Struggle of The Trade Unions Against Fascism

Introduction

INTRODUCTION

WHEN the Fascisti conquered power in Italy, and Mussolini established his dictatorship, there was no country in which the capitalist forces greeted the coup more heartily than in the United States. The newspapers and magazines, intensifying their yellow-journalistic hero worship, vied with one another in extolling the virtues of the Black Shirts. The Government of the U. S., the same which has for six years refused to recognize Soviet Russia because that workers' republic is "undemocratic," hastened to be among the first to accord full diplomatic recognition to the Fascist counter-revolution. That Fascism is international, and that its roots exist in America, has been fully demonstrated to all classes.

In spite, however, of all that has been written about the Fascisti, the workers of America have no clear idea as yet of what Fascism means to the labor movement. An example of the confusion existing is seen in the report of John H. Walker, President of the Illinois State Federation of Labor, to the Decatur Convention of that body (September, 1923), in which the Fascist movement in this country is described as merely an extention of the well-established "open shop" drive, of American capitalism. Such a point of view, natural as the mistake may be, ignores some of the most dangerous aspects of Fascism. It leads directly, even while apparent struggle against Fascism is called for, to actual surrender to the most insidious forms of that anti-working-class movement. Thus John H. Walker, in the same report, although attacking the Fascisti, calls for the formation within the labor unions of posts of the American Legion, which is an outstanding example of Fascist organization in the United States.

Fascism in this country is a many-headed menace; it is not yet well-developed and centralized, and appears under various forms and names. This multiform aspect hinders the clear understanding of Fascism by the workers. In the first place, there is the genuine Fascism, organized among the Italian workers resident in America by agents of Mussolini. The fight of the Italian militants against the Fascisti has been crystallized in the Anti-Fascist Alliance of North America, with headquarters in New York; its work has been supported by hundreds of thousands of trade unionists, and has been so effective that the parent Fascist body in Italy recently (according to a statement in the Progresso Italo-Americano), ordered the branches to disband and reorganize upon a different basis. It must be pointed out, however, that the Fascist Party of Italy is a direct factor only among the Italian immigrant population.

In the agrarian districts of the U. S., the roots of Fascism show themselves in the activities of the Ku Klux Klan. This is, without doubt, the most native, 100% American, expression of the Fascisti movement. As this is written, the State of Oklahoma, comprising 70,000 square miles of territory (more than six times the size of Belgium) is under martial law, due to a struggle between the State Government and the Ku Klux Klan. In many other States, particularly in the Middle West and South, the Klan is pushing forward its claim to power with increasing boldness.

The K. K. K. is a curious mixture; one factor is the traditions of post-Civil War days, when the Klan originated as a weapon for the subjection of the Negro recently freed from chattel-slavery—from this it gets its name, ritual, robes, flaming cross, etc.; added to this a crude anti-Semitic, anti-Catholic, and general "anti-foreigner," 100% American propaganda. A vaguely defined but militant anti-communist spirit is woven throughout its agitation, and becomes, in practice, anti-labor union. Nominally the K. K. K. is a centralized organization, but actually it centralizes little but the sale of robes, etc., and even in that field, the economic exploitation of the ignorance of the yokels making up its membership, the K. K. K. has split into several competing bodies. Locally it takes on the most conflicting aspects; in one community its maurading masked bands tar-and-feather and flog boot-leggers—in another it turns its violence against Federal enforcers of the Volstead Act. It may, in one locality, be an instrument of small producers and tenants, trying to control the market for cotton and tobacco—in another it will be the violent suppression of tenant and farm labor movements. In its methods it is typically Fascist, except for the K. K. K. white robe and hood; the Fascisti of Italy prided themselves upon their bold and open violence. It is worthy of note that the K. K. K. has established itself chiefly in the most backward agrarian communities; in the industrial centers its dupes have been among municipal employees and similar elements.

The American Legion, composed of ex-service men, founded and led by ex-officers of the American, Expeditionary Force in France, has developed along the well-known Fascist lines. In countless towns and cities it has accumulated a record of strike-breaking activities and general violence against the labor and revolutionary movements which has made it hated in labor circles. Its spiritual kinship with the Fas- cisti of Italy is dramatically expressed in its invitation to Mussolini to be its guest at the San Francisco Convention of the Legion, October, 1923.

