have been procured on this subject, with respect to the slaves brought from the interior parts of Africa, and from the information which has been received respecting the countries nearer to the coast, the slaves may in general be classed under some of the following descriptions:

1st. Prisoners taken in war.

2d. Free persons sold for debt, or on account of real or imputed crimes, particularly adultery and witchcraft; in which cases they are frequently sold with their whole families, and sometimes for the profit of those by whom they are condemned.

3d. Domestic slaves sold for the profit of their masters; in some places at the will of the masters, and in some places, on being condemned for real or imputed crimes.

4th. Persons made slaves by various acts of oppression, violence, or fraud, committed either by the Princes and Chiefs, of those countries on their subjects, or by private individuals on each other; or, lastly, by Europeans engaged in this traffic.

III

THAT the trade carried on by European nations on the coast of Africa, for the purchase of slaves, has necessarily a tendency to occasion frequent and cruel wars among the natives, to produce unjust convictions and punishments for pretended or aggravated crimes, to encourage acts of oppression, violence and fraud, and to obstruct the natural course of civilization and improvements in those countries.

IV

THAT the continent of Africa, in its present state, furnishes several valuable articles of commerce highly important to the trade and manufactures of this kingdom, and which are in a great measure peculiar to that quarter of the globe; and that the soil and climate have been found, by experience, well adapted to the production of other articles, with which we are now either wholly, or in great part, supplied by foreign nations.

That an extensive commerce with Africa in these commodities, might probably be substituted in the place of that which is now carried on in slaves, so as at least to afford a return for the same quantity of goods as has annually been carried thither in British vessels.

And, lastly, That such a commerce might reasonably be expected to increase in proportion to the progress of civilization and improvement on that continent.

V

THAT the Slave Trade has been found, by experience, to be peculiarly injurious and destructive to the British seamen who have been employed therein; and that the mortality among them has been much greater than in his Majesty's ships stationed on the coast of Africa, or than has been usual in British vessels employed in any other trade.

VI

THAT the mode of transporting the slaves from Africa to the West Indies necessarily exposes them to many and grievous sufferings, for which no regulation can provide an adequate remedy; and that, in consequence thereof, a large proportion of them has annually perished during the voyage.

VII

THAT a large proportion of the slaves so transported, has also perished in the harbours in the West Indies previous to their being sold. That this loss is stated by the assembly of the Island of Jamaica at about four and a half per cent. of the number imported; and is, by medical persons of experience in that Island, ascribed, in great measure, to diseases contracted during the voyage, and to the mode of treatment on board the ships, by which those diseases have been suppressed for a time, in order to render the slaves fit for immediate sale.

VIII

THAT the loss of newly imported Negroes, within the first three years after their importation, bears a large proportion to the whole number imported.

IX

THAT the natural increase of population, among the Slaves in the islands, appear to have been impeded principally by the following causes:

1st. The inequality of the number of the sexes, in the importations from Africa.

2d. The general dissoluteness of manners among the Slaves, and the want of proper regulations for the encouragement of marriages, and of rearing children.

3d. Particular diseases which are prevalent among them, and which are in some instances attributed to too severe labour or rigorous treatment; and in others to insufficient or improper food.

4th. Those diseases which affect a large proportion of Negro children in their infancy, and those to which the Negroes newly imported from Africa have been found to be particularly liable.

X

THAT the whole number of Slaves in the island of Jamaica, in 1768, was about | 167,000;

THAT the number in 1774, was stated by Governor Keith, about | 193,000;

And, that the number in December 1787, as stated by Lieutenant Governor Clarke, was about | 256,000.

That, by comparing these number with the numbers imported into and retained in the island, in the several years from 1768 to 1774 inclusive, as appearing from the accounts delivered to the committee of trade by Mr. Fuller; and in the several years from 1775 inclusive, to 1787 also inclusive, as appearing by the accounts delivered in by the Inspector General; and allowing for a loss of about one twenty second part by deaths on ship-board after entry, as stated in the Report of the Assembly of the said Island of Jamaica, it appears,

That the annual excess of deaths above births in the Island in the whole period of nineteen years, has been in the proportion of about seven eighths per cent. computing on the medium number of Slaves in the Island during that period.

