The Jail. Experiences in 1916

Front matter

THE JAIL

EXPERIENCES IN 1916,

BY J. S. MACHAR

Introduction

INTRODUCTION

Among the many interesting and talented Czech writers of today J. S. Machar occupies a foremost place. He has succeeded in gaining popular favour without sacrificing his literary ideals. He is always in close touch with the events of the day, upon which he comments fearlessly and often drastically. He is, in fact, not merely a literary celebrity but a national personality, whose opinions meet with interest, if not always with agreement, among a wide circle of readers in Czechoslovakia.

J. S. Machar was born at Kolín in 1864. He was educated at Prague where he underwent all the privations of a needy student. The death of his father in 1881 left him unprovided for, and he eked out a livelihood by giving lessons, and from 1882 onwards, when his first verses were printed in the periodical "Světozor", by literary work. Already during this early period of his life we find him obliged to change schools on account of his religious views, the free expression of which brought him into conflict with the instructor in divinity. After passing his school-leaving examination, he spent a year in the army, and was then enrolled as a student of law. His legal studies, however, were confined to this formal enrolment, and he remained in the army until his appointment as an official of the "Bodenkreditanstalt" in Vienna. He occupied this inappropriate post for thirty years until the events described in "The Jail". When the independent Czechoslovak State was founded in the autumn of 1918, Machar became a member of the National Assembly. Later on he was appointed inspector general of the Czechoslovak army, and he is still continuing in this capacity.

Machar's first book, "Confiteor" was published in 1887. It consists of lyric poems, the tone of which is sentimental, romantic, scep and ironical by turns. To a certain extent they suggest the influence of Heine and the Russian Byronists. but they are sufficiently subjective to acquit Machar of being a mere copyist of other poets' emotions. The second and third parts of "Confiteor" appeared in 1889 and 1892 respectively, and from then onwards Machar, with his reputation fully established, issued numerous volumes both in verse and prose. In the "Summer, Winter, Spring and Autumn Sonnets", published between 1891 and 1893, Machar reveals the same dual capacity as lyric poet and ironical observer as in his earlier books, together with technical skill in imparting variety to the sonnet form. "Tristium Vindobona" (1893) is a book of elegies, in whose title Machar suggests an analogy between Ovid, exiled among the Goths, and himself, performing uncongenial duties in the anti-Czech atmosphere of Vienna. It should here be mentioned that Machar's attitude towards nationalism is not narrow and chauvinistic. He has always severely condemned the false patriotism which parades beneath empty catchwords and is without true human ideals, but he is also a decided opponent of social injustice, and for that reason he was always a severe critic of the Viennese authorities for their treatment of the Czechs. Machar's hatred of social injustice was the dominant motive in his next two books of poems, "Here roses ought to bloom" and "Magdalena", both published in 1894, and both concerned with the position of woman in human society. The former book consists of a series of "lyric dramas" depicting various phases in the lives of women, in which sombre colours predominate. The melancholy tone of this book recurs in "Magdalena", a narrative poem dealing with the problem of the fallen woman who attempts to live down her past, but is defeated by the petty traditions of a provincial town. Among Machar's miscellaneous collections of verse may be mentioned "The Warriors of God", the ironical title of a volume of incisive and epigrammatic political satire which followed in 1897, and the "Satiricon" of 1904, which is similar in character.

The publication of "Golgotha" in 1901 marks the beginning of a new series of poems, upon which Machar has worked intermittently ever since. He is now no longer concerned with the personal emotions of his earlier lyrical period, but is attracted by the collective destinies of mankind as displayed in the drama of history. But Machar's conception of historical characters and events is nevertheless often strongly affected by his personal bias. Thus. "In the Glow of the Hellenic Sun" and "The Poison from Judaea", both published in 1906, by their very titles indicate Machar’s sympathies for classical antiquity on the one hand, and his anti-clerical sentiments on the other. During the year 1911 they were followed in rapid succession by "The Barbarians" (early Middle Ages), "The Pagan Flames" (renaissance) and "The Apostles" [reformation period). No further additions to the series have yet been published.

