The Miners' Next Step

Front matter

THE

MINERS' NEXT STEP

BEING A SUGGESTED SCHEME FOR THE

Chapter 1: Old Policy Outworn

Old Policy Outworn

The present policy of the Federation since 1900 may be called the Conciliation policy. We have to briefly examine its usefulness as a wage-getting policy, for that is the best and the only real test of any policy.

Has Conciliation Secured Wages?

From the year 1900 there has been an enormous increase in the price of coal, averaging nearly 6/– per ton. This would have in itself automatically secured for us 60% on the standard, whereas we are only paid 50%.

The argument may be used that our policy of minimum percentages has kept the price of coal up. This is sheer bunkum. Here are two reasons sufficient to dispel that illusion. The owners are more concerned to sell all their coal than to get exceptional prices for some of it. To put it in a glaring way, if they can sell 20 tons at 15/– per ton, and only 10 tons at 20/– per ton, they will prefer to sell the 20 tons at 15/–, because it puts more money in their pockets, and they will be called upon to pay less out in wages.

The second reason which also amplifies the first, is that competition, and not the sweet will of the owners, fixes the price of coal. If it were not for this fact the owners would be foolish to wait for our minimum percentages before increasing the price of their coal, and so putting huge profits in their pockets. They love profits too well to wait for us to compel them to accept them. No! No! they charge the highest penny that American and German competition will allow them. If they put a higher price on their coal tomorrow they will sell less than today. This is surely quite obvious.

The price of coal has increased from the same cause that has increased all other goods, namely the cheapening of gold through richer yields and labour saving appliances.

Dismissing then the illusion that our policy has kept up prices, how are we to account for the 10% reduction we have suffered? By the facts, and here they are. When Sir David Dale gave his award in 1902, he increased the price which was the equivalent of 30% (under the Sliding Scale) from 11/3 to 11/10. A direct reduction of over 5% in all our standard rates. There goes one chunk.

When the last agreement (1910) was arrived at we allowed 9d per ton over 14/– to be free from percentages. There goes another 6% reduction. These are facts. It is a fact (from reasons we have already explained) that the price of coal has never gone down to 11/10 since the great (?) principle of minimum percentage was established. Thus, while we were clapping our hands in enthusiastic joy over the securing of a great principle the employers were quietly pocketing the 5% proceeds.

This is a distinct feature of our recent reductions. The other serious reduction was granted on grounds that, if logically carried out, would mean the final end of progress, and the commencement of a battledore and shuttlecock game, of changing the persons to whom we were paying our reductions. The owners said that the cost of legislative reforms had increased the cost of production. So we relieved them to the extent of 9d. on the ton after 14/–, i.e. 6%. This means that if we get any improvements, we must pay for them. We can go on like this for centuries securing great principles and legislative reforms, while all the time our pockets grow emptier. This is a fiendish principle that no sane man can countenance. Yet these are facts. That is one part of our indictment against the policy of conciliation.

Delay

A dispute occurs in a colliery. The ordinary lodge negotiations are carried on, resulting in failure. The Agent is called in. Still failure. The matter is sent to the Executive and finally the Board. Here it takes its place with other matters on the agenda. In the course of time, after some months of waiting, it is reached and brought up for discussion.

It is then referred to a sub-committee. These take time to see the management, and the colliery. Then they negotiate. Sometimes, as in the case of Rhymney, they negotiate for two years. Even then the owner's side refuse to report failure to agree. Eventually this may be done. Then, and then only, the colliery may give a month's notice. Need we say anything more in condemnation of this? We think not.

Basis of Consideration

On the Board all things have to be considered from the employers’ standpoint. They alone have the inside information. We don't audit their books, and we have no means of judging the truth of their assertions. They say the colliery won't pay. We must accept their word. When we are considering principles, they have only to show that some wretched little colliery employing 10 men will have to close if we insist on our demands. That silences us. The little colliery belongs to a method of production that is almost a century old. Yet we must allow their conditions to govern us.

Reason in such a case means, in plain English: the Employers’ interest and outlook. After 10 years of such a game, we find our customs broken down, and our price lists a farce, and in the face of a very serious rise in the cost of living (which many of us have nicknamed prosperity) we have been reduced 10% in the standard rates. Is this enough?

Conciliation and Leaders

Here is perhaps after all our strongest indictment. The policy of "collective bargaining" will be dealt with later on. But we have here to point out why there is discontent with "leaders."