The American Legion has, with a keen appreciation of the tactics of Mussolini, adopted the tactic of "boring from within" the trade unions. It soon registered results with this policy, and at the Cincinnati Convention of the American Federation of Labor, June, 1922, an open alliance was proclaimed between the Legion and the Gompers bureaucracy. The national leader of the Legion addressed the A. F. of L. Convention, and Gompers appeared before the Legion. The same thing is being repeated this year, and on a much larger scale, with a program of forming American Legion posts within the trade unions themselves. When the reader has studied the course of the Fascist movement in Italy as described in this pamphlet, with the accompanying destruction of the labor movement and establishment of Fascist "unionism," it will be readily seen that in these trade union posts of the American Legion are being developed the basis for the Fascist trade unions in America. The trade union bureaucrats of America will probably furnish much of the leadership for the coming Fascist Party. If Mussolini had been able to attend the Legion Convention in San Francisco, we might have had the sublime spectacle of Samuel Gompers and Benito, the dictator, speaking together from the same platform; it would have symbolized the growing powers of Faccism within the labor movement of this country.

The full development of the American Legion as a complete Fascist movement is still a matter of the future. It has been retarded somewhat by the issue of the "soldiers' bonus," in which the American Legion found itself in open opposition to the ruling capitalist clique. Not daring to abandon the demand for the bonus, and not daring to make an aggressive fight for it in the face of the disapproval of their capitalist masters, the leaders of the Legion found the ardor of their rank and file distinctly cooled. But the basic reason is that the social and economic conditions in the United States are not ripe for a real Fascist development. There has not yet been a fundamental and far-reaching crisis in the class struggle to shake the foundations of American capitalism.

Another Fascist organization, the "Minute Men of the Constitution," was organized this year, 1923. It is led by Brigadier-General Charles G. Dawes ("Hell- and Maria" Dawes) who is, in addition to his military honors, an ex-budget expert in the Harding administra- tion and a banker, connected with the Central Trust Company of Chicago. This body is openly and frankly an adjunct of the "open shop" movement, being militantly reactionary in all its manifestations. Outwardly it is the most threatening expression of the Fascist idea in the United States, but it has not registered in any definite action as yet. Its future is still problematical. Whether it will become the powerful weapon against the trade unions that its founder wishes remains to be seen.

The affinity between the A. F. of L. bureaucracy and the Fascist idea has been pointed out in a previous paragraph. This same phenomenon is being developed in a different direction, in the campaign of violence, expulsions, and splits, launched against the adherents of the R. I. L. U. within the mass unions of America. This aspect of the situation, while impossible of extended treatment in this introduction, is of more than passing significance in the study of Fascism in America. Just as Mussolini, Rossoni, and other leaders of the Italian Fascist Party, were leaders of the Socialist and trade union movements, so we may expect the real Fascist leadershia in America to spring from the Gompers bureaucracy.

An extended study of Fascism, and its relation to trade union problems, in this country has still to be made. These few lines, as an introduction to the pamphlet originally written as a report to the Enlarged Executive of the Red International of Labor Unions, July, 1923, by Andreas Nin, of Spain, Assistant General Secretary of the R. I. L. U., will serve to indicate some of the vital points of comparison between the struggle of the trade unions of Europe against Fascism, and the developing Fascist movement in the United States. Andreas Nin’s pamphlet is a searching, critical study, which will be of immeasurable service to the American movement.

Earl R. Browder.

Chicago, September 25, 1923.

I: Fascism is International

By Andreas Nin

Assistant General Secretary R. I. L. U.

I.

FASCISM IS INTERNATIONAL

CONCEPTIONS of Fascism are far from unanimous. What is Fascism? Is it a purely Italian phenomenon, or has it already assumed the forms and proportions of an international movement?

We shall not here give a general analysis of this movement, since we have to confine ourselves to the activities of Fascism in the trade union movement; but we shall attempt, neveretheless, to determine its character and significance.