This gallery of historical portraits and perspectives deserves special notice by reason of the vividness with which Machar has reconstructed scenes and depicted figures from the most diverse periods and of the most diverse types. Taken as a whole it forms an outlined epic of mankind's development, the component parts of which are short but often extremely effective dramas. Thus, "On Golgotha" in the first volume of the series, is a graphic and unconventional narrative of Christ's crucifixion, written in blank verse of great poetical beauty. Machar himself says that the music of Beethoven was ringing within him when he wrote this poem, and this well accounts for the stately cadences in which the scene is enacted to its unrelenting conclusion. And without analysing in detail the series as a whole, it is sufficient to refer in general terms to the admirable manner in which Machar visualises Babylonian kings, Chinese chron . Greek tyrants, Roman emperors, Popes, savage invaders, poets, painters, and soldiers, and in a few firm strokes presents their leading characteristics.

As a prose-writer Machar also ranks very high in Czech literature. Here again we find the same polemical tendencies, the same bold criticism of social and political shams, and, it must be added, the same unsparing self-revelation. For instance. "The Confession of a Literary Man" (1901) is Machar's autobiography, in which he depicts his youth and manhood with sardonic frankness. One of his most famous prose works is "Rome", prompted by his violent aversion to Catholicism and its adherents. Much of Machar's prose writing consists of newspaper feuilletons commenting upon topics of the day, and it is probably these which have gained him the greatest number of readers. Yet however trifling the subject in itself, the vigorous style in which it is discussed invests it with a more than transient interest.

Machar's record as an author reveals him as a personality of unswerving courage. In the course of his career he has not flinched from wounding the national susceptilities of his fellow-countrymen when he considered that the interests of truth demanded it. He has lost friends and made enemies by the uncompromising expression of his views. It was inevitable that such a man should come into contact with the Austrian authorities during the war, and it is the various incidents connected with his supervision and inprisonment which form the subject of "The Jail". Here we have all manifestations of the typical Machar,—his strong human sympathies, his psychological insight, his courage, his candour, his sarcasm, his humour, his dramatic instinct and his faculties for describing places, persons and events. But the qualities of the book are so obvious that they do not need to be indicated further. It is enough to add that "The Jail" has a two-fold value,—as a piece of literature and as a historical document. On either score it was worth translating into English,—the double merit made its translation an urgent duty, which it has been a pleasure to fulfil.

London, March 10th 1921.

Chapter I

I.

TAILOR: Hi! hist! hi, neighbour, a word with you!

CARPENTER: Go your way, and leave me in peace.

TAILOR: Only a word. Is there nothing new?

CARPENTER: Nothing except that it is forbidden to speak of anything new.

TAILOR: How is that?

CARPENTER: Step up to this house. Take care! Straightway upon his arrival the Duke of Alba had an order issued by which two or three who speak together in the street are declared guilty of high treason without a trial.

TAILOR: Alas, preserve us!

CARPENTER: Under pain of life-long imprisonment it is forbidden to speak of affairs of state.

TAILOR: Alas for our liberty!

CARPENTER: And under pain of death nobody shall say aught against the actions of the Government.

TAILOR: Alas for our lives!

CARPENTER: And fathers, mothers, children, relatives, friends and servants are invited with a promise of great things to divulge to a specially established court what goes on within the very household.

TAILOR: Let us get home.

CARPENTER: And the obedient are promised that they shall suffer no injury either to body, or honour, or possesions.

TAILOR: How merciful! Why I supposed—etc. etc. According to Goethe's "Egmont" this scene was enacted at Brussels in the year 1567, but it was enacted in reality on countless occasions in the lands of the Bohemian crown in the years 1915 to 1916.