The policy of conciliation gives the real power of the men into the hands of a few leaders. Somebody says "What about conferences and ballots"? Conferences are only called, and ballots only taken when there is a difference of opinion between leaders. The conference or ballot is only a referee. Can this be denied? In the main, and on things that matter, the Executive have the supreme power.

The workmen for a time look up to these men and when things are going well they idolise them. The employers respect them. Why? Because they have the men – the real power – in the hollow of their hands. They, the leaders, become "gentlemen," they become MPs, and have considerable social prestige because of this power. Now when any man or men assume power of this description, we have a right to ask them to be infallible. That is the penalty, a just one too, of autocracy. When things go wrong, and we have shown that they have gone wrong, they deserve to be, and are blamed.

What really is blameworthy, is the conciliation policy which demands leaders of this description. For a moment let us look at this question from the leaders’ standpoint. First, they are "trade unionists by trade" and their profession demands certain privileges. The greatest of all these are plenary powers. Now, every inroad the rank and file make on this privilege lessens the power and prestige of the leader. Can we wonder then that leaders are averse to change? Can we wonder that they try and prevent progress? Progress may arrive at such a point that they would not be able to retain their "jobs," or their "jobs" would become so unimportant that from their point of view, they would not be worth retaining. The leader then has an interest - a vested interest - in stopping progress.

They have therefore in some things an antagonism of interests with the rank and file. The conditions of things in South Wales has reached the point when this difference of interest, this antagonism, has become manifest. Hence the men criticise and are discontented with their leaders. But the remedy is not new leaders. But - well, we shall see.

Chapter 2

The year 1910 brought a seeming realisation of this antagonism by the men. Throughout the negotiations for the new agreement, the men continuously insisted, more and more, on having the controlling voice. Early on it was laid down that plenary powers should not be given to the leaders, but that the final acceptance of any agreement should depend upon the ballot vote of the men.

Thus an entirely new principle was established, which took away from the leaders all responsibility for the terms of the agreement, and left only the responsibility for the conduct of the negotiations.

This, while representing an advance, is by no means a satisfactory solution. It places the men in the position of a crowd at a football match. The players, selected by the crowd, have to outmanoeuvre their opponents, while the crowd either cheer or criticise their efforts. But of real control, save in the matter of selecting the players, the crowd have none.

This half-hearted establishment of the principle of direct control by the men found expression again towards the end of the year by the outbreak of the Cambrian and Aberdare disputes. A careful and dispassionate survey of these historic struggles will show that at every stage, the interference of leaders prejudiced the case for the men, and also helped to tie their hands in their endeavour to settle the disputes themselves.

To the leaders, everything seemed to be in the melting pot, because the men insisted on taking a hand in the conduct of affairs. There was much vain talk on the leaders' side about "the growing spirit of anarchy," which was bringing "chaos" into the coalfield. And on the men's side, a growing distrust of leadership, and a determination to gain more control.

We had reached the half-way house between two methods of administration, each of which negatived and stultified the other. Today we begin to realise that it is impossible to combine the two methods; and signs are not wanting to show that if measures are not taken to crystallise the new spirit, to give it proper methods in which to function, we shall drift back to the old methods of autocracy.

It becomes necessary then to devise means which will enable this new spirit of real democratic control to manifest itself - which will not only enable the men, but which will encourage, nay compel them, to take the supreme control of their own organisation.

Collective Bargaining Old and New

So long as the system of working for wages endures, collective bargaining remains essential. From the men's side we cannot permit individual bargains to be made. Such individual bargains have a tendency to debase wages and conditions.

On the employers' side there is no great desire for change in this matter. As will be seen by recent speeches by Mr. D. A. Thomas and Lord Merthyr, they realise its value, in its present form, to them. They have no time to bother with individuals, but prefer to purchase their labour power in bulk, on an agreed schedule.

On the men's side, however, it is being realised that collective bargaining can be made so wide-reaching and all-embracing that it includes the whole of the working class. In this form the employers and the old school of labour leaders have no love for it. The employers, because they realise its dangers to their profits. The labour leaders, because it will degrade their power and influence by necessitating a much more stringent and effective democratic control than at present obtains.

Let us, in order to clearly realise this, examine at close quarters the labour leader and his functions.

Are Leaders Good and Necessary?

This is not a double question, since if leaders are necessary, they are perforce good. Let us then examine the leader, and see if he is necessary. A leader implies at the outset some men who are being led; and the term is used to describe a man who, in a representative capacity, has acquired combined administrative and legislative power.