Very often Fascism is confused with the old forms and traditions of bourgeois reaction. But, in our opinion, Fascism is an entirely new phenomenon. Fascism may be defined as a violent and illegal action of capitalism which has its main support in the industrial and agrarian petty-bourgeoisie and in those elements which have been reduced from a higher class to a lower.

The characteristic feature of its methods is the rejection of all political formulae and slogans created by the bourgeoisie itself—such as "democracy," "justice," "free speech, press and assemblage," "parliamentarianism," etc. Also, by the application of the most violent terrorism against labor organizations and their revolutionary leaders.

Fascism is essentially a post-war phenomenon. The greater part of its adherents is made up of ex-officers and peasants.

The Fascist movement is rich in instructive lessons for the revolutionary proletariat. It shows us, above all, the necessity of having a well defined and prudent policy towards the small peasants, whose active co-operation or—at least—neutralization, is absolutely indispensable to the revolutionary proletariat if it wishes to be victorious. An ill-considered policy may convert the small peasants into the most powerful instruments of capitalist reaction—as we have seen in Italy.

Another most important lesson that Fascism teaches us is that there is no middle-road which the proletariat can follow in the present situation. The proletariat must choose between its own dictatorship and the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. If the working class does not take advantage of the opportune moment to establish its dictatorship, it will certainly be crushed by the bourgeoisie which then establishes its own dictatorial rule.

Origin of Fascism

Fascism as a definite trade union movement exists only in Italy at the present time. But after its ascendancy to political power it spread rapidly. We may say that it is a movement which has originated in Italy, but which tends to assume similar forms in other countries. We may already speak of the birth of an international Fascist movement.

The process of the internationalization of Fascism resembles that of the revolutionary movement. In the beginning of the imperialist war there existed an international Socialism, just as an international reaction existed at the beginning of the Fascist movement.

Up to 1917, Bolshevism, which was one of the forms of international Socialism, was an exclusively Russian movement. But, with the victory of the November Revolution and the creation of the Communist International, it became a world movement. Today, Bolshevism or Communism is not a Russian doctrine but an international one. Similarly, with the advent of Mussolini to power, the different forms of reaction and White Terror all tend to turn into Fascism, which has now become an international movement with its own characteristics. It is no longer doubted that we are here confronted by an international movement, and we should regard it as such.

We must, of course, exterminate Italian Fascism first. With the fall of the Mussolini government, international Fascism's hopes would be blighted. The overthrow of Mussolini would have the same significance for world reaction as the overthrow of the Russian Soviet Republic would have for the world revolutionary movement.

Fascist Trade Unionism in Italy

Italian Fascism was born during the war. Its principal initiators were former revolutionaries, syndicalists, anarchists, and socialists. In the beginning of the imperialist war these elements abandoned their comrades in order to promote Italy’s. participation in the world massacre.

It should be noted that the majority of these old revolutionists were leaders of the peasants movement. This explains one of the fundamental characteristics of Fascism.

These elements did not abandon their old conceptions suddenly. Thus, at the first Fascist Congress, which took place in March 1919, they adopted certain resolutions in support of the trade union movement and issued such slogans as Workers’ Control, partial expropriations of the capitalists, the distribution of the lands among the peasants, the abolition of the Senate, etc.

In 1918 and 1919 they were in constant touch with De Ambris, once an old revolutionary syndicalist who became a patriot and came out in favor of Italy's participation in the world war. It was he who abandoned the Union Sindicale Italiana and founded the Union Italiana del Lavoro. The strikes called by this organization whose headquarters were in Parma, were supported by the Fascisti and were even subsidized by them. This first formation of Fascism was later modified, but its ex-revolutionary elements retained their influence until 1920.

Up to that time there were no Fascist trade unions. It was during that year that such unions began to crop up. The Fascisti became active among the peasants. This was favored by the erroneous policy of the Socialist Party. The Agricultural Workers' Federation, which was led by the Socialists, stubbornly opposed the cry of the small peasants for land, and did everything to get them into the trade union organizations, which they did not understand.

A different tactic should have been employed with regard to the peasants and workers. Indeed, as our comrades Gramsche and Tasca wrote in a splendid article:

"The Fascisti liberated the small peasants from the yoke of an organization which did not correspond to their class." They forced the rich landlords to yield up a part of their estates, thus creating the illusion among the small peasants that the land was to be distributed among them.