That in the first six years of the said nineteen, the excess of deaths was in the proportion of rather more than one on every hundred on the medium number.

That in the last thirteen years of the said nineteen, the excess of deaths was in the proportion of about three-fifths on every hundred on the medium number; and that a number of Slaves, amounting to 15,000, is stated by the report of the island of Jamaica to have perished, during the latter period in consequence of repeated hurricanes, and of the want of foreign supplies of provisions.

XI

That the whole number of Slaves in the island of Barbadoes was, in the year 1764, according to the account given in to the Committee of Trade by Mr. Braithwaite, | 70,706

That in 1774, the number was, by the same account | 74,874

In 1780, by ditto | 68,270

In 1781, after the hurricane, according to the same account | 63,248

In 1786, by ditto | 62,115

That by comparing these numbers with the number imported into this island, according to the same account, (not allowing for any re-exportation) the annual excess of deaths, above births, in the ten years from 1764 to 1774, was in the proportion of about five on every hundred, computing on the medium number of Slaves in the island during that period.

That in the seven years from 1774 to 1780, both inclusive, the excess of deaths was in the proportion of about one and one-third on every hundred, on the medium number.

That between the year 1780 and 1781, there appears to have been a decrease in the number of Slaves of about 5,000.

That in the six years from 1781 to 1786, both inclusive, the excess of deaths was in the proportion of rather less than seven-eighths in every hundred, on the medium number.

And that in the four years from 1783 to 1786, both inclusive, the excess of deaths was in the proportion of rather less than one-third in every hundred, on the medium number.

And that during the whole period, there is no doubt that some were exported from the island, but considerably more in the first part of this period than in the last.

XII

THAT the accounts from the Leeward Islands, and from Dominica, Grenada, and Saint Vincent's; do not furnish sufficient grounds for comparing the state of population in the said Islands at different periods, with the number of Slaves which have been from time to time imported into the said Islands, and exported therefrom.

But that, from the evidence which has been received respecting the present state of these Islands, as well as of Jamaica and Barbadoes; and from a consideration of the means obviating the causes which have hitherto operated to impede the natural increase of the Slaves, and of lessening the demand for manual labour, without diminishing the profit of the planter, it appears that no considerable or permanent inconvenience would result from discontinuing the farther importation of African Slaves.

N. B. It is the intention after passing these resolutions, to move for leave to bring in a bill for the total abolition of the Slave Trade.

After a tribute of approbation to the beauty, force, and eloquence of what Mr. Wilberforce had just delivered, said, he should indeed appear but with an ill grace; yet was he so firmly fixed in his opinion of the mischiefs which an unqualified abolition of the slave trade must occasion, that he found it his duty to oppose the main point of the Honourable Gentleman's argument. He did so from a pre-conviction—he did so from the errors—palpable errors to be found in the reports, speeches, and quotations al- luded to, most of which were either mis-stated or misapplied. A regulation might be requisite; but a total abolition was going a step beyond the bounds of prudence or rectitude.

Mr. BAMBER GASCOYNE,

On the same side of the argument, contended, that a total unqualified abolition would do an injury to private property and to public interest. The Honourable Gentleman, who had his plan so near at heart, gave the Committee a very fine system of agriculture, which country gentlemen, who understood the plough, might conceive well adapted to this country; but how it applied to the burning regions of the west, was yet to be proved. He then entered into a defence of what he said last year on the subject of tonnage, which he contended was now mis-stated by the Honourable Gentleman; and, as to the loss of seamen, he would take upon him to aver, that, instead of a check to the African slave trade serving our marine, it did them the most essential injury, numbers being at this moment in want of bread, on account of the bill passed in the last Session of Parliament, for the regulation of tonnage. He did not wish to give a hasty opinion on the business, and therefore requested, that time might be allowed for consideration of the subject, on the calculations made in the Honourable Gentleman's speech; and he trusted, when this fairness was adopted, and the warmth of prejudice removed, that the African slave trade would be found productive of a considerable revenue to this country.