As such, he sees no need for any high level of intelligence in the rank and file, except to applaud his actions. Indeed such intelligence from his point of view, by breeding criticism and opposition, is an obstacle and causes confusion. His motto is, "Men, be loyal to your leaders." His logical basis: plenary powers. His social and economic prestige is dependent upon his being respected by "the public" and the employers. These are the three principles which form the platform upon which the leader stands. He presents, in common with other institutions, a good and a bad aspect.

The Good Side of Leadership

Leadership tends to efficiency. One decided man, who knows his own mind is stronger than a hesitating crowd. It takes time for a number of people to agree upon a given policy. One man soon makes up his mind.

He takes all responsibility. As a responsible leader, he knows that his advice is almost equivalent to a command, and this ensures that his advice will have been carefully and gravely considered before being tendered.

He stands for order and system. All too frequently, "What is everybody's business is nobody's business," and if no one stands in a position to ensure order and system, many things are omitted which will cause the men's interest to suffer.

He affords a standard of goodness and ability. In the sphere of public usefulness there is a great field of emulation. The good wishes of the masses can only be obtained by new aspirants for office showing a higher status of ability than the then existing leaders. This leads to his continued efficiency or elimination.

His faithfulness and honesty are guarded. Hero worship has great attractions for the hero, and a leader has great inducements on this side, apart from pecuniary considerations, to remain faithful and honest.

The Bad Side of Leadership

Leadership implies power: Leadership implies power held by the leader. Without power the leader is inept. The possession of power inevitably leads to corruption. All leaders become corrupt, in spite of their own good intentions. No man was ever good enough, brave enough, or strong enough, to have such power at his disposal, as real leadership implies.

Consider what it means: This power of initiative, this sense of responsibility, the self respect which comes from expressed manhood, is taken from the men, and consolidated in the leader. The sum of their initiative, their responsibility, their self respect becomes his.

The order and system: The order and system he maintains is based upon the suppression of the men, from being independent thinkers into being "the men" or "the mob." Every argument which could be advanced to justify leadership on this score would apply equally well to the Czar of all the Russias and his policy of repression. In order to be effective, the leader must keep the men in order, or he forfeits the respect of the employers and "the public," and thus becomes ineffective as a leader.

He corrupts the aspirants to public usefulness: He is compelled in order to maintain his power, to see to it that only those who are willing to act as his drill sergeants or coercive agents shall enjoy his patronage. In a word, he is compelled to become an autocrat and a foe to democracy.

He prevents solidarity: Sheep cannot be said to have solidarity. In obedience to a shepherd, they will go up or down, backwards or forwards, as they are driven by him and his dogs. But they have no solidarity, for that means unity and loyalty - unity and loyalty, not to an individual, or the policy of an individual, but to an interest and a policy which is understood and worked for by all.

Finally, he prevents the legislative power of the workers.

An industrial vote will affect the lives and happiness of workmen far more than a political vote. The power to vote whether there shall or shall not be a strike, or upon an industrial policy to be pursued by his union, will affect far more important issues to the workman's life than the political vote can ever touch. Hence it should be more sought after, and its privileges jealously guarded.

Think of the tremendous power going to waste because of leadership, of the inevitable stop-block he becomes on progress, because quite naturally leaders examine every new proposal, and ask first how it will affect their position and power. It prevents large and comprehensive policies being initiated and carried out, which depend upon the understanding and watchfulness of the great majority. National strikes and policies can only be carried out when the bulk of the people see their necessity, and themselves prepare and arrange them.

Chapter 3: Workmen the "Bosses," "Leaders" the Servants

Workmen the "Bosses," "Leaders" the Servants

Is it possible to devise such an organisation as will bring the above from the ideal to the realm of practicability? Those responsible for this pamphlet, men who, residing in all parts of South Wales, have given their time and thought to this problem, answer confidently in the affirmative. In these chapters they present their scheme, believing it to be not only possible, but the only practicable form of organisation for us to achieve. It is divided into four parts, each of which depends upon the other. They are, the Preamble, which summarises the needs and indicates the requirements of such an organisation. The Programme, which states the objective - immediate and ultimate. The Constitution, which gives the framework in which the real worker's organisation shall move, and the policy which illustrates the spirit and tactics of that organisation. A careful reading of this chapter will place our scheme squarely and simply before you. Bear in mind when reading and discussing it, the faults and failures of the old form of organisation, the abortiveness of all up to the present suggested improvements; and endeavour to realise, as we have done, that a complete alteration in the structure and policy of the organisation is imperative.

Preamble to Manifesto

The present deplorable condition of the South Wales Miners' Federation calls imperatively for a summary of the situation, in an endeavour to discover where we stand.

