The Other Side of the Mountain: Mujahideen Tactics in the Soviet-Afghan War

Introduction

INTRODUCTION

As we have throughout our history—the Philippines, Haiti,Nicaragua, Lebanon, Vietnam and Somalia—Marines will encounterguerrilla forces in the 21st century. Marines must understand potentialadversaries, and learn as much as possible about them. Themujahideen of the Soviet-Afghan War prevailed against a larger anddecisively better equipped foe, the Soviet Army. The Other Side of theMountain presents the story of the mujahideen's fight against that foe.

On 27 December 1979, Moscow ordered the Soviet Army into Afghanistan. Organized, equipped, and trained for the execution ofcombined arms operations, that force embodied the concept ofblitzkrieg. Nine years later, it withdrew in defeat. The Other Side of the Mountain was written from the reports of mujahideen combat veterans and provides a tactical look at a decentralized army of foot-mobile guerrillas waging war against a technologically superior foe. Absolute supremacy of firepower did not guarantee victory. Native knowledge of terrain and detailed study of a known adversary offsetthat advantage. In particular, the chapter on urban combat will be ofgreat interest to commanders concerned with force protection. This book and its companion volume, The Bear Went Over the Mountain: Soviet Combat Tactics in Afghanistan, published for the United StatesMarine Corps in 1996, offers a chronicle of the Afghan War by the war fighters.

The Marine Corps of the 21st century will have tremendous advan-tages over guerrilla forces. Our equipment, technology, training, and support are the best in the world. Yet, technological superiority is notin and of itself a guarantee of success. Insight into our adversary's capabilities, tactics and motivation will provide the decisive edge. The Other Side of the Mountain will help us gain this insight. I heartily recommend this book to all Marines.

J. E. RHODES

Commanding General,Marine Corps Combat Development Command

Foreword

FOREWORD

When the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan in 1979, few expertsbelieved that the fledgling Mujahideen resistance movement had achance of withstanding the modern, mechanized, technologically-advanced Soviet Army. Most stated that resistance was futile and thatthe Soviet Union had deliberately expanded their empire to the south.The Soviet Union had come to stay. Although some historians lookedat the British experience fighting the Afghan mountain tribesmen,most experts discounted any parallels since the Soviet Union pos-sessed an unprecedented advantage in fire power, technology andmilitary might. Although Arab leaders and the West supplied armsand material to the Mujahideen, they did so with the hope of creat-ing a permanent, bleeding ulcer on the Soviet flank, not defeatingthe Soviet Union. They did not predict that the Soviet Union wouldvoluntarily withdraw from Afghanistan in 1989.

What caused the Soviet withdrawal? The Soviets realized thatthey were trapped in an unwinnable war where they were suffering"death from a thousand cuts" by an intractable enemy who had no hopeof winning, but fought on because it was the right thing to do. Afterfailing to achieve military victory, the Soviet Union cut its losses andwithdrew. The Soviet Union lost 13,833 killed. Over 1.3 millionAfghans died and over a third of the population became refugees. Mosthave not yet returned to war-torn Afghanistan.

There have been few studies of guerrilla warfare from the guer-rilla's perspective. To capture this perspective and the tactical experi-ence of the Mujahideen, the United States Marine Corps commissioned this study and sent two retired combat veterans to interview Mujahideen. The authors were well received and generously assisted by various Mujahideen who willingly talked about their long, bitter war. The authors have produced a unique book which tells the guerrillas' story as interpreted by military professionals. This is a book about small-unit guerrilla combat. This is a book about death and survival, adaptation and perseverance.

This is a book for the combat-arms company and field grade officer and NCO. It provides an understanding of guerrilla field craft, tactics, techniques and procedures. It has application in Basic and AdvancedOfficer and NCO courses as well as special warfare courses. Seniorleaders will also find valuable insights for training and supportingguerrilla forces as well as defending against guerrilla forces. This book is a companion piece to The Bear Went Over the Mountain: Soviet Combat Tactics in Afghanistan which National Defense University press published in 1996.

