Labor and the Next War

Contents

LABOR AND THE NEXT WAR

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By James Oneal

Chapter I

The working people of the United States live in a new period of history. The old period ended in 1917 when we entered the world war. As a result of the war the United States is a nation that differs much from the old nation before the war.

We live in an imperialist period of American history. What does imperialism mean? It means the extension of power and American rule over other peoples and nations. It means a lust for conquest. It means the suppression of the aspirations of peoples overseas. It means either control of or dictation to their governments, and this eventually leads to annexation. It means large naval power to keep these peoples in submission. It means a permanent militarism which cursed the peoples of Europe for a generation before the world war.

Workingmen may ask, How does all this affect us and our families? Why should we worry?

The answer is that no government can be a tyrant abroad without becoming a tyrant at home. It cannot suppress freedom overseas without suppressing it at home. It cannot make slaves of other peoples without making slaves at home. If it cares not for the institutions of other peoples it will have little regard for any at home that stand in the way of its domineering rule. If it imposes autocracy on others it eventually will impose autocracy on you.

But this is not all. Imperialism means the development of a powerful government machine, an army and a navy, that must be sustained out of the labor of millions. It means staggering burdens of taxation which the workers must pay. It means autocracy in industry and breaking down the standards of living. It means that you must work harder, produce more to satisfy the demands of a large army, a large navy, and an expensive government bureaucracy. It means eventually universal military service. Your boys must hold themselves in readiness to crush the freedom of other peoples. It means persecution of opinions opposed to imperialism. It means censorship over the press and meetings. It means danger for the protective organizations of labor, the trade unions.

For nearly two generations we read of militarism and imperialism in Europe. American workers were happy to know that 3,000 miles of water separated us from the imperialist contagion. Germany, France, England and Russia were piling up great armaments. All these powers had their itch for control over weaker peoples. All of them had forced China to surrender enormous concessions. France ruled with bayonets in Morocco. England with bayonets in Egypt and India. Germany in Africa. Russia in Manchuria. Japan in Korea.

The European nations were ranged against each other. To prevent one power from having any heavy advantage there developed what is known as "balance of power" politics. Alliances were contracted to preserve the balance of power. The naval and military programs of each were watched by all the others. When one power added more ships the "balance" was disturbed. This meant that others must build.

So the "balance" was in a constant process of adjustment by a steady increase of armaments all around. The burden became staggering. The menace of war brooded over all Europe. The peoples looked forward to the fateful day. They knew it must come. It did come and Europe was wrecked.

Beneath the alliances were the secret treaties. The diplomats contracted these treaties without knowledge of the parliaments, without knowledge of the peoples concerned. Even the diplomats did not know about all these secret treaties. They were "double-crossing" each other.

The great Ferdinand Lassalle once said that "Lying is one of the great powers of Europe." The world war revealed that practically all the diplomats of the allied powers were lying about the objects of the war just as the German imperialists were. When the secret treaties were discovered in 1917 they showed that Russia, England, France and Italy were in the war for territory and plunder. Russia was to acquire the Dardanelles, Constantinople, the west shore of the Bosphorus, and certain areas in Asia Minor. France and England were to fix the western frontiers of Germany for allowing Russia to fix Germany’s eastern frontiers. England was to get the neutral zone in Persia except two districts that were to go to Russia. Rumania was bribed to get into the war by being promised Bukowina and Transylvania. Italy was bribed to get in by being promised the Trentino, the southern Tyrol to the Brenner pass, Trieste, Istria, Dalmatia and other territory. Later it was learned that Japan was promised territory of China, although China was an allied power!

It was this territory and plunder that was secretly pledged by the diplomats as the stakes of the war. The peoples and the soldiers were told that they were fighting for "democracy". Their signatures to the secret bargains show that the diplomats were after one thing while sending the soldiers to the trenches with promises of another thing.