The Fascisti thus created a magnificent base for recruiting among the peasantry, which still constitutes the overwhelming majority of their troops. Later, the rest was conquered by force. The methods employed by the Fascisti—the clubbings, castor oil, punitive expeditions, etc.—are too well known for us to review them again here.

The Agricultural Workers who opposed Fascism were quickly disorganized and scattered. This was easy to achieve. Their organizations were everywhere based on the co-operatives.

The Socialist leaders were laboring under the illusion that with the possession: of this great co-operative apparatus a violent revolution could be avoided. They said naively: "But we already have a Socialist Republic; we control thousands of municipalities; we have in our hands a net of co-operatives which constitute the basis of our future socialist distribution." But the incendiary acts of the Fascisti dispelled these naive illusions.

The Socialist mayors and municipal councillors were deposed with violence; Labor Council buildings were burned to the ground; the co-operatives were destroyed; the socialist agricultural masses, accustomed as they were to long economic struggles, made possible by financially strong organizations, suddenly found themselves disarmed and at the mercy of the Fascist offensive.

In this manner whole regions passed rapidly from the Socialists into the hands of the Fascisti. At first, the Fascist movement confined itself almost exclusively to the agrarian districts. It was there that Fascism could get a foothold. The conquest of the industrial proletariat was much more difficult, because proletarian class-consciousness was more developed, and the experience of long, active struggles rendered it more capable of resistance.

Labor Temples (Chambers of Labor) were burned down, and hundreds of militants were assassinated; but, in the industrial centers, Fascism progressed slowly.

Supported and abetted by the capitalists, the Fascisti forced the workers to join their Fascist unions by threatening them with death. In this way they succeeded in "enrolling" a certain number of industrial workers into their "corporations."

It is not necessary here to enter into an analysis of the percentage of voluntary membership in these organizations. In spite of their nominal adherence to the Fascist unions, the overwhelming majority of workers in the Italian factories and shops have preserved their class-consciousness. Even now, after it has come to full political power, Fasicsm has not succeeded in getting a hold on the proletarian masses.

Principles and Tactics of Fascist Unionism

Up to the middle of 1921 there was no unity in the Fascist trade union organizations. In the course of that year, however, such an unifying organization was created under the name of the National Conferderation of Fascist Unions. The General Secretary of this organization is Rossoni, a former revolutionary trade unionist.

The first conference of Fascist trade unions was convened in the summer of 1921; the second conference was called in November of last year (1922). It is in the various resolutions passed at the second conference and in the declaration of its leaders that we find the true ideology of Fascist trade unionism.

What are the principles that guide these organizations? Whatever its variations, Fascist trade unionism is based on the same principles as yellow trade unionism; it pursues the same policy as the strike-breaking organizations that have always existed.

No wonder, then, that Mr. Albert Thomas, the President of the International Labor Bureau and one of the luminaries of the yellow Amsterdam International has such great admiration for the Fascist trade unions. This renegade of Socialism, who was in Italy last March, had the audacity to declare to the editor of "L'Epoca" that Fiscist trade unionism is "a completely novel and interesting experiment."

We shall here try to examine the general ideas of Fascist trade unionism and determine the extent to which these ideas have been realized in practice.

Class Peace Versus Class Struggle

Fascist trade unionism has for its guiding tenet the principle that national interests, which, as we know, are nothing else than bourgeois interests, should supercede all other interests. It therefore rejects the class struggle and preaches class collaboration.

The Fascisti have, of course, revived the slogan of proclaiming the necessity of increased production, so near and dear to the bourgeoisie and to Mr. Albert Thomas. "While Socialism," said Rossoni, in one of his speeches, delivered on the 19th of January, 1923, "contends that human welfare must be brought about through the abolition of private property, Fascism is based on the fundamental theory that such well-being can only be the result of intensified production and industry."

All classes of society are to co-operate harmoniously in the task of building up "the nation." This principle of class collaboration finds its most characteristic expression in the clauses adopted by the National Conference of (Fascist) Trade Unions at its November conference, 1922.