Acknowledgments

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This book would not be possible without the open, friendly and will-ing support of the many Mujahideen we interviewed. We thankMawlawi Abdul-Rahman, Haidar Ahmadi, Mohammad Akbar,Akhtarjhan, Doctor Abdul Qudus Alkozai, Assadullah MohammadAsef, Assadullah, Mawlawi Mohayddin Baloch, Abdul Baqi Balots,Abdul Nasrin Baz, Commander Didar, Daoud, Gulaga Farid, GhulamFarouq, Pir Syed Ahmad Gailani, Haji Zaman Ghamsharik, AbdulGhani, Sofi Lal Gul, Wazir Gul, Tsaranwal Sher Habib, HajiHabibulah, Ghulam Haidar, Haji Sayed Mohammad Hanif, MawlaliNezamuddin Haqani, Hedayatullah, Toryalai Hemat, EngineerMohammad Ibrahim, Mohammad Shah Kako, Asef Khan, Asil Khan,Haji Badshah Khan, Nawaz Khan, Counsel General Haji AbdulKhaleq, Haji Badshah Khan, Major Sher Aqa Kochay, Lalai, MullaMalang, Haji Malangyar, Akhtar Mohammad, Amir Mohammad, HajiLal Mohammad, Haji Pir Mohammad, Engineer Sayed Mohammad,Qari Feda Mohammad, Sultan Mohammad, Mohammad AminMudaqeq, Haji Nematullah, Lieutenant Zabet Omar, Sher Padshah,Haji Abdul Qader, Akhund Zada Qasem, Mawlawi Qasem, LTC HajiMohammad Rahim, Abdul Razek, Mohammad Saber, Abdul Sabur,Doctor Mohammad Sadeq, Amin Safi, Haji Aaquelshah Sahak, AbdulSadiq Sahebzada, Sarshar, Haji Mohammad Seddiq, Shahabuddin,Haji Mohammad Shah, Mohammad Humayun Shahin, MawlawiAbdul Shukur Yasini, Haji Sidiqullah, Qazi Guljan Tayeb, GeneralAbdul Rahim Wardak, Doctor Mohammad Wakil, Doctor MohammadWali, Haji Mohammad Yakub, General Gulzarak Zadran and Zakarifor generously sharing their time and experience. We can only hopethat peace will finally come to Afghanistan so that they can start thelong, difficult job of rebuilding their shattered country. Our special thanks for the generous hospitality and supportextended to us by Nancy Dupree of the Agency Coordinating Body forAfghan Relief, Pir Gailani, Mr. Kamaluddin of the Afghan MediaResource Center, Abdul Ahad Karzai, Ahmed Wali Karzai, GeneralCounsel Haji Abdul Khaleq, Vice Counsel Muhammad Wali Naeemiand Abdul Ghani Wardak.

A special thanks to our colleague, Major Nasrullah Safi, who wentinto areas of Afghanistan to conduct interviews where we could not go. We contacted several major Mujahideen commanders such as Ismail Khan, Masood, Abdul Haq, and Jalaluddin Haqani for interviews and material, but we were unable to meet with them before the book dead-line. Our thanks in advance for the privilege of returning at a future time to conduct those interviews and to include them in a follow-on book.

Our special thanks to Colonel David O. Smith, Lieutenant ColonelTerry Cook, Captain Bob Hehl and TSGT Barry Cuthbertson of theUnited States Defense Attache Office in Islamabad and PrincipalOfficer of the United States Consulate in Peshawar, Brad Hanson.

The United States Marine Corps funded the research, writing andpublication of this book. Charlie Cutshaw, Karen Dolan and Dick Voltzof the USMC Studies and Analysis Division at Quantico, Virginiaprovided funding for printing The Bear Went Over The Mountain:Soviet Combat Tactics in Afghanistan and agreed to underwrite theproduction of this counterpart volume on Mujahideen tactics. ColonelCharles Johnston, the former Director of the U.S. Army ForeignMilitary Studies Office (FMSO) enthusiastically supported theresearch and production as did FMSO Director Dr. Graham Turbiville,and FMSO analysts Dr. Jacob Kipp, Tim Thomas and Major RayFinch. Robert Love helped with translation support and Linda Prideand Al Lindman provided computer assistance. The Combined ArmsResearch Library and Command and General Staff College MapLibrary at Fort Leavenworth provided invaluable assistance. AliceMink of FMSO kept the whole production on time and under budget.

