Cesare Battisti and the Trentino

Front matter

Cesare Battisti and the Trentino

by Dr. Giovanni Lorenzoni of Trento

Published by the Italian Bureau of Public Information New York February 1919

Preface

Having the pleasure of being in America as a representative of the Italian regions now redeemed from Austria, together with Colonel Pizzarello and Dr. Furlani, I have had the opportunity of realizing that the American public is greatly interested in the problems of the Trentino and the Adriatic, because of which Italy mainly entered the war.

But I also noticed that the English literature on those problems was very scant. On this fact mostly depends the rather limited knowledge the English-speaking people have of the principal dates and episodes concerning our war and the part taken in it by the population of the then unredeemed provinces.

Having had the privilege of knowing Cesare Battisti since his youth and of having been one of his friends, I was induced to publish this pamphlet on him. This work is an amplification of a lecture that I gave on this subject in some American cities. I have reproduced in it several of Cesare Battisti's letters, which were already published by me in the "Nuova Antologia" of July 15, 1916, and some others which became known to me afterwards.

I would be really glad if this modest work of mine could contribute towards intensifying the interest that the great and noble people of America have for our sacred cause, which is, at the same time, the cause of all the Allies.

Sixty-six times the barbarians invaded Italy when in control of Venezia Tridentina (Trentino and Upper Adige). From now on this must be stopped. For that purpose Italy must possess her natural frontier, the high wall which divides the north from the south, the watershed between the Black Sea and the Adriatic Sea, right and left of the Brennero Pass where, since last November, our victorious flag is floating. It is with deep satisfaction that I can state that no objections have been formulated in this country against the just claims of Italy on this point. The American people have understood very clearly that Italy, claiming her natural border in the Alps, was acting not only in defence of herself but also in defence of all the Allies against the dangers of Pan-Germanism.

Dr. Giovanni Lorenzoni.

New York, February 26, 1919.

Cesare Battisti and the Trentino

(Feb. 4, 1875—July 12, 1916)

Cesare battisti is one of the few men who can be called really great because of what they were and what they did. Great, above all, because of the wonderful sacrifice of his life for an idea.

He was born in Trento, February 4, 1875, of wealthy parents, and at Trento he completed his first academic studies. The first years of his youth he was rather delicate in health; the systematic cultivation of sport gave him strength, and he finally acquired such endurance as not only to withstand the hardships of seven months' service in the high mountains as a simple private in the Alpini, but, as he writes, even "getting fat."

Physically Battisti was handsome. Tall, slender, his movements naturally graceful; dark, intelligent eyes animated his fine, pallid features framed by thick, black, somewhat curly hair. Age and experience did not mar his looks, rather they added majesty and strength.

Bodily strength was matched by an equally vigorous mind. Never did I see Cesare Battisti tired, and yet the amount of work he took upon himself was enormous. Already as a student he was not satisfied to attend only one university; while attending courses in history and geography at the Regio Istituto Superiore in Florence and attaining his degree in these subjects with the highest number of points, he was at the same time studying law at the University of Graz, where he also took the prescribed examinations, and where I had the pleasure of being his companion and friend.

His mind was not given to abstract research or theoretical speculations, but to the investigation and examination of practical problems affecting the welfare of his country, which was the sole object of his work as a scientist, journalist, politician and soldier. In fact, almost all his writings deal with Trentino; the principal one, entitled "Il Trentino," published in 1898, is an ad

anthropo-geographic essay, conceived and written after the method and classical style of the great Elisée Reclus.

Battisti never wasted a moment of his time; he studied when traveling, and when serving various short terms of imprisonment imposed by the Austrian Government because of his political activities. In the evenings, instead of resting or frequenting cafes (where he was never seen), he visited the laborers and workingmen in their meetings in order to explain his ideas to them, do propaganda work and educate them.