The rapidity of industrial development is forcing the Federation to take action along lines for which there exists no machinery to properly carry out.

The control of the organisation by the rank and file is far too indirect.

The system of long agreements, with their elaborate precautions against direct action, cramp the free expression of the might of the workmen and prevent the securing of improved conditions, often when the mere exhibition of their strength would allow of it.

The sectional character of the organisation in the mining industry renders concerted action almost impossible, and thus every section helps to hinder and often defeat the other. What then is necessary to remedy the present evils?

Preamble

A united industrial organisation, which, recognising the war of interest between workers and employers, is constructed on fighting lines, allowing for a rapid and simultaneous stoppage of wheels throughout the mining industry.

A constitution giving free and rapid control by the rank and file acting in such a way that conditions will be unified throughout the coalfield; so that pressure at one point would automatically affect all others and thus readily command united action and resistance.

A programme of a wide and evolutionary working class character, admitting and encouraging sympathetic action with other sections of the workers.

A policy which will compel the prompt and persistent use of the utmost ounce of strength, to ensure that the conditions of the workmen shall always be as good as it is possible for them to be under the then existing circumstances.

We have endeavoured to suggest methods whereby such an organisation might be formed. Appended will be found our draft proposals. We simply ask that they may receive your earnest consideration, even if you think that they do not entirely fit the present situation. We feel sure that they contain suggestions that will help in the solution of some of our most pressing problems.

Comment on Preamble

This surely explains itself. If anyone disagrees with this, then the scheme itself will be condemned by him. While on the contrary everything in the scheme is contained, in germ, in this Preamble.

Programme

Ultimate Objective

One organisation to cover the whole of the Coal, Ore, Slate, Stone, Clay, Salt, mining or quarrying industry of Great Britain, with one Central Executive.

That as a step to the attainment of that ideal, strenuous efforts be made to weld all National, County, or District Federations, at present comprising the Miners' Federation of Great Britain, into one compact organisation with one Central Executive, whose province it shall be to negotiate agreements and other matters requiring common action. That a cardinal principle of that organisation be: that every man working in or about the mine, no matter what his craft or occupation - provisions having been made for representation on the Executive — be required to both join and observe its decisions.

Immediate Steps - Industrial

That a minimum wage of 8/— per day, for all workmen employed in or about the mines, constitute a demand to be striven for nationally at once.

That subject to the foregoing having been obtained, we demand and use our power to obtain a 7 hour day.

Programme - Political

That the organisation shall engage in political action, both local and national, on the basis of complete independence of, and hostility to all capitalist parties, with an avowed policy of wresting whatever advantage it can for the working class.

In the event of any representative of the organisation losing his seat, he shall be entitled to, and receive, the full protection of the organisation against victimisation.

General

Alliances to be formed, and trades organisations fostered, with a view to steps being taken, to amalgamate all workers into one National and International union, to work for the taking over of all industries, by the workmen themselves.

The Programme is very comprehensive, because it deals with immediate objects, as well as ultimate aims. We must have our desired end in view all the time, in order to test new proposals and policies, to see whether they tend in that direction or not. For example, the working class, if it is to fight effectually, must be an army, not a mob. It must be classified, regimented and brigaded, along the lines indicated by the product. Thus, all miners, &c., have this in common, they delve in the earth to produce the minerals, ores, gems, salt, stone, &c., which form the basis of raw material for all other industries. Similarly the Railwaymen, Dockers, Seamen, Carters, etc., form the transport industry. Therefore, before an organised and self-disciplined working class can achieve its emancipation, it must coalesce on these lines.

It will be noticed that nothing is said about Conciliation Boards or Wages Agreements. The first two chapters will, however, have shown you that Conciliation Boards and Wages Agreements only lead us into a morass. As will be seen when perusing the policy and constitution, the suggested organisation is constructed to fight rather than to negotiate. It is based on the principle that we can only get what we are strong enough to win and retain.

The great merit of the minimum wage, is that it makes conciliation unnecessary. A man either receives the minimum or he does not. There is nothing to conciliate or negotiate upon. There is further in the minimum wage two diverse tendencies. On the men's side it will tend, as the organisation develops its power, for the minimum to be so increased as to become the maximum possible to be earned on the price lists. On the employers' side, the tendency will perforce always be to offer some inducement to the men, to earn something above the minimum, in order to expedite production and thus maintain profits.