A "band of brothers," skilled in tactics, read and provided commen-tary on the manuscript. Our special thanks to Colonel (Ret) David M.Glantz of Carlisle, Pennsylvania; Colonel (Ret.) Charles E. Johnston,former Director of FMSO; Colonel (Ret) William M. Mendel of FMSO;Allen E. Curtis, Director of Intelligence and Security at the NationalTraining Center; former Marine Captain (Ret) Tim Leaf of Quantico,Virginia; Lieutenant Colonel John E. Sray of CENTCOM; LieutenantColonel Karl Prinslow of FMSO; and Major Darr Reimers of the 1stCavalry Division. Mary Ann Glantz graciously edited the manuscript. JonathanPierce was the book editor/designer, Rhonda Gross created the initialmap graphics, and Emily Pierce did a superb job of finishing the mapsand designing the cover.

Homaira Jalali and Gina Grau showed remarkably good humorand supported the efforts of their husbands as they gathered the mate-rial and worked on the book. We thank all of you for your help. Any mistakes are the authors.

Preface

PREFACE

Afghanistan, a multi-ethnic state in southwest Asia, is home todiverse social communities that share common experience throughinteraction with dominant states, empires, invading armies, tradeand cultural movements that traversed the land during their thou-sands of years of history. The different ethnic groups in modernAfghanistan (Pashtuns, Tajiks, Uzbeks, Turkmans, Persian-speakingHazaras, Balochis, etc.) straddle the boundries of the state. However,their national identity is mostly defined by their differences withtheir ethnic kinsmen across the borders rather than their nationalcommonalities. About 99% of Afghanistan's over 17 million popula-tion are Muslim, of which 85% are followers of the Sunni sect whilethe rest are Shia. About 85% of Afghans live in rural communities ina land dominated by mountains and deserts. Modern travel isprimarily restricted to a highway ring connecting the various cities.There is no railroad network. Afghanistan has mostly been a loose collection of tribes and nation-alities over which central governments had varying degrees of influ-ence and control at different times. The country has been historicallyknown for its remarkable Islamic and ethnic tolerence. However trib-al rivalries and blood feuds, ambitions of local chieftains, and tribaldefiance of pervasive interference by the central government have keptthe different parts of the land at war at different times. In such casesthe kinship-based identity has been the major means of the communi-ty's political and military mobilization. Such identity places fargreater importance on kinship and extended family than ideology.

Afghanistan stands at a geographic crossroads that has seen thepassage of many warring peoples. Each of these has left their imprinton the ancient land and involved the people of Afghanistan in conflictOften this conflict got in the way of economic development. What hasdeveloped is a country composed of somewhat autonomous "villagestates" spread across the entire country.1 Afghans identify themselvesby Qawm—the basic subnational identity based on kinship, residenceand sometimes occupation. Western people may refer to this as "tribe",but this instinctive social cohesiveness includes tribal clans, ethnic 1 Ali A. Jalali, "Clashes of Ideas and Interests in Afghanistan", paper given at the Instituteof World Politics, Washington, D.C., July 1995, page 4. XIII subgroups, religious sects, locality-based groups and groups united byinterests.2 The Qawm, not Afghanistan, is the basic unit of socialcommunity and, outside the family, the most important focus on indi-vidual loyalty. Afghanistan has, at times, been characterized as adisunited land riven by blood feuds. The feuds center on family andQawm. Yet, the leaders of the various Qawm have resolved feuds andheld the land together. Village elders can put feuds on hold for adecade or longer and then let them resume once the agreed-on time hasexpired and the matter is still unresolved. Afghanistan's ancient rootsand strong ties of kinship provide an anchor against progress, but alsothe means to cope when central authority has collapsed. Historically,the collapse of the central government of Afghanistan or the destruc-tion of its standing armies has never resulted in the defeat of thenation by an invader. The people, relying on their decentralized polit-ical, economic and military potential, have always taken over theresistance against the invaders.3 This was the case during two wars with Great Britain in the 19th Century (1839-1842, 1878-1880). This happened again in the Soviet-Afghan War.