Alone he managed the daily newspaper he had founded, "Il Popolo." At the same time he was editor of a scientific review on Trentino studies, called "Tridentum," and also of an illustrated weekly review, "Vita Trentina." Thus his journalistic activities alternated with his scientific work and the management of his printing establishment, which issued not only the abovementioned magazines, but also other publications, some of them quite voluminous; among them we may mention his Guides to Trentino, written in three languages, which Battisti compiled himself for the Society Encouraging Foreign Tourists.

Sundays, summer and winter, he left the city to hold conferences in the valleys, or to make some geographic or geologic investigations in the mountains. He used a bicycle as often as possible, eating his frugal repast in the shadow of some tree along the way.

His greatest pleasure was to betake himself to the high mountains, preferably alone; alone he climbed over the rocks or ventured on the treacherous glaciers. But the pure sport of such mountain wanderings was almost always combined with some practical object — toponymic, geological, cartographical, or even military investigations, which he placed at the disposal of the Italian Government in this war.

He was a man of few words — also in this respect a true mountaineer. To him words were actions. He did not like to speak except before a large public or in the closest intimacy. The distinguished woman who became his wife soon after they both received their Doctor's Degree in the same university, told me that even in the privacy of his family he was not loquacious. She recounted, however, that on quiet summer evenings he en joyed taking her aside to their own little garden and speaking to her in the fullness of his heart, softly and tranquilly, like a confiding child, while the stars were sparkling in the sky of Trento not unlike the ceiling of a great cathedral supported by mountain pillars.

In public he spoke like a lion and a leader. He looked the ideal orator, imposing in appearance and voice. Above all, the immense force of his inner conviction transmitted itself irresistibly

to his hearers. He was the opposite of rhetorical; but his words so pulsated with dramatic feeling as to convince from the very first. He never flattered the masses, never sought popularity; he liked to lead, not to be led.

For himself he asked nothing, always giving and never receiving. To carry on his national socialistic propaganda he sacrificed his private fortune, being content to live very modestly on his earnings as writer and publisher.

Cesare Battisti, had he so desired, could have acquired riches, honors, and an exalted social position. Had he entered Italian public life, he would soon have attained one of the highest posts. But all this he disdained, preferring to remain in his little Trentino that nature had made a guardian of northern Italy, and therefore must be defended at all costs. He was attached to his country and was like one of those majestic pines that thrive only in the soil where they are born and cannot be uprooted without dying.

All his activities were carried on in the Trentino up to the beginning of the war. Wearisome work, mostly obscure, difficult, hardly understood, often opposed by the public, which allowed itself to be won, little by little, by this great fighter. It was only recently, just before the war, that Battisti became probably the most universally beloved man in Trentino, particularly by the young men, who saw in him the esthetic embodiment of the ideal of their youth and of the highest spirit of their country.

He entered Trentino public life as a socialist. Who was not a socialist in Italy between the years 1893 and 1898? That was the heroic period of Italian socialism, preached from the chair by Antonio Labriola, agitated by Leonida Bissolati and Filippo Turati — at that time brothers more than friends — at meetings, in the press and in Parliament.

The socialist ideal of that time did not take the form of an ideal of class; it was more a very high human principle supposed to be capable of transforming mankind for the common good. Such a socialist was Battisti, and the great task he had set himself was to convert the mass of Trentino laborers and peasants to socialism as he understood it.

This stand on his part, however, quite new for our country, immediately provoked the opposition of the clerical party for obvious reasons, and also caused some preoccupations in the old liberal national party, which feared that the theoretical internationalism preached by the socialists might weaken the national sentiments of the masses. For a time it really seemed as if the apprehensions of the liberals and nationalists were justified. But two or three years' experience sufficed for Bat

to improve his policy along national lines without in any way disavowing his socialistic ideas.

If socialism signified opposition to all tyranny, what greater oppression demanding redress was there to be found in the Trentino than that of Austria, encamped as mistress on our soil! If socialism signified the elevation of the masses, how could this be attained while tolerating and acquiescing in their continued subjugation by a foreign power?