It can safely be asserted that time after time in the course of the last 300 years our nation was afflicted by persecutions as other countries by earthquakes. A very thorough-going persecution fell to our lot immediately after the battle of the White Mountain; it was a persecution which might be called an imperial one. It was aimed at the rebellious lords, but the Czech nation almost breathed its last as a result of it. And it was the first misfortune,—not for us, since nations always outlive their dynasties,—but for those who carried it out. A river of blood began to flow between them and us,—and such blood never dries up. The persecution which followed it was also interesting, and might be called a religious one. It is interesting because it has been described with considerable vividness by Jirásek in his magnificent work entitled "Temno" (Gloom). Its victims were books and people whose confession of faith was different from that prescribed by the holy Roman Catholic Church; and this again was a misfortune for the Church—the Hussite spirit had always smouldered amongst us under the ashes.—the holy Church made efforts to keep it smouldering. The subsequent persecution which might be compared with a continual earthquake, because it lasted long over a hundred years, was a persecution by the lords, and was directed against the serfs. Jirásek, Svátek and others have also written interesting accounts of it. It is true that it did not fall upon the nation as a whole, but on the other hand, an enormous number of individuals were its victims. The persecution by Metternich was one of the mildest. It was directed not only against us Czechs, but against all the nations in Austria, and indeed, against a large part of Europe. It was milder because it allowed people freedom of movement; they were permitted to eat, drink, sleep, keep awake, dance, swim, walk, skate etc.—but to make up for this their spirits were enclosed in a dark room where windows and doors were blocked up so as to prevent light and fresh air from getting in. That is the reason why the wretched literature of our renaissance is so tame, and our revivalists such timid creatures. The soul needed neither to see nor to hear,—it's only desire had to be: To be a good subject of its overlord. After the year 1848 began the political persecution which brought Havlíček to Brixen, dismissed inconvenient officials and teachers. Confiscated books, suppressed newspapers, locked up editors, sent strict governors to Prague, brought Czech people before German judges and also continued for a respectable number of years, proceeding sometimes more severely, sometimes only leniently, sometimes vanishing for a period after which, having rested, it immediately began afresh. And so we experienced the persecution in the years 1915—1916, which might be designated as a military persecution.

It is certain that the human spirit which contrives to expound accurately all the periods of ancient Roman history, and bears in mind the dynasties of ancient Egypt, will very easily forget the events of those preceding years. And that is a mistake, for "this year" grows out of "last year", and those who have forgotten last year, can easily form a thoroughly false idea of the present year. It is therefore desirable that everything in our memories should be continually kept fresh so that it cannot be forgotten. And in the first place we, who have a little to do with it, must speak, we must make known our impressions for the purpose of supplying reliable material for the history of these two years. Yes, provisions must be made for our historians.

The frame-work is something like this: At the outbreak of war the late Emperor surrendered a part of his authority as a ruler to the military staff, whose main representatives, in addition to the commander-in-chief, Archduke Friedrich, were Conrad von Hötzendorf, Marshal Metzger and Colonels Slameczka and Gregori. The general staff applied its watchful eye not only to the enemy outside, but, as is of course natural, also to the mischief-makers within. And then was made that tragic error which had far-reaching results. On the erroneous assumption that, when war was declared against the only three foreign Slav states, Austria-Hungary, a group of States with a majority of Slav races, would not meet with assent to, and appropriate enthusiasm for war among its Slav majority,—when war was declared against the only three foreign Slav States, although that majority, as the mobilisation showed, loyally rendered unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's, the general staff began to look with mistrust upon the Slav nationalities, later also upon its Italian subjects and later still upon the Roumanians, and blaming the former civilian administration,—it existed only in name, having become the obedient helper of the military authorities during the war,—for lax patriotic training, defectively inculcated Austrianism, tolerated particularism, careless lenience in dynastic and religious affairs, blindness towards all kinds of centrifugal tendencies, it undertook this training itself, and desired to carry it out in the military manner,—quickly and thoroughly. Certainly, one other circumstance was very significant in its eyes. In the German Reichstag, Bethmann-Hollweg made a speech in which he referred to "the reckoning between the Germanic and Slavonic race", a phrase to which no contradiction was forthcoming from Austria, with its Slav majority. The three Counts, Tisza, Berchtold and Stürgkh were silent; silent too were the nationalities fighting beneath the two-headed eagle against the Russians, Serbs and Montenegrins,—and this silence must have been noticed by the military authorities,—again, an erroneous assumption which accentuated the tragic error; the leading Counts had probably overlooked the Chancellor's remark, and the Austrian nations could not become articulate,—there was no Parliament, there was no public platform. But this silence was regarded as malice and a token of secret hostility towards the position of the Empire.