The tactics of the Mujahideen reflected this lack of central cohesion. Their tactics were not standard, but differed from valley tovalley and tribe to tribe. No more than 15 percent of the guerrillacommanders were military professionals. However, Afghanistan hada conscript army and virtually every 22-year-old male served his twoyear obligation. This provided a basic military education which easedcooperation between the various Mujahideen groups. The Mujahi-deen were true volunteers—unpaid warriors who fought to protecttheir faith and community first and their nation next. As true vol-unteers, fighting for their Qawm and religion, the Mujahideen lookeddown on the professional soldier (asker) as a simple mercenary whowas either the victim of a press gang or too stupid to ply any othertrade.4 This disdain did not attach to the professional officer, whoenjoyed a great deal of prestige.

Afghanistan was not a guerrilla war ala Mao Tse Tung or VoNguyen Giap. The Mujahideen were not trying to force a new ideolo-gy and government on a land. Rather, they fought to defend theirQawm and their religion against a hostile ideology, an atheistic value 2 ibid,3. 3 ibid,4. 4 Oliver Roy, The Failure of Political Islam, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1994,page 158-159. xiv system, an oppressive central government and a foreign invader. Itwas a spontaneous defense of community values and a traditional wayof life by individual groups initially unconnected to national or inter-national political organizations.5 The Great Game 6 Russian expansionism and empire building in Central Asia beganin 1734 and Moscow's interest in Afghanistan was apparent by the late1830s. The Great Game described the British and Russian struggle forinfluence along the unsettled northern frontier of British India and inthe entire region between Russia and India. Afghanistan lay directlyin this contested area between two empires. Russia described hermotives in the Great Game as simply to abolish the slave trade and toestablish order and control along her southern border. The British,however, viewing Russian absorption of the lands of the Caucasus,Georgia, Khirgiz, Turkmens, Khiva and Bukhara, claimed to feelthreatened by the presence of a large, expanding empire near Indiaand ascribed different Russian motives. The British stated thatRussian motives were to weaken British power and to gain access to awarm-water port. Britain claimed that her own actions were to protectthe frontiers of British India.

The Great Game spilled into Afghanistan when British forcesinvaded during the First Anglo-Afghan War (1839-1842). Britainclaimed that the invasion was supposed to counter Russian influence.After hard fighting, the British withdrew. By 1869, the Russianempire reached the banks of the Amu Darya (Oxus) river—the north- .ern border of Afghanistan. This caused additional British concern. In1878, the arrival of a special Russian diplomatic mission to Kabul ledto another British invasion and the Second Anglo-Afghan War. TheBritish Army again withdrew. In the Anglo-Russian Treaty of 1907,the Russians agreed that Afghanistan lay outside its sphere of inter-est and agreed to confer with Britain on all matters relating toRussian-Afghan relations. In return, Britain agreed not to occupy orannex any part of Afghanistan nor interfere in the internal affairs ofthat country. Although the Amir of Afghanistan refused to recognizethe treaty, Russia and Britain agreed to its terms and honored them 5 Jalali,1 6 Section derived from Richard F. Nyrop and Donald M. Seekins (editors), Afghanistan: ACountry Study, Fifth edition, Washington: US Government Printing Office, 1986, 22-73 andPeter Hopkirk, The Great Game, New York: Kodansha International, 1994. XV until 1919 when Afghan troops crossed into British India, seized avillage and attempted to raise a popular revolt in the area. TheBritish responded with yet another invasion and the Third Anglo-Afghan War. The political settlement resulted in Afghanistan's fullindependence from Great Britain. Afghanistan's foreign policy from 1919 until 1978 balanced thedemands of her immediate neighbors, and external powers such as theUnited States, Germany and Great Britain. Normal relations with hernorthern neighbor, the Soviet Union, led to increased Soviet invest-ment and presence in Afghanistan.