Hence Battisti, from being purely a socialist, soon became both socialist and irredentist, and this he always remained. It was mostly due to him that in the Trentino we do not find, as in other countries, opposition of the socialistic ideal to the ideal of irredentism; the Trentino socialist party was at the same time sincerely Italian and patriotic.

Battisti soon occupied a leading position not only with regard to his party, but in the general public opinion of the country. One of the best opportunities presented itself in the matter of the Italian university, as we shall now see.

Since 1866, after the downfall of Venetia, the Italians remaining under Austrian rule asked that a university of their own be established at Trieste, the most important Italian city of Austria, since they would no longer be able to attend the University of Padua. Support and justification of such a demand was to be found in the Austrian constitution itself, an article of which guaranteed "equality of treatment to all nationalities," including the right of each nationality to study in its own language.

Austria constantly refused to make any concessions, and it was not until about 1897 that a few Italian courses in law and social science were instituted at the German university of Innsbruck. These concessions were of small account, however, and students as well as the public refused to recognize them for more than that, while the agitation for an Italian univeristy at Trieste increased. Austria refused to accede to this demand; instead, as a palliative, the number of Italian courses was increased from two to four, and then to six. The people of Trentino while always considering those courses as a sort of account, tried for obvious reasons to make certain that the instructors should be not only competent scientifically, but undeniably Italian in thought, so as to form the nucleus of the future university. Their deputies at Vienna were therefore charged to insist that the incumbents be chosen either in Italy or the irredente provinces. Their demands were granted in part. Austria refused to call to the chair of Criminal Law Scipio Sighele, born in Trentino, well known to scholars both in Italy and elsewhere, but she accepted the designation of other men who now are teaching in the universities of Bologna and Turin, and others who later attained important positions in Italy.

The Italians demanded that those courses be created as an independent Faculty of Law with the seat in Trieste, but the government acceded to this demand only in part.

An independent Italian School of Law was in reality established, but its seat was in the German city of Innsbruck instead of the Italian city of Trieste. A truly Austrian adjustment, which, of course, did not satisfy the Italians, who decided, however, not to deny the school their support — nor did it please the Germans, who did not limit themselves to demanding its transfer to other than German soil, but protested at the same time that "there was no more room for higher institutions of learning in Austria outside of German." And they calmly announced that they would use force to prevent the continuance of the school.

The Italians took up the challenge with the cry, "On to Innsbruck," supported by Battisti in his paper, "Il Popolo." Thus early in November, 1904, over two hundred Italian students gathered at Innsbruck to attend the opening of the School on November 3rd. Battisti was with them, and I can still see him sitting before me during my opening lecture in the midst of all those students, who filled even the corridors, each listening to the lecture as well as to the sounds from the street, apprehensive of trouble.

The day passed quietly, however. But not so the evening; on leaving a social reunion, the Italian students were all attacked by a crowd of German students, who basely insulted them. The Italians gave proper retaliation, and when a large crowd came to the assistance of the Germans and surrounded the Italians, they were forced to use firearms in their own defense. In consequence there were several wounded, both German and Italian. The noise of pistol shots brought the city police upon the scene; only 12 German students were arrested, while there were 138 Italians imprisoned, among them Cesare Battisti.

The next day a veritable revolution broke out in Innsbruck. The populace ran through the streets of the city destroying and demolishing everything Italian, attacking unchecked any individuals suspected of being Italian, and finally demolishing the Italian Law School building. Only the bare walls were left standing.

Great was the outcry that followed, both in the irredente provinces and in Italy. Demonstrations were numerous, but a significant one which was to have been held at Venice on December 18, 1904, was prohibited by the Italian Government for fear of serious complications with Austria, whose attitude was becoming very threatening.