Charles W. Hayworth, the British author of "What is Diplomacy?" writes that the diplomats practice "a code of immorality which would not be tolerated for a moment in national life, and which would be repudiated by savages," that the "highest political personages commit acts the meanness of which would make any gentleman kick them out of his back door." He quotes Lord Daintree, an ex-diplomat, who cynically refers to his work in the diplomatic service as follows:

"Men fight shy of you if you tell a certain kind of lie persistently, and if you cheat at cards. But I've been all my life lying. It was my profession to lie. I was a diplomatist, you know. Nobody thinks a bit the worse of me. In fact, I’ve got a jewel case full of ribbons and stars and things given me as tokens of respect for my skill as a liar."

Is it any surprise that imperialism and this dirty trade brought the great war and piled up 20 millions of dead? Yet the peoples of Europe were helpless. Many suspected the secret bargains but nobody outside the diplomats really knew what had been bargained for. All that was known was that secrecy in diplomacy was a fact. The lives of the masses were pledged in behalf of things of which the masses were ignorant.

ORIGIN OF IMPERIALISM CHAPTER II.

The same causes that brought militarism and imperialism to Europe have finally brought militarism and imperialism to the United States. Imperialism gets its start when inventions and machinery increase the production of wealth to a point where large quantities are sold abroad. This produces rivalries with other nations that produce a surplus for sale abroad. The workers who produce the excess of wealth could enjoy it but their wages are not sufficient to enable them to buy it.

It is true that before this period some of our statesmen had imperial views. President Polk in 1848 favored the annexation of Yucatan. Three years before Senator Douglas wanted to annex all of North and South America. In 1854 three American Ambassadors abroad announced that Cuba should be annexed and by force if necessary. In 1868 President Johnson suggested the annexation of all neighboring America.

But all these were fitful dreams of conquest with no powerful forces behind them. Not until the United States was practically settled and its territory to the Pacific was filled did the dream of conquest begin to take hold of politicians, bankers and capitalists. In the Republican National Convention of 1900 Chauncey M. Depew asked, "Why this hammering at the gates of Pekin? Why this marching of troops from Asia to Africa?" His answer was:

"The American people now produce two thousand million dollars’ worth more than they can consume, and WE have met the emergency, and by the providence of God, by the statesmanship of William McKinley and by the valor of Roosevelt and his associates, WE have our market in Cuba, WE have OUR market in Porto Rico, etc."

All imperialists talk of "the providence of God." Kaiser Wilhelm was always certain that he had God on his side. Missionaries are even used to aid in the extension of markets for goods, concessions and loans. The American writer, Paul S. Reinsch, in his "World Politics," writes: "Never before, perhaps, has so much material value been attached to ministers of the Gospel in foreign lands, and the manner in which, after their death, they are used to spread civilization is somewhat foreign to our older ideas of the functions of the bearers of spiritual blessings."

He mentions a French consul in China, "who is famous for his expansionist intrigues," and who demanded mining rights in six districts for damages inflcted on French missions. The French Government also demanded the right to build a railway in China because of the murder of a missionary. It is notorious that the former German Government obtained valuable concessions for its capitalists in Shantung as "compensation" for the murder of two missionaries.

Another form taken by this idea of the "providence of God" is the belief of imperialists that they are the "chosen people." Professor Coolidge in his book, "The United States as a World Power," writes that American imperialists have the illusion "that they have grown great by their virtues and by the disposition of a kindly Providence, whereas, the progress of other nations has been marked by unscrupulous rapacity." Professor Reinsch, in his book mentioned above, writes that the time comes when we view "as barbarous or decadent, everything originating outside of the national boundary… Each nation looks upon itself as the bearer of the only true civilization. France makes wars as a herald of progress and when Germany is victorious, she, in turn, announces a triumph of civilization."

Who has not heard of American imperialism as carrying "civilization" to the Filipinos? This "providence of God" is the tyrant's way of justifying the taking of the property of other peoples.