In April 1978, a small leftist group of Soviet-trained Afghan officersseized control of the government and founded the Democratic Republicof Afghanistan, a client state of the Soviet Union. Civil war broke outin Afghanistan. The putsch installed President Nur M. Taraki, aMarxist who announced sweeping programs of land distribution,changed status for women and the destruction of the old Afghanistansocial structure. Disregarding the national social structure and mores,the new government enjoyed little popular support. The wobbly Tarakigovernment was almost immediately met by increased armed resis-tance as the Mujahideen ranks grew. In 1978, religious leaders, inresponse to popular uprisings across Afghanistan, issued statements ofjihad (holy war) against the communist regime. This was an appeal to the supranational identity of all Afghans--a fight to defend the faith ofIslam. The combat readiness of the Army of the Democratic Republicof Afghanistan plunged as government purges swept the officer corps.Soldiers, units and entire regiments deserted to the resistance and bythe end of 1979, the actual strength of the Afghan Army was less thanhalf of its authorized 90,000. In March 1979, the city of Herat revolt-ed and most of the Afghan 17th Infantry Division mutinied and joinedthe rebellion. Forces loyal to Taraki reoccupied the city after theAfghan Air Force bombed the city and the 17th Division. Thousands ofpeople reportedly died in the fighting, including some Soviet citizens.

Soviet Intervention

The Soviet-Afghan War began over the issue of control. TheDemocratic Republic of Afghanistan was nominally a socialist stategoverned by a communist party. However, the state only controlledsome of the cities, while tribal elders and clan chiefs controlled thecountryside. Furthermore, the communist party of Afghanistan wassplit into two hostile factions. The factions spent more time fighting each other than trying to establish socialism in Afghanistan. InSeptember 1979, Taraki's Prime Minister, Hafizullah Amin, seizedpower and murdered Taraki. Amin's rule proved no better and theSoviet Union watched this new communist state spin out of control.Meanwhile, units of the army mutinied, civil war broke out, cities andvillages rose in revolt and Afghanistan began to slip away fromMoscow's control and influence. Leonid Brezhnev, the aged SovietGeneral Secretary, saw that direct military intervention was the onlyway to prevent his client state from disintegrating into complete chaos.He decided to intervene.

The obvious models for intervention were Hungary in 1956 andCzechoslovakia in 1968. The Soviet General Staff planned theAfghanistan invasion based on these models. However, there was asignificant difference that the Soviet planners missed. Afghanistanwas embroiled in a civil war and a coup de main would only gaincontrol of the central government, not the countryside. Althoughparticipating military units were briefed at the last minute, the SovietChristmas Eve invasion of 1979 was masterfully planned and well-executed. The Soviets seized the government, killed the president andput their own man in his place. According to some Russian sources,they planned to stabilize the situation, strengthen the army and thenwithdraw the majority of Soviet forces within three years. The SovietGeneral Staff planned to leave all fighting in the hands of the army of the Democratic Republic. But Afghanistan was in full revolt, thedispirited Afghan army was unable to cope, and the specter of defeatfollowing a Soviet withdrawal haunted the. Politburo. Invasion andoverthrow of the government proved much easier than fighting thehundreds of ubiquitous guerrilla groups. The Soviet Army wastrained for large-scale, rapid-tempo operations. They were nottrained for the platoon leaders' war of finding and closing with small,indigenous forces which would only stand and fight when the terrainand circumstances were to their advantage.