In the meantime our students languished in prison with Battisti while proceedings were instituted against them. The hatred of the Innsbruck inhabitants was such that it was impossible for me, who had the pleasure of taking care of my beloved students, to secure any extra food for them in the city. I had to have it sent from Trento in postal packages. After a month's imprisonment our students were released, as no tenable accusation could be found against them.

The Italian Law School, however, was not reopened, either at Innsbruck or elsewhere; thus the mean arrogance of a low populace sufficed to deprive the Italians of the very small and only concession made them by the Austrian Government.

The agitation, however, for an Italian university at Trieste not only continued, but because of the wrong suffered, grew in intensity to such a degree as to become a national Italian question, not merely a question of irredentism. The Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Signor Tommaso Tittoni, made it the base of negotiations with his colleague. Baron Alois Lexa von Aehrenthal, Minister of Austro-Hungarian Foreign Affairs, at the time of the Bosnian crisis in 1908, but without result.

Battisti always remained at the head of the movement for an Italian university at Trieste, strongly opposing the acceptance of any compromise that would establish this university elsewhere, even in Trentino.

Another very important question pertaining to Trentino, and one in which Battisti took a prominent part, was the question of her administration, which Trentino wanted to have separated from that of the whole province of Tyrol; the so-called question of "administrative autonomy" of Trentino.

It is well known that Trentino was always wholly and exclusively Latin, and later Italian. At the time of the Romans it was the tenth regio italica; under the Lombards it was an independent duchy, and had an analogous constitution under the Carolingians. In 1027 it was made an independent principality, under the Bishop of Trento, which it remained until the abolition of ecclesiastical states in 1803. It is true that the political "independence" of the principality was very relative; the counts of Tyrol, formally its vassals, in reality soon became the political rulers under the guise of "ecclesiastical advocates," but, so far as its administration was concerned, the state could in reality call itself autonomous.

When Trentino passed into the hands of Austria in 1813, this prerogative was lost entirely: it was simply annexed to the German province of Tyrol, even losing its name: not only this, but with the Tyrol, was forced to become, in 1818, a part of the Germanic Confederation, which always opposed its cession.

At the Congress of Frankfort, in 1848, the Trentino deputies made a formal request that Trentino be released from this monstrous union, basing their demand on the principle of nationality, which principle had been the reason for calling the Congress. They simply asked that Trentino be annexed to the Kingdom of Lombardy–Venetia, which at that time was under Austrian rule. But this just and modest request was unanimously rejected by vote.

One of the German deputies, undoubtedly a direct ancestor of the present Boche, explained his vote thus: "I wear German spectacles, and therefore see the world as German.... I only say: Beati possidentes. We have southern Tyrol (as the Germans called Trentino), and therefore we shall keep it. That is how I understand the right of the people! Nor do I think that I am asking too much when I propose the expulsion of these Trentino deputies who, with their request for separation, have pronounced their own death sentence....."

The people of Trentino refused to be intimidated by this and other threats; when in 1866 their hopes of being freed with Venice failed, they renewed their efforts to obtain at least an administrative separation from the Tyrol, but always in vain. Then it was decided to elect to the Diet at Innsbruck deputies who would pledge themselves not to attend, in the hope of obstructing the functions of the Diet, and in this way secure autonomy. This method proved fallacious, as the Germans took advantage of the absence of the Italians to administer the common funds in a manner scandalously favorable to the German part of the province, arousing in our country and in Parliament the most violent but at the same time the most useless protests.

Then another tactic was tried: not absence from the Diet, but full attendance for the purpose of holding up measures whenever the Italians so desired, in the hope of inducing the Germans to consent to a separate administration of the two sections of the province.

Cesare Battisti was an eloquent advocate of this new move; to further it he was elected a deputy to the Diet, where he made several memorable speeches. The new tactics did not secure autonomy for Trentino, but they did serve to restrain the too insolent protectionism favoring the German part of the province.

Battisti's stand in national questions and his own patriotic sentiments which he had been able to transmit to the people, facilitated his election to Parliament in 1911, when at the elections by second ballot for the electoral district of Trento the liberals added their vote to that of the socialists. In Parliament he did not represent a party, but was truly the deputy of Trentino.