Chapter III. Early American Imperialism

The imperialism which Depew glorified in 1900 was not the ruthless and brutal imperialism of today. Capitalists of one nation may rival the capitalists of another nation in selling goods to other peoples without any necessary danger to those peoples. This trade in goods means larger navies to protect it but the real danger to the weaker peoples does not occur until the next phase of imperialism.

When the export of goods is followed by the export of capital for permanent investment in other lands and forcing loans upon their peoples in the interest of the great bankers, we have the beginning of brutal control over those peoples. When foreign capitalists and bankers invest capital in these countries the foreign exploiters have fixed interests in those countries.

In the case of selling goods the sale is effected and that is the end of it. In the case of invested capital and loans capitalist interests are in the country to stay. They want mines and ranches. They want old fields and mineral deposits. They want to build railroads and factories. As soon as they have these tangible properties they become vitally interested in the laws of the country, the kind of government, the political parties and the men who administer the government.

In other words, foreign capitalists and bankers seek to shape the native government, to control the political zparties and to enact laws that will favor their investments. This leads the foreign capitalists and their agents to enlist the support of their governments in favor of their plans to control the native governments. If native laws and governments do not suit these capitalists they call upon the American State Department to aid them. The State Department sends a note to the native government demanding that it comply with the demands of these capitalists. Threats are made if the demands are not conceded. An American warship is sometimes sent to enforce the demands. If necessary, marines are landed to make the demands still more effective.

This method has been followed a number of times in American history as we shall see later on. Very often the agents of American capitalists in a weaker country will engage in political intrigues. If the native government or rulers refuse to permit American capitalist control these American agents will plot to overthroy the native government. Sometimes they will bribe the leaders of an opposition party. Sometimes they will secretly arrange with native "revolutionists" who are in the pay of the Americans to start a "revolution." If it succeeds a tool of American capitalists ascends to power and grants to the Americans what they want.

If American agents of American capitalism fail to bring about such a "revolution" other methods are resorted to. They will get bandits on their payroll with instructions to cause all the disturbance that they can. Bandits will even be permitted to attack properties of the American capitalists. The American agents will then protest that American lives and property are in danger. They will demand protection from the American Government. The State Department steps in with a note of warning to the native government that it must "maintain order."

Under this plan all that is necessary is for the agents of American capitalists to pay secretly for the continuance of disorder. More warnings are sent by the American State Department. It finally notifies the native government that the "patience" of the American Government is about exhausted. An American warship appears off the coast. Another outbreak of "disorder" and American marines are landed. Naval power takes possession of the chief port where the "disorders" are generally arranged. It proclaims martial law. The native customs houses are seized. Proclamations are issued by the naval commander announcing that all "disturbers" will be severely punished.

After restoring "law and order" negotiations are entered into with native leaders for establishing another regime. The end of these negotiations is the selection of some tool of American capitalist interests who will carry out the wishes of these interests. Usurious loans favoring an American bank are then negotiated. Concessions for building railways, for mines and oil fields are extorted from the helpless nation. The little country then comes under some definite control of American imperialist investors whose interests are taken care of through officials of the American government, "financial advisors," etc.

In one form or another of these methods American imperialism has overthrown the republics of Haiti, San Domingo and Nicaragua and maintains practical political and financial control over Hawaii, Samoa, Guatemala and has acquired as colonies the Philippines, Porto Rico, Guam and Panama. Only Salvador and Costa Rico, on the mainland of Central America are left with any degree of native independence. These little nations are so small that it is certain that they will be the next to fall a prey to what all Latin-America now calls "The Prussians of the North."

Only a few examples of the record of American imperialism can be cited in this booklet. We will consider Panama. In 1903 the late Mr. Theodore Roosevelt "took Panama," to use his own phrase, after a "revolution" which separated Panama from Colombia. Within three days Panama was recognized by the United States Government. Was this Panama "revolution" a popular uprising of the masses?