Back in the Soviet Union, there was no one in charge and all deci-sions were committee decisions made by the collective leadership.General Secretary Brezhnev became incapacitated in 1980 but did notdie until November 1982. He was succeeded by the ailing YuriAndropov. General Secretary Andropov lasted less than two years andwas succeeded by the faltering Konstantin Chernenko in February1984. General Secretary Chernenko died in March 1985. Althoughthe military leadership kept recommending withdrawal, during this "twilight of the general secretaries" no one was making any major deci-sions as to the conduct and outcome of the war in Afghanistan. Thewar bumped on at its own pace. Finally, Mikhail Gorbachev came topower. His first instinct was to order military victory in Afghanistanwithin a year. Following this bloodiest year of the war, Gorbachev real-ized that the Soviets could not win in Afghanistan without unaccept-able international and internal repercussions and began to castabout for a way to withdraw with dignity. United Nations negotiatorsprovided that avenue and by 15 October 1988, the first half of theSoviet withdrawal was complete. On 15 February 1989, the last Sovietforces withdrew from Afghanistan. Soviet force commitment, initiallyassessed as requiring several months, lasted over nine years andrequired increasing numbers of forces. The Soviet Union reportedlykilled 1.3 million people and forced 5.5 million Afghans (a third of theprewar population) to leave the country as refugees. Another 2 millionAfghans were forced to migrate within the country. The country hasyet to recover.

Initially the Mujahideen were all local residents who took arms and banded together into large, rather unwieldy, forces to seize the localdistrict capitols and loot their arms rooms. The DRA countered theseefforts where it could and Mujahideen began to coalesce into muchsmaller groups centered around the rural village. These small groupswere armed with a variety of weapons from swords and flintlock mus-kets to British bolt-action rifles and older Soviet and Soviet-blocweapons provided to Afghanistan over the years. The guerrillacommanders were usually influential villagers who already had aleadership role in the local area. Few had any professional militaryexperience. Rebellion was wide-spread, but uncoordinated since theresistance was formed along tribal and ethnic lines.

The Soviet invasion changed the nature of the Mujahideen resis-tance. Afghanistan's neighbors, Pakistan and Iran, nervously regard-ed the advance to the Soviet Army to their borders and began provid-ing training and material support to the Mujahideen. The UnitedStates, Peoples Republic of China, Britain, France, Italy, Saudi Arabia,Egypt, and the United Arab Emirates began funneling military,humanitarian and financial aid to the Mujahideen through Pakistan.Pakistan's assessment was that the Soviet Union had come toAfghanistan to stay and it was in Pakistan's best interests to supportthose Mujahideen who would never accept the Soviet presence. ThePakistan Inter-Services Intelligence Agency (ISI) began to funnel aid through various Afghan political factions headquartered in Pakistan.Eventually there were seven major Afghan factions receiving aid. Thepolitics of these factions were determined by their leaders' religiousconvictions—three of which were Islamic moderates and four of whichwere Islamic fundamentalists. Pakistan required that the variousethnic and tribal Mujahideen groups join one of the factions in order toreceive aid. Over time, this provided the leaders of these factions withpolitical power which they used to dominate the politics of post-communist Afghanistan. The Pakistani authorities favored the most-fundamentalist groups and rewarded them accordingly. This aiddistribution gave the Afghan religious leaders unprecedented power inthe conduct of the war. It also undermined the traditional authority of the tribal and village leaders.

The Mujahideen were unpaid volunteers with family responsibili-ties. This meant that they were part-time warriors and that spoils ofwar played a major role in military actions. Mujahideen sold mostlycaptured weapons and equipment in the bazaars to support theirfamilies As the war progressed, mobile Mujahideen groups emerged.The mobile Mujahideen groups were larger and consisted of young (under 25), unmarried, better-trained warriors. Sometimes the mobile Mujahideen were paid. The mobile Mujahideen ranged over a muchlarger area of operations than the local Mujahideen and were moreresponsive to the plans and desires of the factions.