In an admirable speech before the House of Deputies at Vienna on December 12, 1912, against the military dictatorship in Trentino and the provocative policies of Austria against her ally, Italy, Battisti closed with the memorable words: "We demand that these mad policies be brought to an end. If in the Austrian bureaucratic repertory there be a fitting phrase, it is the phrase designating as 'irresponsible power' that of certain men. No matter what his name, be he the heir to the throne or someone else responsible for this policy of compression against Trentino, of waste and danger for all the people of Austria, no matter who the man, he is in reality irresponsible, insane, a man destined for the mad-house. We, therefore, rebel in the name of civilization and humanity and demand that such government be brought to an end; that the war party, this parasitic militarism, be done away with together with the madmen who are its leaders."

The political and national struggle in Trentino grew ever more difficult and intense. The existing Pan-Germanic societies redoubled their aggressive and corruptive activities; new societies sprang up disguised under Italian names, while the authorities showed more and more openly that they favored the Germanization movement; on demand of the militarists Trentino was transformed into one great fortress and three-fourths of the military force of the province (more than an army corps) was removed to Trentino. The activities of the Pan-Germanists, disguised as tourists, employees and soldiers, became so provocative and created such an oppressive atmosphere that the only way out seemed to be war, the Germans thereby hoping to kill irredentism by annihilating the Italians, the Irredentists hoping to become united to Italy. But during those years, from 1911 to 1914, who imagined the war so imminent?

Italy was an ally of the Central Powers, but while in Austria and Trentino undoubted signs were not lacking as to the Austrian distrust of Italy, which distrust often assumed a threatening attitude, and the military party made no secret of its hostile intentions, Italy did not seem to realize the full significance of these facts. So she maintained a weak military policy, which made us fear increased servitude to the Triple Alliance (1882) for some time.

Thus Trentino had no choice but to resist until a more propitious time, meanwhile demonstrating to Italy and to the world in a thousand ways her true faith and eternal aspirations.

An especially favorable opportunity was offered to Trentino in 1912, when His Majesty, Victor Emmanuel III of Italy, passed through Trentino on his way to Germany to attend the military manoeuvres. The Austrian government, anxious to have this passage take place in an almost clandestine manner, kept the time secret and saw to it that no one could get into the stations from Ala, Trentino to Salorno; the only news that leaked out was that the King would pass through in the evening.

The royal train, in fact, left Ala shortly after 8 P. M. Suddenly, a mysterious signal from the station having given the hint, a great flaming fire was started on the mountain peaks surrounding Ala, and countless fires on the ridges stretching along the railroad from Ala to Salorno answered the mysterious call, in succession, all along the way.

Who had thought of such a demonstration! Cesare Battisti. Who put it into execution? The students. Meanwhile, down the valley, hundreds of people whom the flaring fires had made aware of the happenings, ran to the railroad, swarming along its banks and loudly calling on the King of Italy to come back in these lands not as a guest, but as the rightful king.

Who would have imagined then that that ardent desire would be realized only six years later!

The Assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand in June, 1914, hit the world like a stroke of lightning. In Trentino the people soon realized that very likely it would precipitate a war. But what kind of a war! The war for freedom, or the war of an Italy allied with Austria!

For several days, even after Austria's official declaration of war on Serbia and all the other subsequent war declarations that followed at short notice, we remained in a state of incertitude. Moreover, Austria was artfully spreading news that Italy had decided to fight shoulder to shoulder with the Central Empires; of trainloads of Bersaglieri having been seen crossing Trentino on their way to Germany. This unheard of event took place: in Trento, in front of the Dante monument, military bands were actually playing the Italian royal march, and popular demonstrations of Italian patriotic feelings were encouraged in various towns by the authorities themselves.