Mr. WILBERFORCE

Assured the House, that he had not wilfully mis-stated the matter. He might err, but it was not with the consent of his mind; for he really believed every syllable he had uttered to be strictly founded on truth. He begged it might be so understood, that he did not mean to bring the subject into debate on its broad basis at present.—He wished to give time for a due consideration of the subject; and therefore, if it was agreeable to the Committee, should mention Monday as a proper day to go into the discussion of the several motions which were offered to the Committee.

Edmund Burke

Gave his opinion on the subject.—It was, that the slave trade should be totally abolished.—It was a disgrace to human nature—it began in murderous war—it ended in perpetual exile; and what aggravated the scene of horror was, that the unhappy sufferers were not known to be guilty of any crime whatsoever. He was against going at all into those merits contained in the papers which the Honourable Gentleman had laid upon the table. His idea was, that the motion should now be made for a total abolition of this inhuman traffic; so that, in process of time, commerce might extend itself over the vast continent of Africa, as well as in the more narrowed and civilized parts of Europe. But however he coincided in the general idea with the Honourable Gentleman, yet he could not heartily agree in the mode by which the purport of that idea was to be fulfilled. He wished for no abstracted questions, but to come at once to the point; for each motion, as now read to the House, might occasion debate, and that debate produce, possibly, he would not say probably, a cause to fight a word out; and if it should, by any misfortune, be the means of putting a negative upon the whole, the matter would appear as a disgrace upon the journals of Parliament. Hence he recommended brevity, and advised that the motion should contain no more than a resolution of the Committee, that the slave trade should be totally abolished; to which motion he should give his most hearty affirmative, on account of the purity of its principles; for, if the bill was thrown out in the Lords, the resolutions, standing on the Journals, would become a recorded censure on the Commons.

Instead of seeing the unhappy Africans thus treated by the Sons of Freedom, he trusted, we should instantly put a stop to this evil, and, instead of countenancing the sale of our fellow creatures, begin a new kind of traffic, and barter illicit profit for glorious humanity. His reason for troubling the House at present, was, that his duty in another place, might, in all probability, make it impossible for him to attend on Monday next, and, therefore, what sentiments he had to offer, he then wished to deliver. He paid many compliments to Mr. Wilberforce for what he said, and declared, that it might be truly called one of the best speeches ever delivered in Parliament, in favour of a race of beings who had this sole comfort, that the Slave was only compensated by not being a Man.

Mr.

Could not permit so important a matter to pass without saying a few words. He gave his most hearty concurrence to all that had been so eloquently spoken by his Honourable Friend, and was fully convinced in his own mind, that there should be a total and unqualified repeal of the Slave Trade Law. He differed with Mr. Burke as to his idea respecting the motion; because he thought that nothing short of uncondition- ally abolishing the whole of this traffic, could be of service to the cause of humanity. The House, he therefore trusted, would cordially concur in one opinion, and he wished, for the honour of Britain, it might be an unanimous vote on the occasion. As to France, he trusted, from every matter he could learn, that she would be content to follow our plan of emancipation, when she found she could not take the lead in so glorious a business.

He said it was, indeed, a momentous question, and that nothing but its not being truly understood, could ever have prevented its being hitherto adopted. However, he had no doubt of this great question being at last decided by the immutable law of justice, for it was a subject on which truth must and would be invincible. Something had been thrown out respecting the advantage foreign countries might take of our giving up this traffic—but that was idle speculation. Great Britain was always able to prevent an illicit trade of negroes by any other power to the West Indies; but of that there was no great apprehenion; the French were probably following up our idea, and, perhaps, meaning to enter into a negociation with us on the subject.

Mr.