The strategic struggle for Afghanistan was a fight to strangle theother's logistics. The Mujahideen targeted the Soviet lines of commu-nication—the crucial road net work over which the Soviet supplieshad to travel. The Soviet attack on the Mujahideen logistics was twophased. From 1980 until 1985, the Soviets sought to eliminateMujahideen support in the rural countryside. They bombed granariesand rural villages, destroyed crops and irrigation systems, mined pastures and fields, destroyed herds and launched sweeps throughrural areas—conscripting young men and destroying the infrastruc-ture. The Soviet leadership, believing Mao Tse Tung's dictum that theguerrilla lives in the population like a fish in water, decided to kill thefish by draining off the water. As a result, Afghanistan became anation of refugees as more than seven million rural residents fled to the relative safety of neighboring Pakistan and Iran or to the cities ofAfghanistan. This Soviet effort denied rural support to theMujahideen, since the villagers had left and most of the food now had to be carried along with weapons and ammunition and materials ofwar. The Mujahideen responded by establishing logistics bases insideAfghanistan. The Soviet fight from 1985 to withdrawal was to findand destroy these bases.

Terrain, as any infantryman knows, is the ultimate shaper of thebattlefield. Afghanistan's terrain is varied and challenging. It isdominated by towering mountains and forbidding desert. Yet it alsohas lush forests of larch, aspen and juniper. It has tangled "greenzones"—irrigated areas thick with trees, vines, crops, irrigation ditch-es and tangled vegetation. It has flat plains full of wheat and swampyterraces which grow delicious long-grained rice. It is not ideal terrain for a mechanized force dependent on fire power, secure lines of commu-nication and high-technology. It is terrain where the mountainwarrior, using ambush sites inherited from his ancestors, can inflict "death from a thousand cuts". The terrain dictates different tactics,force structure and equipment from those of conventional war.

This book is not a complete history of the Soviet-Afghan War.Rather, it is a series of combat vignettes as recalled by the Mujahideenparticipants. It is not a book about right or wrong. Rather, it is a bookabout survival against the overwhelming firepower and technologicalmight of a superpower. This is the story of combat from the guerrilla'sperspective. It is the story of brave people who fought without hope ofwinning because it was the right thing to do.

About the Book

Author Les Grau, regularly travels back and forth to Russia. Hereceived a book from the History of Military Art department at theFrunze Combined Arms Academy in Moscow. The book was intendedfor students' classroom use only and, as such, shows both the goodand the bad. With Frunze Academy permission, Les translated thisbook and added commentary before it was published by NDU Pressas The. Bear Went Over the Mountain: Soviet Combat Tactics inAfghanistan. Author Ali Jalali, helped in the editing process. "TheBear" showed the tactics of the Soviets, but the Mujahideen tacticswere absent. Charlie Cuthbertson and Dick Voltz of the USMC inQuantico agreed that both sides needed to be presented and sent Aliand Les to Pakistan and Afghanistan to interview Mujahideen com-manders for a companion volume.

Author Ali Jalali has the perfect credentials to do this book. Aliwas a Colonel in the Afghan Army and taught at the Afghan Military Academy and Army Staff College. His foreign education included the Infantry Officer's Advanced Course at Fort Benning, Georgia; theBritish Army Staff College at Camberley; and the Soviet FrunzeAcademy. Many of Ali's officer students were key resistance figures.Ali was also a member of the resistance and an accredited journalistduring the conflict. Now Ali works as a journalist and has coveredAfghanistan and Central Asia over the last 15 years. Ali is respectedby all the factions and has exceptional entre to the Mujahideen.