Proclamation of Fascist Union Principles

These clauses read: Under the name of the National Confederation of Trade Unions there has been created throughout Italian territory, an organization which unites, under the Italian flag, all citizens, regardless of sex or religion, who form part of all classes and all categories of labor, manual and intellectual.

The Confederation declares that a society based on the unions protects in an equal measure the interests of all categories and of all classes, and establishes among them a net of economic and legal relations which determines their respective social functions.

Thus, the trade union organization is no longer a special characteristic of the working class, despite the fact that the latter has created this organic form. Henceforth, this form becomes an organic part of the Nation as a whole; as such it culminates in the Nation itself and becomes the supreme synthesis of all material and moral values of the race.

The Confederation declares that alt classes of society are equally necessary, for each one of them performs a certain function assigned to it by the necessary and rational division of work and production. The further their social functions develop the stronger these classes become, for these functions are determined by economic development, and could never lead to the abolition of classes—since this would mean the retrogression and suspension of activities in the domain of work and production.

The Confederation further declares that the dynamic law of history does not consist in the Class Struggle, that is, in the antagonism and conflict of social functions, nor does it consist in Class Collaboration, which is the confusion of social functions. On the contrary, it consists of the Conflict of Capacities; i. e., of the struggle of groups in the inferior class which have reached a stage of development that enables them to perform the functions of the higher classes, against those groups in the superior class which have lost the capacity of fulfilling the functions incumbent upon their classes.

The Confederation declares as the fundamental principle of trade union organization the formula: The Struggle of Capacities. But it cannot be tolerated that class organizations or groups of citizens have as their aim the destruction of social functions. It is therefore impossible to permit the general strike, which affects all classes and groups throughout the Nation."

Actual Class Collaboration

Notwithstanding this thesis on the Struggle of Capacities, it is obvious that the fundamental principle of Fascist trade unionism is Class Collaboration. There is nothing new in this. The only original feature that we find in it is the preponderating role assigned to the middle classes (what the American newspapers call "the public"). This is the characteristic fundamental principle that we have pointed out above.

In his report to the Conference, Rossoni also defined the role of the petty-bourgeoisie in the following words:

It is the middle classes which have always made the greatest sacrifices and which have always remained loyal, for never have they acted to the detriment of the Nation for selfish reason; they are the classes that furnish society with talent and civilization National trade unionism should be a movement of the elite; it is for this reason that it has its main support in the middle classes, which have furnished us during the war with the bravest officers.

Composition and Monopoly of Fascist Unions

The leaders of Fascist trade unionism have always conceived their unions as organs comprising all social classes. During the session of the Supreme Council, Mussolini uttered the following:

Fascist trade unionism differs from the ordinary trade unionism in that the former has a ;few of its own characteristics and originality. It is the workers, employers and technicians who constitute a harmonious whole with one, single aim—that of obtaining the maximum of production and prosperity by subordinating everything to the interest of the fatherland. This conception contradicts the Marxist formula which considers the Class War as inevitable."

Fascism, which considers itself the sole representative of the Nation, treats every other trade union organization as illegal. Its immediate aspiration, therefore, is to get a trade union monopoly (a single organization that unites all classes).

The methods employed by Fascism for obtaining such a monopoly before it seized power are sufficiently known; punitive expeditions, assassinations, arson, etc. After it came into power this aspiration for a trade union monopoly was expressed in one of the resolutions passed at their trade union conference in November. It deals with the functions of consultative organs of the state, as follows:

The National Council of the Fascist Confederation of Trade Union Organizations, having discussed the question of the nature of the functions of consultative state organs, whose task it is to solve the labor questions, hereby decides to request the Government to ratify the following project:

Only the representatives of trade union organizations whose statutes are based on the nationalist principles and whose activities are in full accord with the needs and interests of the Nation, are to be permitted into the State organs.

No representatatives of trade union organizations which have or permit any international affiliations with other organizations which do not participate in, or are beyond the control of the national government—can be admitted into such State organs.

At the same conference another resolution was passed which proposes that all labor conflicts should be referred to special commissions headed by persons appointed by the competent roots of the National Fascist Party. Thus we see that the only organization that is recognized is that of the Fascisti.