Said, he never had heard a debate with more satisfaction than the present. With regard to the plan of laying the propositions before the House, where he was agreed as to the substance of a measure, he did not like to differ as to the form of it. If, however, he differed in any thing, it was rather with a view to forward the business than to injure it, or to throw any thing like an obstacle or impediment in its way. Nothing like either should come from him. What he thought was, that all the propositions were not necessary to be voted, previous to the ultimate vote, though some of them undoubtedly were. In order to explain this, he reminded the Honourable Gentleman, that the propositions were of two sorts; one sort alleged the fit grounds on which the House ought to proceed to abolish the Slave Trade, viz. that it was a disgrace to humanity, that it was attended with the loss of lives to our seamen, as well as the Africans, &c. &c. Another sort contained assertions in answer, as it were, to the objections that had been stated, or were supposed likely to be stated. The putting such resolutions on their Journals might create a difficulty to foreign powers; because what might be a matter of objection to Great Britain, might not be so to any other country.

Mr. Fox applauded Mr. Wilberforce, and gave him his thanks for professing to do what he thought it their duty to do, viz. to completely abolish the traffic in Slaves; a traffic, for continuing which, on no ground, either a plea of policy or necessity could be urged. Wherever an effectual remedy could not be had, Mr. Fox said, he approved a palliative, because something like a remedy was better than no remedy at all; in the present case, an effectual remedy, was not only more desirable, but it was much less difficult to be obtained that a palliative. He was glad that the Propositions were to be put upon the Journals; because if from any misfortune, the business should fail, while it stood upon the Journals, it might succeed another year; certain it was, it could not fail to succeed sooner or later. Foreign countries, when they heard that the matter had been discussed in that House, might follow the example, or they might go before us, and set one themselves. If this were to happen, though we might be the losers, humanity would be the gainer.

Mr. Fox reminded the House that he had always been particularly sanguine that whenever they examined the Slave Trade thoroughly, they would find it not only inhuman but impolitic; from what the Honourable Gentleman, who had submitted the Propositions to their consideration, had said, it was clear there was as little policy as humanity in the Trade. But what he rose chiefly for, Mr. Fox said, was to notice what had fallen from the Right Honourable Gentleman respecting the probability of foreign nations assuming the Slave Trade on our abandoning it, and, in an illicit manner, supplying our West-India Islands with Slaves. He had intended to have risen to have said the very same thing, because he was convinced that it was the fit tone to be held on such a subject, and that foreign nations might be given to understand, that when this country thought proper to abolish the Slave trade, we had resources among us to prevent that Trade being carried on in any manner with our Colonies.—With regard to what the Honourable Gentleman who spoke last had said, in declaring that a clandestine trade in Slaves was worse than a legal one, he differed entirely. He thought such a trade, if it existed at all, should be only clandestine. A trade in human flesh was so scandalous, that it was to the last degree infamous to let it be openly carried on by the authority of the Government of any country. Mr. Fox said, he had sometimes been thought to use too harsh expressions of France, in treating her as the rival of this country.—Politically speaking, France certainly was our rival; but he well knew the distinction between political enmity and illiberal prejudice.—If there was any great and enlightened nation now existing in Europe, it was France, which was as likely as any nation on the face of the globe, to act, on the present subject, with warmth and with enthusiasm; to catch a spark from the light of our fire, and to run a race with us in promoting the ends of humanity. If France should decline to join with us, the honour, indeed would then be all our own—but he thought, however, we ought not to refuse them a participation of this honour, if we could thereby forward the great ends of humanity, and unite them immediately in the same cause.

Paid a high compliment to Mr. Wilberforce, and warmly approved of the Abolition.

ALDERMAN NEWNHAM

Was against any Bill of the kind.

Mr.

Enquired whether there was to be a compensation to mortgagees and planters.

Mr.

Said that he did not wish to be understood as pledged for any compensation.

Accused Mr. Wilberforce of misquoting Mr. Long, and spoke warmly against the Abolition, observing that Seventy Millions of property were involved in this question.

Mr.

Said a few words in favour of the Abolition, and the House adjourned.

FINI