All and Les arrived in Pakistan in September 1996 and were preparing to go into Afghanistan when the Taliban advance on Kabulclosed the borders to American citizens. Ali interviewed some 40Mujahideen during a month in Peshawar, Quetta, and Islamabad,Pakistan. Our colleague, Major Nasrullah Safi, conducted interviewsfor another two months inside Afghanistan for this book. The inter-views are the basis of this book. In those interviews where we haveseveral sources for the same vignette or where we have lots ofsupporting written reports and material, we have written the vignettein the third person. In those cases where the person interviewed is theprimary source, we have written the vignette in the first person. Thevignettes are arranged chronologically by type of action. Occasionally,when the actions occur at the same place over time, we lump thoseactions together instead of chronologically. We have tried to make thebook as accurate as possible, but realize that time and retelling mayhave altered some of the facts. We have limited the span of the bookfrom the Soviet invasion until their withdrawal. The war startedbefore the Soviet invasion and continued long after their departure. We plan to write about these battles in a future book. We used edition 2-DMA series U611 1:100,000 maps from the U.S.Defense Mapping Agency for the final preparation of the material.For those who wish to consult the map sheets, map sheet numbersare given with each vignette. We have numbered each vignette within the chapter and started each chapter with a country map showing the rough location of each vignette. The interviews were long andexhaustive, so many details are available. Many of the interviewswere conducted at different times and places, with different peoplewho had been part of the same battle or operation. This allowed usto check and compare details and sequences of events. Map eleva-tions are given in meters. Contour intervals are not consistent andmerely show elevation. Place and name spelling is based on Ali Jalali's best transliteration efforts. Consistency in spelling is difficult when two alphabets are involved—some spellings are different than in other books on Afghanistan. Although the Mujahideen always say 'Russian' instead of 'Soviet', we have used 'Soviet' throughout unless it is a direct quote.

We use Russian map graphics on the maps. The Afghan Army used the Soviet graphics system and most Mujahideen were familiar with them. Russian graphics are more "user friendly" ( flexible and illustrative) than Western graphics. The Russians can show thesequential development of an action by adding times or identifyinglines to their graphics. These lines are explained in the legend. A table of Russian map graphics is located in the back of the book. Mujahideen forces are shown in blue and Soviet/DRA forces are shown in red.

Chapter 1: Ambushes

The ambush is a favorite tactic of the guerrilla since it allows him to mass forces covertly, attack the enemy, seize needed supplies and retreat before the enemy can effectively react. The ambush has long been part of the Afghan warrior tradition and has been a key feature of historic Afghan warfare — whether fighting other tribes, the British or the government. The Mujahideen ambush served to attack the Soviet/DRA lines of communication, provided needed supplies, and forced the bulk of Soviet/DRA maneuver forces to perform security missions. Logistics were key to the conduct of the Soviet/Afghan War and Mujahideen ambushes threatened the resupply of Soviet and DRA forces and limited the number of Soviet troops that could be deployed into the country. The Mujahideen ambush was their most effective counter to Soviet/DRA military activity and threatened the ability of the Soviets and DRA to prosecute the war.

VIGNETTE 1: AMBUSHES AT THE MAMUR HOTEL

by Commander Mohammad Akbar

(Mohammad Akbar is from the village of Shahi Kale in Mohammad Agha District of LogarProvince. He graduated from high school in the region and joined the resistance in 1979and fought in Logar Province until the collapse of the DRA. He was a member of the Islamic Party (HIH - Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin). [Map sheet 2885, vic grid 1086].)

A day seldom passed without a clash between the Mujahideen and the Soviets or DRA in Logar Province. In the summer of 1980, my group set an ambush to attack a supply column of Soviet and DRA forces moving from Kabul to Gardez on highway 157. At that time, the populace had not migrated from the area and it was full of people. The Mujahideen had contacts in the government who reported on the movement of columns along the main highway. This was to be our first attack on a major column on this highway following the Soviet invasion. The ambush site was located around the Pul-e Qandahari junction with the main highway. At this point, the Logar River comes within 200 meters of the highway to the east, and the Kuh-e Mohammad Agha hills rise some 700 meters over the highway to the west. Ten kilometers to the south, the road runs through a steep gorge where vehicles cannot easily turn back (Map 1 - Mamur 1). We had 50 Mujahideen armed with Mosin-Nagant carbines, Enfield rifles and two RPG-7s. Our leader, Commander Hayat, divided our men into three groups and put one group in the Bini Sherafghan ruins some 70 meters west of the road. He put the second group to the east of the road around the Mamur Hotel and put the third group to the east in Pul-eQandahari facing the Mohammad Agha High School. Our ambush occupied a two-kilometer stretch. At this time, I was the late Commander Hayat's deputy commander, commanding the Pul-eQandahari positions.