No. It was planned in New York City. Its "constitution" was written in New York. The new Panama flag was made in New York. The hour for the "revolution" was set in New York. The chief conspirator had a talk with President Roosevelt on the subject before it occurred. He also had a talk with Secretary of State John Hay. The chief conspirator, a Frenchman, was accepted at Washington as the Minister Plenipotentiary and Envoy Extraordinary of Panama in signing a treaty conceding canal rights in Panama to the United States.

We cannot go into the long negotiations of the United States with Colombia for a canal strip. It is sufficient to say that a treaty was negotiated between the two nations. The United States Senate ratified it. The Colombia Senate did not ratify it because it was unsatisfactory. This brought the negotiations to a deadlock. Only two methods remained to obtain a strip of territory for a canal. One was to negotiate a new treaty that would be satisfactory to Colombia. The other was to violate the territory of Colombia and seize the strip of land that was desired. The latter course was followed. Roosevelt "took Panama" as he boasted.

Chapter IV. The Seizure Of Panama

The Colombian Senate had rejected the proposed treaty by a unanimous vote. The American Minister to Colombia warned Secretary Hay of the "tremendous tide of public opinion against the canal treaty." The directors of the old French canal company, whose equipment was largely old junk, were disappointed. Some of the "foremost citizens" of Panama "conferred with the American agent of the Panama Railroad Company as to the advisability of organizing a revolution," writes Latane in his book. "The United States and Latin America."

A certain Dr. Amador was selected to go to the United States where he had conferences with Cromwell, attorney for the French company, and with Secretary Hay. Then Philippe Bunau-Varilla, the former chief engineer of the company, appeared on the scene. He ‘"entered with enthusiasm into the revolutionary scheme," writes Latane.

Varilla became the arch conspirator from this time on. In 1920 he published a book bearing the title, "The Great Adventure of Panama"’ in which he tells the shameless story of the plot to despoil Colombia and take her province of Panama away from her. Varilla tells of his interview with Roosevelt at the White House. He records this conversation with the President regarding Colombia:

ROOSEVELT: "Well, what do you think is going to become of the present situation?"

VARILLA: "Mr. President, a revolution!"

ROOSEVELT: "A revolution?… Would it be possible?"

Varilla’s conclusions regarding the interview are stated in the following words:

"If a revolution were to generate new conditions favorable to the acquisition of the Canal Zone by the United States, President Roosevelt would immediately seize the opportunity."

Varilla went to see Secretary of State Hay a few days later and records this conversation:

HAY: "These events, what do you think they will be?"

VARILLA: "I expressed my sentiments on the subject some days ago to President Roosevelt," I replied, "the whole thing will end in a revolution. You must take your measures, if you do not want to be taken by surprise."

HAY: "Yes, that is unfortunately the most probable hypothesis. But we shall not be caught napping. Orders have been given to naval forces on the Pacific to sail towards the Isthmus."

What happened? President Roosevelt ordered the Boston, Dixie, Atlanta, and Nashville to proceed to the Isthmus! Varilla also wrote that "the interview with Mr. Hay would have removed my last hesitations if hesitation had been any longer possible." Roosevelt in his book, "Fear God and Take your Own Part," in the face of these facts, wrote: "No one connected with this government had any part in preparing, inciting or encouraging the revolution on the Isthmus of Panama." Yet further evidence shows that the State Department was informed of the plans for a revolution. The following excerpt from Professor Latane’s book (p. 188) is amazing in its revelation of a thorough understanding between the State Department and the plotters:

At 3:40 p. m., Nov. 8, (1903) the following dispatch was sent to the American consuls at Panama and Colon: "Uprising on Isthmus reported. Keep department promptly and fully informed. Loomis, acting." At 8:15 a reply was received from the consul at Panama: "No uprising yet. Reported will be in the night. Situation is critical." At 9 p. m. a second dispatch was received from the same source: "Uprising occurred tonight, 6; no bloodshed. Army and navy officials taken prisoners. Government will be organized tonight."