Our consternation was keen, indeed; well we knew that Austria would not consent to make concessions to Italy, not even of Trentino, in repayment for Italy's participation in the war; that awful war that began with the assassination of Serbia, the violation of Belgium and the invasion of France.

When the truth became known that Italy had declared her neutral, the joy in Trentino was great. A little digression here, by your leave, is timely; it is justified by some unwarranted reflections we find these days (December, 1918) in some papers regarding Italy's participation in the war. It is rather emphatically asserted that Italy entered the war on the conclusion of a bargain, having first carefully weighed the inducements and the sacrifices, just as a business man would show some unwillingness to enter a deal if not satisfied beforehand that he is to reap more profit than loss from the enterprise.

Now, we ask, what bargain could Italy have made in 1914? None. She did not have even the time necessary to that end. She was not warned of her allies' intentions until the very eve of the war. How could she have bargained her neutrality so suddenly in favor of France, England and Russia? And still Italy's self-determined neutrality was quite sudden. Did not that move smack of a declaration of war with opening of hostilities more or less deferred? Nobody, either in Italy or abroad, was blind to the fact that the Central Empires would only bide their time for taking their revenge. Even at that time their papers called Italy's neutrality the "treason of their ally."

Moreover, Italy was then absolutely unprepared for war — England had no army, and the Central Group was beyond a doubt the stronger of the contending parties. Italy faced this storm, defiantly crossing her arms and making it known to France that she had nothing to fear from her, Italy. Did not this attitude of Italy strongly help to make possible the First Battle of the Marne, in September, 1914? And, pray, what deal did Italy close at that time? None. Bright with the light of her enthusiasm, she risked her entire future. She was roused by those very principles that led the United States into the war — liberty and democracy.

If, later on, after nine months, and before entering the field of battle, Italy clearly set down her demands, what is there to wonder at? She simply asked that her rights be acknowledged to those lands which nature, culture, and ethnography point out to be her own. France, too, asserted that no peace be concluded which would not consider the restitution, without compromise, of Alsace-Lorraine. But, and this meminisse juvabit, Italy, by her neutrality, accomplished the first determined acts of hostility against the Central Empires, asking for nothing, and at a moment when these countries were at the height of their power and she was altogether unprepared. We will now resume our theme.

Cesare Battisti came to Italy towards the end of August, 1914, together with his family, passing through, unobserved, on a train containing Italian immigrants that were returning home. He was no sooner in Italy than, first of all, he placed himself at the disposal of the Italian authorities, as well as all the valuable military material he had gathered in Trentino, his wide knowledge of localities and his valuable experience. He declared himself even ready to invade Austrian soil with armed bands of warm-hearted patriots for the purpose of provoking frontier incidents if such course was deemed useful to the furthering of Italian policies. But the moment had not yet come. Italy still had preparations to make, not only along military lines, but also in regard to her policies and the morale of the people.

To this work Battisti gave his whole soul, contributing the energies of his heart and of his oratory. He stumped in every Italian city of any importance. He welcomed objections — they added zest to his speeches and enhanced their didactic value. It was rather uphill work. Popular feeling against war ran high, and many interests were keen in keeping them so, either in good faith or in bad faith. In bad faith were the enemies of Italy, the open or secret agents of the Central Empires. In good faith were the other objectors, the upholders of the old Triple Alliance policy. They were to be feared as much as the faint-hearted and the hopeless kickers, who did not expect Italy to stand the burden of the war more than three months.

To this class of people Bernhard von Bülow addressed his sugared words; with them he tried to strike bargains; practising the very ancient trade of selling somebody else's wares, he offered Italy first a part of Trentino, then another one a

Territory which is to be restored to Italy in accordance with the Treaty of London (1915) of April, 1915 is indicated by the solid black sections. | In this map which has been reproduced from "Italy To-Day" (Vol. 1. No. 7) the portion designated as Southern Tyrol corresponds to the part called Upper Adige in this pamphlet, and which, together with Trentino forms the Venezia Tridentina.