Two months before the Supreme Fascist Council met, the Central Committee of the Fascist Party, as well as the most influential members of their trade union movement, had declared themselves categorically in favor of a monopoly. This question was debated exhaust- ively by the Supreme Council which adopted the following resolution moved by Farinacci and Rossoni:

Fascist Unions and Party Co-operate

The Supreme Fascist Council recognizes in the trade union organizations one of the aspects of National Fascist Revolution, to whose needs and discipline they submit unconditionally. The Supreme Fascist Council, in conformity with the decisions adopted at its first session, declares itself against any trade union monopoly; none the less, it considers it necessary that all workers, technicians and employers should be brought under the control of Fascism by means of intense propaganda and agitation activities. For only under a single discipline and a single faith is it possible to obtain effective co-operation of all productive elements in the supreme interests of the Nation.

Moreover, the Supreme Fascist Council declares that all Fascist members should belong and take an active part in the management and leadership of the Fascist trade union organizations, and that all organized Fascist groups (railroad workers, postal and telegraph workers) join the Fascist Confederation of Trade Union Organizations.

One of the most prominent Fascist leaders, Farinacci, declared at the same session that Class Collaboration is not an utopia, but a clear affirmation of Fascist trade unionism which has been demonstrated and accepted and which has already been realized in practice.

Class Unionism and Fascist Unionism Collide

The truth of the matter is just the contrary. The idyllic harmony of all classes has no basis in reality. The workers had no need of opposing the formation of unions which comprise exploiters and exploited, because the bourgeoisie itself, which is most sensitive to its class interests, did not accept this form of organization.

The General Industrial Confederation (an employers' organization) and the Central Confederation of Agriculture (a landlords' organization), refused to enter the Fascist unions. Both of these organizations insisted upon retaining their autonomy. Mussolini was compelled to recognize that the position adopted by these two organizations was justified.

Answering indirectly to the Fascist elements which insisted upon the dissolution of the Industrial Confederation, Mussolini insisted that not only would it be wrong to destroy this organization, but that everything should be done to promote its development "in the supreme interests of the Nation." The communist paper of Trieste, "El Lavoratore," has characterized this correctly by saying that "The Italian capitalists want Fascism as their tool but not as their director or ally."

As to the General Confederation of Agriculture, the supreme head of Fascism made no public comment; but there is no doubt that in this case also he will not change his decision "in, the supreme interests of the Nation," that is, in the interests of a regime of capitalism whose deterioration already manifests itself in more than one unmistakable symptom.

The attitude of the agrarians, however, far from roused the unanimous response of the Fascisti. When the refusal of the Confedera- tion of Agriculture (employers and landlords) to merge with the Fascist unions, became known, Baroncini, the Fascist commissar of Bolognia and the provincial secretary of the Federation, became so indignant that he announced his determination to use the usual Fascist methods in dealing with "these gentlemen," "I," he said, "I, who have crushed the rebellious proletariat, will also crush the rebellious agrarians."

Of course, Baroncini will have to swallow his indignation and the autonomy of the Confederation of Agriculture will have to be respected as was that of the Confederation of Industry. Thus, in spite of the decisions of the Supreme Council and the leading Fascist organs, Italian Fascism is obliged to renounce the application of one of the most essential principles of Fascist trade unionism. This shows clearly that the Class Struggle is not merely a principle invented by Mars, but a fact which must be faced.

The Fascisti are obliged by the exigencies of the Class Struggle to revise their fundamental principles. They have therefore advanced a new theory, that of "trade unionism of militant minorities of Fascisti and not of large masses of workers." In other words, the Fascist trade unions are to be organizations absolutely identical with the strike-breaking organizations.

Class Struggle in Spite of Fascism

In spite of all efforts of Fascism to stifle the class struggle, it breaks out in their own ranks. At the session of the Supreme Fascist Council Mussolini said that since the seizure of power by the Fascisti no strikes have taken place, because all conflicts were wisely prevented by the Fascist leaders. Conflicts, however, did break out. It is interesting to note that they were usually provoked by the members of the Fascist trade unions.