And so the patriotic training began. In the kingdom of Bohemia, in Galicia, in Croatia, Dalmatia,—everywhere the military showed the civilian administration what it had neglected, and how things ought to be done. A new spirit was introduced into the schools and among the teachers. Reading books which contained a reference to the kingdom of Bohemia were confiscated; the emblems of the territories of the Bohemia crown,—confiscated; national colours, whether on clothes, on match-boxes, on bags of confectionery,—forbidden; popular tunes and national songs, as ancient and innocent as the live-long day, were forbidden; collections of songs were seized, books, old miscellanies, verse, prose were also seized; newspapers appeared full of blank spaces, and published articles supplied to them by the police; they had to publish them too, in a prominent spot under pain of immediate suppression; and they appeared, only to be suppressed in the end after all; suspicious people,—oh, the gallant governors, the gendarmes and the Government police had a tremendous amount of work to do then!—were taken away and interned in concentration camps; recruits had a Uriah-like p. v. (politisch verdächtig) inscribed on their military papers and these two letters ensured their bearers a continual strict control and other agreeable attentions upon all battle-fronts, whether in Russia, in Serbia, in Romania, in Italy; people of all classes and ranks lived under continual police observation: taverns, cafés, theatres, public places swarmed with police spies, and espionage penetrated even into families; there was a deluge of anonymous accusations on all sides, and as a result of them, cross-examinations, domiciliary searches, arrests and imprisonments took place; childish leaflets were, heaven alone knows how, circulated among the peaceful population, and it fared ill with anyone of whom it could be proved that he had possessed, read or even only looked at anything of the kind; all civilian rights were suspended, there were no personal liberties, there were no constitutional libertie, there were only military tribunals and they worked as they were obliged to work; Czech people were tried and sentenced by judges who did not know a single word of Czech; nobody was safe either by day or night, there was a deluge of halters, life-long terms of imprisonment, hundreds and hundreds of years of jail, confiscation of property; those who were locked up included women, students, female clerks, authors, members of parliament, bank managers, officials of the most diverse branches, grocers, workmen, journalists, clergymen of all denominations,—everybody was under suspicion, the whole nation was under suspicion. Thus literally as at Brussels in the year 1567.

A sultry stillness settled upon the whole kingdom of Bohemia. Cowards began to accommodate themselves to the prevailing conditions, and met the rule of terror halfway. People with firm back-bones repeated the words of Talleyrand: Everything in the world can be proved by means of bayonets, but it is impossible to sit on them. Let us believe and hope that this will pass. At Prague anecdotes and jokes came into being, and with the rapidity of light they sped through Bohemia and Moravia, evoking smiles from the faces of a nation which had become unaccustomed to mirth. Slowly but firmly there developed a feeling of national solidarity, an instinct for national honour and national justice, and joyous hopes grew like wisps of fresh grass underneath a heavy boulder.

But all this took place quietly and in secret. Outwardly, it was burdensome to breathe, the atmosphere was full of horrible uncertainty. If anyone counted upon the enforced outbreak of a revolt, after which it would have been possible to have recourse to still more violent measures, those who so counted, suffered a disappointment. The nation held its peace.