There is little need to dilate upon the proposal for a seven-hour day, conditional as it is upon the minimum wage being obtained. To those, however, who would still be earning (on the price list) wages above the minimum, it may be pointed out that this would supply the necessary stimulus for further increases in the minimum. Reductions of hours have always antedated increases in wages. The operation of the Eight Hours Act will supply an instance. This present struggle for a minimum wage is a direct outcome of that Act.

Political action must go on side by side with industrial action. Such measures as the Mines Bill, Workmen's Compensation Acts, proposals for nationalising the Mines, etc., demand the presence in Parliament of men who directly represent, and are amenable to, the wishes and instructions of the workmen. While, the eagerness of Governments, to become a bludgeoning bully on behalf of the employers, could be somewhat restrained by the presence of men who were prepared to act in a courageous fashion.

Chapter 4: Constitution

Constitution

The organisation shall be called the "South Wales Miners' Industrial Organisation."

The organisation shall be composed of all workers engaged in, or connected with, the mining industry.

All power of legislation shall remain in the hands of the members, through the lodge and the ballot vote.

The Funds and administration of the organisation shall be centralised, except in so far as is hereinafter provided for.

The administration of the organisation shall be vested in the hands of one Central Executive Council, who shall be elected annually by ballot vote of the members. The method of election to be determined by a conference called for that purpose.

No agent or other permanent official of the Federation, shall be eligible to a seat on the Executive Council.

The President and Vice-President shall be elected by the Executive Council, from amongst its own members. No person shall hold the office of President for more than two years in succession.

Executive Council Meetings shall be held every four weeks, oftener if necessary.

A Joint Delegate Conference of all the Lodges in the organisation shall be held monthly, oftener if occasion demands. Conferences to be held alternatively at Cardiff and Swansea. (No new price lists shall be adopted, until formally sanctioned by such Conference).

All agents to be deemed equal in status and paid at similar rates, their duties to be directed from Centre.

Any agent who may be returned a member to Parliament, shall be required to relinquish his industrial duties and position.

No member of Parliament shall be eligible to seek for or retain a seat on a local or National Executive Council.

They shall attend, when requested, meetings of such executive in an advisory capacity.

On all proposed labour legislation Conferences shall be called to discuss same and instruct our M.P.s.

Any member of Parliament, as such under the auspices of the organisation, shall at once vacate his seat if a ballot vote of the membership so decides.

Contributions

1/— per adult member per lunar month, 8d. of which is to go direct to Central Fund, and 4d. to be retained in the Lodge to defray Lodge expenses, and form a local fund.

The Constitution provides the corner-stone of the whole scheme; here is the machinery for a real democratic organisation. Let us examine the principles embodied in it.

The Lodges have supreme control. All the initiative for new proposals, policies and tactics, remains with the Lodge. Nothing becomes law in the organisation unless it receives the sanction of the Lodges, or a ballot vote of the coalfield.

The Executive becomes unofficial. As has been shown before, democracy becomes impossible, when officials or leaders dominate. For this reason they are excluded from all power on the Executive, which becomes a purely administrative body; comprised of men directly elected by the men for that purpose.

Agents or organisers become the servants of the men, directly under the control of the Executive, and indirectly under the control of the men.

An example

To illustrate the working by a given case, we will take a dispute at a certain colliery. A seam has been opened out, and the employers wish to have a price list fixed upon it. The men consult and decide either to continue working it upon the basis of the minimum wage, or draft a price list which they consider will be of advantage to them. The Executive take up the conduct of the negotiations, only when the Lodge has failed locally, or at their request. They have no power to vary the demands of the men. An agent is sent who will have all information relating to this particular seam, and who will be able to detail what conditions obtain in connection with it elsewhere. If he is, as he should be, an expert in negotiation, he obtains the utmost the employers are prepared to concede. If this is satisfactory to the men, well and good, if not he reports back to the Executive, who, in conjunction with the Conference decide what action shall be taken. Thus the workmen decide the principle, the Executive carry it out. The agent provides information and negotiates. The Conference finally ratifies or disapproves.

Its effects on Strikes

The effect of the Constitution would abolish sectional strikes. All questions become, under this system, either question of principle, which we are prepared to fight with the whole strength of our organisation, or questions which should be fought locally. We cannot afford to use a steam hammer to crack a nut. Grievances are not questions with us so much of numbers as of principles. It might, and probably would be, deemed advisable to have a strike of the whole organisation to defend one man from victimisation, or an infraction of the minimum. To-day we can see strikes caused by petty issues which in themselves involve no question of principle, yet throw idle large numbers of men. We must learn to conserve our strength and conduct our fights on principles, not arithmetic. The 5% clause which now obtains is a ridiculous absurdity.