It appears from these dispatches that the "revolution" had been planned to the very hour. There being a delay Loomis, of the Department of State, wired for information of the "revolution" that had gone astray! Colombia was prohibited by American war vessels from sending her own troops into her own territory of Panama to put down the revolt. Three days later, November 6, the "republic of Panama" was recognized by the United States. Within one week thereafter Varilla, who remained in New York, was received as Minister of the "republic" by President Roosevelt.

It was Varilla who prepared the "proclamation of independence" in New York. He planned the military operations, conferred in a secret code with Amador, designed the flag of Panama, assured Amador that "you will be protected by the American forces," furnished Amador with $100,000 as expense money, gave him thorough instructions regarding plans for the "revolution" and told him that he (Varilla) would take care of the "diplomatic representation of the new republic at Washington."

Mr. Roosevelt wrote that in this affair he had acted in terms of the "highest international morality" and to the day of his death he referred to Colombia’s demands for compensation as "blackmail!" The old French Company, of which Varilla was a stockholder, realized $40,000,000 on its old junk as a result of this hand-made "revolution."

Chapter V. More Ruthless Imperialism

No other nation has presented a more ruthless case of outrageous bullying than the United States in the case of Panama. Hawaii is another example. Hawaii was annexed in 1898. American sugar capitalists in the island desired annexation. In 1892 they enlisted the aid of the American Minister to Hawaii who wrote to Washington that "bold action by the United States will rescue property holders from great losses." In March, 1892, he inquired of the Secretary of State whether the United States would support a revolution in Hawaii. On January 14, 1893, Queen Liliuokalani proceeded to proclaim a new constitution in response to a request from two-thirds of all the voters of the island. Learning that there was a plot of the sugar kings against her she abandoned her intention. The small group of American plotters held a meeting on January 16. A Committee was sent to the American Minister. An American warship was in the harbor and under the protection of American marines two parties of conspirators took possession of the government building. They read a proclamation overthrowing the Hawaiian Government and the American Minister, without hesitation, recognized these American adventurers as the "government of Hawaii."

It is hard to characterize the acquisition of the Philippines by any other word than "treachery." The Filipinos had practically conquered the island from the Spaniards except for the city of Manila. They surrounded the city so that the Spaniards could not escape. With the fall of Manila the islands would be in possession of the Filipinos. Admiral Dewey had supplied Aguinaldo with arms. American and Filipino forces together captured the city. Then the process of edging the Filipinos out began. They were asked to retire to the suburbs which they did. They were asked to give up more and more territory so that the Filipinos having conquered the islands from Spain were in turn being conquered by American forces. To make a long story short, after the Filipinos were betrayed by American imperialism there began the second Filipino war for independence. The Filipinos were defeated and Aguinaldo was even taken prisoner despite the fact that he was negotiating under a white flag of truce. The Philippine Islands have been a colony ever since.

The story of Haiti and San Domingo is so prominent in the press that only a casual reference is necessary. Suffice it to say that at the very time when President Wilson was talking about the "rights of weak peoples" he was then sending American marines to conquer Haiti. The republic was overthrown, the president and congress driven out of office, a military dictatorship installed, and compulsory labor was enforced upon natives in building roads. San Domingo has suffered a similar fate. These little countries are ruled by American bayonets. Intolerable loans favoring big American banks are being imposed upon these unhappy peoples while every effort has been made to screen this Prussian bullying behind a barrier of censorship.

Chapter VI. Present Tendencies

What has happened to Haiti and San Domingo, to Honduras, Guatemala and Nicaragua, and what Mexico is threatened with, is the sweep of an American financial Caesarism that will destroy the independence of all the Latin-American republics. By conquest the Caribbean Sea is now an American lake. Mexico is menaced by American oil investors and the international bankers. Through the State Department these American investors are dictating to Mexico.