No persecution since that following the battle of the White Mountain was more cruel than this military one carried out in the kingdom of Bohemia in the years 1915-1916; both of them are worthy of each other, and in fact our persecution is a new epitome of all persecutions to which we have been subjected during the last 300 years.

Today we hope that it was the last persecution, just as that in Brussels in the year 1567. Errors in policy are a crime, and every crime brings a fearful revenge in its wake.

Chapter II

II.

— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — but as long as in Galicia — — — — — — —

— — — — — — — — — — — and in Bohemia Prince Thun — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — after the break-through at Gorlice — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — coaxed Thun into believing — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — Thun finally realised that he was ill — — — — — — — — — — — — and was — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — no wonder, with such management — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — And so — — — — — — on May 21 1915. Dr. Kramář was arrested — — — — — — — — — — trees blossomed — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — the Vltava murmured — — — — — — Dr. Preminger Imperial Counsellor — — walked about Vienna and comforted people: Dr. Kramář — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — heart in the right place — — — — In the Ringstrasse — — — — — — — — — — — — — — carriage — — — — justice — — — — — — — — — blind old man — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — Two Czech ministers, Zenker and Trnka — — — — — — — — — Spanish dance — — — — — — — — — nonsense if nevertheless — — — — — — At the Hernalser Gürtel — — — — — — — circular tower — — — — etc. My readers saw how the first chapter of my "Jail" was deleted last week by the censor, — the Hernalser Gürtel throughout its existence has never really been so clean, and I should very much enjoy sending there the responsible authorities concerned with their craze for cleanliness.— — — and when I saw the number in question, my first feeling was one of joy; so the censor is not dead, on the contrary, he is working, and that is a proof that — — — — — — it thereupon occurred to me that if this went on, I should prepare my "Jail" for the censor alone, and my readers would see very little of it. So I determined that I would wait until — — — — — — — — and then I would write my "Jail". Then in order to show my readers what the second chapter and the remainder would look like, I censored then myself, and I am inquisitive to know whether our beloved censor will nevertheless discover some connection between the fragments of sentences that are left and the endangered interests of the state, and whether he will swallow up still more of them. — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — I can wait — — — — — — one of us — — — and then— — — — — — — celebrations in Prague — — — obituary.

Chapter II*

II.

As long as the Russians remained in Galicia and Count Thun was acting as governor in Prague, the persecution did not venture to make any steady advance, as it were. Now and then it seized hold of some old huxter-woman, of whom it had been ascertained that she had told people how close the Russians already were, and that they would be "here" within a fortnight,—she had been told so by some tramp or other,—the old woman received, I believe, 14 months. Or, an official person, a constable or a police-agent was walking along the street and in the second storey of a house heard somebody scraping away at his violin practice,—practice indeed? That is the Russian hymn,—and nothing was of any avail, the pupil-teacher could explain this and that, and call upon the whole of heaven as a witness, the official person said Russian hymn,—and the pupil-teacher received 8 months. But the persecution was still, so to speak, only dallying,—as if a hungry tiger were catching flies. It gave a grab with its paw only occasionally if some large object came into its vicinity; the news could then be read in the papers that this or that well-known person "had moved" to Vienna. But an oppressive uncertainty had already settled upon the land of Bohemia.

After the break-through at Gorlice, all was changed. They began to coax Prince Thun into believing that he was seriously ill; his sight was weak, they said, and was being impaired by his official duties at so responsible a spot. The Prince denied this energetically but vainly. He did actually fall ill and retired.

On May 21st, 1915, Dr. Kramář was arrested. He "moved" to Vienna.

A day or so after that I was travelling to Prague for the Whitsuntide holidays. In the train I met Deputy Choc. We still knew nothing about it. We talked of this and that, until suddenly it occurred to Choc that Hofrat So-and-so was travelling in the same carriage with us, and that he would go to him and discover the latest news. He soon came back; he had promised to say nothing, but he would tell me,—they had arrested Kramář. Said I, that is impossible.—Yes, the Hofrat declares it is so.—We were silent for a while. Then I pointed out to him that this would be a harakiri of Austrian policy in Bohemia; that everyone knew how consistent an advocate of that policy Dr. Kramář had been in the last fifteen years; that no Viennese Government could be so short-sighted as to do anything of the kind; that Dr. Kramář was persona gratissima in all Viennese circles,—Choc only shrugged his shoulders; the Hofrat had declared it was so.

From the train the field of Lipan could be seen. The sky above it had reddened, and into this blood-like expanse towered up mournfully the black hill with the gloomy monument to Prokop the Great. We looked at it. "Well then, we shall all have our turn" I remarked to Choc.

"We shall, never mind".

In the meanwhile, the Hofrat's secret was known to the whole of Prague. And in a considerably enlarged edition. Altogether, nowhere had so many legends come into existence as at Prague in those two years. On the very same evening I heard it definitely asserted that the whole of the National Council had been removed in chains to Vienna, that old Dr. Mattuš had protested, but in vain, that Prince Thun had been arrested, that the Czech University had been suspended for some protest or other,—the people were not satisfied with reality and so they invented fables.

The arrest of Dr. Kramář, however, was the only certainty which I took back with me to Vienna.

Now, the nature of man is such that he does not fathom the ways and methods of Fate, he does not know that one of its apparent oversights may in time produce the most desirable results, he ceases to believe in it and wants to correct its mistakes. So it was that immediately upon my return I proceeded to a certain highly placed personage to explain to him what I had explained in the train to Choc, and asked him to intervene. The highly-placed personage was able to do so, that much I knew.

I arrived. His Excellency was engaged, he was not there. His secretary received me. He shook hands, smiled, asked me how I was,—I plunged in medias re Such and such a thing had happened. An error, a mistake, a blunder, a misfortune. The secretary at once assumed an appearance of very serious gloom, and his voice changed from that of an amiable friend and assumed a dry official tone. "There you are, as long as Thun was governor, he kept Kramář safe, and Kramář, supposing himself God's equal, thought that nothing could ever happen to him, that nobody would dare to interfere with him. But Thun went, the correspondence of Kramář was seized, and the result is that he is locked up in the military prison."

I pointed out the results that this action would have in Bohemia,—the secretary turned red and remarked: "The nation will calm down and come to reason. Those who led it, have led it astray. Politicians, authors,—yes, you are all guilty. Look here, I have a dog; when I come home, he is lying on the carpet sleeping happily in the sun. I begin to pity him; why, poor old fellow, you are so neglected, nobody troubles about you,—and he then begins to growl and to pity himself, as if he really were most badly off. The Czech nation is not badly off,—on the contrary, but you, authors, politicians and—"

"Wait a moment, doctor, just a brief comment upon this canine idyl of yours. The dog,—that tallies. But the room and the carpet do not tally, and as for the sun, we have never been in it at all. However, that's all, I will not go to his Excellency. Good-day."

This canine idyl had thoroughly warmed me up. And it opened out extremely distant perspectives to me; I now saw clearly all that had happened, was happening and would happen…

The reports about Dr. Kramář grew more and more copious. It was said that he was being cross-examined by Dr. Preminger,—who was Dr. Preminger? A man from Czernowitz. The Imperial Counsellor Penížek assured everybody convincingly whom he met: "Dr. Kramář can think himself lucky to have fallen into the hands of a Jew from Bukowina whose heart is in the right place." Good. There was even a rumour that the case would not be tried at all. Then it was asserted that there would be a trial, and that it would last several days. Lieut. Preminger was said to be on his way to Prague and was cross-examining somebody somewhere. Stuergkh was said to have been conferring in the matter. A deputation of Young Czech delegates had been received in audience by the General Staff. Everything, it was said, would turn out well.