Under President Porfirio Diaz Mexico was a vast slave pen. The masses were robbed mercilessly by a few Mexican families who owned great stretches of territory. American capitalists, who obtained concessions from Diaz, shared in this robbery of the Mexican people. After ten years of bitter struggle the Mexican people have destroyed the old system of slavery and adopted a new constitution. They hope to recover their natural resources for themselves.

Now they face the greed and might of American imperialism. They are told by the American Government that they cannot have the constitution and the laws that they want. They are told that their constitution must be satisfactory to American investors, big millionaires who do not live in that country but whose money is invested there. This policy means that American dollars are to determine the Mexican Constitution and that the Mexican people are not to control.

Should the Mexican people fail to satisfy the demands of American imperialism, war may result. In that case will the American capitalists and bankers with money invested in that country be asked to go and fight for it? Not it all. It is not likely that a single one of them will be found on the firing line. The boys of working class families will be called to the colors to fight for the dollars of American oil investors and for bankers with money invested in Mexican railways.

Suppose British or German investors in American oil fields or American railways were to take the same attitude. Suppose they induced their governments to send notes to the United States demanding that the laws of the United States regarding foreign investments should be what the alien investors want them to be. Suppose Great Britain and Germany threatened intervention or war if the United States did not comply with the demands of these insolent German and British capitalists.

Is it not a fact that this insolence would be hotly resented here? Yet there are those who would resent it and who at the same time support the insolent demands of the United States upon Mexico, demands that are made solely in the interest of American corporations, bankers and exploiting investors.

If war comes because of this American bullying thousands of workingmen will have to pay for it with their lives. Many will leave their bones to bleach under the burning sun of Mexico. The survivors will return home and they and their children will face heavier taxation to pay the expenses of the raid. If Mexico is conquered and a tool of American imperialism is installed by military power in Mexico City, this means a still larger army and a more costly navy to keep the Mexican people in subjection to American investors.

Chapter VII. An Old Doctrine

Before the rise of modern imperialism the American Government took the position that it was not within its functions or duties to protect the investments of American capitalists in other countries, much less to dictate the laws of those countries. In 1885 Secretary of State Bayard gave expression to this old doctrine with special reference to Haiti. Of this doctrine he sad:

"I feel bound to say that if we should sanction by reprisals in Haiti the ruthless invasion of her territory and insult to her sovereignty which the facts now before us disclose, if we approve by solemn Executive action and Congressional assent that invasion, it will be difficult for us hereafter to assert that in the New World, of whose rights we are the peculiar guardians, these rights have never been invaded by ourselves."

Yet the very thing which Bayard said was not consistent with American doctrine and policy has not only been done in Haiti but in a number of other weak nations as we have seen. It has been carried out by Republican and Democratic presidents, by Roosevelt, Taft, Wilson and Harding. The striking thing about the complete reversal of the old doctrine is that it came when capitalism had developed to that point in the United States when surplus capital began to accumulate for investment overseas. The material interests of American investors then brought about a change whereby the American Government regards it as its sacred duty to back up these investments with coercion, threats, marines and soldiers if necessary.

In December, 1920, Secretary of State Colby in transmitting to the Secretary of the Treasury estimates of the financial needs of the State Department for the fiscal year, wrote:

"Nations are incited to extend their efforts to the remote and undeveloped regions of the earth in order to establish control over the initial sources of supply to their own advantage."

What he means by "nations" is capitalists and investors. Nations do not engage in mining, in building of railroads, sinking oil wells in regions overseas. Colby continues:

"It is probably in this field that the intervention of government is today playing its most active part. The universality of the struggle for petroleum, the coal and fuel problem, the supply of wood pulp, and of many other essential prime necessaries are examples of this tendency."

Secretary Colby’s statement is a clear expression of the view that it is the duty of a government to look after the material interests of capitalists and investors all over the world. The natural resources, raw materials and other riches of weak peoples of other countries are regarded as booty for American capitalists and bankers. The government is looked to to serve this class in obtaining this booty. This is the new doctrine of imperialist capitalism.